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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/27076-8.txt b/27076-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8869983 --- /dev/null +++ b/27076-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,2514 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Drug Supplies in the American Revolution, by +George B. Griffenhagen + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Drug Supplies in the American Revolution + +Author: George B. Griffenhagen + +Release Date: October 28, 2008 [EBook #27076] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DRUG SUPPLIES *** + + + + +Produced by Stacy Brown, Colin Bell, Joseph Cooper and the +Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + + + + + +_George B. Griffenhagen_ + +DRUG SUPPLIES in the +AMERICAN REVOLUTION + + +Paper 16, pages 109-133, from + +CONTRIBUTIONS FROM THE MUSEUM +OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY + + United States National Museum + BULLETIN 225 + + SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION + WASHINGTON, D.C., 1961 + + + + +Contributions from + +The Museum of History and Technology + +Paper 16 + + + + + Drug Supplies in the American Revolution + + _George B. Griffenhagen_ + + + CONTINENTAL MEDICINE CHESTS 111 + + TREASON, POISON, AND SIEGE 113 + + FROM BAD TO WORSE 115 + + "MEDICINES--NONE" 118 + + PRIVATEERS TO THE RESCUE 121 + + BRISK BUSINESS IN BOSTON 122 + + THE SITUATION IMPROVES 122 + + VALLEY FORGE 123 + + IN SUMMARY 129 + + + + +DRUG SUPPLIES IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION + +_by George B. Griffenhagen_ + + + _At the start of the Revolution, the Colonies were cut off from the + source of their usual drug supply, England. A few drugs trickled + through from the West Indies, but by 1776 there was an acute + shortage._ + + _Lack of coordination and transportation resulted in a scarcity of + drugs for the army hospitals even while druggists in other areas + resorted to advertising in order to sell their stocks. Some relief + came from British prize ships captured by the American navy and + privateers, but the chaotic condition of drug supply was not eased + until the alliance with France early in 1778._ + + The Author: _George Griffenhagen--formerly curator of medical + sciences, United States National Museum, Smithsonian + Institution--is director of communications, American Pharmaceutical + Association, and managing editor, Journal of the American + Pharmaceutical Association._ + + +As one historian has reminded us, "few fields of history have been +more intensively cultivated by successive generations of historians; +few offer less reward in the shape of fresh facts or theories" than +does the American Revolutionary War.[1] This is true to some extent +even in the medical history of the Revolution. The details of the feud +within the medical department of the army have been told and +retold.[2] Even accounts of the drugs employed and pharmaceutical +services have been presented, primarily in the form of biographies and +as reviews of the _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_ of 1778.[3] However, +practically nothing has been published on the actual availability of +medical supplies. Furthermore, the discovery of several significant +but unrecorded account books of private druggists who furnished +sizable quantities of drugs to the Continental Army and a careful +re-evaluation of the unusually significant papers[4] of Dr. Jonathan +Potts, Revolutionary War surgeon, justify a review of the drug +supplies during the early years of the war. + + +Continental Medicine Chests + +As early as February 21, 1775, the Provincial Congress of +Massachusetts appointed a committee to determine what medical supplies +would be necessary should colonial troops be required to take the +field. Three days later the Congress voted to "make an inquiry where +fifteen doctor's chests can be got, and on what terms"; and on March 7 +it directed the committee of supplies "to make a draft in favor of +Doct. Joseph Warren and Doct. Benjamin Church, for five hundred +pounds, lawful money, to enable them to purchase such articles for the +provincial chests of medicine as cannot be got on credit."[5] + +A unique ledger of the Greenleaf apothecary shop of Boston[6] reveals +that this pharmacy on April 4, 1775, supplied at least 5 of the 15 +chests of medicines. The account, in the amount of just over £247, is +listed in the name of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, and shows +that £51 was paid in cash by Dr. Joseph Warren. The remaining £196 was +not paid until August 10, after Warren had been killed in the Battle +of Bunker Hill. + +The 15 medicine chests, including presumably the five supplied by +Greenleaf, were distributed on April 18--three at Sudbury and two each +at Concord, Groton, Mendon, Stow, Worcester, and Lancaster.[7] No +record has been found to indicate whether or not the British +discovered the medical chests at Concord, but, inasmuch as the +patriots were warned of the British movement, it is very likely that +the chests were among the supplies that were carried off and hidden. +The British destroyed as much of the remainder as they could +locate.[8] + +[Illustration: Figure 1.--Medicine scales and oval box of medicinal +herbs used by Dr. Solomon Drowne during the Revolution. Preserved at +Fort Ticonderoga Museum, New York.] + +Two days after the battles at Lexington and Concord, the Provincial +Congress ordered that a man and horse be made available to transport +medicines. On April 30, Andrew Craigie was appointed to take care of +these medical stores and deliver them as ordered. + +Medical supplies were an early source of anxiety to the Provincial +Congress of Massachusetts. The supply of drugs in Boston must have +been largely controlled by the British after Lexington-Concord, and +the limited supply in the neighboring smaller towns was soon +exhausted. Four days before the Battle of Bunker Hill the Congress +"Ordered that Doct. Whiting, Doct. Taylor and Mr. Parks, be a +committee to consider some method of supplying the several surgeons of +the army with medicines," and further "Ordered that the same committee +bring in a list of what medicines are in the medical store."[9] + +On June 10 the responsibility of furnishing medical supplies to the +army at Cambridge shifted to Philadelphia when the Continental +Congress accepted the request of the Massachusetts Provincial +Congress to assume control and direction of the forces assembled +around Boston. The Continental Congress established a Continental +Hospital Plan on July 27, but it was not until September 14 that the +Congress appointed a "committee to devise ways and means for supplying +the Continental Army with medicines." On this same day, the deputy +commissary general was directed to pay Dr. Samuel Stringer for the +medicines he purchased,[10] which, as we learn later, were the initial +supply for the Canadian campaign. + +The first recorded purchase of drugs made directly by Congress, on +September 23, was "a parcel of Drugs in the hands of Mr. Rapalje, +which he offers at the prime cost."[11] Then, on November 10, Congress +ordered that the medicine purchased in Philadelphia for the army at +Cambridge be sent there by land.[12] But difficulties of supply +commenced early. On January 1, 1776, Eliphalet Dyer wrote Joseph +Trumbull asking "how could the cask of Rhubarb which was sent by order +of Congress and was extremely wanted in the Hospital lye by to this +time. After you came way I wrote to Daniel Brown to see it +delivered."[13] + +In the fall of 1775 there must have been a reasonably good stock of +drugs in the hands of private Philadelphia druggists, and until the +end of summer there were still a number of ships from Jamaica, +Bermuda, Antigua, and Barbados putting in at Philadelphia with +supplies, much of which originally came from England. Philadelphia +druggists included William Drewet Smith, "Chemist and Druggist at +Hippocrates's Head in Second Street";[14] Dr. George Weed in Front +Street;[15] Robert Bass, "Apothecary in Market-Street"; Dr. Anthony +Yeldall "at his Medicinal Ware-House in Front-Street";[16] and the +firm of Sharp Delaney and William Smith.[17] The largest pharmacy in +Philadelphia was operated by the Marshall brothers--Christopher Jr. +and Charles. This pharmacy had been established in 1729 at Front and +Chestnut Streets by Christopher Marshall, Sr., a patriot who took an +active part in the care of the sick and wounded in Philadelphia +hospitals during the Revolution.[18] + +As the plans progressed for raising troops from New Jersey, Maryland, +Delaware, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, +Congress called on the committee on medicines "to procure proper +medicine chests for the battalions...."[19] The journal of the +Continental Congress fails to indicate the source of these medicine +chests, but the Marshall brothers' manuscript "waste book" (daily +record) for the period February 21 to July 6, 1776,[20] indicates that +the Marshall apothecary shop was the primary supplier. The records +show that the Marshalls furnished 20 medicine chests to the following +battalions from February to June:[21] + + February 1776: Pennsylvania 1st Battalion + March 1776: Jersey 3d Battalion + April 1776: Pennsylvania 2d, 3d, and 6th Battalions + May 1776: Six Virginia battalions + Jersey 1st Battalion + Pennsylvania 4th Battalion + June 1776: Six North Carolina battalions + Virginia 9th Battalion + +The exact contents of each chest are indicated in the Marshalls' waste +book. The chest furnished to the Pennsylvania 4th Battalion is an +example of the ones supplied by Congress in the spring of 1776; its +contents are listed on page 130. + +Congress intended that all chests be substantially the same, but the +amount of medicines demanded exceeded the stock of even the largest +druggists. The first several chests were complete as ordered, but as +early as April the Marshalls were running out of certain drugs. Gum +opium and nitre "found by Congress" was included in the chest for the +Pennsylvania 4th Battalion, and by May 11 the Marshalls were out of +Peruvian bark, ipecac, cream of tartar, gum camphor, and red +precipitate of mercury. The chests outfitted after June 1 also failed +to include Epsom salts, and the last chest lacked jalap as well. Thus +the majority of the battalions traveling north were already without +some of the most necessary drugs in their chests. Blithely their +medical officers thought they could obtain the missing drugs when they +arrived at the general hospital. + + +Treason, Poison, and Siege + +After the Battle of Bunker Hill, the forces around Boston settled down +for a 9-month siege. Two days after General Washington arrived in +Cambridge on July 2, 1775, to take command of the army, the Provincial +Congress of Massachusetts ordered a committee to prepare a letter +informing him of the provisions that had been made for the sick and +wounded of the army. On the very same day, July 4, the Provincial +Congress appointed Andrew Craigie medical commissary and apothecary +for the Massachusetts army.[22] + +Following a personal inspection by Washington on July 21 and the +establishment of the general hospital plan on July 27, the Continental +Congress elected Dr. Benjamin Church as director general of the newly +created medical department. Soon after this, Church conferred with +several Massachusetts officials regarding the appointment of +apothecaries for the medical store at Watertown. On August 3, a +committee of the Provincial Congress advised "that the Medical Store +in Watertown be continued where it now is, and that Mr. Andrew +Craigie, appointed by the late Congress Apothecary to the Colony, be +directed to take charge thereof, and prepare the necessary +compositions; and that Mr. James Miller Church be appointed Assistant +Apothecary to put up and distribute said Medicines...."[23] + +The medical supplies were slow in coming from Philadelphia, as we have +already noted. On the other hand, troops were arriving daily, placing +an increased demand on all types of supplies, including drugs. One +event which undoubtedly resulted in delays in establishing proper +supply depots was the startling discovery that Director General +Church was guilty of holding treasonable correspondence with the +enemy. On October 16, Congress elected Dr. John Morgan to replace +Church.[24] + +On December 2, by order of Morgan, Apothecary Craigie made an +inventory of the medical supplies in the general hospital at +Cambridge. The inventory included 120 different items, but only +limited quantities of the essential drugs.[25] There were 52 pounds of +Jesuits' bark, 18 pounds of cream of tartar, 76 pounds of purging +salts, 1 pound of camphor, 5 pounds of jalap, 1 pound of ipecac, and +1/2 pound of tartar emetic. The 44 pounds of gum ammoniac was reported +"damaged," and the 86 pounds of rhubarb was described as "bad."[26] An +inventory of medicines held by the different regimental surgeons in +Massachusetts indicated that all regiments had "but few medicines" +except for Colonel Hand's, which reported "a good supply."[27] + +However, this rather meager inventory of drugs probably was not +inadequate. The siege of Boston resulted in few wounded soldiers, and +there was a surprisingly small amount of sickness in the army during +the winter of 1775-76; furthermore, towns not too distant still had a +limited supply of drugs on hand. Smith and Coit, of Hartford, +Connecticut, informed "their good Customers, and the public in +general, that notwithstanding the entire stop to Importation which +hath long since taken place, they still have on hand, small Quantities +of most Articles of the Apothecary Way ... which they mean to sell at +a reasonable retailing Price."[28] Jacob Isaacks of Newport, Rhode +Island, similarly advertised "a complete assortment of genuine +Medicines, with furniture for containing the same, to the amount of +about 300 pounds sterling; which medicines were purchased with cash, +and will be sold, at the prime cost and charges, without any advance. +Any of the lawful or Continental bills now current will be taken in +pay for the above medicines."[29] + +Drug supplies also were quite adequate in Boston during the British +occupation. Sylvester Gardiner at "The Sign of the Unicorn and Mortar +in Marlborow Street" reported that "all kinds of the best and +freshest drugs and medicines ... are continued to be sold as usual." +However a cautionary note was added that drugs and medicines had been +"constantly imported every fall and spring to June last." Implicit in +the advertising is the suggestion that the securing of new supplies +was highly uncertain.[30] + +A letter dated December 2, 1775, from a British officer in Boston to a +friend in Edinburgh observed that "many of our men are sick, and fresh +provisions very dear." However, the officer added, "but the Rebels +must be in a much worse condition...."[31] Drugs were imported into +Boston during the siege as evidenced by an advertisement on February +22, 1776, announcing "just imported from LONDON and to be sold at Mr. +Dalton's Store, on the Long-Wharf, a proper assortment of Drugs and +Medicines of the Best quality in Cases."[32] + +By the end of February 1776, Washington had decided to try to end the +siege of Boston by seizing Dorchester Heights and placing his +artillery there in a position to bombard the town. General Howe +believed it was time to leave, and the British evacuated on March 17. + +As the Continental Army moved into Boston, there was an outcry that +the British had poisoned a supply of drugs left behind. On April 15 +the _Boston Gazette_ reported that "it is absolutely fact that the +Doctors of the diabolical ministerial butcher when they evacuated +Boston, intermixed and left 26 weight of Arsenick with the medicines +which they left in the Alms House."[33] Then, a week later, on April +22, appeared a series of testimonials that had been made by Joseph +Warren, Daniel Scott, and Frederick Ridgley at Watertown on April 3d +"by order of the Director-General of the Continental Hospital." Warren +swore under oath that on or about March 29 he had gone into the +workhouse [almshouse] "lately improved as an hospital by the British +troops stationed in said town" and upon examining the state of "a +large quantity of Medicine" left in the medicinal storeroom had found +about 12 or 14 pounds of arsenic intermixed with the drugs, which were +found "to be chiefly capital articles and those most generally in +demand."[34] + +Despite this incident, we have the word of Morgan that "a large, +though unassorted stock of medicines" was collected in Boston when the +British evacuated.[35] Hospital Surgeons Ebenezer Crosby and Frederick +Ridgley reported that "at the evacuation of Boston ... all the Mates +of the Hospital that could be spared from Cambridge ... were employed +in packing up and sending off [to Cambridge] drugs, medicines and +other hospital stores, collected by order of Dr. Morgan, the quantity +of which appeared great."[36] + +Inasmuch as few medicines were listed in the inventory of stores left +by the British on the wharfs and in the scuttled ships in the +harbor,[37] it appears that most of these drugs obtained in Boston +were confiscated from the homes, offices, and shops of the Loyalists +who fled when the British evacuated. Morgan reported that he had taken +possession of the medicines and furniture of Dr. Sylvester Gardiner's +shop, and a small stock of drugs from the office of Dr. William +Perkins, a private practitioner.[38] No inventory of these supplies +has been located thus far, but a contemporary biographer of Sylvester +Gardiner records that the confiscated drugs from his shop "filled from +20 to 25 wagons."[39] This is not unlikely because Gardiner's +apothecary shop was one of the largest and most prosperous in the +Colonies prior to the Revolution.[40] + +Soon after the British evacuated Boston, the Greenleaf apothecary shop +in Boston was again supplying medicines to the Continental Army. The +Greenleaf ledger[41] shows that on May 25 the shop sold nearly £4 +worth of "Sundry Medicines ... [to] the Committee of War, State of +Massachusetts Bay." Then, on June 20, the Massachusetts Assembly +resolved that "Dr. John Greenleaf of Boston be requested to supply the +Chief Surgeon of ... Colonels Marshall's, Whitney's and Craft's +Regiments ... with medicines as may be necessary...."[42] A short +time later the Assembly advanced "up to £50 to Greenleaf for +purchasing such medicines as he cannot supply from his own store."[43] + +The Greenleaf ledger shows that over £32 worth of medicines were sold +for Colonel Whitney's regiment and over £36 worth for Colonel +Marshall's regiment between June 13 and November 20, 1776. Thus, drugs +were available; but until the fall of '76, Greenleaf was having +difficulty in obtaining an abundant supply. + + +From Bad to Worse + +General Washington, correctly foretelling that New York City would be +the next British objective, marched there from Boston with as much of +his army as could be induced to stay under the colors. Had it not been +for the presence of Washington's forces in New York, that colony would +certainly have remained Loyalist; as it was, the Patriot committees +had the greatest difficulty in keeping the Tories quiet by strong-arm +methods.[44] + +The availability of drugs in New York prior to the arrival of +Washington's forces did not seem to be particularly affected by the +war. Thomas Attwood "at his store in Dock-Street" offered for sale a +wide assortment of drugs and medicines,[45] while William Stewart +offered "a fresh supply of Genuine Drugs and Medicines ... on the most +reasonable terms either for cash or at the usual credit."[46] The +citizens of New York did not even have to do without their popular +English patent medicines.[47] + +Washington, however, had to provide for his own medical supplies in +New York. In a letter dated April 3 he ordered Director General Morgan +to remove the general hospital to New York with "all convenient +speed...."[48] The fixing and completing of the regimental chests was +to be deferred until Morgan arrived at New York. + +Morgan remained behind in Boston for another six weeks collecting +medicines, furniture, and hospital stores worth thousands of pounds. +"The like quantity ... could not be procured," so Morgan later +claimed, "in any [other] part of America." He was also able to +purchase drugs from Salem, Newport, and Norwich, and before departing +for New York he completed a medicine chest for each of the five +regiments at Boston, Salem, and Marblehead, as ordered by +Washington.[49] + +Morgan arrived in New York about June 3 and purchased some additional +drugs there. By June 17 his staff had made up 30 medicine chests for +the regiments at New York as well as for "the branches of the General +Hospital at New-York, in the bowry and neighborhood and at +Long-Island." But the number of regiments requiring medical supplies +exceeded Morgan's expectations, particularly since he had been advised +that "the Southward regiments" would be supplied by Congress in +Philadelphia.[50] + +By the middle of June, Morgan must have realized that the supply of +drugs available was inadequate despite the sizable quantity brought +from Boston and the small stock he was able to obtain in New York. It +appears that many of the New York druggists were Loyalists, and +somehow they and their stock of drugs disappeared when needed by +Washington's army. For example, druggist Thomas Attwood "removed his +store consisting of a general assortment of Drugs and Medicines" to +Newark in May only to reappear in New York again under British +occupation with a good stock of "Drugs and Medicines."[51] + +The New York Committee of Safety had attempted to develop a stock of +drugs early in the year when they were plentiful,[52] but in June this +supply was valued at only £30. Even this small stock was not available +to Morgan because when he asked permission to purchase the medicines +at "a reasonable price ... for use of the Continental Hospital" the +New York Provincial Congress rejected his plea on June 26 with the +explanation that this medicine was to be "reserved for the use of the +poor and other inhabitants of this city."[53] + +With increasing demands to supply the troops in the Northern +Department, Morgan turned to Philadelphia and the Continental +Congress. Morgan owned a small stock of drugs in Philadelphia, and +knew of another supply in the possession of the firm of Delaney and +Smith,[54] so he sent Dr. Barnabus Binney to Philadelphia to forward +"with all dispatch" what medicines he had there and whatever could be +obtained from Congress.[55] Congress resolved on July 17 "to purchase +the Medicines (now in Phila) belonging to Doctor Morgan,"[56] but for +nearly a month Binney was unable to obtain any additional supplies +either from Congress or from private sources. + +On June 25 Morgan wrote to Samuel Adams asking for power "to demand a +proportion of the Continental medicines left in care of Messrs. +Delaney & Smith," and he repeated the request in July. However, +Morgan's only reply from Adams, dated August 5, made no mention of the +Delaney and Smith drug stock. Instead Adams wrote only: "I have +received several letters from you, which I should have sooner +acknowledged, if I could only have found leisure. I took however, the +necessary steps to have what you requested effected in Congress."[57] + +Finally, on August 8, Congress directed the committee for procuring +medicines "to supply the director general of the Hospital with such +medicines as he may want."[58] By this time, such a resolution was +hardly much consolation to Morgan. Evidence of the status of the +supplies in the general hospital at New York can be gleaned from an +advertisement in the _New-York Gazette_ of July 29 signed by Thomas +Carnes, "Steward and Quarter-Master to the General Hospital": + + WANTED immediately ... a large quantity of dry herbs, for baths, + fomentations, &c. &c. particularly baum hysop, wormwood and + mallows, for which a good price will be given. The good people of + the neighboring towns, and even those who live more remote from + this city, by carefully collecting and curing quantities of useful + herbs will greatly promote the good of the Army, and considerably + benefit themselves. + +The retreat from Long Island on August 27 and the subsequent loss of +New York City to the British certainly did not help the medical supply +problem. Despite the fact that part of the medical stores were shipped +to Stamford, Connecticut, and another stock of supplies removed to +Newark, Morgan admits that "the most valuable part was still left in +New-York when the enemy had effected a landing, drawn a line across +the island, and were entering New-York."[59] General Knox later told +how "late in the day of the 15th of September, 1776, after the enemy +had beat back part of the American troops," Morgan "came over from +Powles Hook in a pettiauger, and had her loaded with Hospital +stores."[60] Washington personally reported on September 16 that "the +retreat was effected with but little loss of Men, tho' a considerable +part of our Baggage ... part of our Stores and Provisions, which we +were removing, was unavoidably left in the City...."[61] + +One small bundle of private drug supplies saved from the British is +reported[62] by "Doct. Prime, A Refuge from Long Island," who +announced the opening of a shop in Wethersfield. The newspaper +advertisement reported that Prime + + ... has saved from the enemy a parcel of medicines, part of which + he would barter for such articles as he wants, especially shop + utensils of which he had unfortunately lost the most of his own.... + +The medical supply problem went from bad to worse as Washington's army +retreated from Harlem Heights to White Plains and then finally into +New Jersey. Morgan again turned to Philadelphia for drugs, but +obtained "none or next to none." Instead of ten pounds of tartar +emetic which Morgan requested from Philadelphia druggist Robert Bass +and the newly appointed Continental Druggist, William Smith, four +ounces was all that he received, but with "a proper apology."[63] + +On September 21, the supply of bark was completely exhausted, and +Washington was furious. On September 24 in a letter to the President +of the Congress, Washington charged that the regimental surgeons were +aiming "to break up the Genl. Hospital" and that they had "in +numberless Instances drawn for Medicines, Stores, &c. in the most +profuse and extravagent manner for private purposes."[64] + +To make matters worse, new troops continued to arrive without medical +supplies. For example, those from Maryland arrived at White Plains +with their regimental surgeons fully expecting Morgan to supply them +with medicines, even though the Maryland Convention on October 4 had +ordered that these troops be supplied with medicines by the Maryland +Council of Safety before their departure.[65] + +Morgan thought he had at least one small but safe stock of drugs. +Barnabas Binney, who was sent to Philadelphia in July for medical +supplies, was successful in obtaining "a reasonable good order" about +the middle of August, including "30 lb. Camphor; 10 lb. Ipecac; 7 lb. +Opium; 50 lb. Quicksilver; 40 lb. Jalap; 68 lb. Manna; 186 lb. Nitre; +200 lb. Cream of Tartar; 269 lb. Bark; and other important +articles."[66] However, since these supplies arrived at Newark just as +Washington was beginning to pull out of Long Island, they were +deposited at a newly established hospital under Cutting, the assistant +apothecary.[67] + +When Morgan finally began drawing on these supplies, Dr. William +Shippen had been placed in charge of the hospitals in New Jersey and +the medicines had been turned over to him by a vote of Congress.[68] +Finally, on January 9, 1777, Congress dismissed Morgan as director +general without giving any reasons except to indicate indirectly that +it was due to his inability to provide adequate medical supplies.[69] +To add insult to injury, on February 5 Congress asked "what is become +of the medicines which Dr. Morgan took from Boston ..." and resolved +to "take measures to have them secured, and applied to the use of the +army."[70] + +[Illustration: Figure 2.--Set of surgical instruments used by Dr. +Benjamin Treadwell during the Revolution. Included are three +amputation knives, forceps, a ball extractor, and two surgical hooks. +Preserved at the Medical Museum of the Armed Forces Institute of +Pathology. (_Photo courtesy of Armed Forces Institute of Pathology._)] + +Meanwhile, in New York City the supply of drugs had returned to normal +or near normal within a few weeks after the British occupation. On +September 30, 1776, Thomas Brownejohn announced the opening "of his +medicinal store at the corner of Hanover-Square ... where gentlemen of +the army and navy can be supplied at the shortest notice with all +kinds of medicines on the most reasonable terms." On December 16 +Richard Speaight announced that he "has once again opened his Shop at +the sign of the Elaboratory in Queen-Street," and a week later Thomas +Attwood returned from Newark to open "his store of Drugs and Medicines +in Dock-Street." To touch upon the sympathy of the Loyalists, Donald +McLean, "Surgeon of the late Seventy-Seventh Regiment," reported in +January 1777 that he was "now happily delivered from his late +captivity" and again opening a shop in Water-Street for drugs and +medicines.[71] + +Importations from London commenced as early as December 1776 when "the +Brig Friendship lying at Beaches Wharf" offered for sale "An +Assortment of Drugs, Consisting of Bark, Opium, Rhubarb, &c." In April +1777 Speaight advertised "a fresh Importation ... from the original +ware-houses in London," and, in June, Attwood advertised "A large and +general Assortment of Drugs and Medicines freshly imported.... Several +Medicine Chests complete, fitted up in London, with printed +Directions."[72] + +Importation by the British was not without its problems, however. +Joseph Gurney Bevan, owner of the Plough Court Pharmacy in London, +wrote Dr. Traser in Jamaica on October 25, 1777: + + I hope thou will be pleased with the Bark. It is very good and the + best I have seen this year, but I do not think any Bark in town is + equal to what I have seen in former years. Thou wilt note the snake + root to be very dear. The cause is the stoppage of the American + trade. Opium is also much higher than I ever knew it. The insurance + is raised on account of the American privateers. + +Answering a letter from William Stewart of New York, Bevan wrote on +March 5, 1777: + + I wish it were yet in my power to ... forward the medicines and + utensils thou hast written for. But on inquiry I am informed that + it is not permitted that anything shall yet be sent to New York in + a merchantile way. Therefore I must defer till the wanted + intercourse between us and you is re-established.... I want to + advise thee to buy what snake root thou cans't pick up which I + believe if sent hither at the first opening of the trade, will turn + to good Account. + +Bevan was still reluctant to make any shipments in April because the +"ships and cargoes on their arrival at New York will be at the mercy +of the persons in command there," but on September 4 he shipped a +large order to McLean.[73] During the remainder of the war, the +Plough Court Pharmacy continued regular shipments to McLean as well as +to Stewart and to Brownejohn. + + +"Medicines--None" + +Morgan's chaotic situation at New York was mild compared to the +conditions at Fort George and Ticonderoga in the Northern Department. +Dr. Samuel Stringer, medical director of the Northern Department, +wrote General Washington on May 10, 1776, that the majority of the +regimental surgeons had neither medicines nor instruments, and that +there was no possibility of getting them in Canada. Washington replied +that he would direct Dr. Morgan to send the required supplies, and ask +for additional help from Congress.[74] However, until early in June, +Morgan was in no position to outfit medicine chests for any of the +troops at New York, much less for the army in the north; and Congress +didn't even get around to directing "the committee appointed to +provide medicines ... to send a proper assortment of medicine to +Canada" until June 17.[75] + +After Morgan had established the general hospital at New York, he +wrote to Samuel Adams on June 25 that + + ... the state of the Army in Canada ... for a supply of medicines + is truly deplorable. General Gates sets out to-morrow to take + command of the Army in Canada. Dr. Potts will accompany him. I have + therefore given orders to supply him from the General Hospital with + a large chest of such medicines as I can best spare, and which can + be got ready to-morrow before his departure.[76] + +Until July 24, the only medicines to arrive at Fort George were the +"few that Dr. Potts brought with him" even though Morgan had, +according to Stringer, promised to send "by the first sloop twenty +half-chests of medicines" put up at New York for ten battalions in the +north. Stringer therefore asked permission of General Gates at +Ticonderoga to "go forth to York and see the medicines forthwith +forwarded by land, until they can be safely conveyed by water." +Permission was granted on July 29 and Stringer departed for New +York.[77] Meanwhile, Morgan had written Potts on July 28 that he had +sent Dr. James McHenry to Philadelphia for drugs, and that he was +sending Andrew Craigie to Fort George to "act as an Apothecary." +Morgan also asked for an inventory of drugs on hand in the Northern +Department.[78] + +Stringer spent only a day or two in New York with Morgan--just long +enough to intensify their personal feud over responsibilities and +authority. Stringer determined that the "twenty half-chests" +apparently were a figment of someone's imagination, because supplies +in New York were almost as bad as they were in the north. Also, he +learned that Morgan was sending a box of medicine northward "under the +care of the Surgeon of Col. Wayne Regt."[79] that was undoubtedly +intended to serve only as a regimental chest. Stringer then hurried on +to Philadelphia just in time to intercept McHenry, who had obtained +"an order from the Committee of Congress for 40 lb. Bark, 10 [lb.] +Camphire and some other articles."[80] + +Stringer wrote Potts on August 17 that at last he had obtained an +order for medicines that would be packed in two days, but added "when +you'll receive them God knows." He also reported that "there will also +arrive another Box under the care of Doct. McHenry containing only 5 +articles of which there is but 30 lbs. Bark and I think not a +purgative except some few pounds of Rhubarb and a little Fol. +Senae."[81] McHenry, however, only got as far as New York with his +meager supplies, because Stringer discharged him from the service in +an attempt to show both Morgan and Potts who had the most +authority.[82] + +Stringer's inexcusably long absence from his hospital post and failure +to send the needed medicines so aroused General Gates that he wrote +the President of the Congress on August 31 as follows:[83] + + The Director of the General Hospital in this department, Doctor + Stringer, was sent to New-York three and thirty days ago, with + positive orders to return the instant he had provided the drugs and + medicines so much wanted. Since then, repeated letters have been + wrote to New-York and Philadelphia, setting forth in the strongest + terms the pressing necessity of an immediate supply of these + articles. + +Finally, almost a month after his arrival in Philadelphia, Stringer +set out for Albany with a small stock of drugs. On September 7 he +wrote Potts from Albany that he hoped the small supply that he +obtained and the chest of medicines that Morgan had just sent would +hold out until he could obtain additional supplies in New England, +where he was then headed "to ransack that Country of those articles we +want."[84] + +Meanwhile, Potts at Fort George had started making the desired +inventory of medicines. It came as no surprise to anyone that the +situation was deplorable--indeed, it was worse than that. On August 31 +a committee of surgeons at Ticonderoga prepared at General Gates' +order "A Catalogue of Medicines Most Necessary for the Army." This +list, undoubtedly representing the minimum requirements of each +battalion, called for 20 pounds of bark, 4 pounds of gum camphor, 2 +pounds of gum opium, 3 pounds of powdered ipecac, 4 pounds of powdered +jalap, 2 pounds of powdered rhubarb, 15 pounds of Epsom salts, and 3 +pounds of tartar emetic among two dozen different medicines.[85] +Instead of these minimum requirements, regimental surgeons at +Ticonderoga, Crown Point, Mount Independence, and Fort George +presented inventories (mostly dated September 8) that clearly +emphasized their destitute condition. + +The first New Jersey battalion at Ticonderoga reported "No Jallap, +Rhubarb, Salts, or Ipecac"; while Colonel Whilocks' regiment at +Ticonderoga reported "No medicines exclusive of private property." The +five companies of artillery at Fort George reported "Medicines--None," +as did the 24th Regiment at Mount Independence. Others reported small +or "tollerable" assortments of medicine. A close examination of the +inventory of the Pennsylvania 6th Battalion at Crown Point shows it to +have been lacking bark, ipecac, rhubarb, camphor, and salts; and only +one-half ounce of jalap and 2 ounces of gum opium remained in the +chest outfitted by Christopher and Charles Marshall on April 25 in +Philadelphia. The 15th Regiment of Foot at Mount Independence claimed +2 ounces of bark and 1-1/2 ounces of gum opium, while the 6th Regiment +at Ticonderoga was as well off as any with one-half pound of bark and +4 ounces of gum opium.[86] Compared with the minimum need of 20 pounds +of bark and 2 pounds of gum opium, even this was not of much comfort. + +The inventory "of the Medicines in the Continental Store at Fort +George" dated September 9 was not very comforting either. While the +store included 137 different items, including equipment and containers +of all the capital medicines, only Epsom salts appeared to be +available in a sufficient quantity. Seven pounds of rhubarb were also +on hand, but conspicuous by their absence were bark, ipecac, jalap, +gum camphor, and gum opium.[87] + +With their continuous requests and demands, the regimental surgeons +made life miserable for Potts. Surgeon Mate of the Pennsylvania 1st +wrote that the "Chest of Medicine ... is not yet arrived but expect it +hourly...." Trumbull asked: "Have your Medicines arriv'd? Have +Stringer or McHenry made their appearance yet? Our people fall sick by +Dozens. I not a Pennys worth of Medicine have for them, even in the +most virulent disorders." Surgeon Johnston begged: "Pray if possible +send me 4 pounds Pulv. Cort. Peruv. [Bark] and 3 ounces Tart[ar] +Emet[ic]. With those medicines I think I could restore a number of our +best Men to perfect Health."[88] + +In those instances where some drugs were on hand, the shortage of +pharmaceutical equipment hampered, if not prevented, the preparation +of proper dosage forms. Surgeon McCrea on board the _Royal Savage_ +wrote on September 2 that he "found a great inconvenience for want of +scales & waits,"[89] and the surgeon at Crown Point wrote on September +19 that "the Medicines which I rec'd a few days ago will be of very +little Benefit as I have no fit Mortar &c to prepare them with & must +use them in Decoction."[90] + +It wasn't until October that any relief arrived, and even then there +were disappointments. Andrew Craigie, at Fort George, received a +wagonload of herbs on October 3, but, as Craigie reported to Potts, +"one half the load is entirely useless, containing Saffron, Pink +flower, and whole H[eade]d Pennyroyal, &c. &c. Dr. Brown thinks his +broad shoulders would carry all the articles that are worth anything." +Craigie recommended to Potts that payment should not be made for all +the useless articles.[91] + +The long-lost Stringer finally arrived at Albany from Boston on +October 5 and reported to Gates that he had met the greatest success +in procuring £5,000 of medicines.[92] Ten days later, Stringer wrote +Potts that he was now forwarding "by waggon two Barrels & 1 Box of +Medicines ... [which] will suffice for the present, not thinking it +prudent to send up the whole, especially as we can always get them up +as they are wanted."[93] + +Even after the long delay, most of the supplies were still held in +Albany instead of being distributed among the surgeons who needed +them. This infuriated Potts to a point that even Stringer found it +necessary, on October 25, to explain: + + I received yesterday a letter from you ... before this time you + will have rec'd such of the articles you desired as we had to spare + [from] the Medicines I purchased at Boston ... I thought [it] not + proper to risque [them] up here; neither were any of them in + powder, and all that were so at this place we sent you, and have + two hands busy in preparing more for our own use. I hope that [the + shipment] sent will be sufficient for your purpose.[94] + +Andrew Craigie had sent three barrels and four boxes of supplies to +Ticonderoga on October 22,[95] but the shipment obviously did not +suffice. On November 7 Stringer wrote that "as soon as possible the +Medicines you wrote for shall be prepared and sent, but they are +chiefly to be pulverized." In his typical style he added, "I cannot +conceive what use you will have for five sieves when you have no large +mortar."[96] + +The November 27 report of the committee of Congress on the conditions +in the general hospital at Fort George indicates that the supply +situation was at last reasonably good,[97] but by this time the season +was far advanced and the forces had to retire to winter quarters. +Stringer was relieved of his command along with Morgan early the +following year. Unlike that of Morgan, Stringer's dismissal appears to +have been based on reasonably good grounds. + + +Privateers to the Rescue + +Despite Congress' slow start in providing medical supplies, its +members realized as early as December 1775 that additional sources of +supply outside the Colonies would be required. On December 23 they +heard that £2,000 of medicines, surgeon's instruments, and lint and +bandages were required by the army, and on January 3, 1776, the Secret +Committee reported to Congress that these supplies should be imported +as soon as possible.[98] + +In September 1775 Congress had created the Secret Committee to +supervise the export and import of vital materials required for the +war. Licenses to leave port were given shipmasters on the condition +that they would return with vital military stores. Under this +dispensation, American ships set out for Europe, Africa, and the West +Indies in search of essential supplies.[99] Many months were required, +however, to establish such importation as a significant source of +supply, and this was especially true with regard to medical supplies. + +The delay in initiating importation can hardly be charged as the only +or even the main reason for medical supply shortages in 1776. For +example, in August of that year, when at least a half-dozen medical +supply officers were pleading for drugs from Congress in Philadelphia, +John Thomson of Petersburg, Virginia, advertised that he had for sale +"Rhubarb and Jalap, Glauber and Epsom Salts, Jesuits Bark" and a host +of other supplies.[100] Whether or not Thomson's supplies constituted +any significant amount, the very fact that he had to advertise them +indicates a lack of coordination and communication between those +urgently seeking supplies and those selling them. + +Even more frustrating were those suppliers right under Congress's nose +advertising essential drugs. Suppliers like Dr. Anthony Yeldall at +"his Medicinal Ware-House" were still advertising "Bark, Camphire, +Rhubarb, &c" in July of '76.[101] Philadelphia was second only to New +York for Loyalists, and Yeldall was later proven to be a strong Tory. +Then there were those who were neither Patriot nor Loyalist; they were +just indifferent to the cause for American independence, and thus +insisted on cash, even though six months' credit was the common +practice just prior to the war. In 1771 in Philadelphia one druggist +regularly gave a 15 percent discount on all purchases if paid within +six months and 7-1/2 percent discount was allowed for payments between +six and nine months, but interest was expected on all debts over a +year's standing.[102] + +The business-minded members of Congress tried to follow prewar methods +by seeking credit. Merchants who sold on credit found that, when they +finally were paid, they received paper money backed only by a promise +to exchange for gold and silver at some future time. Furthermore, they +were caught in a spiraling inflation, and often found that when they +finally received their money from Congress it then would cost them +twice as much to replenish their stocks. Medical supply officers +therefore found it necessary to pay ready cash for merchandise out of +their own pocket, and sometimes they had to wait six months for +reimbursement from Congress. + +As we have noted, by the fall of 1776 Boston had become a better +source of supply of drugs than Philadelphia, although it had been +occupied by the British for nine months and Morgan had removed most of +the drugs left there the previous May. This was primarily due to a +single factor--the American privateer. British shipping was vulnerable +to the American privateers, which were fast vessels well suited to +this kind of enterprise. Well over 1,000 captures were made during the +war by Massachusetts privateers alone, and the arrivals of rich prize +ships at New England ports became frequent.[103] + +The Greenleaf ledger confirms that drugs were included in some of +these prize ships. On December 14, 1776, Greenleaf records the receipt +of £62 from the Massachusetts government in payment for "an invoice of +Druggs taken from the prize ship Julius Caesar." Greenleaf received an +even larger stock "of druggs taken in the prize Brig Three Friends" +in March 1777. This was valued at over £170, and was also used by +Massachusetts to pay on its account with Greenleaf, largely for +outfitting its privateers.[104] + +On June 30, 1777, J. G. Frazer of Boston wrote Dr. Potts, still at +Ticonderoga, as follows:[105] + + I have the pleasure to give you this Early notice of a prize ship + being sent into Casco Bay last week with four tons of Jesuits Bark + on board for one valuable article besides a great quantity of other + stores for the British Army at New-York. + + +Brisk Business in Boston + +A series of letters to Director General Potts from Apothecary Andrew +Craigie, who was on a purchasing trip through New England, gives us an +interesting glimpse into the situation. On August 29, 1777, Craigie +wrote Potts from Springfield[106] that he had just arrived from +Wethersfield where he purchased 222 pounds of bark of excellent +quality. He saw it weighed and repacked, and left the necessary +instructions for shipment to Albany. Having heard that "a quantity of +Bark & other articles are arrived at some eastern ports" Craigie took +off for Boston where he wrote Potts on September 1 as follows:[107] + + I wrote you from Springfield aquainting you that I had engaged 222 + lb. Bark at the Price [£5 per pound] Mr. Livingston mentioned to + you; it being very dear induced me to engage a less quantity than + you proposed 'til I should make enquiry here. I find to my great + mortification that it is 40/[shillings] less than that in + Wethersfield. I wish we could get clear of that engagement, and at + least think some adjustment should be made as I am informed it cost + Mr. Livingston who bought it at publick sale only 3 Pounds at which + price I expect to engage 1 or 200 lb. tomorrow.... In the morning I + go to Cape Anne about 40 miles from this, after medicines that have + lately arrived.... + +Recalling Stringer's long absence of the previous year, Craigie +concluded: + + I shall pay particular attention to, and if to be had, procure the + articles, but everything is very dear. I hope not to exceed the + time you have limited. + +Craigie returned to Albany on September 20 and advised Potts that he +"succeeded in procuring medicines as expected" and that he had "on the +road 2 covered waggons of capital medicines &c."[108] The shipment +included 200 pounds of bark that Craigie bought at £3 a pound, and +waiting for him in Albany were also the 222 pounds of bark, for which +he was billed at £5 a pound plus £23/10 "Carting and Expenses."[109] +Payment had not been made by November 10,[110] nor was there any +evidence of an adjustment. + +At the same time that Craigie was in Boston purchasing supplies for +the Northern Department, Apothecary Jonathan B. Cutting of the Middle +Department was also there, competing with him.[111] Furthermore, +several agents for the Congress (Thomas Cushing, Daniel Tillinghast, +and John Bradford) were purchasing drugs for the Continental Navy. +Greenleaf's ledger records that between January 23 and May 28 over +£500 worth of medicine chests and sundry medicines were sold to "The +United American States" for the Continental frigates _Boston_, +_Hancock_, _Providence_, and _Columbus_. + +This competition among various branches of the army and navy led to a +brisk business in Boston. Druggists in nearby communities chanced the +British blockade to send supplies which they had on hand. For example, +Jonathan Waldo, an apothecary at Salem, Massachusetts, recorded in his +account book[112] on April 8, 1777, that "13 packages and 4 cases of +medicines are ship'd on Board the Sloop called the Two Brothers Saml +West Master. An Account and [illegible word] of Mr. Oliver Smith of +Boston Apothecary and to him consigned." Evidence of the war appears +in the footnote to the entry, however. It reads: "The cases are +unmarked being ship'd at Night. Error Excepted. Jon. Waldo." + + +The Situation Improves + +Oliver Smith, advertising in a Boston newspaper in October 1777, +clearly emphasized the fact that "A Large and Valuable Assortment of +Drugs and Medicines" were on hand. Included in the listing were bark, +gum camphor, gum opium, jalap, rhubarb, and salts.[113] + +Back in Philadelphia, the supply situation was also improving. William +Smith, Continental Druggists, received over $5,000 from Congress for +drug purchases,[114] and the Marshalls also continued to furnish +Congress with a variety of medical supplies in amounts upwards of +$4,000.[115] Drugs were occasionally being imported into Philadelphia +despite the British blockade. In January 1777, Robert Bass, an +apothecary in Market Street, advertised[116] "A Quantity of Peruvian +Bark, just imported ... together with Drugs and Medicines of most +kinds." Bass was supplying the Northern Department with drugs in +February 1777, but, according to a letter from John Warren to Potts, +"he is determined not even to pack them untill he shall receive the +money in payment for them."[117] In March, Bass wrote Potts directly +that + + ... if in future you want any compositions let me know in time that + I may have them ready. I cou'd not send a full quantity [of] fly + Plasters, but am this week making a large quantity of most kinds + and shall send of deficiency in your next order.[118] + +In June, Christopher and Charles Marshall also received "a small +assortment of valuable medicines, just imported and to be sold"[119] +to replenish their stock. Even Congress purchased directly certain of +the importations, on May 28, 1778, for example, ordering that "755 +42/90 dollars be advanced to the Committee of Commerce, to enable them +to pay Andrew and James Caldwell, the freight of sundry medicines +imported in their sloop from Martinico."[120] Many of the British +prize ships were carried to the French island of Martinique in the +West Indies for trans-shipment of their cargoes. + +These shipments however did not meet with the requirements for medical +supplies. In March, Apothecary Cutting, then stationed at the +"Continental Medicine Store in Fourth-Street," Philadelphia, +advertised that "any price will be given for old sheets, or half worn +linen proper for lint and bandages," while, in May, Commissary Hugh +James advertised that "a handsome price will be given for Vials and +Corks."[121] The problems of medical supplies were often brought to +the attention of the public. Thomas Carnes, "Quarter Master and +Steward" of the American hospital in New England, advertised in +several papers that he + + is authorized to make known in this public manner, that no Expense + shall be spared in future in making the most ample Provision for + the sick and wounded of the Army.... Proper medicines will be + prepared, not only by General Hospitals, but by Regimental + Surgeons. The Difficulties the Sick and Wounded met with the last + Campaign arose from the unsettled State of the Army, and the + Distance Medicines, and other Necessaries used to be sent.[122] + +The reorganization of the medical department by Congress, including +the establishment of "two Apothecaries" and their duties, was +published in the _Pennsylvania Packet_ on April 15, and a front page +account presenting "directions for preserving the Health of Soldiers" +was featured in the next issue.[123] + +Dr. Potts wrote the Medical Committee in Congress on April 3, 1777: + + I have the Honour to enclose you a Return of the Medicines & Stores + belonging to the General Hospital in the Department, which I have + received from Doctor Samuel Stringer, these with what I brought + with me from Philadelphia & some few I expect from Boston will be + quite sufficient for this campaign. + +In contrast to the time when stores were short in '76, the chairman of +the Medical Committee, M. Thornton, was quick to reply on April 12 +that + + ... we are highly pleased with your having the prospect of a + sufficient supply of medicines in your Department for the ensuing + Campaign, & approve of the returns you have made us.[124] + + +Valley Forge + +Washington's forces were defeated at Brandywine on September 11, 1777, +and on September 25 the British army occupied Philadelphia. +Washington, after trying without success to dislodge them by a sudden +attack at Germantown on October 4, retreated to Valley Forge. + +Business in Philadelphia under British occupation continued much as it +had under American control, except for a few missing suppliers and a +few new ones. One druggist who was little in evidence after the war +commenced was back in business advertising within two weeks after the +British occupied Philadelphia. It was William Drewet Smith (not to be +confused with William Smith) who advised "friends and customers ... +that they can be supplied with Medicine and Drugs as usual, at his +shop in Second-Street." To indicate that he was expecting an active +business, Smith also advertised for "a person who can be well +recommended for honesty and sobriety ... to attend a Druggist's +Shop."[125] + +[Illustration: Figure 3.--Page from the Waste Book manuscript of the +Christopher Marshall, Jr., and Charles Marshall apothecary shop in +Philadelphia. This is the first page of the contents of a medicine +chest furnished on order of the Continental Congress for the +Pennsylvania 4th Battalion. Preserved at the Historical Society of +Pennsylvania, in Philadelphia.] + +[Illustration: Figure 4.--Page from the ledger of the Greenleaf +apothecary shop in Boston, showing the accounts between September 3, +1776, and May 28, 1777, with "the United American States" for +outfitting ships of the Continental Navy. Preserved at the American +Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass.] + +During the British occupation there was a large number of thefts and +losses--perhaps aided by the American patriots who remained in +Philadelphia--that included drugs and surgical instruments. In +November an advertisement reported the loss of "a sett of Surgeons +Pocket instruments in a crimson chequered covering, with a silver +clasp. Whoever will bring them to the bar of the coffee-house or to +Mr. Allman, surgeons mate of the Royal Artillery, shall have a Guinea +reward, and no questions asked." In April an unidentified druggist +advertised: "Stolen yesterday afternoon out of an apothecary's shop +Three Specie Glasses, with brass caps; one contained two pounds of +native cinnabar. Whoever discovers the thief and goods shall have +Twenty Shillings reward from the printer."[126] + +A sign of the times is evident from the advertisement by Dr. Anthony +Yeldall, who offered his "Anti-Venereal Essence at only Two Dollars." +This nostrum, it was claimed, would not only cure the disease, but +would "absolutely prevent catching the infection." Each bottle came +with printed instructions "so that no questions need be asked." The +fact that the advertisement appeared no less than 10 times from +January through April speaks for its success.[127] It is interesting +to note that, after the British evacuated Philadelphia, "Anthony +Yeldall, Surgeon, late of the city of Philadelphia," was included +among those who were charged as having "knowingly and willingly aided +and assisted the enemies" and who would be brought to trial for high +treason.[128] + +While the British forces rested, well nourished, warm, and relatively +secure in Philadelphia, Washington's troops, hardly more than 20 miles +away, were tortured by cold, hunger, and disease. On December 23 there +were 2,898 men at Valley Forge reported sick or unfit for duty because +of lack of clothing.[129] Even so, the lack of medical supplies was +nowhere near as bad as the conditions that existed in '76. Under the +command of Director General Shippen and Purveyor General Potts,[130] +the medical department operated a series of hospitals in such +Pennsylvania communities as Easton, Bethlehem, Lancaster, Ephrata, and +Lititz. The principal hospital for Valley Forge was established 10 +miles away at Yellow Springs (now Chester Springs). + +The largest drain on medical supplies appears not to have been during +the height of winter but rather in the early spring when the medicine +chests of various regiments and hospitals were being restocked for the +expected spring offensive. The first step was to supplement the supply +of medical supplies on hand. In late February or early March, Dr. +William Brown sent Purveyor General Potts a list of needs of the +entire medical department that included £20,000 worth of medicines, +vials, corks, etc.[131] Dr. Brown supplemented this list with a letter +to Potts dated March 11 in which he itemized the following +equipment:[132] + + 3 doz. Boxes Small Apothecary's Weights & Scales + 3 doz. Bolus knives + 3 doz. Pot Spathulae + 2 doz. Marble Mortars, of one pint, & Pestles + 2 doz. Setts Measures, from 1/2 ounce to 1 [pint?] + 6 doz. Earthen Vessels (deep) with handles--of different + sizes, from 2 quarts to 2 galls, for boiling Decoctions, or + 2 doz. copper Do. of one gallon--for that purpose. + 6 doz. Delft Ware Tiles, for mixing Boluses &c. on. + +While Dr. Brown was completing his report on medical supplies, he was +also concluding his compilation of an emergency military hospital +formulary which has become known as the _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_, so +named because Brown was making Lititz his headquarters at the time. +The preface is dated "Lititz, March 12, 1778." The actual title +(translated from Latin) reads: "Formulary of simple and yet +efficacious remedies for the use of the military hospital, belonging +to the army of the Federated States of America. Especially adapted to +our poverty and straitened circumstances, caused by the ferocious +inhumanity of the enemy, and the cruel war unexpectedly brought upon +our fatherland." This formulary was published by Styner & Cist of +Philadelphia in 1778, which means that it was not actually printed +until sometime after June 18, when the British evacuated Philadelphia. + +In the preface Brown explained that there were two types of formulas +contained in the _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_; one was the "medicaments +which must be prepared and compounded in a general laboratory; the +others are to be mixed, as needed, in our hospital dispensaries." + +The main store of drugs was housed at Manheim until late March, when +Shippen ordered Apothecary Cutting to pack the medical stores there +and proceed on to Yellow Springs.[133] Cutting wrote Potts on March 30 +that + + ... the articles that we have in store are now ready to put on + board the waggons excepting the want of cases to contain them.... + Paper, Twine, Square Snuff Bottles & Corks are so essentially + necessary to take with us, to fit up the Regimental Chests that I + wish your order to buy them at Lancaster immediately. I never heard + what place in the vicinity of Camp has been chosen for our + temporary Medicine Shop, nor what quantities the Regimental + Surgeons are to be supply'd when we get there....[134] + +On April 16 Cutting[135] wrote that the + + ... dispensing store is open'd here [at Yellow Springs] and we have + begun to supply the Regiments in Camp.... Dr. Cochran has given + orders to the Division on the left to bring their Chests first, and + we propose going through the whole Army in the order in which they + lay.... The best method I can think of is to act immediately about + preparing new Chests upon the Northern Plan at some convenient + place for all such Battallions as did not get chests from Dr. + Craigie [in the] last campaign. When these new parcels are ready, + let us call all the large chests into the Stores ... which are too + compleat & capacious for Field Service, & in lieu of them give out + our smaller ones. By this exchange, the Genl. Hospital will be + well supplied with standing Chests & acquire a great variety of + useful articles which are not essential in Camp. + +Apothecary Cutting was concerned, however, over supplies and + + ... very apprehensive that the several Hospitals in this vicinity + will render a further reinforcement necessary before we shall be + able to compleat the whole.... To give only a few of the Capitals + to each will be a work of Time, & a much more intensive piece of + business than I at first imagined. + +Meanwhile, Potts had sent Apothecary Craigie to Baltimore to obtain a +fresh stock of drugs, and probably to prevent further friction between +Craigie and Cutting. This feud started early in 1777 when Apothecary +Cutting, serving with Shippen in Philadelphia, was named, over his +preceptor Craigie, to head the newly organized "Apothecary department" +of the army.[136] On March 27 Craigie wrote from Annapolis advising +Potts that he had been in Baltimore + + ... not long since and waited on Messrs. Lux & Bowly. The medicines + were not come to hand but were expected.... I have engaged the + whole invoice which contains several important medicines not + mentioned in your list. I think the prices are full high, tho' + somewhat less than Dr. Shippen affixed, and it was not in my power + to procure them at a cheaper rate. They were offered £20 per lb. + for all the Cantharides and much higher price for the Bark. They + are not yet arrived from some place in Virginia where they were + first landed. I shall examine them immediately on their arrival, + and if good forward them on to Manheim, if they prove not good + shall reject them, as the engagement is conditional.[137] + +Then on April 4, Craigie wrote from Chester Town:[138] + + I this day received a letter from Messrs. Lux & Bowley informing + me, the waggons were arrived, but to their great surprise with only + two packages of medicines, the others being seized near + Williamsburg for the use of Virginia State. Those arrived contain + but a very small share of any of the articles mentioned in your + list and I believe none of the Bark and Cantharides. I shall + immediately proceed to Baltimore and examine those two packages & + if good send them on to Manheim, provided the price is + agreeable.... I shall inquire into the circumstances of the seizure + and endeavor to find out if there has been any unfair play which I + can hardly suspect from the character of the Gentlemen. + +Just prior to May 1, Craigie returned to Carlisle, where the +"Elaboratory and Stores for the reception of the medicines &c. +belonging to the military hospitals" was established,[139] and +complained that he did not find the medicinal store in the order which +he expected to find it: + + We have many important medicines but by no means an assortment + sufficient for the Army. I speak only of what is now in store. + There are Medicines in different places of which I have no list. + +Craigie further noted that Cutting had come up from Yellow Springs on +May 1 to confer regarding plans for completing medicine chests, and +would leave the following day for Baltimore where he obviously was +going to try to purchase more drugs. + +Craigie was puzzled by the establishment of a dispensing store at +Yellow Springs, and asked whether or not the plan was + + ... to have the principle Store at Carlisle, where all the + medicines shall be prepared, and the Chests compleated supposing + the Genl. Hospitals will be more collected, and the number + lessened. I would propose that an Apothecary attend each with a + compleate Chest of Medicines; that the Surgeon & Physician Genl of + the Army be attended by an Apothecary with good Chest, and the + Regiments supply'd upon the Northern Plan. I would have an Issuing + Store established at a convenient distance from the Army, from + which the Hospital and Regimental Chests might occasionally be + replenished.[140] + +A sizable stock of drugs was finally received from Baltimore,[141] and +a fairly good stock was brought down from the stores in the Northern +Department, which were left well supplied by Craigie and Potts.[142] +An improved plan for obtaining lint from the Moravian Sisters at +Bethlehem and Lititz was proposed by Dr. Brown,[143] and "the +propriety of setting the glass works at Manheim agoing" was offered as +a solution by Craigie for obtaining much needed vials.[144] Local +manufacturing at Carlisle[145] and "in the Jersies"[146] was used as a +source of volatile and purging salts. + +Gibson records[147] that between April 19 and May 3, 1778, the +commands of Generals Patterson, Leonard, Poor, Glover, Scott, and +Woodward turned in their medicine chests to Apothecary Cutting at +Yellow Springs, and that every regiment received a standardized field +box containing a definite list and quantity of necessary drugs and +supplies. However, it appears likely that the project started by +Cutting and continued by Craigie was not completed until late June at +the earliest.[148] The "invoice of those things thought essential for +the protection and health of soldiers in the field or camp" presented +by Gibson[149] is actually an "Invoice of a Chest of medicines &c. +compleated in the medicinal Store, N[orthern] D[epartmen]t for Thos. +Tillotson Esq."[150] Inasmuch as the plan used in the Northern +Department was employed by both Craigie and Cutting, the items on this +invoice may serve as a reasonably good picture of the medicine chests +of '78 as compared with those of '76 (see page 130). + +One of the reasons for better supplies at a time when other conditions +were even worse than they were in 1776 is the fact that Congress was +advancing sizable, if not always completely adequate, amounts of money +for the cash purchase of supplies instead of seeking credit or +expecting those responsible to procure supplies by using their +personal money and waiting on Congress to reimburse them. During 1778, +Congress advanced some $940,000 to Purveyor General Potts alone for +the exclusive use of the hospital department, and these funds were in +turn distributed to the proper medical procurement officers, including +the apothecaries. It is significant to compare the sum of $1,095,000 +provided by Congress in 1778 with £10,000 (about $27,000) which, +according to Morgan, was the limit for medical and hospital supplies +in 1776.[151] True, inflation had set in by 1778, and the value of +money had declined greatly. For example, cantharides purchased from +the Marshalls' apothecary shop in Philadelphia in 1776 cost 10 +shillings per pound as compared with the cantharides Craigie purchased +in Baltimore in 1778 at £20 per pound. However, the worst of the +inflation was yet to come.[152] + + +In Summary + +Initially the drug supplies for the American Revolutionary Army had +come from stocks largely in the hands of private druggists. However, +this source of supply was totally inadequate for a war that attained +such proportions as the Revolution. Even if stocks of drugs in the +Colonies had been far greater than they were, there is little reason +to believe that shortages would not have developed. After all, a good +many of the suppliers were Loyalists, and others were indifferent to +the cause of American liberty. Even the most patriotic pharmacists +were faced with a complete financial suicide, caught between a +spiraling inflation and a Congress that had no money and only a +promise for the future. + +As if all these problems were not bad enough, the internal +organization of the medical department of the army was so chaotic +that, even if adequate supplies were available and if the almost +insurmountable problems of communications and transportation were +solved, it is almost certain that shortages would have developed at +least during the campaign of 1776. Add to this the fact that any +retreating army is subject to loss of supplies and the reasons for the +shortages become very obvious. + +The encouragement which Congress, through its Secret Committee, gave +to private shippers for the importation of vital war materials offered +little relief in the field of medical supplies. Importation was, of +course, cut off from England, and France did not directly export any +quantity of medical supplies, at least until 1778. American privateers +found it much more profitable to prey on British shipping than +initiating trade channels with countries which prior to the Revolution +were prohibited from shipping directly to the Colonies. These channels +of commerce did not develop extensively until well after the +Revolution. + +Hence the most immediate relief from medical supply shortages was +provided by the American privateers. Drug cargoes from British prize +ships, many of which were en route to New York, served as a most +important source of supply, particularly in 1777 and 1778. + +However, even with the most adequate supplies, competition between +different branches of the army and navy and the confiscation of +supplies destined for Continental troops by state militias further +encouraged inflationary trends. + +The number of individual drugs mentioned in various inventories was +considerable, as evidenced by the listing on page 130. However, of +these, only about a dozen constituted the really critical shortages. +Heading the list of these "capital articles" was Peruvian or Jesuits' +bark, the same cinchona from which quinine was later discovered. Tons +of bark were used during the Revolutionary War, and the price more +than quandrupled between June 1776 and September 1777. + +The most prominent group of drugs on the list of capital articles +consisted of cathartics and purgatives. Jalap, ipecac, and rhubarb +were the botanical favorites, while bitter purging salts (Epsom salts) +and Glauber's purging salts were the chemical choices for purging. +Tartar emetic (antimony and potassium tartrate) was the choice for a +vomit, and cantharides (Spanish flies) was the most important +ingredient of blistering plasters. Gum opium was administered for its +narcotic effects, while gum camphor, nitre (saltpetre or potassium +nitrate), and mercury (pure metal as well as certain salts) were +employed for a variety of purposes. Lint, a form of absorbent material +made by scraping or picking apart old woven material, also often was +short in supply. + +Equipment shortages included surgical instruments and mortar and +pestles for pulverizing the crude drugs. Glass vials for holding +compounded medicines were also a supply problem, especially after +essential drugs were again available. + +Some of the shortages were eased, if not solved, by local +manufacture. Lint was produced in large quantities in the Colonies, +and glass vials were manufactured in numerous glasshouses. Even local +manufacture of the purging salts and nitre aided in eliminating +shortages of these essential items, and at the same time initiated the +first large-scale pharmaceutical manufacturing in America. + +Numerous botanicals indigenous to the Colonies were widely employed in +medicine of the period, and certain ones such as snakeroot (seneka), +which was widely found growing in Virginia, would have been very +scarce had not an adequate supply been immediately at hand. However, +attempts to substitute other indigenous plants for scarce drugs like +Peruvian bark were largely unsuccessful. There is no indication that +hysop, wormwood, and mallows called for during the New York crisis +were ever found to be suitable replacements for any of the capital +articles. Wine apparently was more useful as a substitute for bark +than the bark of butternut recommended by the _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_. +Peruvian bark, jalap, ipecac, camphor, opium, cantharides--these are +the drugs which the American army physicians wanted, and these +constituted the most serious shortage problems. + +The medical supply problem was placed on relatively firm ground by the +summer of 1778, having been established on the principles proven in +the Northern Department under the guidance of Drs. Potts and Craigie. +Furthermore, the turning point in the war had been reached. Even +before Washington's forces went into winter quarters at Valley Forge, +Burgoyne[153] had surrendered at Saratoga, on October 17, 1777; and, +before the cold bleak winter at Valley Forge was over, the treaty of +French alliance was signed on February 6, 1778. The torments at Valley +Forge proved to be the birth of a new Continental Army. + +The War was still a long way from being over, and a variety of +problems were yet to face the Continental Army. Inflation was yet to +deal its hardest blow to the supply problem, but not even this could +produce the chaos of 1776. The worst of the drug supply problem was +over. + + +Contents of Army Medicine Chests + +The following listing is an example of the contents of medicine chests +ordered by the Continental Congress. The chest for the Pennsylvania +4th Battalion was filled for "Samuel Kennedy Surgeon" by the pharmacy +of Christopher Jr. and Charles Marshall of Philadelphia in May 1776. +The medicines are listed on an invoice in the Marshalls' waste book in +the possession of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The contents +of the Northern Department chest, compiled in the Northern +Department's "Medicinal Store" for "Thos. Tillotson Esq. Surgeon & +Physician General to the Army," probably was filled by Andrew Craigie +at Fort George in 1778. (_Italics_ denote capital article; asterisk +indicates that the drug is mentioned in _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_. +Contemporary English names are in parentheses following the Latin +listings.) + + + Pennsylvania Northern + 4th Battalion Department + Chest Chest +BOTANICALS + + *_Cort[ex] Peruv[ianum]_ + (Peruvian bark; Jesuits' bark; or bark) 4 lb. + *_Pulv[is] Cort[icis] Peruv[iani]_ + (Powdered Peruvian bark) 2 lb. Opt.; 6 lb. + 2 lb. 2nd + *_Pulvis Rad[ix] Jalapii_ + (Powdered jalap) 2 lb. 2 lb. + *_Pulv[is] Rad[ix] Ipecacuan[hae]_ + (Powdered ipecac) 8 oz. 12 oz. + *_Pulv[is] Rad[ix] Rhaei_ (Powdered rhubarb) 1 lb. 4 oz. 4 lb. + Rad[ix] Rhaei (Rhubarb root) 2 lb. + *Fol[ia] Sennae (Sennae or sena) 2 lb. + *Rad[ix] Gentian[ae] (Gentian root) 1 lb. 2-1/2 lb. + *Rad[ix] Seneka + (Senega; rattlesnake root; or snake root) 1 lb. + *Rad[ix] Scillae Sict. (Squill; or sea-onion) 6 oz. + Cinnamomi (Cinnamon) 1 lb. + Cort[ex] Aurant[orium] (Orange peel) 3 lb. + Fl[ores] Chamom[eli] (Camomile flower) 2 oz. + Mellisa[e Folia] (Balm) 1/2 lb. + *_Gum[mi] Camphor[a]_ (Camphor; or camphire) 10 oz. 2-1/2 lb. + *_Gum[mi] Opium_ [also] _Opii_ (Opium) 8 oz. 1 lb. + *Gum[mi] Arabic[um] (Gum Arabic) 2 lb. Opt. 2 lb. + *Gum[mi] Aloe Socotr[ina] (Aloe; or aloes) 8 oz. 1 lb. + Gum[mi] Aloe Hepat[ica] (Aloe; or aloes) 1 lb. + *Gum[mi] Ammon[iacum] (Gum ammoniac) 12 oz. + *Gum[mi] Guaiac[um] (Gum guaiac) 8 oz. 3/4 lb. + *Gum[mi] Myrrh[ae] (Myrrh) 4 oz. 2 oz. + *Bals[amum] Capivi (Balsam of copaiba) 1 lb. 4 oz. 2 lb. + *Bals[amum] Peruvian[um] (Balsam of Peru) 3 oz. + Bals[amum] Tolu[tanum] (Balsam of tolu) 8 oz. + *Ol[eum] Olivar[um] (Olive oil) 2-1/2 lb. + *Ol[eum] Ricini (Castor oil) 1 lb. 4 oz. 2 lb. + + +DRUGS OF ANIMAL ORIGIN + + *_Cantharides_ (Spanish flies; or flies) 4 oz. 3/4 lb. + *Cera Flav[a] (Yellow beeswax) 1 lb. 4 lb. + *Mel[lis] Com[munis] (Honey) 3 lb. + Pul[vis] Oc[uli] Canc[orum] + (Powdered crabs' eyes) 1 lb. + *Sperm[atis] Ceti (Spermaceti) 3 lb. + + +CHEMICALS + + *Alum[en] Com[munis] or Credem (Alum or rock alum) 1 lb. + *Creta ppt [precipitated or praeparata] (Chalk) 6 lb. + *_Pulv[is] Crem[or] Tartar[i]_ (Cream of tartar) 4 lb. 2 lb. + *_Tart[arus] Emetic[um]_ (Tartar emetic) 6 oz. 1/2 lb. + *_Sal Nitri_ [or] _Nitrum_ (Nitre or saltpetre) 4 lb. 4 lb. + Sal Absinthii (Salt of wormwood) 8 oz. + *_Sal Cath[articus] Amar[us]_ (Epsom salts; + bitter purging salts; or bitter + cathartic salts) 10 lb. + *_Sal Cath[articus] Glauber[i]_ [or] _Sal + Mirabile Glauberi_ (Glauber's salts; Glauber's + purging salts; or Glauber's wonderful salts). 10 lb. + *Sal Tartar[isatus] (Salt of tartar) 2 lb. + *Sal Amm[oniacum] (Sal ammoniac) 1/2 lb. Cd. + *Merc[urius] Corros[ivus] Sublim[atus] + (Corrosive sublimate of mercury) 2 oz. 2 oz. + *Merc[urius] Praecip[itatus] Rub[er] + (Red precipitate of mercury) 4 oz. 2 oz. + *_Merc[urius] Dulc[is] Ppt._ (Calomel) 8 oz. + Flor[es] Sulphur[is] (Flowers of sulphur) 4 lb. 2 lb. + *Ol[eum] Vitriol[um] (Oil of vitriol) 6 oz. + Ol[eum] Tereb[inthinae] (Oil of turpentine) 1-1/2 lb. + Tereb[inthina] Venet[ian] (Turpentine) 1 lb. 4 oz. + *Vitriol[um] Alb[um] (White vitriol) 4 oz. 2 oz. + *Elix[ir] Vitriol[i] (Elixir of vitriol) 3 lb. 2 lb. + Vitriol[um] Rom[anum] (Roman vitriol) 4 oz. + Sacch[arum] Saturni (Sugar of lead) 4 oz. + Vitr[um] Antomon[ii] Cerat[um] + (Cerated glass of antimony) 3 oz. + *Extr[actum] Saturni [also] Acetum Lithargyrites + (Litharge of lead; litharge vinegar; or + extract of Saturn). 11 oz. + +TINCTURES + + *Tinc[tura] Thebaic[a] [or] Tinctura Opii + [or] Laudani Liquidi (Tincture 12 oz. 2 lb. + of opium; thebaic tincture; liquid + laudanum; and Sydenham's laudanam). + *Tinct[ura] Myrrh[ae] & Aloes (Tincture of + myrrh and aloes). 1 lb. 12 oz. + Tinct[ura] Cinnam[omi] (Tincture of cinnamon) 2 lb. + + +SPIRITS + + Sp[iritus] Sal[is] Ammon[iaci] (Spirit of sal + ammoniac) 1 lb. 5 oz. + Sp[iritus] Nitri Dulc[is] [also] Sal[is] + Vol[atilis] (Sweet spirit of nitre) 2-1/2 lb. 1 lb. 12 oz. + Sp[iritus] Lavend[ula] Co[mpositus] + (Compound spirit of lavender) 1 lb. 4 oz. 1-1/2 lb. + Sp[iritus] Vini Rect[ificatus] (Rectified + spirit of wine) 1 lb. 4 oz. + + +MISCELLANEOUS PREPARATIONS + + *Cons[erva] Rosar[um] Rub[rarum] (Conserves + of red roses) 1 lb. + Conf[ectio] Cardiac[a] (Cordial confection) 1 lb. + Elect[uarium] Asthmatic[um] (Asthmatic + electuary) 1 lb. 1 oz. + *Elix[ir] Paregor[icum] (Paregoric elixir) 2 lb. + Pill[ulae] Purgant (Purgative pills) 8 oz. + Pulv[is] e Bol[o Compositus] (Compound powder + of bole with opium) 2 lb. + Linim[entum] Sapo[naceum] (Soap + liniment) 3-1/2 lb. + Sapo[nis] Venet[ian] (Venetian soap) 2 lb. 6 lb. + + +OINTMENTS + + *Ung[euntum] Lap[ide] Calamin[ari] (Ointment + from calamine stone) 10 lb. 4 lb. + *Ung[uentum] Basilic[um] Flav[um] (Yellow + basilicon ointment) 10 lb. + *Ung[uentum] Merc[urale] Fort[is] (Strong + mercurial ointment) 6 lb. + Ung[uentum] e Gum[mi] Elemi (Ointment of + gum elemi) 3 lb. + Ung[uentum] Alb[um] Camp[horatum] (Camphorated + white ointment) 3 lb. + + +PLASTERS + + *Emp[lastrum] Adhesiv[um] (Adhesive plaster) 6 lb. + Emp[lastrum] Diach[ylon] (Simple diachylon + plaster) 6 lb. 2 lb. + Emp[lastrum] Diach[ylon] c[um] G[ummi] + (Diachylon plaster with gum) 1 lb. + *Emp[lastrum] Epispast[icum] [also] Epithema + Vesicatorium (Blistering plaster; + vesicatory plaster). 1 lb. + Emp[lastrum] Stomach[icum] Majest. (Stomach + plaster) 1 lb. + + +SURGICAL DRESSINGS, ETC. + + *_Linteum Praeparatum_ (Lint) 1 lb. fine + Tow 12 lb. fine + Sponge 4 oz. fine + Twine 1 lb. fine 1/2 lb. + Tape 1 piece 2 pieces + Fracture pillows 2 + Splints 2 p. Sharps 34 doz. + Thread 4 oz. + Needles 7 common + Pins 1/2 thousand + Compresses 6 doz. + Bandages 700 + Flannel 6 yds. + Shears 2 pr. + Rags 1 bundle + + +SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS + + Director 1 1 steel + Probe, silver 1 1 + Forceps 1 + Catheters 1 silver + Amputating instruments 1 set + Trepanning instruments 1 Trepan 1 set + Lancets 2 best crown, + 4 common + Tourniquets 1 Brass 8 common + with + ligatures + Syringe, pewter 4 2 + Syringe, ivory 2 + Glyster pipe arm'd 6 + Tooth-drawing instrument 1 Crow Bill + + +PHARMACEUTICAL EQUIPMENT + + Scales and weights 1 box 1 set + Mortar and pestle 1 Brass, + 1 Glass + Tyles (pill tiles) 2 + Spatulas 1 wooden 1 large, + handle, 1 1 pocket + iron handle + Bolus knife 1 + Plaister knife (plaster spatula) 1 + Leather skins 2 lb. + + +MISCELLANEOUS SUPPLIES + + Bottles Assortment Assortment + Gallypots 1 doz. Assortment + Vials 6 doz. sorted + Corks 10 doz. + Pillboxes 1 pacg. + Wrapp[ing] paper 4 quire + Writing paper 1 quire 6 quire + Ink powder 2 papers + Quiles (quills) 14 hundred + + + * * * * * + +U.S. Government Printing Office: 1961 + + +For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing +Office + +Washington 25, D.C.--Price 25 cents + + * * * * * + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] John C. Miller, _Triumph of Freedom, 1775-1783_, Boston, 1948, +preface. + +[2] Louis C. Duncan, _Medical Men in the American Revolution, +1775-1783_, Carlisle Barracks, Pa., 1931; William O. Owen, _The +Medical Department of the United States Army during the Period of the +Revolution_, New York, 1920; James E. Gibson, _Dr. Bodo Otto and the +Medical Background of the American Revolution_, Springfield, Ill., +1937; James Thomas Flexner, _Doctors on Horseback_, New York, 1939. + +[3] Lyman F. Kebler, "Andrew Craigie, the First Apothecary General of +the United States," _Journal of the American Pharmaceutical +Association_, 1928, vol. 17, pp. 63-74, 167-178; Frederick Haven +Pratt, "The Craigies," _Proceedings of the Cambridge Historical +Society_ (1941), 1942, vol. 27, pp. 43-86; Edward Kremers and George +Urdang, _A History of Pharmacy_, Philadelphia, 1951 edition, chap. 11; +Edward Kremers, "The Lititz Pharmacopoeia," _The Badger Pharmacist_, +nos. 22-25, June-December 1938; J. W. England, ed., _The First Century +of the Philadelphia College of Pharmacy_, Philadelphia, 1922, pp. +84-94; _American Journal of Pharmacy_, 1884, vol. 56, pp. 483-491. + +[4] Jonathan Potts Papers, four volumes of miscellaneous manuscripts +at The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia (hereinafter +referred to as Potts Papers). + +[5] Journals of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts Bay, quoted +in Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 22-23. + +[6] Greenleaf Ledger, 1765-1778, at the American Antiquarian Society, +Worcester, Mass. (The Greenleaf pharmacy was established by Elizabeth +Greenleaf in 1726 or 1727. See J. L. Sibley, _Biographical Sketches of +Graduates of Harvard University, in Cambridge, Massachusetts_, +Cambridge, 1920, vol. 5, pp. 472-476; Jonathan Greenleaf, _A Genealogy +of the Greenleaf Family_, New York, 1854, pp. 89, 91, 205, 207; +_Boston Post-Boy_ and _Boston Gazette_, November 8, 1762, obituary of +Elizabeth Greenleaf.) + +[7] Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 23. + +[8] J. R. Alden, _The American Revolution_, New York, 1954 p. 23. + +[9] Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 12-13. + +[10] _Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789_, edited by +Worthington C. Ford, Washington, D.C., 1905, vol. 2, p. 250. Nearly +all excerpts from Ford also appear in Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2). + +[11] _Ibid._, vol. 3, p. 261. The Samuel Ward diary for September 23 +records that "a parcel of medicines for the hospital" was "to be +bought" (E. C. Burnett, _Letters of Members of the Continental +Congress_, Washington, D.C., 1921, vol. 1, p. 205). + +[12] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 344. + +[13] Burnett, _op. cit._ (footnote 11), vol. 1, p. 292. + +[14] _Pennsylvania Ledger_, May 6, 1775. [William Smith in +Philadelphia was selling drugs in 1772 (Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio +52).] + +[15] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, December 26, 1775. + +[16] _Pennsylvania Packet_, September 11, 1775; _Pennsylvania +Journal_, September 6, 1775; _Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 4, 1775. + +[17] The Marshalls sold drugs to Sharp Delaney and William Smith in +April 1776 (Marshall Waste Book, see footnote 20). + +[18] E. T. Ellis, "The Story of a Very Old Philadelphia Drug Store," +_American Journal of Pharmacy_, 1908, vol. 75, p. 57; England, _op. +cit._ (footnote 3), pp. 348-350; Parke, Davis & Co., _A History of +Pharmacy in Pictures_, undated booklet edited by George Bender. + +[19] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 442; vol. 4, pp. 188, +197. + +[20] Christopher Jr. and Charles Marshall Waste Book, February 21 to +July 6, 1776, at The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. + +[21] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 442; vol. 4, pp. 188, +197; Burnett, _op. cit._ (footnote 11), vol. 1. + +[22] Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 18-19. + +[23] _American Archives ..._ Peter Force, ed., Washington, ser. 4, +vol. 1-6, 1837-46; ser. 5, vol. 1-3, 1848-53. Ser. 4, vol. 3, p. 306. + +[24] Duncan, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 62-64. + +[25] _Pennsylvania Packet_, June 24, 1779. + +[26] It is quite possible that the designation "bad" was a +typographical error for "rad[ix]." + +[27] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 5, p. 115. + +[28] _Connecticut Courant_, February 12, 1776. + +[29] _Newport Mercury_, January 15, 1776. + +[30] _Massachusetts Gazette_, September 7, 1775. + +[31] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 4, p. 159. + +[32] _Massachusetts Gazette_, February 22, 1776. + +[33] _Boston Gazette_, April 15, 1776. + +[34] _Ibid._, April 22, 1776. It is worth noting that Morgan did not +think this important enough to include in his _Vindication_ (see +footnote 35). + +[35] John Morgan, _A Vindication of His Public Character in the +Station of Director-General of the Military Hospital, and Physician in +Chief of the American Army; Anno, 1776_, Boston, 1777. + +[36] _Pennsylvania Packet_, June 24, 1779. + +[37] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 5, p. 488. + +[38] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), pp. 102, 144; and _Independent +Chronicle_, April 10, 1777. + +[39] James Thacher, _American Medical Biography_, Boston, 1828, vol. +1, pp. 270-273. + +[40] For biographies of Sylvester Gardiner see _Dictionary of American +Biography_, New York, 1931, vol. 8, pp. 139-140; _Appleton's +Cyclopedia of American Biography_, New York, 1887, vol. 2; H. A. Kelly +and W. L. Burrage, _Dictionary of American Medical Biography_, New +York, 1928, pp. 450-452; James H. Stark, _The Loyalists of +Massachusetts_, Boston, 1910, pp. 313-315. + +[41] Greenleaf Ledger (see footnote 6). + +[42] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 1, pp. 282, 284. + +[43] _Ibid._, p. 314. + +[44] S. E. Morison and H. S. Commager, _The Growth of the American +Republic_, New York, 1950, vol. 1, p. 210. + +[45] _New-York Journal_, July 13, 1775. + +[46] _Ibid._, May 11, 1775. + +[47] _New-York Gazette_, January 1 and January 29, 1776. For a history +of the English patent medicines in America, see G. B. Griffenhagen and +J. H. Young in _The Chemist and Druggist_, 1957, vol. 167, pp. +714-722, and in _U.S. National Museum Bulletin 218_, 1959, pp. 155-183 +(Contributions from the Museum of History and Technology, Paper 10). + +[48] George Washington, _The Writings of George Washington_, edited by +John C. Fitzpatrick, Washington, 1931, vol. 4, pp. 464-465. + +[49] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), pp. 4, 9, 68; _Pennsylvania +Packet_, June 19, 1779; and Washington, _op. cit._ (footnote 48), vol. +4, pp. 464-465. + +[50] Duncan, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 135; Morgan, _op. cit._ +(footnote 35), p. 11. + +[51] _New-York Gazette_, May 6 and December 23, 1776. + +[52] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 4, p. 1026. + +[53] _Ibid._, vol. 6, p. 1431. + +[54] Morgan misspelled Delaney as "Delancey" in his letter of June 25 +to Adams. + +[55] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), p. 128. + +[56] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 5, p. 570. + +[57] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 6, p. 1069. + +[58] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 5, p. 633. + +[59] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), p. 12. + +[60] _Pennsylvania Packet_, June 26, 1779. + +[61] Washington, _op. cit._ (footnote 48), vol. 6, pp. 58-59. + +[62] _Connecticut Courant_, January 6, 1777. + +[63] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), pp. 13, 136, 146. William Smith +was appointed Continental Druggist on August 20; see Ford, _op. cit._ +(footnote 10), vol. 4, pp. 292-293. + +[64] Washington, _op. cit._ (footnote 48), vol. 6, pp. 86, 113. + +[65] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 3, pp. 116, 837. + +[66] _Pennsylvania Packet_, June 24, 1779. + +[67] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), p. 129. + +[68] _Ibid._, p. xxv. [For details of the manner in which Shippen +moved in on Morgan to replace him eventually as director general, see +Flexner, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 3-53.] + +[69] _Ibid._, p. xxxv; Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 55. + +[70] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 7, p. 91. + +[71] _New-York Gazette_, September 30, December 16, 23, 1776, January +20, 1777. + +[72] _Ibid._, December 9, 1776, April 28, June 9, 1777. + +[73] Plough Court Pharmacy letterbook dated April 7, 1778, through +December 8, 1779, in possession of Allen and Hanburys, London. See +also Chapman-Huston and Ernest C. Gripps, _Through a City Archway: The +Story of Allen and Hanburys, 1715-1954_, London, 1954. + +[74] Duncan, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 97. + +[75] Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 39. + +[76] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 6, p. 1069. + +[77] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 1, pp. 651-652, 1114. + +[78] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 77; Morgan to Potts, July 28, 1776. + +[79] _Ibid._, folio 89; Stringer to Potts, August 17, 1776. See also +Gibson, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 108-109. Washington mentions +Stringer's visit with Morgan in a letter to Gates dated August 14 +(Washington, _op. cit._ footnote 48, vol. 5, pp. 433-435). + +[80] _Ibid._; McHenry to Potts, August 3, 1776. [Stringer arrived in +Philadelphia on the evening of August 2.] + +[81] _Ibid._; Stringer to Potts, August 17, 1776. + +[82] _Ibid._; McHenry to Potts, August 21, 1776. + +[83] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 1, p. 1271. For a similarly +worded letter to Egbert Benson dated August 22, see Gibson, _op. cit._ +(footnote 2), p. 112. + +[84] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 98; Stringer to Potts, September 7, +1776. Stringer arrived in Albany on September 5 (Potts Papers, vol. 1, +folio 97). + +[85] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 1, p. 1266. Other items +included "Acet. Com. six barrels; Alo. Hepta. 3 lb.; Calomel 2 lb.; +Emp. Diachyl 10 lb.; Cantharid. 2 lb.; Gm. Guiac 1 lb.; Myrrh 1 lb.; +Hord. Com. 100 lb.; Jerc. Precip. Rub. 1/2 lb.; Merc. Cor. Sublim. 1 +lb.; Rad. Serpent. Virg. 3 lb.; Sal. Nit. 5 lb.; Spirit Sal. Ammo. 4 +lb.; Ung. Diath. 3 lb.; Elix. Asthmat. 5 lb.; and Elix. Vitriol. 10 +lb." Also included were six gross of vials and corks and three reams +of wrapping paper. + +[86] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folios 102-106, 108-111, 114, 119. + +[87] _Ibid._, folio 99. There was a listing for 170 pounds of +"Cathart: Am" (Epsom salts). The 7 pounds of rhubarb was listed as "3 +lb. Rad. Rhaei and 4 lb. Pul. Rhaei." Also on hand were 1-1/2 pounds +of "Mithridat" (opium). + +[88] _Ibid._, folios 73, 94, 124. + +[89] _Ibid._, folio 4; McCrea to Potts, September 2, 1776. + +[90] _Ibid._, folio 124; Johnston to Potts, September 19, 1776. + +[91] _Ibid._, folio 125; Craigie to Potts, October 3, 1776. + +[92] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 2, p. 923. Stringer also wrote +Potts on October 6 to advise him of the stock (Potts Papers, vol. 1, +folio 126). + +[93] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 131; Stringer to Potts, October 15, +1776. + +[94] _Ibid._, folio 133; Stringer to Potts, October 25, 1776. + +[95] _Ibid._, folio 132; Craigie to Potts, October 22, 1776. + +[96] _Ibid._, folio 138; Stringer to Potts, November 7, 1776. + +[97] Duncan, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 110. + +[98] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 453, vol. 4, pp. +24-25. + +[99] Miller, _op. cit._ (footnote 1), pp. 103-113. + +[100] _Virginia Gazette_, August 24, 1776. + +[101] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, July 18, 1776. + +[102] G. B. Griffenhagen, "The Day-Dunlap 1771 Pharmaceutical +Catalogue," _American Journal of Pharmacy_, 1955, vol. 127, pp. +296-302. + +[103] 103 Miller, _op. cit._ (footnote 1), pp. 110-112. + +[104] Greenleaf Ledger, _op. cit._ (footnote 6). + +[105] Potts Papers, vol. 2, folio 213. + +[106] _Ibid._, vol. 3, folio 305. + +[107] _Ibid._, folio 331. + +[108] _Ibid._, folio 346. + +[109] _Ibid._, folio 336. + +[110] _Ibid._, folio 369. + +[111] _Ibid._, folio 331; Craigie to Potts, September 1, 1777. + +[112] Preserved at the Essex Institute, Salem, Massachusetts. + +[113] _Independent Chronicle_, October 30, 1777. + +[114] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 5, p. 748, vol. 7, p. 274, +vol. 8, p. 538. (Smith received $2,490 on September 9, 1776, $2,952 on +April 17, 1777, "for sundry medicines," and Caldwell & Co. received +$666 on July 7, 1777, "for sundry medicine delivered William Smith.") + +[115] _Ibid._, vol. 7, p. 321. (Christopher and Charles Marshall +received $4,151 on May 2, 1777, "for sundry medicines and chirurgical +instruments supplied by them for the use of different battalions of +continental forces.") + +[116] _Pennsylvania Journal_, January 29, 1777. + +[117] Potts Papers, vol. 2, folio 150. + +[118] _Ibid._, folio 153; Bass to Potts, March 17, 1777. + +[119] _Pennsylvania Journal_, June 11, July 9, 23, 1777. + +[120] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 11, p. 546. + +[121] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, March 18, May 27, 1777. + +[122] _Boston Gazette_, February 3, 1777; _Connecticut Courant_, April +7, 1777. + +[123] _Pennsylvania Packet_, April 15, 22, 1777. This anonymous +article was written by Dr. Benjamin Rush and reprinted as a pamphlet. + +[124] Potts Papers, vol. 2, folios 158, 159. + +[125] _Pennsylvania Ledger_, October 10, 1777; _Pennsylvania Evening +Post_, October 14, 18, 1777. + +[126] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, November 1, 8, 13, 1777, April 29, +1778. (A large number of advertisements announcing thefts appeared +during the British occupation.) + +[127] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, January 10 through April 20, 1778, +and _Pennsylvania Ledger_, April 4, 15, 1778. [Yeldall advertised his +"Anti-Venereal Essence" only once under American occupation, but at +$4.00 per bottle (_Pennsylvania Evening Post_, August 26, 1777).] + +[128] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, June 25, 1777. + +[129] Gibson, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 149. + +[130] It was in February 1778 that Dr. Potts assumed his office as +purveyor general for the hospital department of the Continental Army +with the duty of purchasing and distributing all supplies and +medicines (_ibid._, p. 154). + +[131] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 24. (This apparently is the list +prepared by Brown, even though it is not signed by him. The item +"Medicines, Vials, Cork &c £20,000" was added with the statement "The +above enumerated articles should be purchased immediately," and both +were in the handwriting of "W. Shippen, D.G." The document is +undated.) + +[132] _Ibid._, vol. 4, folio 419; Brown to Potts, March 11, 1778. + +[133] _Ibid._, folio 428; Cutting to Potts, March 25, 1778. + +[134] _Ibid._, folio 432; Cutting to Potts, March 30, 1778. + +[135] _Ibid._, folio 441; Cutting to Potts, April 16, 1778. + +[136] _Ibid._, vol. 2, folio 151; Tillotson to Potts, February 22, +1777. [Cutting served as Assistant Apothecary under Craigie at +Cambridge and Roxbury. The feud has not been explored in any of +Craigie's biographies.] + +[137] _Ibid._, vol. 4, folio 429; Craigie to Potts, March 27, 1778. + +[138] _Ibid._, folio 437; Craigie to Potts, April 4, 1778. + +[139] _Ibid._, folio 411; Potts to Gates, February 24, 1778. + +[140] _Ibid._, folio 441; Craigie to Potts, May 1, 1778. + +[141] _Ibid._, vol. 1, folios 41, 44; undated invoices from Lux & +Bowly that undoubtedly were supplied during the spring or summer of +1778. Also, vol. 4, folio 476; letter from James Caldwell to Potts +advising "I sent forward from Baltimore a case of medicine & five +cases of Bark ... I have three cases more of Bark not yet up from +Williamsburg where it arrived." + +[142] _Ibid._, vol. 4, folio 458; Craigie to Potts, May 1, 1778. +Craigie advises: "Enclosed is a small List directed to Mr. Root +[Israel Root or Josiah Root, both apothecaries from Connecticut] which +I think may well be spared from the Northward, and are much wanted +here. I wish therefore they may be ordered. Andrew Atekin our +assistant there might come with them--he would make a good Hospital +Apothecary." Also, vol. 4, folio 431, an undated "Invoice of Medicines +&c. to be forwared for Head Quarters to Compleat ye Regimental +Assortments for the Army of the United States in the Middle Department +for the Campaign 1778." + +[143] _Ibid._, folio 419; Brown to Potts, March 11, 1778. + +[144] _Ibid._, folio 458; Craigie to Potts, May 1, 1778. + +[145] _Ibid._, folio 428; Cutting to Potts, March 25, 1778. Cutting +notes: "as to volatile salts, I expect a fine parcel manufactured at +Carlisle by tomorrow." + +[146] _Ibid._, folio 471; Craik to Potts, May 24, 1778. Dr. Craik, a +regimental surgeon, advises: "I wish you could procure some Cathartic +salts. The Regimental surgeons complain greatly for want of them.... +You may engage any quantity at the salt works in the Jersies." + +[147] Gibson, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 166-167. + +[148] Potts Papers, vol. 4, folios 462, 467; Craik to Potts, May 2 and +May 15. On May 2, Craik advises that "the medicine chests are much +wanted in the Regiments. Doctr. Cutting had best have them filled up +as soon as possible to prevent complaints." On May 15 Craik commented: +"I am sorry Doctr. Cutting went away before the Regiment Chests were +finished; there is great clamour about them tho Doctr. Layman is as +busy as possible.... I hope Doctr. Craig[ie] will soon have his chests +ready." + +[149] Gibson, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 167-168. + +[150] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 25, undated. + +[151] Gibson, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 178, and Duncan, _op. cit._ +(footnote 2), pp. 115-116, 275. + +[152] Miller, _op. cit._ (footnote 1), pp. 425-477. + +[153] An interesting account of the medical aspects of Burgoyne's +campaign is recorded by R. M. Gorssline in _Canadian Defense +Quarterly_, 1929, vol. 6, pp. 356-363. + + * * * * * + +Transcriber's Notes: + +The marker for footnote 3 is missing, but it appears to belong after + "of the _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_ of 1778." + +In footnote 15 I corrected a typo, Pennslyvania for Pennsylvania + +On page 115 I removed an extra quotation mark + (purchasing such medicines "as) + +On page 118 I corrected a typo, capitivity for captivity + (happily delivered from his late capitivity) + +On page 118 I removed an extra quotation mark + (will turn to good Account.") + +On page 120 I corrected a typo, enitrely for entirely + (one half the load is enitrely) + +On page 128 I corrected a typo, mediicines for medicines + (Invoice of a Chest of mediicines) + +On page 129 I corrected a typo, quandrupled for quadrupled + (price more than quandrupled) + +On page 133 I corrected a typo, instument for instrument + (Tooth-drawing instument) + +These words occur both ways in the text and I have not changed them: + Bowly and Bowley, Barnabas and Barnabus + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Drug Supplies in the American +Revolution, by George B. 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Griffenhagen. + </title> + <style type="text/css"> +/*<![CDATA[ XML blockout */ +<!-- + p { margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; + } + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; + } + hr { width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; + } + + table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + + body{margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + } + + img { border-style: none;} + + .pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: smaller; + text-align: right; + } /* page numbers */ + + p.subhead1 { font-size: 120%; + text-align: center; + font-weight: bold;} + + + p.subhead2 { font-size: 110%; + text-align: center; + font-weight: bold;} + + p.subhead3 { font-size: 80%; + text-align: center; + } + + p.ind {text-indent: -2em;} + + .padtop {margin-top: 4em;} + + td.ttop {text-align: left; vertical-align: top;} + td.tl {text-align: left;} + td.tr {text-align: right; vertical-align: bottom;} + + + + + .blockquot{margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 10%;} + + .bb {border-bottom: solid 2px;} + .bl {border-left: solid 2px;} + .bt {border-top: solid 2px;} + .br {border-right: solid 2px;} + .bbox {border: solid 2px;} + + .center {text-align: center;} + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + .u {text-decoration: underline;} + + .caption {font-weight: bold;} + + .figcenter {margin: auto; text-align: center;} + + .figleft {float: left; clear: left; margin-left: 0; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-top: + 1em; margin-right: 1em; padding: 0; text-align: center;} + + .figright {float: right; clear: right; margin-left: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; + margin-top: 1em; margin-right: 0; padding: 0; text-align: center;} + + .footnotes {border: 0;} + .footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + .footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + .fnanchor {vertical-align: super; font-size: .8em; text-decoration: none;} + + .poem {margin-left:10%; margin-right:10%; text-align: left;} + .poem br {display: none;} + .poem .stanza {margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em;} + .poem span.i0 {display: block; margin-left: 0em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i2 {display: block; margin-left: 2em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i4 {display: block; margin-left: 4em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + // --> + /* XML end ]]>*/ + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Drug Supplies in the American Revolution, by +George B. Griffenhagen + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Drug Supplies in the American Revolution + +Author: George B. Griffenhagen + +Release Date: October 28, 2008 [EBook #27076] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DRUG SUPPLIES *** + + + + +Produced by Stacy Brown, Colin Bell, Joseph Cooper and the +Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + + + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span></p> + + +<div style="margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%;"> +<h2 style="text-align: right;"><i>George B. Griffenhagen</i></h2> + + + + +<h1 style="text-align: left;">DRUG SUPPLIES in the<br /> +AMERICAN REVOLUTION</h1> + +<div class="figright padtop" style="width: 250px;"> +<img src="images/color107.jpg" width="250" height="308" alt="mortar and pestle" title="" /> +</div> + + +<p class="padtop" style="font-weight: bold;">Paper 16, pages 109-133, from<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +CONTRIBUTIONS FROM THE MUSEUM<br /> +OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY</p> + +<p class="padtop" style="font-weight: bold;"><span class="smcap">United States National Museum</span><br /> +BULLETIN 225</p> + +<p class="center" style="font-weight: bold; clear: right;">SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION WASHINGTON, D.C., 1961</p> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span></p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span></p> + +<div style="margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%;"> +<p style="font-weight: bold; text-align: right;"><span class="smcap">Contributions from<br /> +<br /> +The Museum of History and Technology</span><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Paper 16</span></p> + + + +<p style="font-weight: bold; text-align: right;" class="padtop"><span class="smcap">Drug Supplies in the American Revolution</span><br /> +<i>George B. Griffenhagen</i></p> + + +<p style="text-align: right;"> +<a href="#Page_111">CONTINENTAL MEDICINE CHESTS 111</a><br /> + + <a href="#Page_113">TREASON, POISON, AND SIEGE 113</a><br /> + + <a href="#Page_115">FROM BAD TO WORSE 115</a><br /> + + <a href="#Page_118">"MEDICINES—NONE" 118</a><br /> + + <a href="#Page_121">PRIVATEERS TO THE RESCUE 121</a><br /> + + <a href="#Page_122">BRISK BUSINESS IN BOSTON 122</a><br /> + + <a href="#Page_122">THE SITUATION IMPROVES 122</a><br /> + + <a href="#Page_123">VALLEY FORGE 123</a><br /> + + <a href="#Page_129">IN SUMMARY 129</a><br /> +</p> +</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span></p> +<h2>DRUG SUPPLIES IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION</h2> + +<p class="center"><i>by George B. Griffenhagen</i></p> + + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>At the start of the Revolution, the Colonies were cut off from the +source of their usual drug supply, England. A few drugs trickled +through from the West Indies, but by 1776 there was an acute +shortage.</i></p> + +<p><i>Lack of coordination and transportation resulted in a scarcity of +drugs for the army hospitals even while druggists in other areas +resorted to advertising in order to sell their stocks. Some relief +came from British prize ships captured by the American navy and +privateers, but the chaotic condition of drug supply was not eased +until the alliance with France early in 1778.</i></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">The Author</span>: <i>George Griffenhagen—formerly curator of medical +sciences, United States National Museum, Smithsonian +Institution—is director of communications, American Pharmaceutical +Association, and managing editor, Journal of the American +Pharmaceutical Association.</i></p></div> + + +<p>As one historian has reminded us, "few fields of history have been +more intensively cultivated by successive generations of historians; +few offer less reward in the shape of fresh facts or theories" than +does the American Revolutionary War.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> This is true to some extent +even in the medical history of the Revolution. The details of the feud +within the medical department of the army have been told and +retold.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Even accounts of the drugs employed and pharmaceutical +services have been presented, primarily in the form of biographies and +as reviews of the <i>Lititz Pharmacopoeia</i> of 1778.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> However, +practically nothing has been published on the actual availability of +medical supplies. Furthermore, the discovery of several significant +but unrecorded account books of private druggists who furnished +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span>sizable quantities of drugs to the Continental Army and a careful +re-evaluation of the unusually significant papers<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> of Dr. Jonathan +Potts, Revolutionary War surgeon, justify a review of the drug +supplies during the early years of the war.</p> + + +<p class="subhead1">Continental Medicine Chests</p> + +<p>As early as February 21, 1775, the Provincial Congress of +Massachusetts appointed a committee to determine what medical supplies +would be necessary should colonial troops be required to take the +field. Three days later the Congress voted to "make an inquiry where +fifteen doctor's chests can be got, and on what terms"; and on March 7 +it directed the committee of supplies "to make a draft in favor of +Doct. Joseph Warren and Doct. Benjamin Church, for five hundred +pounds, lawful money, to enable them to purchase such articles for the +provincial chests of medicine as cannot be got on credit."<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<p>A unique ledger of the Greenleaf apothecary shop of Boston<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> reveals +that this pharmacy on April 4, 1775, supplied at least 5 of the 15 +chests of medicines. The account, in the amount of just over £247, is +listed in the name of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, and shows +that £51 was paid in cash by Dr. Joseph Warren. The remaining £196 was +not paid until August 10, after Warren had been killed in the Battle +of Bunker Hill.</p> + +<p>The 15 medicine chests, including presumably the five supplied by +Greenleaf, were distributed on April 18—three at Sudbury and two each +at Concord, Groton, Mendon, Stow, Worcester, and Lancaster.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> No +record has been found to indicate whether or not the British +discovered the medical chests at Concord, but, inasmuch as the +patriots were warned of the British movement, it is very likely that +the chests were among the supplies that were carried off and hidden. +The British destroyed as much of the remainder as they could +locate.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> + +<div class="figright" style="width: 350px;"> +<img src="images/grey111.jpg" width="350" height="380" alt="" title="" /> +<p>Figure 1.—Medicine scales and oval box of medicinal +herbs used by Dr. Solomon Drowne during the Revolution. Preserved at +Fort Ticonderoga Museum, New York.</p> +</div> + + +<p>Two days after the battles at Lexington and Concord, the Provincial +Congress ordered that a man and horse be made available to transport +medicines. On April 30, Andrew Craigie was appointed to take care of +these medical stores and deliver them as ordered.</p> + +<p>Medical supplies were an early source of anxiety to the Provincial +Congress of Massachusetts. The supply of drugs in Boston must have +been largely controlled by the British after Lexington-Concord, and +the limited supply in the neighboring smaller towns was soon +exhausted. Four days before the Battle of Bunker Hill the Congress +"Ordered that Doct. Whiting, Doct. Taylor and Mr. Parks, be a +committee to consider some method of supplying the several surgeons of +the army with medicines," and further "Ordered that the same committee +bring in a list of what medicines are in the medical store."<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + +<p>On June 10 the responsibility of furnishing medical supplies to the +army at Cambridge shifted to Philadelphia when the Continental +Congress accepted the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span> request of the Massachusetts Provincial +Congress to assume control and direction of the forces assembled +around Boston. The Continental Congress established a Continental +Hospital Plan on July 27, but it was not until September 14 that the +Congress appointed a "committee to devise ways and means for supplying +the Continental Army with medicines." On this same day, the deputy +commissary general was directed to pay Dr. Samuel Stringer for the +medicines he purchased,<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> which, as we learn later, were the initial +supply for the Canadian campaign.</p> + +<p>The first recorded purchase of drugs made directly by Congress, on +September 23, was "a parcel of Drugs in the hands of Mr. Rapalje, +which he offers at the prime cost."<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Then, on November 10, Congress +ordered that the medicine purchased in Philadelphia for the army at +Cambridge be sent there by land.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> But difficulties of supply +commenced early. On January 1, 1776, Eliphalet Dyer wrote Joseph +Trumbull asking "how could the cask of Rhubarb which was sent by order +of Congress and was extremely wanted in the Hospital lye by to this +time. After you came way I wrote to Daniel Brown to see it +delivered."<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p> + +<p>In the fall of 1775 there must have been a reasonably good stock of +drugs in the hands of private Philadelphia druggists, and until the +end of summer there were still a number of ships from Jamaica, +Bermuda, Antigua, and Barbados putting in at Philadelphia with +supplies, much of which originally came from England. Philadelphia +druggists included William Drewet Smith, "Chemist and Druggist at +Hippocrates's Head in Second Street";<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> Dr. George Weed in Front +Street;<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> Robert Bass, "Apothecary in Market-Street"; Dr. Anthony +Yeldall "at his Medicinal Ware-House in Front-Street";<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> and the +firm of Sharp Delaney and William Smith.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> The largest pharmacy in +Philadelphia was operated by the Marshall brothers—Christopher Jr. +and Charles. This pharmacy had been established in 1729 at Front and +Chestnut Streets by Christopher Marshall, Sr., a patriot who took an +active part in the care of the sick and wounded in Philadelphia +hospitals during the Revolution.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> + +<p>As the plans progressed for raising troops from New Jersey, Maryland, +Delaware, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, +Congress called on the committee on medicines "to procure proper +medicine chests for the battalions...."<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> The journal of the +Continental Congress fails to indicate the source of these medicine +chests, but the Marshall brothers' manuscript "waste book" (daily +record) for the period February 21 to July 6, 1776,<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> indicates that +the Marshall apothecary shop was the primary supplier. The records +show that the Marshalls furnished 20 medicine chests to the following +battalions from February to June:<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p> + +<table summary="battle dates" style="margin-left: 0em; width: 40%;"><tbody> +<tr> +<td class="ttop">February 1776:</td> <td>Pennsylvania 1st Battalion</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">March 1776:</td> <td>Jersey 3d Battalion</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">April 1776:</td> <td>Pennsylvania 2d, 3d, and 6th Battalions</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">May 1776:</td> <td>Six Virginia battalions<br /> + Jersey 1st Battalion<br /> + Pennsylvania 4th Battalion</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">June 1776:</td> <td>Six North Carolina battalions<br /> + Virginia 9th Battalion</td> +</tr></tbody></table> + +<p>The exact contents of each chest are indicated in the Marshalls' waste +book. The chest furnished to the Pennsylvania 4th Battalion is an +example of the ones supplied by Congress in the spring of 1776; its +contents are listed on page 130.</p> + +<p>Congress intended that all chests be substantially the same, but the +amount of medicines demanded exceeded the stock of even the largest +druggists. The first several chests were complete as ordered, but as +early as April the Marshalls were running out of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> certain drugs. Gum +opium and nitre "found by Congress" was included in the chest for the +Pennsylvania 4th Battalion, and by May 11 the Marshalls were out of +Peruvian bark, ipecac, cream of tartar, gum camphor, and red +precipitate of mercury. The chests outfitted after June 1 also failed +to include Epsom salts, and the last chest lacked jalap as well. Thus +the majority of the battalions traveling north were already without +some of the most necessary drugs in their chests. Blithely their +medical officers thought they could obtain the missing drugs when they +arrived at the general hospital.</p> + + +<p class="subhead1">Treason, Poison, and Siege</p> + +<p>After the Battle of Bunker Hill, the forces around Boston settled down +for a 9-month siege. Two days after General Washington arrived in +Cambridge on July 2, 1775, to take command of the army, the Provincial +Congress of Massachusetts ordered a committee to prepare a letter +informing him of the provisions that had been made for the sick and +wounded of the army. On the very same day, July 4, the Provincial +Congress appointed Andrew Craigie medical commissary and apothecary +for the Massachusetts army.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p> + +<p>Following a personal inspection by Washington on July 21 and the +establishment of the general hospital plan on July 27, the Continental +Congress elected Dr. Benjamin Church as director general of the newly +created medical department. Soon after this, Church conferred with +several Massachusetts officials regarding the appointment of +apothecaries for the medical store at Watertown. On August 3, a +committee of the Provincial Congress advised "that the Medical Store +in Watertown be continued where it now is, and that Mr. Andrew +Craigie, appointed by the late Congress Apothecary to the Colony, be +directed to take charge thereof, and prepare the necessary +compositions; and that Mr. James Miller Church be appointed Assistant +Apothecary to put up and distribute said Medicines...."<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> + +<p>The medical supplies were slow in coming from Philadelphia, as we have +already noted. On the other hand, troops were arriving daily, placing +an increased demand on all types of supplies, including drugs. One +event which undoubtedly resulted in delays in establishing proper +supply depots was the startling discovery that Director General +Church was guilty of holding treasonable correspondence with the +enemy. On October 16, Congress elected Dr. John Morgan to replace +Church.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p> + +<p>On December 2, by order of Morgan, Apothecary Craigie made an +inventory of the medical supplies in the general hospital at +Cambridge. The inventory included 120 different items, but only +limited quantities of the essential drugs.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> There were 52 pounds of +Jesuits' bark, 18 pounds of cream of tartar, 76 pounds of purging +salts, 1 pound of camphor, 5 pounds of jalap, 1 pound of ipecac, and +½ pound of tartar emetic. The 44 pounds of gum ammoniac was reported +"damaged," and the 86 pounds of rhubarb was described as "bad."<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> An +inventory of medicines held by the different regimental surgeons in +Massachusetts indicated that all regiments had "but few medicines" +except for Colonel Hand's, which reported "a good supply."<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> + +<p>However, this rather meager inventory of drugs probably was not +inadequate. The siege of Boston resulted in few wounded soldiers, and +there was a surprisingly small amount of sickness in the army during +the winter of 1775-76; furthermore, towns not too distant still had a +limited supply of drugs on hand. Smith and Coit, of Hartford, +Connecticut, informed "their good Customers, and the public in +general, that notwithstanding the entire stop to Importation which +hath long since taken place, they still have on hand, small Quantities +of most Articles of the Apothecary Way ... which they mean to sell at +a reasonable retailing Price."<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Jacob Isaacks of Newport, Rhode +Island, similarly advertised "a complete assortment of genuine +Medicines, with furniture for containing the same, to the amount of +about 300 pounds sterling; which medicines were purchased with cash, +and will be sold, at the prime cost and charges, without any advance. +Any of the lawful or Continental bills now current will be taken in +pay for the above medicines."<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p> + +<p>Drug supplies also were quite adequate in Boston during the British +occupation. Sylvester Gardiner at "The Sign of the Unicorn and Mortar +in Marlborow Street" reported that "all kinds of the best and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> +freshest drugs and medicines ... are continued to be sold as usual." +However a cautionary note was added that drugs and medicines had been +"constantly imported every fall and spring to June last." Implicit in +the advertising is the suggestion that the securing of new supplies +was highly uncertain.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p> + +<p>A letter dated December 2, 1775, from a British officer in Boston to a +friend in Edinburgh observed that "many of our men are sick, and fresh +provisions very dear." However, the officer added, "but the Rebels +must be in a much worse condition...."<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> Drugs were imported into +Boston during the siege as evidenced by an advertisement on February +22, 1776, announcing "just imported from LONDON and to be sold at Mr. +Dalton's Store, on the Long-Wharf, a proper assortment of Drugs and +Medicines of the Best quality in Cases."<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> + +<p>By the end of February 1776, Washington had decided to try to end the +siege of Boston by seizing Dorchester Heights and placing his +artillery there in a position to bombard the town. General Howe +believed it was time to leave, and the British evacuated on March 17.</p> + +<p>As the Continental Army moved into Boston, there was an outcry that +the British had poisoned a supply of drugs left behind. On April 15 +the <i>Boston Gazette</i> reported that "it is absolutely fact that the +Doctors of the diabolical ministerial butcher when they evacuated +Boston, intermixed and left 26 weight of Arsenick with the medicines +which they left in the Alms House."<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> Then, a week later, on April +22, appeared a series of testimonials that had been made by Joseph +Warren, Daniel Scott, and Frederick Ridgley at Watertown on April 3d +"by order of the Director-General of the Continental Hospital." Warren +swore under oath that on or about March 29 he had gone into the +workhouse [almshouse] "lately improved as an hospital by the British +troops stationed in said town" and upon examining the state of "a +large quantity of Medicine" left in the medicinal storeroom had found +about 12 or 14 pounds of arsenic intermixed with the drugs, which were +found "to be chiefly capital articles and those most generally in +demand."<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> + +<p>Despite this incident, we have the word of Morgan that "a large, +though unassorted stock of medicines" was collected in Boston when the +British evacuated.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> Hospital Surgeons Ebenezer Crosby and Frederick +Ridgley reported that "at the evacuation of Boston ... all the Mates +of the Hospital that could be spared from Cambridge ... were employed +in packing up and sending off [to Cambridge] drugs, medicines and +other hospital stores, collected by order of Dr. Morgan, the quantity +of which appeared great."<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p> + +<p>Inasmuch as few medicines were listed in the inventory of stores left +by the British on the wharfs and in the scuttled ships in the +harbor,<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> it appears that most of these drugs obtained in Boston +were confiscated from the homes, offices, and shops of the Loyalists +who fled when the British evacuated. Morgan reported that he had taken +possession of the medicines and furniture of Dr. Sylvester Gardiner's +shop, and a small stock of drugs from the office of Dr. William +Perkins, a private practitioner.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> No inventory of these supplies +has been located thus far, but a contemporary biographer of Sylvester +Gardiner records that the confiscated drugs from his shop "filled from +20 to 25 wagons."<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> This is not unlikely because Gardiner's +apothecary shop was one of the largest and most prosperous in the +Colonies prior to the Revolution.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> + +<p>Soon after the British evacuated Boston, the Greenleaf apothecary shop +in Boston was again supplying medicines to the Continental Army. The +Greenleaf ledger<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> shows that on May 25 the shop sold nearly £4 +worth of "Sundry Medicines ... [to] the Committee of War, State of +Massachusetts Bay." Then, on June 20, the Massachusetts Assembly +resolved that "Dr. John Greenleaf of Boston be requested to supply the +Chief Surgeon of ... Colonels Marshall's, Whitney's and Craft's +Regiments <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span>... with medicines as may be necessary...."<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> A short +time later the Assembly advanced "up to £50 to Greenleaf for +purchasing such medicines as he cannot supply from his own store."<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p> + +<p>The Greenleaf ledger shows that over £32 worth of medicines were sold +for Colonel Whitney's regiment and over £36 worth for Colonel +Marshall's regiment between June 13 and November 20, 1776. Thus, drugs +were available; but until the fall of '76, Greenleaf was having +difficulty in obtaining an abundant supply.</p> + + +<p class="subhead1">From Bad to Worse</p> + +<p>General Washington, correctly foretelling that New York City would be +the next British objective, marched there from Boston with as much of +his army as could be induced to stay under the colors. Had it not been +for the presence of Washington's forces in New York, that colony would +certainly have remained Loyalist; as it was, the Patriot committees +had the greatest difficulty in keeping the Tories quiet by strong-arm +methods.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p> + +<p>The availability of drugs in New York prior to the arrival of +Washington's forces did not seem to be particularly affected by the +war. Thomas Attwood "at his store in Dock-Street" offered for sale a +wide assortment of drugs and medicines,<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> while William Stewart +offered "a fresh supply of Genuine Drugs and Medicines ... on the most +reasonable terms either for cash or at the usual credit."<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> The +citizens of New York did not even have to do without their popular +English patent medicines.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p> + +<p>Washington, however, had to provide for his own medical supplies in +New York. In a letter dated April 3 he ordered Director General Morgan +to remove the general hospital to New York with "all convenient +speed...."<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> The fixing and completing of the regimental chests was +to be deferred until Morgan arrived at New York.</p> + +<p>Morgan remained behind in Boston for another six weeks collecting +medicines, furniture, and hospital stores worth thousands of pounds. +"The like quantity ... could not be procured," so Morgan later +claimed, "in any [other] part of America." He was also able to +purchase drugs from Salem, Newport, and Norwich, and before departing +for New York he completed a medicine chest for each of the five +regiments at Boston, Salem, and Marblehead, as ordered by +Washington.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p> + +<p>Morgan arrived in New York about June 3 and purchased some additional +drugs there. By June 17 his staff had made up 30 medicine chests for +the regiments at New York as well as for "the branches of the General +Hospital at New-York, in the bowry and neighborhood and at +Long-Island." But the number of regiments requiring medical supplies +exceeded Morgan's expectations, particularly since he had been advised +that "the Southward regiments" would be supplied by Congress in +Philadelphia.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p> + +<p>By the middle of June, Morgan must have realized that the supply of +drugs available was inadequate despite the sizable quantity brought +from Boston and the small stock he was able to obtain in New York. It +appears that many of the New York druggists were Loyalists, and +somehow they and their stock of drugs disappeared when needed by +Washington's army. For example, druggist Thomas Attwood "removed his +store consisting of a general assortment of Drugs and Medicines" to +Newark in May only to reappear in New York again under British +occupation with a good stock of "Drugs and Medicines."<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p> + +<p>The New York Committee of Safety had attempted to develop a stock of +drugs early in the year when they were plentiful,<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> but in June this +supply was valued at only £30. Even this small stock was not available +to Morgan because when he asked permission to purchase the medicines +at "a reasonable price ... for use of the Continental Hospital" the +New York Provincial Congress rejected his plea on June 26 with the +explanation that this medicine was to be "reserved<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> for the use of the +poor and other inhabitants of this city."<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p> + +<p>With increasing demands to supply the troops in the Northern +Department, Morgan turned to Philadelphia and the Continental +Congress. Morgan owned a small stock of drugs in Philadelphia, and +knew of another supply in the possession of the firm of Delaney and +Smith,<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> so he sent Dr. Barnabus Binney to Philadelphia to forward +"with all dispatch" what medicines he had there and whatever could be +obtained from Congress.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> Congress resolved on July 17 "to purchase +the Medicines (now in Phila) belonging to Doctor Morgan,"<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> but for +nearly a month Binney was unable to obtain any additional supplies +either from Congress or from private sources.</p> + +<p>On June 25 Morgan wrote to Samuel Adams asking for power "to demand a +proportion of the Continental medicines left in care of Messrs. +Delaney & Smith," and he repeated the request in July. However, +Morgan's only reply from Adams, dated August 5, made no mention of the +Delaney and Smith drug stock. Instead Adams wrote only: "I have +received several letters from you, which I should have sooner +acknowledged, if I could only have found leisure. I took however, the +necessary steps to have what you requested effected in Congress."<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p> + +<p>Finally, on August 8, Congress directed the committee for procuring +medicines "to supply the director general of the Hospital with such +medicines as he may want."<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> By this time, such a resolution was +hardly much consolation to Morgan. Evidence of the status of the +supplies in the general hospital at New York can be gleaned from an +advertisement in the <i>New-York Gazette</i> of July 29 signed by Thomas +Carnes, "Steward and Quarter-Master to the General Hospital":</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>WANTED immediately ... a large quantity of dry herbs, for baths, +fomentations, &c. &c. particularly baum hysop, wormwood and +mallows, for which a good price will be given. The good people of +the neighboring towns, and even those who live more remote from +this city, by carefully collecting and curing quantities of useful +herbs will greatly promote the good of the Army, and considerably +benefit themselves.</p></div> + +<p>The retreat from Long Island on August 27 and the subsequent loss of +New York City to the British certainly did not help the medical supply +problem. Despite the fact that part of the medical stores were shipped +to Stamford, Connecticut, and another stock of supplies removed to +Newark, Morgan admits that "the most valuable part was still left in +New-York when the enemy had effected a landing, drawn a line across +the island, and were entering New-York."<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> General Knox later told +how "late in the day of the 15th of September, 1776, after the enemy +had beat back part of the American troops," Morgan "came over from +Powles Hook in a pettiauger, and had her loaded with Hospital +stores."<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> Washington personally reported on September 16 that "the +retreat was effected with but little loss of Men, tho' a considerable +part of our Baggage ... part of our Stores and Provisions, which we +were removing, was unavoidably left in the City...."<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p> + +<p>One small bundle of private drug supplies saved from the British is +reported<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> by "Doct. Prime, A Refuge from Long Island," who +announced the opening of a shop in Wethersfield. The newspaper +advertisement reported that Prime</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>... has saved from the enemy a parcel of medicines, part of which +he would barter for such articles as he wants, especially shop +utensils of which he had unfortunately lost the most of his own....</p></div> + +<p>The medical supply problem went from bad to worse as Washington's army +retreated from Harlem Heights to White Plains and then finally into +New Jersey. Morgan again turned to Philadelphia for drugs, but +obtained "none or next to none." Instead of ten pounds of tartar +emetic which Morgan requested from Philadelphia druggist Robert Bass +and the newly appointed Continental Druggist, William Smith, four +ounces was all that he received, but with "a proper apology."<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a></p> + +<p>On September 21, the supply of bark was completely exhausted, and +Washington was furious. On September 24 in a letter to the President +of the Congress, Washington charged that the regimental surgeons were +aiming "to break up the Genl. Hospital" and that they had "in +numberless Instances<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> drawn for Medicines, Stores, &c. in the most +profuse and extravagent manner for private purposes."<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p> + +<p>To make matters worse, new troops continued to arrive without medical +supplies. For example, those from Maryland arrived at White Plains +with their regimental surgeons fully expecting Morgan to supply them +with medicines, even though the Maryland Convention on October 4 had +ordered that these troops be supplied with medicines by the Maryland +Council of Safety before their departure.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p> + +<p>Morgan thought he had at least one small but safe stock of drugs. +Barnabas Binney, who was sent to Philadelphia in July for medical +supplies, was successful in obtaining "a reasonable good order" about +the middle of August, including "30 lb. Camphor; 10 lb. Ipecac; 7 lb. +Opium; 50 lb. Quicksilver; 40 lb. Jalap; 68 lb. Manna; 186 lb. Nitre; +200 lb. Cream of Tartar; 269 lb. Bark; and other important +articles."<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> However, since these supplies arrived at Newark just as +Washington was beginning to pull out of Long Island, they were +deposited at a newly established hospital under Cutting, the assistant +apothecary.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p> + +<p>When Morgan finally began drawing on these supplies, Dr. William +Shippen had been placed in charge of the hospitals in New Jersey and +the medicines had been turned over to him by a vote of Congress.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> +Finally, on January 9, 1777, Congress dismissed Morgan as director +general without giving any reasons except to indicate indirectly that +it was due to his inability to provide adequate medical supplies.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> +To add insult to injury, on February 5 Congress asked "what is become +of the medicines which Dr. Morgan took from Boston ..." and resolved +to "take measures to have them secured, and applied to the use of the +army."<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p> + +<div class="figright" style="width: 350px;"> +<img src="images/grey116.jpg" width="350" height="191" alt="" title="" /> +<p>Figure 2.—Set of surgical instruments used by Dr. +Benjamin Treadwell during the Revolution. Included are three +amputation knives, forceps, a ball extractor, and two surgical hooks. +Preserved at the Medical Museum of the Armed Forces Institute of +Pathology. (<i>Photo courtesy of Armed Forces Institute of Pathology.</i>)</p> +</div> + +<p>Meanwhile, in New York City the supply of drugs had returned to normal +or near normal within a few weeks after the British occupation. On +September 30, 1776, Thomas Brownejohn announced the opening "of his +medicinal store at the corner of Hanover-Square ... where gentlemen of +the army and navy can be supplied at the shortest notice with all +kinds of medicines on the most reasonable terms." On December 16 +Richard Speaight announced that he "has once again opened his Shop at +the sign of the Elaboratory in Queen-Street," and a week later<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> Thomas +Attwood returned from Newark to open "his store of Drugs and Medicines +in Dock-Street." To touch upon the sympathy of the Loyalists, Donald +McLean, "Surgeon of the late Seventy-Seventh Regiment," reported in +January 1777 that he was "now happily delivered from his late +captivity" and again opening a shop in Water-Street for drugs and +medicines.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p> + +<p>Importations from London commenced as early as December 1776 when "the +Brig Friendship lying at Beaches Wharf" offered for sale "An +Assortment of Drugs, Consisting of Bark, Opium, Rhubarb, &c." In April +1777 Speaight advertised "a fresh Importation ... from the original +ware-houses in London," and, in June, Attwood advertised "A large and +general Assortment of Drugs and Medicines freshly imported.... Several +Medicine Chests complete, fitted up in London, with printed +Directions."<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p> + +<p>Importation by the British was not without its problems, however. +Joseph Gurney Bevan, owner of the Plough Court Pharmacy in London, +wrote Dr. Traser in Jamaica on October 25, 1777:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I hope thou will be pleased with the Bark. It is very good and the +best I have seen this year, but I do not think any Bark in town is +equal to what I have seen in former years. Thou wilt note the snake +root to be very dear. The cause is the stoppage of the American +trade. Opium is also much higher than I ever knew it. The insurance +is raised on account of the American privateers.</p></div> + +<p>Answering a letter from William Stewart of New York, Bevan wrote on +March 5, 1777:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I wish it were yet in my power to ... forward the medicines and +utensils thou hast written for. But on inquiry I am informed that +it is not permitted that anything shall yet be sent to New York in +a merchantile way. Therefore I must defer till the wanted +intercourse between us and you is re-established.... I want to +advise thee to buy what snake root thou cans't pick up which I +believe if sent hither at the first opening of the trade, will turn +to good Account.</p></div> + +<p>Bevan was still reluctant to make any shipments in April because the +"ships and cargoes on their arrival at New York will be at the mercy +of the persons in command there," but on September 4 he shipped a +large order to McLean.<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> During the remainder of the war, the +Plough Court Pharmacy continued regular shipments to McLean as well as +to Stewart and to Brownejohn.</p> + + +<p class="subhead1">"Medicines—None"</p> + +<p>Morgan's chaotic situation at New York was mild compared to the +conditions at Fort George and Ticonderoga in the Northern Department. +Dr. Samuel Stringer, medical director of the Northern Department, +wrote General Washington on May 10, 1776, that the majority of the +regimental surgeons had neither medicines nor instruments, and that +there was no possibility of getting them in Canada. Washington replied +that he would direct Dr. Morgan to send the required supplies, and ask +for additional help from Congress.<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> However, until early in June, +Morgan was in no position to outfit medicine chests for any of the +troops at New York, much less for the army in the north; and Congress +didn't even get around to directing "the committee appointed to +provide medicines ... to send a proper assortment of medicine to +Canada" until June 17.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></p> + +<p>After Morgan had established the general hospital at New York, he +wrote to Samuel Adams on June 25 that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>... the state of the Army in Canada ... for a supply of medicines +is truly deplorable. General Gates sets out to-morrow to take +command of the Army in Canada. Dr. Potts will accompany him. I have +therefore given orders to supply him from the General Hospital with +a large chest of such medicines as I can best spare, and which can +be got ready to-morrow before his departure.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p></div> + +<p>Until July 24, the only medicines to arrive at Fort George were the +"few that Dr. Potts brought with him" even though Morgan had, +according to Stringer, promised to send "by the first sloop twenty +half-chests of medicines" put up at New York for ten battalions in the +north. Stringer therefore asked permission of General Gates at +Ticonderoga to "go forth to York and see the medicines forthwith +forwarded by land, until they can be safely conveyed by water." +Permission was granted on July 29 and Stringer departed for New +York.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> Meanwhile, Morgan had written Potts on July 28 that he had +sent Dr. James McHenry to Philadelphia for drugs, and that he was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> +sending Andrew Craigie to Fort George to "act as an Apothecary." +Morgan also asked for an inventory of drugs on hand in the Northern +Department.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></p> + +<p>Stringer spent only a day or two in New York with Morgan—just long +enough to intensify their personal feud over responsibilities and +authority. Stringer determined that the "twenty half-chests" +apparently were a figment of someone's imagination, because supplies +in New York were almost as bad as they were in the north. Also, he +learned that Morgan was sending a box of medicine northward "under the +care of the Surgeon of Col. Wayne Regt."<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> that was undoubtedly +intended to serve only as a regimental chest. Stringer then hurried on +to Philadelphia just in time to intercept McHenry, who had obtained +"an order from the Committee of Congress for 40 lb. Bark, 10 [lb.] +Camphire and some other articles."<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a></p> + +<p>Stringer wrote Potts on August 17 that at last he had obtained an +order for medicines that would be packed in two days, but added "when +you'll receive them God knows." He also reported that "there will also +arrive another Box under the care of Doct. McHenry containing only 5 +articles of which there is but 30 lbs. Bark and I think not a +purgative except some few pounds of Rhubarb and a little Fol. +Senae."<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> McHenry, however, only got as far as New York with his +meager supplies, because Stringer discharged him from the service in +an attempt to show both Morgan and Potts who had the most +authority.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></p> + +<p>Stringer's inexcusably long absence from his hospital post and failure +to send the needed medicines so aroused General Gates that he wrote +the President of the Congress on August 31 as follows:<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Director of the General Hospital in this department, Doctor +Stringer, was sent to New-York three and thirty days ago, with +positive orders to return the instant he had provided the drugs and +medicines so much wanted. Since then, repeated letters have been +wrote to New-York and Philadelphia, setting forth in the strongest +terms the pressing necessity of an immediate supply of these +articles.</p></div> + +<p>Finally, almost a month after his arrival in Philadelphia, Stringer +set out for Albany with a small stock of drugs. On September 7 he +wrote Potts from Albany that he hoped the small supply that he +obtained and the chest of medicines that Morgan had just sent would +hold out until he could obtain additional supplies in New England, +where he was then headed "to ransack that Country of those articles we +want."<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></p> + +<p>Meanwhile, Potts at Fort George had started making the desired +inventory of medicines. It came as no surprise to anyone that the +situation was deplorable—indeed, it was worse than that. On August 31 +a committee of surgeons at Ticonderoga prepared at General Gates' +order "A Catalogue of Medicines Most Necessary for the Army." This +list, undoubtedly representing the minimum requirements of each +battalion, called for 20 pounds of bark, 4 pounds of gum camphor, 2 +pounds of gum opium, 3 pounds of powdered ipecac, 4 pounds of powdered +jalap, 2 pounds of powdered rhubarb, 15 pounds of Epsom salts, and 3 +pounds of tartar emetic among two dozen different medicines.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> +Instead of these minimum requirements, regimental surgeons at +Ticonderoga, Crown Point, Mount Independence, and Fort George +presented inventories (mostly dated September 8) that clearly +emphasized their destitute condition.</p> + +<p>The first New Jersey battalion at Ticonderoga reported "No Jallap, +Rhubarb, Salts, or Ipecac"; while Colonel Whilocks' regiment at +Ticonderoga reported "No medicines exclusive of private property." The +five companies of artillery at Fort George reported "Medicines—None," +as did the 24th Regiment at Mount Independence. Others reported small +or "tollerable" assortments of medicine. A close examination of the +inventory of the Pennsylvania 6th Battalion at Crown Point shows it to +have been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> lacking bark, ipecac, rhubarb, camphor, and salts; and only +one-half ounce of jalap and 2 ounces of gum opium remained in the +chest outfitted by Christopher and Charles Marshall on April 25 in +Philadelphia. The 15th Regiment of Foot at Mount Independence claimed +2 ounces of bark and 1½ ounces of gum opium, while the 6th Regiment +at Ticonderoga was as well off as any with one-half pound of bark and +4 ounces of gum opium.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> Compared with the minimum need of 20 pounds +of bark and 2 pounds of gum opium, even this was not of much comfort.</p> + +<p>The inventory "of the Medicines in the Continental Store at Fort +George" dated September 9 was not very comforting either. While the +store included 137 different items, including equipment and containers +of all the capital medicines, only Epsom salts appeared to be +available in a sufficient quantity. Seven pounds of rhubarb were also +on hand, but conspicuous by their absence were bark, ipecac, jalap, +gum camphor, and gum opium.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a></p> + +<p>With their continuous requests and demands, the regimental surgeons +made life miserable for Potts. Surgeon Mate of the Pennsylvania 1st +wrote that the "Chest of Medicine ... is not yet arrived but expect it +hourly...." Trumbull asked: "Have your Medicines arriv'd? Have +Stringer or McHenry made their appearance yet? Our people fall sick by +Dozens. I not a Pennys worth of Medicine have for them, even in the +most virulent disorders." Surgeon Johnston begged: "Pray if possible +send me 4 pounds Pulv. Cort. Peruv. [Bark] and 3 ounces Tart[ar] +Emet[ic]. With those medicines I think I could restore a number of our +best Men to perfect Health."<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p> + +<p>In those instances where some drugs were on hand, the shortage of +pharmaceutical equipment hampered, if not prevented, the preparation +of proper dosage forms. Surgeon McCrea on board the <i>Royal Savage</i> +wrote on September 2 that he "found a great inconvenience for want of +scales & waits,"<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> and the surgeon at Crown Point wrote on September +19 that "the Medicines which I rec'd a few days ago will be of very +little Benefit as I have no fit Mortar &c. to prepare them with & must +use them in Decoction."<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></p> + +<p>It wasn't until October that any relief arrived, and even then there +were disappointments. Andrew Craigie, at Fort George, received a +wagonload of herbs on October 3, but, as Craigie reported to Potts, +"one half the load is entirely useless, containing Saffron, Pink +flower, and whole H[eade]d Pennyroyal, &c. &c. Dr. Brown thinks his +broad shoulders would carry all the articles that are worth anything." +Craigie recommended to Potts that payment should not be made for all +the useless articles.<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p> + +<p>The long-lost Stringer finally arrived at Albany from Boston on +October 5 and reported to Gates that he had met the greatest success +in procuring £5,000 of medicines.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> Ten days later, Stringer wrote +Potts that he was now forwarding "by waggon two Barrels & 1 Box of +Medicines ... [which] will suffice for the present, not thinking it +prudent to send up the whole, especially as we can always get them up +as they are wanted."<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></p> + +<p>Even after the long delay, most of the supplies were still held in +Albany instead of being distributed among the surgeons who needed +them. This infuriated Potts to a point that even Stringer found it +necessary, on October 25, to explain:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I received yesterday a letter from you ... before this time you +will have rec'd such of the articles you desired as we had to spare +[from] the Medicines I purchased at Boston ... I thought [it] not +proper to risque [them] up here; neither were any of them in +powder, and all that were so at this place we sent you, and have +two hands busy in preparing more for our own use. I hope that [the +shipment] sent will be sufficient for your purpose.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></p></div> + +<p>Andrew Craigie had sent three barrels and four boxes of supplies to +Ticonderoga on October 22,<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> but the shipment obviously did not +suffice. On November 7 Stringer wrote that "as soon as possible the +Medicines you wrote for shall be prepared and sent, but they are +chiefly to be pulverized." In his typical style he added, "I cannot +conceive what use you will have for five sieves when you have no large +mortar."<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></p> + +<p>The November 27 report of the committee of Congress on the conditions +in the general hospital<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> at Fort George indicates that the supply +situation was at last reasonably good,<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> but by this time the season +was far advanced and the forces had to retire to winter quarters. +Stringer was relieved of his command along with Morgan early the +following year. Unlike that of Morgan, Stringer's dismissal appears to +have been based on reasonably good grounds.</p> + + +<p class="subhead1">Privateers to the Rescue</p> + +<p>Despite Congress' slow start in providing medical supplies, its +members realized as early as December 1775 that additional sources of +supply outside the Colonies would be required. On December 23 they +heard that £2,000 of medicines, surgeon's instruments, and lint and +bandages were required by the army, and on January 3, 1776, the Secret +Committee reported to Congress that these supplies should be imported +as soon as possible.<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p> + +<p>In September 1775 Congress had created the Secret Committee to +supervise the export and import of vital materials required for the +war. Licenses to leave port were given shipmasters on the condition +that they would return with vital military stores. Under this +dispensation, American ships set out for Europe, Africa, and the West +Indies in search of essential supplies.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> Many months were required, +however, to establish such importation as a significant source of +supply, and this was especially true with regard to medical supplies.</p> + +<p>The delay in initiating importation can hardly be charged as the only +or even the main reason for medical supply shortages in 1776. For +example, in August of that year, when at least a half-dozen medical +supply officers were pleading for drugs from Congress in Philadelphia, +John Thomson of Petersburg, Virginia, advertised that he had for sale +"Rhubarb and Jalap, Glauber and Epsom Salts, Jesuits Bark" and a host +of other supplies.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> Whether or not Thomson's supplies constituted +any significant amount, the very fact that he had to advertise them +indicates a lack of coordination and communication between those +urgently seeking supplies and those selling them.</p> + +<p>Even more frustrating were those suppliers right under Congress's nose +advertising essential drugs. Suppliers like Dr. Anthony Yeldall at +"his Medicinal Ware-House" were still advertising "Bark, Camphire, +Rhubarb, &c" in July of '76.<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> Philadelphia was second only to New +York for Loyalists, and Yeldall was later proven to be a strong Tory. +Then there were those who were neither Patriot nor Loyalist; they were +just indifferent to the cause for American independence, and thus +insisted on cash, even though six months' credit was the common +practice just prior to the war. In 1771 in Philadelphia one druggist +regularly gave a 15 percent discount on all purchases if paid within +six months and 7½ percent discount was allowed for payments between +six and nine months, but interest was expected on all debts over a +year's standing.<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></p> + +<p>The business-minded members of Congress tried to follow prewar methods +by seeking credit. Merchants who sold on credit found that, when they +finally were paid, they received paper money backed only by a promise +to exchange for gold and silver at some future time. Furthermore, they +were caught in a spiraling inflation, and often found that when they +finally received their money from Congress it then would cost them +twice as much to replenish their stocks. Medical supply officers +therefore found it necessary to pay ready cash for merchandise out of +their own pocket, and sometimes they had to wait six months for +reimbursement from Congress.</p> + +<p>As we have noted, by the fall of 1776 Boston had become a better +source of supply of drugs than Philadelphia, although it had been +occupied by the British for nine months and Morgan had removed most of +the drugs left there the previous May. This was primarily due to a +single factor—the American privateer. British shipping was vulnerable +to the American privateers, which were fast vessels well suited to +this kind of enterprise. Well over 1,000 captures were made during the +war by Massachusetts privateers alone, and the arrivals of rich prize +ships at New England ports became frequent.<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p> + +<p>The Greenleaf ledger confirms that drugs were included in some of +these prize ships. On December 14, 1776, Greenleaf records the receipt +of £62 from the Massachusetts government in payment for "an invoice of +Druggs taken from the prize ship Julius Caesar." Greenleaf received an +even larger stock "of druggs taken in the prize Brig Three Friends" +in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> March 1777. This was valued at over £170, and was also used by +Massachusetts to pay on its account with Greenleaf, largely for +outfitting its privateers.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p> + +<p>On June 30, 1777, J. G. Frazer of Boston wrote Dr. Potts, still at +Ticonderoga, as follows:<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I have the pleasure to give you this Early notice of a prize ship +being sent into Casco Bay last week with four tons of Jesuits Bark +on board for one valuable article besides a great quantity of other +stores for the British Army at New-York.</p></div> + + +<p class="subhead1">Brisk Business in Boston</p> + +<p>A series of letters to Director General Potts from Apothecary Andrew +Craigie, who was on a purchasing trip through New England, gives us an +interesting glimpse into the situation. On August 29, 1777, Craigie +wrote Potts from Springfield<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> that he had just arrived from +Wethersfield where he purchased 222 pounds of bark of excellent +quality. He saw it weighed and repacked, and left the necessary +instructions for shipment to Albany. Having heard that "a quantity of +Bark & other articles are arrived at some eastern ports" Craigie took +off for Boston where he wrote Potts on September 1 as follows:<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I wrote you from Springfield aquainting you that I had engaged 222 +lb. Bark at the Price [£5 per pound] Mr. Livingston mentioned to +you; it being very dear induced me to engage a less quantity than +you proposed 'til I should make enquiry here. I find to my great +mortification that it is 40/[shillings] less than that in +Wethersfield. I wish we could get clear of that engagement, and at +least think some adjustment should be made as I am informed it cost +Mr. Livingston who bought it at publick sale only 3 Pounds at which +price I expect to engage 1 or 200 lb. tomorrow.... In the morning I +go to Cape Anne about 40 miles from this, after medicines that have +lately arrived....</p></div> + +<p>Recalling Stringer's long absence of the previous year, Craigie +concluded:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I shall pay particular attention to, and if to be had, procure the +articles, but everything is very dear. I hope not to exceed the +time you have limited.</p></div> + +<p>Craigie returned to Albany on September 20 and advised Potts that he +"succeeded in procuring medicines as expected" and that he had "on the +road 2 covered waggons of capital medicines &c."<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> The shipment +included 200 pounds of bark that Craigie bought at £3 a pound, and +waiting for him in Albany were also the 222 pounds of bark, for which +he was billed at £5 a pound plus £23/10 "Carting and Expenses."<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> +Payment had not been made by November 10,<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> nor was there any +evidence of an adjustment.</p> + +<p>At the same time that Craigie was in Boston purchasing supplies for +the Northern Department, Apothecary Jonathan B. Cutting of the Middle +Department was also there, competing with him.<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> Furthermore, +several agents for the Congress (Thomas Cushing, Daniel Tillinghast, +and John Bradford) were purchasing drugs for the Continental Navy. +Greenleaf's ledger records that between January 23 and May 28 over +£500 worth of medicine chests and sundry medicines were sold to "The +United American States" for the Continental frigates <i>Boston</i>, +<i>Hancock</i>, <i>Providence</i>, and <i>Columbus</i>.</p> + +<p>This competition among various branches of the army and navy led to a +brisk business in Boston. Druggists in nearby communities chanced the +British blockade to send supplies which they had on hand. For example, +Jonathan Waldo, an apothecary at Salem, Massachusetts, recorded in his +account book<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> on April 8, 1777, that "13 packages and 4 cases of +medicines are ship'd on Board the Sloop called the Two Brothers Saml +West Master. An Account and [illegible word] of Mr. Oliver Smith of +Boston Apothecary and to him consigned." Evidence of the war appears +in the footnote to the entry, however. It reads: "The cases are +unmarked being ship'd at Night. Error Excepted. Jon. Waldo."</p> + + +<p class="subhead1">The Situation Improves</p> + +<p>Oliver Smith, advertising in a Boston newspaper in October 1777, +clearly emphasized the fact that "A Large and Valuable Assortment of +Drugs and Medicines" were on hand. Included in the listing were bark, +gum camphor, gum opium, jalap, rhubarb, and salts.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></p> + +<p>Back in Philadelphia, the supply situation was also improving. William +Smith, Continental Druggists, received over $5,000 from Congress for +drug purchases,<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span>and the Marshalls also continued to furnish +Congress with a variety of medical supplies in amounts upwards of +$4,000.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> Drugs were occasionally being imported into Philadelphia +despite the British blockade. In January 1777, Robert Bass, an +apothecary in Market Street, advertised<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> "A Quantity of Peruvian +Bark, just imported ... together with Drugs and Medicines of most +kinds." Bass was supplying the Northern Department with drugs in +February 1777, but, according to a letter from John Warren to Potts, +"he is determined not even to pack them untill he shall receive the +money in payment for them."<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> In March, Bass wrote Potts directly +that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>... if in future you want any compositions let me know in time that +I may have them ready. I cou'd not send a full quantity [of] fly +Plasters, but am this week making a large quantity of most kinds +and shall send of deficiency in your next order.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a></p></div> + +<p>In June, Christopher and Charles Marshall also received "a small +assortment of valuable medicines, just imported and to be sold"<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> +to replenish their stock. Even Congress purchased directly certain of +the importations, on May 28, 1778, for example, ordering that "755 +42/90 dollars be advanced to the Committee of Commerce, to enable them +to pay Andrew and James Caldwell, the freight of sundry medicines +imported in their sloop from Martinico."<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> Many of the British +prize ships were carried to the French island of Martinique in the +West Indies for trans-shipment of their cargoes.</p> + +<p>These shipments however did not meet with the requirements for medical +supplies. In March, Apothecary Cutting, then stationed at the +"Continental Medicine Store in Fourth-Street," Philadelphia, +advertised that "any price will be given for old sheets, or half worn +linen proper for lint and bandages," while, in May, Commissary Hugh +James advertised that "a handsome price will be given for Vials and +Corks."<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> The problems of medical supplies were often brought to +the attention of the public. Thomas Carnes, "Quarter Master and +Steward" of the American hospital in New England, advertised in +several papers that he</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>is authorized to make known in this public manner, that no Expense +shall be spared in future in making the most ample Provision for +the sick and wounded of the Army.... Proper medicines will be +prepared, not only by General Hospitals, but by Regimental +Surgeons. The Difficulties the Sick and Wounded met with the last +Campaign arose from the unsettled State of the Army, and the +Distance Medicines, and other Necessaries used to be sent.<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a></p></div> + +<p>The reorganization of the medical department by Congress, including +the establishment of "two Apothecaries" and their duties, was +published in the <i>Pennsylvania Packet</i> on April 15, and a front page +account presenting "directions for preserving the Health of Soldiers" +was featured in the next issue.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p> + +<p>Dr. Potts wrote the Medical Committee in Congress on April 3, 1777:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I have the Honour to enclose you a Return of the Medicines & Stores +belonging to the General Hospital in the Department, which I have +received from Doctor Samuel Stringer, these with what I brought +with me from Philadelphia & some few I expect from Boston will be +quite sufficient for this campaign.</p></div> + +<p>In contrast to the time when stores were short in '76, the chairman of +the Medical Committee, M. Thornton, was quick to reply on April 12 +that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>... we are highly pleased with your having the prospect of a +sufficient supply of medicines in your Department for the ensuing +Campaign, & approve of the returns you have made us.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a></p></div> + + +<p class="subhead1">Valley Forge</p> + +<p>Washington's forces were defeated at Brandywine on September 11, 1777, +and on September 25 the British army occupied Philadelphia. +Washington, after trying without success to dislodge them by a sudden +attack at Germantown on October 4, retreated to Valley Forge.</p> + +<p>Business in Philadelphia under British occupation continued much as it +had under American control, except for a few missing suppliers and a +few new ones.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> One druggist who was little in evidence after the war +commenced was back in business advertising within <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span>two weeks after the +British occupied Philadelphia. It was William Drewet Smith (not to be +confused <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span>with William Smith) who advised "friends and customers ... +that they can be supplied with Medicine and Drugs as usual, at his +shop in Second-Street." To indicate that he was expecting an active +business, Smith also advertised for "a person who can be well +recommended for honesty and sobriety ... to attend a Druggist's +Shop."<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p> + +<div class="figleft" style="width: 400px;"> +<a href="images/grey124-big.jpg"><img src="images/grey124-sm.jpg" width="300" height="500" alt="" title="" /></a> +<p>Figure 3.—Page from the Waste Book manuscript of the +Christopher Marshall, Jr., and Charles Marshall apothecary shop in +Philadelphia. This is the first page of the contents of a medicine +chest furnished on order of the Continental Congress for the +Pennsylvania 4th Battalion. Preserved at the Historical Society of +Pennsylvania, in Philadelphia.</p> +</div> + +<div class="figright" style="width: 400px;"> +<a href="images/grey125-big.jpg"><img src="images/grey125-sm.jpg" width="300" height="456" alt="" title="" /></a> +<p>Figure 4.—Page from the ledger of the Greenleaf +apothecary shop in Boston, showing the accounts between September 3, +1776, and May 28, 1777, with "the United American States" for +outfitting ships of the Continental Navy. Preserved at the American +Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass.</p> +</div> + + +<p style="clear: both;">During the British occupation there was a large number of thefts and +losses—perhaps aided by the American patriots who remained in +Philadelphia—that included drugs and surgical instruments. In +November an advertisement reported the loss of "a sett of Surgeons +Pocket instruments in a crimson chequered covering, with a silver +clasp. Whoever will bring them to the bar of the coffee-house or to +Mr. Allman, surgeons mate of the Royal Artillery, shall have a Guinea +reward, and no questions asked." In April an unidentified druggist +advertised: "Stolen yesterday afternoon out of an apothecary's shop +Three Specie Glasses, with brass caps; one contained two pounds of +native cinnabar. Whoever discovers the thief and goods shall have +Twenty Shillings reward from the printer."<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a></p> + +<p>A sign of the times is evident from the advertisement by Dr. Anthony +Yeldall, who offered his "Anti-Venereal Essence at only Two Dollars." +This nostrum, it was claimed, would not only cure the disease, but +would "absolutely prevent catching the infection." Each bottle came +with printed instructions "so that no questions need be asked." The +fact that the advertisement appeared no less than 10 times from +January through April speaks for its success.<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> It is interesting +to note that, after the British evacuated Philadelphia, "Anthony +Yeldall, Surgeon, late of the city of Philadelphia," was included +among those who were charged as having "knowingly and willingly aided +and assisted the enemies" and who would be brought to trial for high +treason.<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a></p> + +<p>While the British forces rested, well nourished, warm, and relatively +secure in Philadelphia, Washington's troops, hardly more than 20 miles +away, were tortured by cold, hunger, and disease. On December 23 there +were 2,898 men at Valley Forge reported sick or unfit for duty because +of lack of clothing.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> Even so, the lack of medical supplies was +nowhere near as bad as the conditions that existed in '76. Under the +command of Director General Shippen and Purveyor General Potts,<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> +the medical department operated a series of hospitals in such +Pennsylvania communities as Easton, Bethlehem, Lancaster, Ephrata, and +Lititz. The principal hospital for Valley Forge was established 10 +miles away at Yellow Springs (now Chester Springs).</p> + +<p>The largest drain on medical supplies appears not to have been during +the height of winter but rather in the early spring when the medicine +chests of various regiments and hospitals were being restocked for the +expected spring offensive. The first step was to supplement the supply +of medical supplies on hand. In late February or early March, Dr. +William Brown sent Purveyor General Potts a list of needs of the +entire medical department that included £20,000 worth of medicines, +vials, corks, etc.<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> Dr. Brown supplemented this list with a letter +to Potts dated March 11 in which he itemized the following +equipment:<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<p class="ind">3 doz. Boxes Small Apothecary's Weights & Scales</p> +<p class="ind">3 doz. Bolus knives</p> +<p class="ind">3 doz. Pot Spathulae</p> +<p class="ind">2 doz. Marble Mortars, of one pint, & Pestles</p> +<p class="ind">2 doz. Setts Measures, from ½ ounce to 1 [pint?]</p> + +<p class="ind">6 doz. Earthen Vessels (deep) with handles—of different +sizes, from 2 quarts to 2 galls, for boiling Decoctions, or +2 doz. copper Do. of one gallon—for that purpose.</p> + +<p class="ind">6 doz. Delft Ware Tiles, for mixing Boluses &c. on. +</p> +</div> + +<p>While Dr. Brown was completing his report on medical supplies, he was +also concluding his compilation <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span>of an emergency military hospital +formulary which has become known as the <i>Lititz Pharmacopoeia</i>, so +named because Brown was making Lititz his headquarters at the time. +The preface is dated "Lititz, March 12, 1778." The actual title +(translated from Latin) reads: "Formulary of simple and yet +efficacious remedies for the use of the military hospital, belonging +to the army of the Federated States of America. Especially adapted to +our poverty and straitened circumstances, caused by the ferocious +inhumanity of the enemy, and the cruel war unexpectedly brought upon +our fatherland." This formulary was published by Styner & Cist of +Philadelphia in 1778, which means that it was not actually printed +until sometime after June 18, when the British evacuated Philadelphia.</p> + +<p>In the preface Brown explained that there were two types of formulas +contained in the <i>Lititz Pharmacopoeia</i>; one was the "medicaments +which must be prepared and compounded in a general laboratory; the +others are to be mixed, as needed, in our hospital dispensaries."</p> + +<p>The main store of drugs was housed at Manheim until late March, when +Shippen ordered Apothecary Cutting to pack the medical stores there +and proceed on to Yellow Springs.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> Cutting wrote Potts on March 30 +that</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>... the articles that we have in store are now ready to put on +board the waggons excepting the want of cases to contain them.... +Paper, Twine, Square Snuff Bottles & Corks are so essentially +necessary to take with us, to fit up the Regimental Chests that I +wish your order to buy them at Lancaster immediately. I never heard +what place in the vicinity of Camp has been chosen for our +temporary Medicine Shop, nor what quantities the Regimental +Surgeons are to be supply'd when we get there....<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a></p></div> + +<p>On April 16 Cutting<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> wrote that the</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>... dispensing store is open'd here [at Yellow Springs] and we have +begun to supply the Regiments in Camp.... Dr. Cochran has given +orders to the Division on the left to bring their Chests first, and +we propose going through the whole Army in the order in which they +lay.... The best method I can think of is to act immediately about +preparing new Chests upon the Northern Plan at some convenient +place for all such Battallions as did not get chests from Dr. +Craigie [in the] last campaign. When these new parcels are ready, +let us call all the large chests into the Stores ... which are too +compleat & capacious for Field Service, & in lieu of them give out +our smaller ones. By this exchange, the Genl. Hospital will be +well supplied with standing Chests & acquire a great variety of +useful articles which are not essential in Camp.</p></div> + +<p>Apothecary Cutting was concerned, however, over supplies and</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>... very apprehensive that the several Hospitals in this vicinity +will render a further reinforcement necessary before we shall be +able to compleat the whole.... To give only a few of the Capitals +to each will be a work of Time, & a much more intensive piece of +business than I at first imagined.</p></div> + +<p>Meanwhile, Potts had sent Apothecary Craigie to Baltimore to obtain a +fresh stock of drugs, and probably to prevent further friction between +Craigie and Cutting. This feud started early in 1777 when Apothecary +Cutting, serving with Shippen in Philadelphia, was named, over his +preceptor Craigie, to head the newly organized "Apothecary department" +of the army.<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> On March 27 Craigie wrote from Annapolis advising +Potts that he had been in Baltimore</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>... not long since and waited on Messrs. Lux & Bowly. The medicines +were not come to hand but were expected.... I have engaged the +whole invoice which contains several important medicines not +mentioned in your list. I think the prices are full high, tho' +somewhat less than Dr. Shippen affixed, and it was not in my power +to procure them at a cheaper rate. They were offered £20 per lb. +for all the Cantharides and much higher price for the Bark. They +are not yet arrived from some place in Virginia where they were +first landed. I shall examine them immediately on their arrival, +and if good forward them on to Manheim, if they prove not good +shall reject them, as the engagement is conditional.<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a></p></div> + +<p>Then on April 4, Craigie wrote from Chester Town:<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I this day received a letter from Messrs. Lux & Bowley informing +me, the waggons were arrived, but to their great surprise with only +two packages of medicines, the others being seized near +Williamsburg for the use of Virginia State. Those arrived contain +but a very small share of any of the articles mentioned in your +list and I believe none of the Bark and Cantharides. I shall +immediately proceed to Baltimore and examine those two packages & +if good send them on to Manheim, provided the price is +agreeable.... I shall inquire into the circumstances of the seizure +and endeavor to find out if there has been any unfair play which I +can hardly suspect from the character of the Gentlemen.</p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span></p><p>Just prior to May 1, Craigie returned to Carlisle, where the +"Elaboratory and Stores for the reception of the medicines &c. +belonging to the military hospitals" was established,<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> and +complained that he did not find the medicinal store in the order which +he expected to find it:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>We have many important medicines but by no means an assortment +sufficient for the Army. I speak only of what is now in store. +There are Medicines in different places of which I have no list.</p></div> + +<p>Craigie further noted that Cutting had come up from Yellow Springs on +May 1 to confer regarding plans for completing medicine chests, and +would leave the following day for Baltimore where he obviously was +going to try to purchase more drugs.</p> + +<p>Craigie was puzzled by the establishment of a dispensing store at +Yellow Springs, and asked whether or not the plan was</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>... to have the principle Store at Carlisle, where all the +medicines shall be prepared, and the Chests compleated supposing +the Genl. Hospitals will be more collected, and the number +lessened. I would propose that an Apothecary attend each with a +compleate Chest of Medicines; that the Surgeon & Physician Genl of +the Army be attended by an Apothecary with good Chest, and the +Regiments supply'd upon the Northern Plan. I would have an Issuing +Store established at a convenient distance from the Army, from +which the Hospital and Regimental Chests might occasionally be +replenished.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></p></div> + +<p>A sizable stock of drugs was finally received from Baltimore,<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> and +a fairly good stock was brought down from the stores in the Northern +Department, which were left well supplied by Craigie and Potts.<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> +An improved plan for obtaining lint from the Moravian Sisters at +Bethlehem and Lititz was proposed by Dr. Brown,<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> and "the +propriety of setting the glass works at Manheim agoing" was offered as +a solution by Craigie for obtaining much needed vials.<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> Local +manufacturing at Carlisle<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> and "in the Jersies"<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> was used as a +source of volatile and purging salts.</p> + +<p>Gibson records<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> that between April 19 and May 3, 1778, the +commands of Generals Patterson, Leonard, Poor, Glover, Scott, and +Woodward turned in their medicine chests to Apothecary Cutting at +Yellow Springs, and that every regiment received a standardized field +box containing a definite list and quantity of necessary drugs and +supplies. However, it appears likely that the project started by +Cutting and continued by Craigie was not completed until late June at +the earliest.<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> The "invoice of those things thought essential for +the protection and health of soldiers in the field or camp" presented +by Gibson<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> is actually an "Invoice of a Chest of medicines &c. +compleated in the medicinal Store, N[orthern] D[epartmen]t for Thos. +Tillotson Esq."<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> Inasmuch as the plan used in the Northern +Department was employed by both Craigie and Cutting, the items on this +invoice may serve as a reasonably good picture of the medicine chests +of '78 as compared with those of '76 (see page 130).</p> + +<p>One of the reasons for better supplies at a time when other conditions +were even worse than they were in 1776 is the fact that Congress was +advancing sizable, if not always completely adequate, amounts of money +for the cash purchase of supplies instead of seeking credit or +expecting those responsible to procure<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span> supplies by using their +personal money and waiting on Congress to reimburse them. During 1778, +Congress advanced some $940,000 to Purveyor General Potts alone for +the exclusive use of the hospital department, and these funds were in +turn distributed to the proper medical procurement officers, including +the apothecaries. It is significant to compare the sum of $1,095,000 +provided by Congress in 1778 with £10,000 (about $27,000) which, +according to Morgan, was the limit for medical and hospital supplies +in 1776.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> True, inflation had set in by 1778, and the value of +money had declined greatly. For example, cantharides purchased from +the Marshalls' apothecary shop in Philadelphia in 1776 cost 10 +shillings per pound as compared with the cantharides Craigie purchased +in Baltimore in 1778 at £20 per pound. However, the worst of the +inflation was yet to come.<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a></p> + + +<p class="subhead1">In Summary</p> + +<p>Initially the drug supplies for the American Revolutionary Army had +come from stocks largely in the hands of private druggists. However, +this source of supply was totally inadequate for a war that attained +such proportions as the Revolution. Even if stocks of drugs in the +Colonies had been far greater than they were, there is little reason +to believe that shortages would not have developed. After all, a good +many of the suppliers were Loyalists, and others were indifferent to +the cause of American liberty. Even the most patriotic pharmacists +were faced with a complete financial suicide, caught between a +spiraling inflation and a Congress that had no money and only a +promise for the future.</p> + +<p>As if all these problems were not bad enough, the internal +organization of the medical department of the army was so chaotic +that, even if adequate supplies were available and if the almost +insurmountable problems of communications and transportation were +solved, it is almost certain that shortages would have developed at +least during the campaign of 1776. Add to this the fact that any +retreating army is subject to loss of supplies and the reasons for the +shortages become very obvious.</p> + +<p>The encouragement which Congress, through its Secret Committee, gave +to private shippers for the importation of vital war materials offered +little relief in the field of medical supplies. Importation was, of +course, cut off from England, and France did not directly export any +quantity of medical supplies, at least until 1778. American privateers +found it much more profitable to prey on British shipping than +initiating trade channels with countries which prior to the Revolution +were prohibited from shipping directly to the Colonies. These channels +of commerce did not develop extensively until well after the +Revolution.</p> + +<p>Hence the most immediate relief from medical supply shortages was +provided by the American privateers. Drug cargoes from British prize +ships, many of which were en route to New York, served as a most +important source of supply, particularly in 1777 and 1778.</p> + +<p>However, even with the most adequate supplies, competition between +different branches of the army and navy and the confiscation of +supplies destined for Continental troops by state militias further +encouraged inflationary trends.</p> + +<p>The number of individual drugs mentioned in various inventories was +considerable, as evidenced by the listing on page 130. However, of +these, only about a dozen constituted the really critical shortages. +Heading the list of these "capital articles" was Peruvian or Jesuits' +bark, the same cinchona from which quinine was later discovered. Tons +of bark were used during the Revolutionary War, and the price more +than quandrupled between June 1776 and September 1777.</p> + +<p>The most prominent group of drugs on the list of capital articles +consisted of cathartics and purgatives. Jalap, ipecac, and rhubarb +were the botanical favorites, while bitter purging salts (Epsom salts) +and Glauber's purging salts were the chemical choices for purging. +Tartar emetic (antimony and potassium tartrate) was the choice for a +vomit, and cantharides (Spanish flies) was the most important +ingredient of blistering plasters. Gum opium was administered for its +narcotic effects, while gum camphor, nitre (saltpetre or potassium +nitrate), and mercury (pure metal as well as certain salts) were +employed for a variety of purposes. Lint, a form of absorbent material +made by scraping or picking apart old woven material, also often was +short in supply.</p> + +<p>Equipment shortages included surgical instruments and mortar and +pestles for pulverizing the crude drugs. Glass vials for holding +compounded medicines were also a supply problem, especially after +essential drugs were again available.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span></p><p>Some of the shortages were eased, if not solved, by local +manufacture. Lint was produced in large quantities in the Colonies, +and glass vials were manufactured in numerous glasshouses. Even local +manufacture of the purging salts and nitre aided in eliminating +shortages of these essential items, and at the same time initiated the +first large-scale pharmaceutical manufacturing in America.</p> + +<p>Numerous botanicals indigenous to the Colonies were widely employed in +medicine of the period, and certain ones such as snakeroot (seneka), +which was widely found growing in Virginia, would have been very +scarce had not an adequate supply been immediately at hand. However, +attempts to substitute other indigenous plants for scarce drugs like +Peruvian bark were largely unsuccessful. There is no indication that +hysop, wormwood, and mallows called for during the New York crisis +were ever found to be suitable replacements for any of the capital +articles. Wine apparently was more useful as a substitute for bark +than the bark of butternut recommended by the <i>Lititz Pharmacopoeia</i>. +Peruvian bark, jalap, ipecac, camphor, opium, cantharides—these are +the drugs which the American army physicians wanted, and these +constituted the most serious shortage problems.</p> + +<p>The medical supply problem was placed on relatively firm ground by the +summer of 1778, having been established on the principles proven in +the Northern Department under the guidance of Drs. Potts and Craigie. +Furthermore, the turning point in the war had been reached. Even +before Washington's forces went into winter quarters at Valley Forge, +Burgoyne<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> had surrendered at Saratoga, on October 17, 1777; and, +before the cold bleak winter at Valley Forge was over, the treaty of +French alliance was signed on February 6, 1778. The torments at Valley +Forge proved to be the birth of a new Continental Army.</p> + +<p>The War was still a long way from being over, and a variety of +problems were yet to face the Continental Army. Inflation was yet to +deal its hardest blow to the supply problem, but not even this could +produce the chaos of 1776. The worst of the drug supply problem was +over.</p> + + +<p class="subhead1">Contents of Army Medicine Chests</p> + +<p>The following listing is an example of the contents of medicine chests +ordered by the Continental Congress. The chest for the Pennsylvania +4th Battalion was filled for "Samuel Kennedy Surgeon" by the pharmacy +of Christopher Jr. and Charles Marshall of Philadelphia in May 1776. +The medicines are listed on an invoice in the Marshalls' waste book in +the possession of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The contents +of the Northern Department chest, compiled in the Northern +Department's "Medicinal Store" for "Thos. Tillotson Esq. Surgeon & +Physician General to the Army," probably was filled by Andrew Craigie +at Fort George in 1778. (<i>Italics</i> denote capital article; asterisk +indicates that the drug is mentioned in <i>Lititz Pharmacopoeia</i>. +Contemporary English names are in parentheses following the Latin +listings.)</p> + + +<table summary="drug listing" style="width: 75%;"><tbody> +<tr><td></td> <td style="width: 15%;">Pennsylvania 4th Battalion Chest</td> <td style="width: 15%;">Northern Department Chest</td> +</tr><tr> + + +<td colspan="3" style="text-align: left; padding: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Botanicals</span></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*<i>Cort</i>[<i>ex</i>] <i>Peruv</i>[<i>ianum</i>] + (Peruvian bark; Jesuits' bark; or bark)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">4 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*<i>Pulv</i>[<i>is</i>] <i>Cort</i>[<i>icis</i>] <i>Peruv</i>[<i>iani</i>] + (Powdered Peruvian bark)</td> <td class="tl">2 lb. Opt.;<br />2 lb. 2nd</td> <td class="tl">6 lb.</td> + +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*<i>Pulvis Rad</i>[<i>ix</i>] <i>Jalapii</i> + (Powdered jalap)</td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*<i>Pulv</i>[<i>is</i>] <i>Rad</i>[<i>ix</i>] <i>Ipecacuan</i>[<i>hae</i>] + (Powdered ipecac)</td> <td class="tl">8 oz.</td> <td class="tl">12 oz.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*<i>Pulv</i>[<i>is</i>] <i>Rad</i>[<i>ix</i>] <i>Rhaei</i> (Powdered rhubarb)</td> <td class="tl">1 lb. 4 oz.</td> <td class="tl">4 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop"> Rad[ix] Rhaei (Rhubarb root)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Fol[ia] Sennae (Sennae or sena)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Rad[ix] Gentian[ae] (Gentian root)</td> <td class="tl">1 lb.</td> <td class="tl">2½ lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Rad[ix] Seneka + (Senega; rattlesnake root; or snake root)</td> <td class="tl">1 lb.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Rad[ix] Scillae Sict. (Squill; or sea-onion)</td> <td class="tl">6 oz.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop"> Cinnamomi (Cinnamon)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">1 lb.</td> +</tr></tbody></table> + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span></p> + + +<table summary="drug listing" style="width: 75%;"><tbody> +<tr> +<td class="ttop"> Cort[ex] Aurant[orium] (Orange peel)</td> <td style="width: 15%;"></td> <td class="tl" style="width: 15%;">3 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop"> Fl[ores] Chamom[eli] (Camomile flower)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">2 oz.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop"> Mellisa[e Folia] (Balm)</td> <td class="tl">½ lb.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*<i>Gum</i>[<i>mi</i>] <i>Camphor</i>[<i>a</i>] (Camphor; or camphire)</td> <td class="tl">10 oz.</td> <td class="tl">2½ lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*<i>Gum</i>[<i>mi</i>] <i>Opium</i> [also] <i>Opii</i> (Opium)</td> <td class="tl">8 oz.</td> <td class="tl">1 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Gum[mi] Arabic[um] (Gum Arabic)</td> <td class="tl">2 lb. Opt.</td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Gum[mi] Aloe Socotr[ina] (Aloe; or aloes)</td> <td class="tl">8 oz.</td> <td class="tl">1 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop"> Gum[mi] Aloe Hepat[ica] (Aloe; or aloes)</td> <td class="tl">1 lb.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Gum[mi] Ammon[iacum] (Gum ammoniac)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">12 oz.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Gum[mi] Guaiac[um] (Gum guaiac)</td> <td class="tl">8 oz.</td> <td class="tl">¾ lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Gum[mi] Myrrh[ae] (Myrrh)</td> <td class="tl">4 oz.</td> <td class="tl">2 oz.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Bals[amum] Capivi (Balsam of copaiba)</td> <td class="tl">1 lb. 4 oz.</td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Bals[amum] Peruvian[um] (Balsam of Peru)</td> <td class="tl">3 oz.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop"> Bals[amum] Tolu[tanum] (Balsam of tolu)</td> <td class="tl">8 oz.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Ol[eum] Olivar[um] (Olive oil)</td> <td class="tl">2½ lb.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Ol[eum] Ricini (Castor oil)</td> <td class="tl">1 lb. 4 oz.</td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> + +<td colspan="3" style="text-align: left; padding: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Drugs of animal origin</span></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*<i>Cantharides</i> (Spanish flies; or flies)</td> <td class="tl">4 oz.</td> <td class="tl">¾ lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Cera Flav[a] (Yellow beeswax)</td> <td class="tl">1 lb.</td> <td class="tl">4 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Mel[lis] Com[munis] (Honey)</td> <td class="tl">3 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop"> Pul[vis] Oc[uli] Canc[orum] (Powdered crabs' eyes)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">1 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Sperm[atis] Ceti (Spermaceti)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">3 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> + +<td colspan="3" style="text-align: left; padding: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Chemicals</span></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Alum[en] Com[munis] or Credem (Alum or rock alum)</td> <td class="tl">1 lb.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Creta ppt [precipitated or praeparata] (Chalk)</td> <td class="tl">6 lb.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*<i>Pulv</i>[<i>is</i>] <i>Crem</i>[<i>or</i>] <i>Tartar</i>[<i>i</i>] (Cream of tartar)</td> <td class="tl">4 lb.</td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*<i>Tart</i>[<i>arus</i>] <i>Emetic</i>[<i>um</i>] (Tartar emetic)</td> <td class="tl">6 oz.</td> <td class="tl">½ lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*<i>Sal Nitri</i> [or] <i>Nitrum</i> (Nitre or saltpetre)</td> <td class="tl">4 lb.</td> <td class="tl">4 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop"> Sal Absinthii (Salt of wormwood)</td> <td class="tl">8 oz.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*<i>Sal Cath</i>[<i>articus</i>] <i>Amar</i>[<i>us</i>] (Epsom salts; + bitter purging salts; or bitter cathartic salts)</td> <td class="tl">10 lb.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*<i>Sal Cath</i>[<i>articus</i>] <i>Glauber</i>[<i>i</i>] [or] <i>Sal + Mirabile Glauberi</i> (Glauber's salts; Glauber's + purging salts; or Glauber's wonderful salts).</td> <td class="tl">10 lb.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Sal Tartar[isatus] (Salt of tartar)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Sal Amm[oniacum] (Sal ammoniac)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">½ lb. Cd.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Merc[urius] Corros[ivus] Sublim[atus] + (Corrosive sublimate of mercury)</td> <td class="tl">2 oz.</td> <td class="tl">2 oz.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Merc[urius] Praecip[itatus] Rub[er] + (Red precipitate of mercury)</td> <td class="tl">4 oz.</td> <td class="tl">2 oz.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*<i>Merc</i>[<i>urius</i>] <i>Dulc</i>[<i>is</i>] <i>Ppt.</i> (Calomel)</td> <td class="tl">8 oz.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop"> Flor[es] Sulphur[is] (Flowers of sulphur)</td> <td class="tl">4 lb.</td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Ol[eum] Vitriol[um] (Oil of vitriol)</td> <td class="tl">6 oz.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop"> Ol[eum] Tereb[inthinae] (Oil of turpentine)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">1½ lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop"> Tereb[inthina] Venet[ian] (Turpentine)</td> <td class="tl">1 lb. 4 oz.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Vitriol[um] Alb[um] (White vitriol)</td> <td class="tl">4 oz.</td> <td class="tl">2 oz.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Elix[ir] Vitriol[i] (Elixir of vitriol)</td> <td class="tl">3 lb.</td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop"> Vitriol[um] Rom[anum] (Roman vitriol)</td> <td class="tl">4 oz.</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop"> Sacch[arum] Saturni (Sugar of lead)</td> <td class="tl">4 oz.</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop"> Vitr[um] Antomon[ii] Cerat[um] + (Cerated glass of antimony)</td> <td class="tl">3 oz.</td> <td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">*Extr[actum] Saturni [also] Acetum Lithargyrites + (Litharge of lead; litharge vinegar; or + extract of Saturn).</td> <td class="tl">11 oz.</td> <td></td> +</tr></tbody></table> + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span></p> + + +<table summary="drug listing" style="width: 75%;"><tbody> +<tr> +<td colspan="3" style="text-align: left; padding: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Tinctures</span></td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">*Tinc[tura] Thebaic[a] [or] Tinctura Opii [or] Laudani Liquidi (Tincture of opium; thebaic tincture; liquid laudanum; and Sydenham's laudanam).</td> <td class="tl" style="width: 15%;">12 oz.</td> <td class="tl" style="width: 15%;">2 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> + + + <td class="ttop">*Tinct[ura] Myrrh[ae] & Aloes (Tincture of myrrh and aloes).</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">1 lb. 12 oz.</td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">Tinct[ura] Cinnam[omi] (Tincture of cinnamon)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> + +</tr><tr> +<td colspan="3" style="text-align: left; padding: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Spirits</span></td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">Sp[iritus] Sal[is] Ammon[iaci] (Spirit of sal ammoniac)</td> <td class="tl">1 lb. 5 oz.</td> <td></td> + </tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">Sp[iritus] Nitri Dulc[is] [also] Sal[is] Vol[atilis] (Sweet spirit of nitre)</td> <td class="tl">2½ lb.</td> <td class="tl">1 lb. 12 oz.</td> + </tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">Sp[iritus] Lavend[ula] Co[mpositus] (Compound spirit of lavender)</td> <td class="tl">1 lb. 4 oz.</td> <td class="tl">1½ lb.</td> + </tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">Sp[iritus] Vini Rect[ificatus] (Rectified spirit of wine)</td> <td class="tl">1 lb. 4 oz.</td> <td></td> + </tr><tr> + + +<td colspan="3" style="text-align: left; padding: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Miscellaneous preparations</span></td> + </tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">*Cons[erva] Rosar[um] Rub[rarum] (Conserves of red roses)</td> <td class="tl">1 lb.</td> <td></td> + </tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">Conf[ectio] Cardiac[a] (Cordial confection)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">1 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">Elect[uarium] Asthmatic[um] (Asthmatic electuary)</td> <td class="tl">1 lb. 1 oz.</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> *Elix[ir] Paregor[icum] (Paregoric elixir)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Pill[ulae] Purgant (Purgative pills)</td> <td class="tl">8 oz.</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Pulv[is] e Bol[o Compositus] (Compound powder of bole with opium)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> + </tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">Linim[entum] Sapo[naceum] (Soap liniment)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">3½ lb.</td> + </tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Sapo[nis] Venet[ian] (Venetian soap)</td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> <td class="tl">6 lb.</td> +</tr><tr> + +<td colspan="3" style="text-align: left; padding: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Ointments</span></td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">*Ung[euntum] Lap[ide] Calamin[ari] (Ointment from calamine stone)</td> <td class="tl">10 lb.</td> <td class="tl">4 lb.</td> + </tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">*Ung[uentum] Basilic[um] Flav[um] (Yellow basilicon ointment)</td> <td class="tl">10 lb.</td><td></td> + </tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">*Ung[uentum] Merc[urale] Fort[is] (Strong mercurial ointment)</td> <td class="tl">6 lb.</td><td></td> + </tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Ung[uentum] e Gum[mi] Elemi (Ointment of gum elemi)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">3 lb.</td> + </tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Ung[uentum] Alb[um] Camp[horatum] (Camphorated white ointment)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">3 lb.</td> + </tr><tr> + + +<td colspan="3" style="text-align: left; padding: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Plasters</span></td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">*Emp[lastrum] Adhesiv[um] (Adhesive plaster)</td> <td class="tl">6 lb.</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Emp[lastrum] Diach[ylon] (Simple diachylon plaster)</td> <td class="tl">6 lb.</td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td> + </tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Emp[lastrum] Diach[ylon] c[um] G[ummi] (Diachylon plaster with gum)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">1 lb.</td> + </tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">*Emp[lastrum] Epispast[icum] [also] Epithema Vesicatorium (Blistering plaster; vesicatory plaster).</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">1 lb.</td> + </tr><tr> + + <td class="ttop"> Emp[lastrum] Stomach[icum] Majest. (Stomach plaster)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">1 lb.</td> + +</tr><tr> + +<td colspan="3" style="text-align: left; padding: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Surgical dressings, etc.</span></td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop">*<i>Linteum Praeparatum</i> (Lint)</td> <td class="tl">1 lb. fine</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Tow</td> <td class="tl">12 lb. fine</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Sponge</td> <td class="tl">4 oz. fine</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Twine</td> <td class="tl">1 lb. fine</td> <td class="tl">½ lb.</td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Tape</td> <td class="tl">1 piece</td> <td class="tl">2 pieces</td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Fracture pillows </td> <td class="tl">2</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Splints</td> <td class="tl">2 p. Sharps 34 doz.</td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Thread</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">4 oz.</td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Needles</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">7 common</td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Pins</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">½ thousand</td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Compresses</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">6 doz.</td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Bandages</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">700</td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Flannel</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">6 yds.</td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Shears</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">2 pr.</td> +</tr><tr> + <td class="ttop"> Rags</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">1 bundle</td> +</tr></tbody></table> + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span></p> + + +<table summary="drug listing" style="width: 75%;"><tbody> +<tr> +<td colspan="3" style="text-align: left; padding: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Surgical instruments</span></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Director</td> <td class="tl" style="width: 15%;">1</td> <td class="tl" style="width: 15%;">1 steel</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Probe, silver</td> <td class="tl">1</td> <td class="tl">1</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Forceps</td> <td class="tl">1</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Catheters</td> <td class="tl">1 silver</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Amputating instruments</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">1 set</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Trepanning instruments</td> <td class="tl">1 Trepan</td> <td class="tl">1 set</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Lancets</td> <td class="tl">2 best crown, 4 common</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Tourniquets</td> <td class="tl">1 Brass with ligatures</td> <td class="tl">8 common</td> + </tr><tr> + +<td class="ttop">Syringe, pewter</td> <td class="tl">4</td> <td class="tl">2</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Syringe, ivory</td> <td class="tl">2</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Glyster pipe arm'd</td> <td class="tl">6</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Tooth-drawing instrument</td> <td class="tl">1 Crow Bill</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> + + +<td colspan="3" style="text-align: left; padding: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Pharmaceutical equipment</span></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Scales and weights</td> <td class="tl">1 box</td> <td class="tl">1 set</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Mortar and pestle</td> <td class="tl">1 Brass, 1 Glass</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> + +<td class="ttop">Tyles (pill tiles)</td> <td class="tl">2</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Spatulas</td> <td class="tl">1 wooden handle, 1 iron handle</td> <td class="tl">1 large, 1 pocket</td> + </tr><tr> + +<td class="ttop">Bolus knife</td> <td class="tl">1</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Plaister knife (plaster spatula)</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">1</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Leather skins</td> <td class="tl">2 lb.</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> + + +<td colspan="3" style="text-align: left; padding: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Miscellaneous supplies</span></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Bottles</td> <td class="tl">Assortment</td> <td class="tl">Assortment</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Gallypots</td> <td class="tl">1 doz.</td> <td class="tl">Assortment</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Vials</td> <td class="tl">6 doz. sorted</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Corks</td> <td class="tl">10 doz.</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Pillboxes</td> <td class="tl">1 pacg.</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Wrapp[ing] paper</td> <td class="tl">4 quire</td><td></td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Writing paper</td> <td class="tl">1 quire</td> <td class="tl">6 quire</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Ink powder</td> <td></td> <td class="tl">2 papers</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="ttop">Quiles (quills) </td> <td></td> <td class="tl">14 hundred</td> +</tr></tbody></table> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span></p> +<p class="subhead3">U.S. Government Printing Office: 1961</p> + + +<p class="subhead3">For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing +Office<br /> +Washington 25, D.C.—Price 25 cents</p> + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> John C. Miller, <i>Triumph of Freedom, 1775-1783</i>, Boston, +1948, preface.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Louis C. Duncan, <i>Medical Men in the American Revolution, +1775-1783</i>, Carlisle Barracks, Pa., 1931; William O. Owen, <i>The +Medical Department of the United States Army during the Period of the +Revolution</i>, New York, 1920; James E. Gibson, <i>Dr. Bodo Otto and the +Medical Background of the American Revolution</i>, Springfield, Ill., +1937; James Thomas Flexner, <i>Doctors on Horseback</i>, New York, 1939.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Lyman F. Kebler, "Andrew Craigie, the First Apothecary +General of the United States," <i>Journal of the American Pharmaceutical +Association</i>, 1928, vol. 17, pp. 63-74, 167-178; Frederick Haven +Pratt, "The Craigies," <i>Proceedings of the Cambridge Historical +Society</i> (1941), 1942, vol. 27, pp. 43-86; Edward Kremers and George +Urdang, <i>A History of Pharmacy</i>, Philadelphia, 1951 edition, chap. 11; +Edward Kremers, "The Lititz Pharmacopoeia," <i>The Badger Pharmacist</i>, +nos. 22-25, June-December 1938; J. W. England, ed., <i>The First Century +of the Philadelphia College of Pharmacy</i>, Philadelphia, 1922, pp. +84-94; <i>American Journal of Pharmacy</i>, 1884, vol. 56, pp. 483-491.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Jonathan Potts Papers, four volumes of miscellaneous +manuscripts at The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia +(hereinafter referred to as Potts Papers).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Journals of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts Bay, +quoted in Owen, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), pp. 22-23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Greenleaf Ledger, 1765-1778, at the American Antiquarian +Society, Worcester, Mass. (The Greenleaf pharmacy was established by +Elizabeth Greenleaf in 1726 or 1727. See J. L. Sibley, <i>Biographical +Sketches of Graduates of Harvard University, in Cambridge, +Massachusetts</i>, Cambridge, 1920, vol. 5, pp. 472-476; Jonathan +Greenleaf, <i>A Genealogy of the Greenleaf Family</i>, New York, 1854, pp. +89, 91, 205, 207; <i>Boston Post-Boy</i> and <i>Boston Gazette</i>, November 8, +1762, obituary of Elizabeth Greenleaf.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Owen, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), p. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> J. R. Alden, <i>The American Revolution</i>, New York, 1954 p. +23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Owen, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), pp. 12-13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> <i>Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789</i>, +edited by Worthington C. Ford, Washington, D.C., 1905, vol. 2, p. 250. +Nearly all excerpts from Ford also appear in Owen, <i>op. cit.</i> +(footnote 2).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. 3, p. 261. The Samuel Ward diary for +September 23 records that "a parcel of medicines for the hospital" was +"to be bought" (E. C. Burnett, <i>Letters of Members of the Continental +Congress</i>, Washington, D.C., 1921, vol. 1, p. 205).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Ford, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 344.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Burnett, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 11), vol. 1, p. 292.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Ledger</i>, May 6, 1775. [William Smith in +Philadelphia was selling drugs in 1772 (Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio +52).]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Evening Post</i>, December 26, 1775.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Packet</i>, September 11, 1775; <i>Pennsylvania +Journal</i>, September 6, 1775; <i>Pennsylvania Gazette</i>, October 4, 1775.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> The Marshalls sold drugs to Sharp Delaney and William +Smith in April 1776 (Marshall Waste Book, see footnote 20).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> E. T. Ellis, "The Story of a Very Old Philadelphia Drug +Store," <i>American Journal of Pharmacy</i>, 1908, vol. 75, p. 57; England, +<i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 3), pp. 348-350; Parke, Davis & Co., <i>A History +of Pharmacy in Pictures</i>, undated booklet edited by George Bender.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Ford, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 442; vol. 4, +pp. 188, 197.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Christopher Jr. and Charles Marshall Waste Book, +February 21 to July 6, 1776, at The Historical Society of +Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Ford, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 442; vol. 4, +pp. 188, 197; Burnett, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 11), vol. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Owen, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), pp. 18-19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> <i>American Archives ...</i> Peter Force, ed., Washington, +ser. 4, vol. 1-6, 1837-46; ser. 5, vol. 1-3, 1848-53. Ser. 4, vol. 3, +p. 306.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Duncan, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), pp. 62-64.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Packet</i>, June 24, 1779.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> It is quite possible that the designation "bad" was a +typographical error for "rad[ix]."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> <i>American Archives</i>, ser. 4, vol. 5, p. 115.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> <i>Connecticut Courant</i>, February 12, 1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <i>Newport Mercury</i>, January 15, 1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> <i>Massachusetts Gazette</i>, September 7, 1775.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> <i>American Archives</i>, ser. 4, vol. 4, p. 159.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> <i>Massachusetts Gazette</i>, February 22, 1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> <i>Boston Gazette</i>, April 15, 1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, April 22, 1776. It is worth noting that Morgan +did not think this important enough to include in his <i>Vindication</i> +(see footnote 35).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> John Morgan, <i>A Vindication of His Public Character in +the Station of Director-General of the Military Hospital, and +Physician in Chief of the American Army; Anno, 1776</i>, Boston, 1777.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Packet</i>, June 24, 1779.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> <i>American Archives</i>, ser. 4, vol. 5, p. 488.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Morgan, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 35), pp. 102, 144; and +<i>Independent Chronicle</i>, April 10, 1777.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> James Thacher, <i>American Medical Biography</i>, Boston, +1828, vol. 1, pp. 270-273.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> For biographies of Sylvester Gardiner see <i>Dictionary of +American Biography</i>, New York, 1931, vol. 8, pp. 139-140; <i>Appleton's +Cyclopedia of American Biography</i>, New York, 1887, vol. 2; H. A. Kelly +and W. L. Burrage, <i>Dictionary of American Medical Biography</i>, New +York, 1928, pp. 450-452; James H. Stark, <i>The Loyalists of +Massachusetts</i>, Boston, 1910, pp. 313-315.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Greenleaf Ledger (see footnote 6).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> <i>American Archives</i>, ser. 5, vol. 1, pp. 282, 284.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 314.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> S. E. Morison and H. S. Commager, <i>The Growth of the +American Republic</i>, New York, 1950, vol. 1, p. 210.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> <i>New-York Journal</i>, July 13, 1775.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, May 11, 1775.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> <i>New-York Gazette</i>, January 1 and January 29, 1776. For +a history of the English patent medicines in America, see G. B. +Griffenhagen and J. H. Young in <i>The Chemist and Druggist</i>, 1957, vol. +167, pp. 714-722, and in <i>U.S. National Museum Bulletin 218</i>, 1959, +pp. 155-183 (Contributions from the Museum of History and Technology, +Paper 10).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> George Washington, <i>The Writings of George Washington</i>, +edited by John C. Fitzpatrick, Washington, 1931, vol. 4, pp. 464-465.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Morgan, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 35), pp. 4, 9, 68; +<i>Pennsylvania Packet</i>, June 19, 1779; and Washington, <i>op. cit.</i> +(footnote 48), vol. 4, pp. 464-465.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Duncan, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), p. 135; Morgan, <i>op. +cit.</i> (footnote 35), p. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>New-York Gazette</i>, May 6 and December 23, 1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> <i>American Archives</i>, ser. 4, vol. 4, p. 1026.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. 6, p. 1431.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Morgan misspelled Delaney as "Delancey" in his letter of +June 25 to Adams.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Morgan, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 35), p. 128.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Ford, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 10), vol. 5, p. 570.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> <i>American Archives</i>, ser. 4, vol. 6, p. 1069.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> Ford, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 10), vol. 5, p. 633.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> Morgan, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 35), p. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Packet</i>, June 26, 1779.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Washington, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 48), vol. 6, pp. +58-59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> <i>Connecticut Courant</i>, January 6, 1777.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Morgan, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 35), pp. 13, 136, 146. +William Smith was appointed Continental Druggist on August 20; see +Ford, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 10), vol. 4, pp. 292-293.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Washington, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 48), vol. 6, pp. 86, +113.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> <i>American Archives</i>, ser. 5, vol. 3, pp. 116, 837.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Packet</i>, June 24, 1779.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Morgan, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 35), p. 129.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. xxv. [For details of the manner in which +Shippen moved in on Morgan to replace him eventually as director +general, see Flexner, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), pp. 3-53.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. xxxv; Owen, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), p. 55.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Ford, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 10), vol. 7, p. 91.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> <i>New-York Gazette</i>, September 30, December 16, 23, 1776, +January 20, 1777.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, December 9, 1776, April 28, June 9, 1777.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> Plough Court Pharmacy letterbook dated April 7, 1778, +through December 8, 1779, in possession of Allen and Hanburys, London. +See also Chapman-Huston and Ernest C. Gripps, <i>Through a City Archway: +The Story of Allen and Hanburys, 1715-1954</i>, London, 1954.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Duncan, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), p. 97.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> Owen, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), p. 39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> <i>American Archives</i>, ser. 4, vol. 6, p. 1069.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> <i>American Archives</i>, ser. 5, vol. 1, pp. 651-652, 1114.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 77; Morgan to Potts, July +28, 1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 89; Stringer to Potts, August 17, 1776. +See also Gibson, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), pp. 108-109. Washington +mentions Stringer's visit with Morgan in a letter to Gates dated +August 14 (Washington, <i>op. cit.</i> footnote 48, vol. 5, pp. 433-435).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>; McHenry to Potts, August 3, 1776. [Stringer +arrived in Philadelphia on the evening of August 2.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>; Stringer to Potts, August 17, 1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>; McHenry to Potts, August 21, 1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> <i>American Archives</i>, ser. 5, vol. 1, p. 1271. For a +similarly worded letter to Egbert Benson dated August 22, see Gibson, +<i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), p. 112.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 98; Stringer to Potts, +September 7, 1776. Stringer arrived in Albany on September 5 (Potts +Papers, vol. 1, folio 97).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> <i>American Archives</i>, ser. 5, vol. 1, p. 1266. Other +items included "Acet. Com. six barrels; Alo. Hepta. 3 lb.; Calomel 2 +lb.; Emp. Diachyl 10 lb.; Cantharid. 2 lb.; Gm. Guiac 1 lb.; Myrrh 1 +lb.; Hord. Com. 100 lb.; Jerc. Precip. Rub. ½ lb.; Merc. Cor. +Sublim. 1 lb.; Rad. Serpent. Virg. 3 lb.; Sal. Nit. 5 lb.; Spirit Sal. +Ammo. 4 lb.; Ung. Diath. 3 lb.; Elix. Asthmat. 5 lb.; and Elix. +Vitriol. 10 lb." Also included were six gross of vials and corks and +three reams of wrapping paper.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> Potts Papers, vol. 1, folios 102-106, 108-111, 114, +119.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 99. There was a listing for 170 pounds of +"Cathart: Am" (Epsom salts). The 7 pounds of rhubarb was listed as "3 +lb. Rad. Rhaei and 4 lb. Pul. Rhaei." Also on hand were 1½ pounds +of "Mithridat" (opium).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folios 73, 94, 124.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 4; McCrea to Potts, September 2, 1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 124; Johnston to Potts, September 19, +1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 125; Craigie to Potts, October 3, 1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> <i>American Archives</i>, ser. 5, vol. 2, p. 923. Stringer +also wrote Potts on October 6 to advise him of the stock (Potts +Papers, vol. 1, folio 126).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 131; Stringer to Potts, +October 15, 1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 133; Stringer to Potts, October 25, +1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 132; Craigie to Potts, October 22, 1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 138; Stringer to Potts, November 7, +1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Duncan, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), p. 110.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> Ford, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 453, vol. 4, +pp. 24-25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> Miller, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 1), pp. 103-113.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> <i>Virginia Gazette</i>, August 24, 1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Evening Post</i>, July 18, 1776.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> G. B. Griffenhagen, "The Day-Dunlap 1771 Pharmaceutical +Catalogue," <i>American Journal of Pharmacy</i>, 1955, vol. 127, pp. +296-302.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> 103 Miller, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 1), pp. 110-112.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Greenleaf Ledger, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 6).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Potts Papers, vol. 2, folio 213.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. 3, folio 305.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 331.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 346.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 336.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 369.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 331; Craigie to Potts, September 1, +1777.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> Preserved at the Essex Institute, Salem, +Massachusetts.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> <i>Independent Chronicle</i>, October 30, 1777.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> Ford, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 10), vol. 5, p. 748, vol. 7, +p. 274, vol. 8, p. 538. (Smith received $2,490 on September 9, 1776, +$2,952 on April 17, 1777, "for sundry medicines," and Caldwell & Co. +received $666 on July 7, 1777, "for sundry medicine delivered William +Smith.")</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. 7, p. 321. (Christopher and Charles +Marshall received $4,151 on May 2, 1777, "for sundry medicines and +chirurgical instruments supplied by them for the use of different +battalions of continental forces.")</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Journal</i>, January 29, 1777.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Potts Papers, vol. 2, folio 150.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 153; Bass to Potts, March 17, 1777.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Journal</i>, June 11, July 9, 23, 1777.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Ford, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 10), vol. 11, p. 546.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Evening Post</i>, March 18, May 27, 1777.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> <i>Boston Gazette</i>, February 3, 1777; <i>Connecticut +Courant</i>, April 7, 1777.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Packet</i>, April 15, 22, 1777. This +anonymous article was written by Dr. Benjamin Rush and reprinted as a +pamphlet.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> Potts Papers, vol. 2, folios 158, 159.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Ledger</i>, October 10, 1777; <i>Pennsylvania +Evening Post</i>, October 14, 18, 1777.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Evening Post</i>, November 1, 8, 13, 1777, +April 29, 1778. (A large number of advertisements announcing thefts +appeared during the British occupation.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Evening Post</i>, January 10 through April +20, 1778, and <i>Pennsylvania Ledger</i>, April 4, 15, 1778. [Yeldall +advertised his "Anti-Venereal Essence" only once under American +occupation, but at $4.00 per bottle (<i>Pennsylvania Evening Post</i>, +August 26, 1777).]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Evening Post</i>, June 25, 1777.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Gibson, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), p. 149.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> It was in February 1778 that Dr. Potts assumed his +office as purveyor general for the hospital department of the +Continental Army with the duty of purchasing and distributing all +supplies and medicines (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 154).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 24. (This apparently is the +list prepared by Brown, even though it is not signed by him. The item +"Medicines, Vials, Cork &c. £20,000" was added with the statement "The +above enumerated articles should be purchased immediately," and both +were in the handwriting of "W. Shippen, D.G." The document is +undated.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. 4, folio 419; Brown to Potts, March 11, +1778.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 428; Cutting to Potts, March 25, 1778.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 432; Cutting to Potts, March 30, 1778.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 441; Cutting to Potts, April 16, 1778.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. 2, folio 151; Tillotson to Potts, +February 22, 1777. [Cutting served as Assistant Apothecary under +Craigie at Cambridge and Roxbury. The feud has not been explored in +any of Craigie's biographies.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. 4, folio 429; Craigie to Potts, March 27, +1778.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 437; Craigie to Potts, April 4, 1778.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 411; Potts to Gates, February 24, 1778.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 441; Craigie to Potts, May 1, 1778.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. 1, folios 41, 44; undated invoices from +Lux & Bowly that undoubtedly were supplied during the spring or summer +of 1778. Also, vol. 4, folio 476; letter from James Caldwell to Potts +advising "I sent forward from Baltimore a case of medicine & five +cases of Bark ... I have three cases more of Bark not yet up from +Williamsburg where it arrived."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. 4, folio 458; Craigie to Potts, May 1, +1778. Craigie advises: "Enclosed is a small List directed to Mr. Root +[Israel Root or Josiah Root, both apothecaries from Connecticut] which +I think may well be spared from the Northward, and are much wanted +here. I wish therefore they may be ordered. Andrew Atekin our +assistant there might come with them—he would make a good Hospital +Apothecary." Also, vol. 4, folio 431, an undated "Invoice of Medicines +&c. to be forwared for Head Quarters to Compleat ye Regimental +Assortments for the Army of the United States in the Middle Department +for the Campaign 1778."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 419; Brown to Potts, March 11, 1778.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 458; Craigie to Potts, May 1, 1778.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 428; Cutting to Potts, March 25, 1778. +Cutting notes: "as to volatile salts, I expect a fine parcel +manufactured at Carlisle by tomorrow."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, folio 471; Craik to Potts, May 24, 1778. Dr. +Craik, a regimental surgeon, advises: "I wish you could procure some +Cathartic salts. The Regimental surgeons complain greatly for want of +them.... You may engage any quantity at the salt works in the +Jersies."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> Gibson, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), pp. 166-167.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> Potts Papers, vol. 4, folios 462, 467; Craik to Potts, +May 2 and May 15. On May 2, Craik advises that "the medicine chests +are much wanted in the Regiments. Doctr. Cutting had best have them +filled up as soon as possible to prevent complaints." On May 15 Craik +commented: "I am sorry Doctr. Cutting went away before the Regiment +Chests were finished; there is great clamour about them tho Doctr. +Layman is as busy as possible.... I hope Doctr. Craig[ie] will soon +have his chests ready."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> Gibson, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), pp. 167-168.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 25, undated.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> Gibson, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), p. 178, and Duncan, +<i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 2), pp. 115-116, 275.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Miller, <i>op. cit.</i> (footnote 1), pp. 425-477.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> An interesting account of the medical aspects of +Burgoyne's campaign is recorded by R. M. Gorssline in <i>Canadian +Defense Quarterly</i>, 1929, vol. 6, pp. 356-363.</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 80%;" /> + + +<p style="font-size: 110%; font-weight: bold;">Transcriber's Notes</p> + +<p> +The marker for footnote 3 is missing, but it appears to belong after<br /> +"of the <i>Lititz Pharmacopoeia</i> of 1778."<br /> +<br /> +In footnote 15 I corrected a typo, Pennslyvania for Pennsylvania<br /> +<br /> +On page 115 I removed an extra quotation mark<br /> +(purchasing such medicines "as)<br /> +<br /> +On page 118 I corrected a typo, capitivity for captivity<br /> +(happily delivered from his late capitivity)<br /> +<br /> +On page 118 I removed an extra quotation mark<br /> +(will turn to good Account.")<br /> +<br /> +On page 120 I corrected a typo, enitrely for entirely<br /> +(one half the load is enitrely)<br /> +<br /> +On page 128 I corrected a typo, mediicines for medicines<br /> +(Invoice of a Chest of mediicines)<br /> +<br /> +On page 129 I corrected a typo, quandrupled for quadrupled<br /> +(price more than quandrupled)<br /> +<br /> +On page 133 I corrected a typo, instument for instrument<br /> +(Tooth-drawing instument)<br /> +<br /> +These words occur both ways in the text and I have not changed them:<br /> +Bowly and Bowley, Barnabas and Barnabus<br /> +</p> + +</div> + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Drug Supplies in the American +Revolution, by George B. 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Griffenhagen + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Drug Supplies in the American Revolution + +Author: George B. Griffenhagen + +Release Date: October 28, 2008 [EBook #27076] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DRUG SUPPLIES *** + + + + +Produced by Stacy Brown, Colin Bell, Joseph Cooper and the +Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + + + + + +_George B. Griffenhagen_ + +DRUG SUPPLIES in the +AMERICAN REVOLUTION + + +Paper 16, pages 109-133, from + +CONTRIBUTIONS FROM THE MUSEUM +OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY + + United States National Museum + BULLETIN 225 + + SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION + WASHINGTON, D.C., 1961 + + + + +Contributions from + +The Museum of History and Technology + +Paper 16 + + + + + Drug Supplies in the American Revolution + + _George B. Griffenhagen_ + + + CONTINENTAL MEDICINE CHESTS 111 + + TREASON, POISON, AND SIEGE 113 + + FROM BAD TO WORSE 115 + + "MEDICINES--NONE" 118 + + PRIVATEERS TO THE RESCUE 121 + + BRISK BUSINESS IN BOSTON 122 + + THE SITUATION IMPROVES 122 + + VALLEY FORGE 123 + + IN SUMMARY 129 + + + + +DRUG SUPPLIES IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION + +_by George B. Griffenhagen_ + + + _At the start of the Revolution, the Colonies were cut off from the + source of their usual drug supply, England. A few drugs trickled + through from the West Indies, but by 1776 there was an acute + shortage._ + + _Lack of coordination and transportation resulted in a scarcity of + drugs for the army hospitals even while druggists in other areas + resorted to advertising in order to sell their stocks. Some relief + came from British prize ships captured by the American navy and + privateers, but the chaotic condition of drug supply was not eased + until the alliance with France early in 1778._ + + The Author: _George Griffenhagen--formerly curator of medical + sciences, United States National Museum, Smithsonian + Institution--is director of communications, American Pharmaceutical + Association, and managing editor, Journal of the American + Pharmaceutical Association._ + + +As one historian has reminded us, "few fields of history have been +more intensively cultivated by successive generations of historians; +few offer less reward in the shape of fresh facts or theories" than +does the American Revolutionary War.[1] This is true to some extent +even in the medical history of the Revolution. The details of the feud +within the medical department of the army have been told and +retold.[2] Even accounts of the drugs employed and pharmaceutical +services have been presented, primarily in the form of biographies and +as reviews of the _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_ of 1778.[3] However, +practically nothing has been published on the actual availability of +medical supplies. Furthermore, the discovery of several significant +but unrecorded account books of private druggists who furnished +sizable quantities of drugs to the Continental Army and a careful +re-evaluation of the unusually significant papers[4] of Dr. Jonathan +Potts, Revolutionary War surgeon, justify a review of the drug +supplies during the early years of the war. + + +Continental Medicine Chests + +As early as February 21, 1775, the Provincial Congress of +Massachusetts appointed a committee to determine what medical supplies +would be necessary should colonial troops be required to take the +field. Three days later the Congress voted to "make an inquiry where +fifteen doctor's chests can be got, and on what terms"; and on March 7 +it directed the committee of supplies "to make a draft in favor of +Doct. Joseph Warren and Doct. Benjamin Church, for five hundred +pounds, lawful money, to enable them to purchase such articles for the +provincial chests of medicine as cannot be got on credit."[5] + +A unique ledger of the Greenleaf apothecary shop of Boston[6] reveals +that this pharmacy on April 4, 1775, supplied at least 5 of the 15 +chests of medicines. The account, in the amount of just over L247, is +listed in the name of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, and shows +that L51 was paid in cash by Dr. Joseph Warren. The remaining L196 was +not paid until August 10, after Warren had been killed in the Battle +of Bunker Hill. + +The 15 medicine chests, including presumably the five supplied by +Greenleaf, were distributed on April 18--three at Sudbury and two each +at Concord, Groton, Mendon, Stow, Worcester, and Lancaster.[7] No +record has been found to indicate whether or not the British +discovered the medical chests at Concord, but, inasmuch as the +patriots were warned of the British movement, it is very likely that +the chests were among the supplies that were carried off and hidden. +The British destroyed as much of the remainder as they could +locate.[8] + +[Illustration: Figure 1.--Medicine scales and oval box of medicinal +herbs used by Dr. Solomon Drowne during the Revolution. Preserved at +Fort Ticonderoga Museum, New York.] + +Two days after the battles at Lexington and Concord, the Provincial +Congress ordered that a man and horse be made available to transport +medicines. On April 30, Andrew Craigie was appointed to take care of +these medical stores and deliver them as ordered. + +Medical supplies were an early source of anxiety to the Provincial +Congress of Massachusetts. The supply of drugs in Boston must have +been largely controlled by the British after Lexington-Concord, and +the limited supply in the neighboring smaller towns was soon +exhausted. Four days before the Battle of Bunker Hill the Congress +"Ordered that Doct. Whiting, Doct. Taylor and Mr. Parks, be a +committee to consider some method of supplying the several surgeons of +the army with medicines," and further "Ordered that the same committee +bring in a list of what medicines are in the medical store."[9] + +On June 10 the responsibility of furnishing medical supplies to the +army at Cambridge shifted to Philadelphia when the Continental +Congress accepted the request of the Massachusetts Provincial +Congress to assume control and direction of the forces assembled +around Boston. The Continental Congress established a Continental +Hospital Plan on July 27, but it was not until September 14 that the +Congress appointed a "committee to devise ways and means for supplying +the Continental Army with medicines." On this same day, the deputy +commissary general was directed to pay Dr. Samuel Stringer for the +medicines he purchased,[10] which, as we learn later, were the initial +supply for the Canadian campaign. + +The first recorded purchase of drugs made directly by Congress, on +September 23, was "a parcel of Drugs in the hands of Mr. Rapalje, +which he offers at the prime cost."[11] Then, on November 10, Congress +ordered that the medicine purchased in Philadelphia for the army at +Cambridge be sent there by land.[12] But difficulties of supply +commenced early. On January 1, 1776, Eliphalet Dyer wrote Joseph +Trumbull asking "how could the cask of Rhubarb which was sent by order +of Congress and was extremely wanted in the Hospital lye by to this +time. After you came way I wrote to Daniel Brown to see it +delivered."[13] + +In the fall of 1775 there must have been a reasonably good stock of +drugs in the hands of private Philadelphia druggists, and until the +end of summer there were still a number of ships from Jamaica, +Bermuda, Antigua, and Barbados putting in at Philadelphia with +supplies, much of which originally came from England. Philadelphia +druggists included William Drewet Smith, "Chemist and Druggist at +Hippocrates's Head in Second Street";[14] Dr. George Weed in Front +Street;[15] Robert Bass, "Apothecary in Market-Street"; Dr. Anthony +Yeldall "at his Medicinal Ware-House in Front-Street";[16] and the +firm of Sharp Delaney and William Smith.[17] The largest pharmacy in +Philadelphia was operated by the Marshall brothers--Christopher Jr. +and Charles. This pharmacy had been established in 1729 at Front and +Chestnut Streets by Christopher Marshall, Sr., a patriot who took an +active part in the care of the sick and wounded in Philadelphia +hospitals during the Revolution.[18] + +As the plans progressed for raising troops from New Jersey, Maryland, +Delaware, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, +Congress called on the committee on medicines "to procure proper +medicine chests for the battalions...."[19] The journal of the +Continental Congress fails to indicate the source of these medicine +chests, but the Marshall brothers' manuscript "waste book" (daily +record) for the period February 21 to July 6, 1776,[20] indicates that +the Marshall apothecary shop was the primary supplier. The records +show that the Marshalls furnished 20 medicine chests to the following +battalions from February to June:[21] + + February 1776: Pennsylvania 1st Battalion + March 1776: Jersey 3d Battalion + April 1776: Pennsylvania 2d, 3d, and 6th Battalions + May 1776: Six Virginia battalions + Jersey 1st Battalion + Pennsylvania 4th Battalion + June 1776: Six North Carolina battalions + Virginia 9th Battalion + +The exact contents of each chest are indicated in the Marshalls' waste +book. The chest furnished to the Pennsylvania 4th Battalion is an +example of the ones supplied by Congress in the spring of 1776; its +contents are listed on page 130. + +Congress intended that all chests be substantially the same, but the +amount of medicines demanded exceeded the stock of even the largest +druggists. The first several chests were complete as ordered, but as +early as April the Marshalls were running out of certain drugs. Gum +opium and nitre "found by Congress" was included in the chest for the +Pennsylvania 4th Battalion, and by May 11 the Marshalls were out of +Peruvian bark, ipecac, cream of tartar, gum camphor, and red +precipitate of mercury. The chests outfitted after June 1 also failed +to include Epsom salts, and the last chest lacked jalap as well. Thus +the majority of the battalions traveling north were already without +some of the most necessary drugs in their chests. Blithely their +medical officers thought they could obtain the missing drugs when they +arrived at the general hospital. + + +Treason, Poison, and Siege + +After the Battle of Bunker Hill, the forces around Boston settled down +for a 9-month siege. Two days after General Washington arrived in +Cambridge on July 2, 1775, to take command of the army, the Provincial +Congress of Massachusetts ordered a committee to prepare a letter +informing him of the provisions that had been made for the sick and +wounded of the army. On the very same day, July 4, the Provincial +Congress appointed Andrew Craigie medical commissary and apothecary +for the Massachusetts army.[22] + +Following a personal inspection by Washington on July 21 and the +establishment of the general hospital plan on July 27, the Continental +Congress elected Dr. Benjamin Church as director general of the newly +created medical department. Soon after this, Church conferred with +several Massachusetts officials regarding the appointment of +apothecaries for the medical store at Watertown. On August 3, a +committee of the Provincial Congress advised "that the Medical Store +in Watertown be continued where it now is, and that Mr. Andrew +Craigie, appointed by the late Congress Apothecary to the Colony, be +directed to take charge thereof, and prepare the necessary +compositions; and that Mr. James Miller Church be appointed Assistant +Apothecary to put up and distribute said Medicines...."[23] + +The medical supplies were slow in coming from Philadelphia, as we have +already noted. On the other hand, troops were arriving daily, placing +an increased demand on all types of supplies, including drugs. One +event which undoubtedly resulted in delays in establishing proper +supply depots was the startling discovery that Director General +Church was guilty of holding treasonable correspondence with the +enemy. On October 16, Congress elected Dr. John Morgan to replace +Church.[24] + +On December 2, by order of Morgan, Apothecary Craigie made an +inventory of the medical supplies in the general hospital at +Cambridge. The inventory included 120 different items, but only +limited quantities of the essential drugs.[25] There were 52 pounds of +Jesuits' bark, 18 pounds of cream of tartar, 76 pounds of purging +salts, 1 pound of camphor, 5 pounds of jalap, 1 pound of ipecac, and +1/2 pound of tartar emetic. The 44 pounds of gum ammoniac was reported +"damaged," and the 86 pounds of rhubarb was described as "bad."[26] An +inventory of medicines held by the different regimental surgeons in +Massachusetts indicated that all regiments had "but few medicines" +except for Colonel Hand's, which reported "a good supply."[27] + +However, this rather meager inventory of drugs probably was not +inadequate. The siege of Boston resulted in few wounded soldiers, and +there was a surprisingly small amount of sickness in the army during +the winter of 1775-76; furthermore, towns not too distant still had a +limited supply of drugs on hand. Smith and Coit, of Hartford, +Connecticut, informed "their good Customers, and the public in +general, that notwithstanding the entire stop to Importation which +hath long since taken place, they still have on hand, small Quantities +of most Articles of the Apothecary Way ... which they mean to sell at +a reasonable retailing Price."[28] Jacob Isaacks of Newport, Rhode +Island, similarly advertised "a complete assortment of genuine +Medicines, with furniture for containing the same, to the amount of +about 300 pounds sterling; which medicines were purchased with cash, +and will be sold, at the prime cost and charges, without any advance. +Any of the lawful or Continental bills now current will be taken in +pay for the above medicines."[29] + +Drug supplies also were quite adequate in Boston during the British +occupation. Sylvester Gardiner at "The Sign of the Unicorn and Mortar +in Marlborow Street" reported that "all kinds of the best and +freshest drugs and medicines ... are continued to be sold as usual." +However a cautionary note was added that drugs and medicines had been +"constantly imported every fall and spring to June last." Implicit in +the advertising is the suggestion that the securing of new supplies +was highly uncertain.[30] + +A letter dated December 2, 1775, from a British officer in Boston to a +friend in Edinburgh observed that "many of our men are sick, and fresh +provisions very dear." However, the officer added, "but the Rebels +must be in a much worse condition...."[31] Drugs were imported into +Boston during the siege as evidenced by an advertisement on February +22, 1776, announcing "just imported from LONDON and to be sold at Mr. +Dalton's Store, on the Long-Wharf, a proper assortment of Drugs and +Medicines of the Best quality in Cases."[32] + +By the end of February 1776, Washington had decided to try to end the +siege of Boston by seizing Dorchester Heights and placing his +artillery there in a position to bombard the town. General Howe +believed it was time to leave, and the British evacuated on March 17. + +As the Continental Army moved into Boston, there was an outcry that +the British had poisoned a supply of drugs left behind. On April 15 +the _Boston Gazette_ reported that "it is absolutely fact that the +Doctors of the diabolical ministerial butcher when they evacuated +Boston, intermixed and left 26 weight of Arsenick with the medicines +which they left in the Alms House."[33] Then, a week later, on April +22, appeared a series of testimonials that had been made by Joseph +Warren, Daniel Scott, and Frederick Ridgley at Watertown on April 3d +"by order of the Director-General of the Continental Hospital." Warren +swore under oath that on or about March 29 he had gone into the +workhouse [almshouse] "lately improved as an hospital by the British +troops stationed in said town" and upon examining the state of "a +large quantity of Medicine" left in the medicinal storeroom had found +about 12 or 14 pounds of arsenic intermixed with the drugs, which were +found "to be chiefly capital articles and those most generally in +demand."[34] + +Despite this incident, we have the word of Morgan that "a large, +though unassorted stock of medicines" was collected in Boston when the +British evacuated.[35] Hospital Surgeons Ebenezer Crosby and Frederick +Ridgley reported that "at the evacuation of Boston ... all the Mates +of the Hospital that could be spared from Cambridge ... were employed +in packing up and sending off [to Cambridge] drugs, medicines and +other hospital stores, collected by order of Dr. Morgan, the quantity +of which appeared great."[36] + +Inasmuch as few medicines were listed in the inventory of stores left +by the British on the wharfs and in the scuttled ships in the +harbor,[37] it appears that most of these drugs obtained in Boston +were confiscated from the homes, offices, and shops of the Loyalists +who fled when the British evacuated. Morgan reported that he had taken +possession of the medicines and furniture of Dr. Sylvester Gardiner's +shop, and a small stock of drugs from the office of Dr. William +Perkins, a private practitioner.[38] No inventory of these supplies +has been located thus far, but a contemporary biographer of Sylvester +Gardiner records that the confiscated drugs from his shop "filled from +20 to 25 wagons."[39] This is not unlikely because Gardiner's +apothecary shop was one of the largest and most prosperous in the +Colonies prior to the Revolution.[40] + +Soon after the British evacuated Boston, the Greenleaf apothecary shop +in Boston was again supplying medicines to the Continental Army. The +Greenleaf ledger[41] shows that on May 25 the shop sold nearly L4 +worth of "Sundry Medicines ... [to] the Committee of War, State of +Massachusetts Bay." Then, on June 20, the Massachusetts Assembly +resolved that "Dr. John Greenleaf of Boston be requested to supply the +Chief Surgeon of ... Colonels Marshall's, Whitney's and Craft's +Regiments ... with medicines as may be necessary...."[42] A short +time later the Assembly advanced "up to L50 to Greenleaf for +purchasing such medicines as he cannot supply from his own store."[43] + +The Greenleaf ledger shows that over L32 worth of medicines were sold +for Colonel Whitney's regiment and over L36 worth for Colonel +Marshall's regiment between June 13 and November 20, 1776. Thus, drugs +were available; but until the fall of '76, Greenleaf was having +difficulty in obtaining an abundant supply. + + +From Bad to Worse + +General Washington, correctly foretelling that New York City would be +the next British objective, marched there from Boston with as much of +his army as could be induced to stay under the colors. Had it not been +for the presence of Washington's forces in New York, that colony would +certainly have remained Loyalist; as it was, the Patriot committees +had the greatest difficulty in keeping the Tories quiet by strong-arm +methods.[44] + +The availability of drugs in New York prior to the arrival of +Washington's forces did not seem to be particularly affected by the +war. Thomas Attwood "at his store in Dock-Street" offered for sale a +wide assortment of drugs and medicines,[45] while William Stewart +offered "a fresh supply of Genuine Drugs and Medicines ... on the most +reasonable terms either for cash or at the usual credit."[46] The +citizens of New York did not even have to do without their popular +English patent medicines.[47] + +Washington, however, had to provide for his own medical supplies in +New York. In a letter dated April 3 he ordered Director General Morgan +to remove the general hospital to New York with "all convenient +speed...."[48] The fixing and completing of the regimental chests was +to be deferred until Morgan arrived at New York. + +Morgan remained behind in Boston for another six weeks collecting +medicines, furniture, and hospital stores worth thousands of pounds. +"The like quantity ... could not be procured," so Morgan later +claimed, "in any [other] part of America." He was also able to +purchase drugs from Salem, Newport, and Norwich, and before departing +for New York he completed a medicine chest for each of the five +regiments at Boston, Salem, and Marblehead, as ordered by +Washington.[49] + +Morgan arrived in New York about June 3 and purchased some additional +drugs there. By June 17 his staff had made up 30 medicine chests for +the regiments at New York as well as for "the branches of the General +Hospital at New-York, in the bowry and neighborhood and at +Long-Island." But the number of regiments requiring medical supplies +exceeded Morgan's expectations, particularly since he had been advised +that "the Southward regiments" would be supplied by Congress in +Philadelphia.[50] + +By the middle of June, Morgan must have realized that the supply of +drugs available was inadequate despite the sizable quantity brought +from Boston and the small stock he was able to obtain in New York. It +appears that many of the New York druggists were Loyalists, and +somehow they and their stock of drugs disappeared when needed by +Washington's army. For example, druggist Thomas Attwood "removed his +store consisting of a general assortment of Drugs and Medicines" to +Newark in May only to reappear in New York again under British +occupation with a good stock of "Drugs and Medicines."[51] + +The New York Committee of Safety had attempted to develop a stock of +drugs early in the year when they were plentiful,[52] but in June this +supply was valued at only L30. Even this small stock was not available +to Morgan because when he asked permission to purchase the medicines +at "a reasonable price ... for use of the Continental Hospital" the +New York Provincial Congress rejected his plea on June 26 with the +explanation that this medicine was to be "reserved for the use of the +poor and other inhabitants of this city."[53] + +With increasing demands to supply the troops in the Northern +Department, Morgan turned to Philadelphia and the Continental +Congress. Morgan owned a small stock of drugs in Philadelphia, and +knew of another supply in the possession of the firm of Delaney and +Smith,[54] so he sent Dr. Barnabus Binney to Philadelphia to forward +"with all dispatch" what medicines he had there and whatever could be +obtained from Congress.[55] Congress resolved on July 17 "to purchase +the Medicines (now in Phila) belonging to Doctor Morgan,"[56] but for +nearly a month Binney was unable to obtain any additional supplies +either from Congress or from private sources. + +On June 25 Morgan wrote to Samuel Adams asking for power "to demand a +proportion of the Continental medicines left in care of Messrs. +Delaney & Smith," and he repeated the request in July. However, +Morgan's only reply from Adams, dated August 5, made no mention of the +Delaney and Smith drug stock. Instead Adams wrote only: "I have +received several letters from you, which I should have sooner +acknowledged, if I could only have found leisure. I took however, the +necessary steps to have what you requested effected in Congress."[57] + +Finally, on August 8, Congress directed the committee for procuring +medicines "to supply the director general of the Hospital with such +medicines as he may want."[58] By this time, such a resolution was +hardly much consolation to Morgan. Evidence of the status of the +supplies in the general hospital at New York can be gleaned from an +advertisement in the _New-York Gazette_ of July 29 signed by Thomas +Carnes, "Steward and Quarter-Master to the General Hospital": + + WANTED immediately ... a large quantity of dry herbs, for baths, + fomentations, &c. &c. particularly baum hysop, wormwood and + mallows, for which a good price will be given. The good people of + the neighboring towns, and even those who live more remote from + this city, by carefully collecting and curing quantities of useful + herbs will greatly promote the good of the Army, and considerably + benefit themselves. + +The retreat from Long Island on August 27 and the subsequent loss of +New York City to the British certainly did not help the medical supply +problem. Despite the fact that part of the medical stores were shipped +to Stamford, Connecticut, and another stock of supplies removed to +Newark, Morgan admits that "the most valuable part was still left in +New-York when the enemy had effected a landing, drawn a line across +the island, and were entering New-York."[59] General Knox later told +how "late in the day of the 15th of September, 1776, after the enemy +had beat back part of the American troops," Morgan "came over from +Powles Hook in a pettiauger, and had her loaded with Hospital +stores."[60] Washington personally reported on September 16 that "the +retreat was effected with but little loss of Men, tho' a considerable +part of our Baggage ... part of our Stores and Provisions, which we +were removing, was unavoidably left in the City...."[61] + +One small bundle of private drug supplies saved from the British is +reported[62] by "Doct. Prime, A Refuge from Long Island," who +announced the opening of a shop in Wethersfield. The newspaper +advertisement reported that Prime + + ... has saved from the enemy a parcel of medicines, part of which + he would barter for such articles as he wants, especially shop + utensils of which he had unfortunately lost the most of his own.... + +The medical supply problem went from bad to worse as Washington's army +retreated from Harlem Heights to White Plains and then finally into +New Jersey. Morgan again turned to Philadelphia for drugs, but +obtained "none or next to none." Instead of ten pounds of tartar +emetic which Morgan requested from Philadelphia druggist Robert Bass +and the newly appointed Continental Druggist, William Smith, four +ounces was all that he received, but with "a proper apology."[63] + +On September 21, the supply of bark was completely exhausted, and +Washington was furious. On September 24 in a letter to the President +of the Congress, Washington charged that the regimental surgeons were +aiming "to break up the Genl. Hospital" and that they had "in +numberless Instances drawn for Medicines, Stores, &c. in the most +profuse and extravagent manner for private purposes."[64] + +To make matters worse, new troops continued to arrive without medical +supplies. For example, those from Maryland arrived at White Plains +with their regimental surgeons fully expecting Morgan to supply them +with medicines, even though the Maryland Convention on October 4 had +ordered that these troops be supplied with medicines by the Maryland +Council of Safety before their departure.[65] + +Morgan thought he had at least one small but safe stock of drugs. +Barnabas Binney, who was sent to Philadelphia in July for medical +supplies, was successful in obtaining "a reasonable good order" about +the middle of August, including "30 lb. Camphor; 10 lb. Ipecac; 7 lb. +Opium; 50 lb. Quicksilver; 40 lb. Jalap; 68 lb. Manna; 186 lb. Nitre; +200 lb. Cream of Tartar; 269 lb. Bark; and other important +articles."[66] However, since these supplies arrived at Newark just as +Washington was beginning to pull out of Long Island, they were +deposited at a newly established hospital under Cutting, the assistant +apothecary.[67] + +When Morgan finally began drawing on these supplies, Dr. William +Shippen had been placed in charge of the hospitals in New Jersey and +the medicines had been turned over to him by a vote of Congress.[68] +Finally, on January 9, 1777, Congress dismissed Morgan as director +general without giving any reasons except to indicate indirectly that +it was due to his inability to provide adequate medical supplies.[69] +To add insult to injury, on February 5 Congress asked "what is become +of the medicines which Dr. Morgan took from Boston ..." and resolved +to "take measures to have them secured, and applied to the use of the +army."[70] + +[Illustration: Figure 2.--Set of surgical instruments used by Dr. +Benjamin Treadwell during the Revolution. Included are three +amputation knives, forceps, a ball extractor, and two surgical hooks. +Preserved at the Medical Museum of the Armed Forces Institute of +Pathology. (_Photo courtesy of Armed Forces Institute of Pathology._)] + +Meanwhile, in New York City the supply of drugs had returned to normal +or near normal within a few weeks after the British occupation. On +September 30, 1776, Thomas Brownejohn announced the opening "of his +medicinal store at the corner of Hanover-Square ... where gentlemen of +the army and navy can be supplied at the shortest notice with all +kinds of medicines on the most reasonable terms." On December 16 +Richard Speaight announced that he "has once again opened his Shop at +the sign of the Elaboratory in Queen-Street," and a week later Thomas +Attwood returned from Newark to open "his store of Drugs and Medicines +in Dock-Street." To touch upon the sympathy of the Loyalists, Donald +McLean, "Surgeon of the late Seventy-Seventh Regiment," reported in +January 1777 that he was "now happily delivered from his late +captivity" and again opening a shop in Water-Street for drugs and +medicines.[71] + +Importations from London commenced as early as December 1776 when "the +Brig Friendship lying at Beaches Wharf" offered for sale "An +Assortment of Drugs, Consisting of Bark, Opium, Rhubarb, &c." In April +1777 Speaight advertised "a fresh Importation ... from the original +ware-houses in London," and, in June, Attwood advertised "A large and +general Assortment of Drugs and Medicines freshly imported.... Several +Medicine Chests complete, fitted up in London, with printed +Directions."[72] + +Importation by the British was not without its problems, however. +Joseph Gurney Bevan, owner of the Plough Court Pharmacy in London, +wrote Dr. Traser in Jamaica on October 25, 1777: + + I hope thou will be pleased with the Bark. It is very good and the + best I have seen this year, but I do not think any Bark in town is + equal to what I have seen in former years. Thou wilt note the snake + root to be very dear. The cause is the stoppage of the American + trade. Opium is also much higher than I ever knew it. The insurance + is raised on account of the American privateers. + +Answering a letter from William Stewart of New York, Bevan wrote on +March 5, 1777: + + I wish it were yet in my power to ... forward the medicines and + utensils thou hast written for. But on inquiry I am informed that + it is not permitted that anything shall yet be sent to New York in + a merchantile way. Therefore I must defer till the wanted + intercourse between us and you is re-established.... I want to + advise thee to buy what snake root thou cans't pick up which I + believe if sent hither at the first opening of the trade, will turn + to good Account. + +Bevan was still reluctant to make any shipments in April because the +"ships and cargoes on their arrival at New York will be at the mercy +of the persons in command there," but on September 4 he shipped a +large order to McLean.[73] During the remainder of the war, the +Plough Court Pharmacy continued regular shipments to McLean as well as +to Stewart and to Brownejohn. + + +"Medicines--None" + +Morgan's chaotic situation at New York was mild compared to the +conditions at Fort George and Ticonderoga in the Northern Department. +Dr. Samuel Stringer, medical director of the Northern Department, +wrote General Washington on May 10, 1776, that the majority of the +regimental surgeons had neither medicines nor instruments, and that +there was no possibility of getting them in Canada. Washington replied +that he would direct Dr. Morgan to send the required supplies, and ask +for additional help from Congress.[74] However, until early in June, +Morgan was in no position to outfit medicine chests for any of the +troops at New York, much less for the army in the north; and Congress +didn't even get around to directing "the committee appointed to +provide medicines ... to send a proper assortment of medicine to +Canada" until June 17.[75] + +After Morgan had established the general hospital at New York, he +wrote to Samuel Adams on June 25 that + + ... the state of the Army in Canada ... for a supply of medicines + is truly deplorable. General Gates sets out to-morrow to take + command of the Army in Canada. Dr. Potts will accompany him. I have + therefore given orders to supply him from the General Hospital with + a large chest of such medicines as I can best spare, and which can + be got ready to-morrow before his departure.[76] + +Until July 24, the only medicines to arrive at Fort George were the +"few that Dr. Potts brought with him" even though Morgan had, +according to Stringer, promised to send "by the first sloop twenty +half-chests of medicines" put up at New York for ten battalions in the +north. Stringer therefore asked permission of General Gates at +Ticonderoga to "go forth to York and see the medicines forthwith +forwarded by land, until they can be safely conveyed by water." +Permission was granted on July 29 and Stringer departed for New +York.[77] Meanwhile, Morgan had written Potts on July 28 that he had +sent Dr. James McHenry to Philadelphia for drugs, and that he was +sending Andrew Craigie to Fort George to "act as an Apothecary." +Morgan also asked for an inventory of drugs on hand in the Northern +Department.[78] + +Stringer spent only a day or two in New York with Morgan--just long +enough to intensify their personal feud over responsibilities and +authority. Stringer determined that the "twenty half-chests" +apparently were a figment of someone's imagination, because supplies +in New York were almost as bad as they were in the north. Also, he +learned that Morgan was sending a box of medicine northward "under the +care of the Surgeon of Col. Wayne Regt."[79] that was undoubtedly +intended to serve only as a regimental chest. Stringer then hurried on +to Philadelphia just in time to intercept McHenry, who had obtained +"an order from the Committee of Congress for 40 lb. Bark, 10 [lb.] +Camphire and some other articles."[80] + +Stringer wrote Potts on August 17 that at last he had obtained an +order for medicines that would be packed in two days, but added "when +you'll receive them God knows." He also reported that "there will also +arrive another Box under the care of Doct. McHenry containing only 5 +articles of which there is but 30 lbs. Bark and I think not a +purgative except some few pounds of Rhubarb and a little Fol. +Senae."[81] McHenry, however, only got as far as New York with his +meager supplies, because Stringer discharged him from the service in +an attempt to show both Morgan and Potts who had the most +authority.[82] + +Stringer's inexcusably long absence from his hospital post and failure +to send the needed medicines so aroused General Gates that he wrote +the President of the Congress on August 31 as follows:[83] + + The Director of the General Hospital in this department, Doctor + Stringer, was sent to New-York three and thirty days ago, with + positive orders to return the instant he had provided the drugs and + medicines so much wanted. Since then, repeated letters have been + wrote to New-York and Philadelphia, setting forth in the strongest + terms the pressing necessity of an immediate supply of these + articles. + +Finally, almost a month after his arrival in Philadelphia, Stringer +set out for Albany with a small stock of drugs. On September 7 he +wrote Potts from Albany that he hoped the small supply that he +obtained and the chest of medicines that Morgan had just sent would +hold out until he could obtain additional supplies in New England, +where he was then headed "to ransack that Country of those articles we +want."[84] + +Meanwhile, Potts at Fort George had started making the desired +inventory of medicines. It came as no surprise to anyone that the +situation was deplorable--indeed, it was worse than that. On August 31 +a committee of surgeons at Ticonderoga prepared at General Gates' +order "A Catalogue of Medicines Most Necessary for the Army." This +list, undoubtedly representing the minimum requirements of each +battalion, called for 20 pounds of bark, 4 pounds of gum camphor, 2 +pounds of gum opium, 3 pounds of powdered ipecac, 4 pounds of powdered +jalap, 2 pounds of powdered rhubarb, 15 pounds of Epsom salts, and 3 +pounds of tartar emetic among two dozen different medicines.[85] +Instead of these minimum requirements, regimental surgeons at +Ticonderoga, Crown Point, Mount Independence, and Fort George +presented inventories (mostly dated September 8) that clearly +emphasized their destitute condition. + +The first New Jersey battalion at Ticonderoga reported "No Jallap, +Rhubarb, Salts, or Ipecac"; while Colonel Whilocks' regiment at +Ticonderoga reported "No medicines exclusive of private property." The +five companies of artillery at Fort George reported "Medicines--None," +as did the 24th Regiment at Mount Independence. Others reported small +or "tollerable" assortments of medicine. A close examination of the +inventory of the Pennsylvania 6th Battalion at Crown Point shows it to +have been lacking bark, ipecac, rhubarb, camphor, and salts; and only +one-half ounce of jalap and 2 ounces of gum opium remained in the +chest outfitted by Christopher and Charles Marshall on April 25 in +Philadelphia. The 15th Regiment of Foot at Mount Independence claimed +2 ounces of bark and 1-1/2 ounces of gum opium, while the 6th Regiment +at Ticonderoga was as well off as any with one-half pound of bark and +4 ounces of gum opium.[86] Compared with the minimum need of 20 pounds +of bark and 2 pounds of gum opium, even this was not of much comfort. + +The inventory "of the Medicines in the Continental Store at Fort +George" dated September 9 was not very comforting either. While the +store included 137 different items, including equipment and containers +of all the capital medicines, only Epsom salts appeared to be +available in a sufficient quantity. Seven pounds of rhubarb were also +on hand, but conspicuous by their absence were bark, ipecac, jalap, +gum camphor, and gum opium.[87] + +With their continuous requests and demands, the regimental surgeons +made life miserable for Potts. Surgeon Mate of the Pennsylvania 1st +wrote that the "Chest of Medicine ... is not yet arrived but expect it +hourly...." Trumbull asked: "Have your Medicines arriv'd? Have +Stringer or McHenry made their appearance yet? Our people fall sick by +Dozens. I not a Pennys worth of Medicine have for them, even in the +most virulent disorders." Surgeon Johnston begged: "Pray if possible +send me 4 pounds Pulv. Cort. Peruv. [Bark] and 3 ounces Tart[ar] +Emet[ic]. With those medicines I think I could restore a number of our +best Men to perfect Health."[88] + +In those instances where some drugs were on hand, the shortage of +pharmaceutical equipment hampered, if not prevented, the preparation +of proper dosage forms. Surgeon McCrea on board the _Royal Savage_ +wrote on September 2 that he "found a great inconvenience for want of +scales & waits,"[89] and the surgeon at Crown Point wrote on September +19 that "the Medicines which I rec'd a few days ago will be of very +little Benefit as I have no fit Mortar &c to prepare them with & must +use them in Decoction."[90] + +It wasn't until October that any relief arrived, and even then there +were disappointments. Andrew Craigie, at Fort George, received a +wagonload of herbs on October 3, but, as Craigie reported to Potts, +"one half the load is entirely useless, containing Saffron, Pink +flower, and whole H[eade]d Pennyroyal, &c. &c. Dr. Brown thinks his +broad shoulders would carry all the articles that are worth anything." +Craigie recommended to Potts that payment should not be made for all +the useless articles.[91] + +The long-lost Stringer finally arrived at Albany from Boston on +October 5 and reported to Gates that he had met the greatest success +in procuring L5,000 of medicines.[92] Ten days later, Stringer wrote +Potts that he was now forwarding "by waggon two Barrels & 1 Box of +Medicines ... [which] will suffice for the present, not thinking it +prudent to send up the whole, especially as we can always get them up +as they are wanted."[93] + +Even after the long delay, most of the supplies were still held in +Albany instead of being distributed among the surgeons who needed +them. This infuriated Potts to a point that even Stringer found it +necessary, on October 25, to explain: + + I received yesterday a letter from you ... before this time you + will have rec'd such of the articles you desired as we had to spare + [from] the Medicines I purchased at Boston ... I thought [it] not + proper to risque [them] up here; neither were any of them in + powder, and all that were so at this place we sent you, and have + two hands busy in preparing more for our own use. I hope that [the + shipment] sent will be sufficient for your purpose.[94] + +Andrew Craigie had sent three barrels and four boxes of supplies to +Ticonderoga on October 22,[95] but the shipment obviously did not +suffice. On November 7 Stringer wrote that "as soon as possible the +Medicines you wrote for shall be prepared and sent, but they are +chiefly to be pulverized." In his typical style he added, "I cannot +conceive what use you will have for five sieves when you have no large +mortar."[96] + +The November 27 report of the committee of Congress on the conditions +in the general hospital at Fort George indicates that the supply +situation was at last reasonably good,[97] but by this time the season +was far advanced and the forces had to retire to winter quarters. +Stringer was relieved of his command along with Morgan early the +following year. Unlike that of Morgan, Stringer's dismissal appears to +have been based on reasonably good grounds. + + +Privateers to the Rescue + +Despite Congress' slow start in providing medical supplies, its +members realized as early as December 1775 that additional sources of +supply outside the Colonies would be required. On December 23 they +heard that L2,000 of medicines, surgeon's instruments, and lint and +bandages were required by the army, and on January 3, 1776, the Secret +Committee reported to Congress that these supplies should be imported +as soon as possible.[98] + +In September 1775 Congress had created the Secret Committee to +supervise the export and import of vital materials required for the +war. Licenses to leave port were given shipmasters on the condition +that they would return with vital military stores. Under this +dispensation, American ships set out for Europe, Africa, and the West +Indies in search of essential supplies.[99] Many months were required, +however, to establish such importation as a significant source of +supply, and this was especially true with regard to medical supplies. + +The delay in initiating importation can hardly be charged as the only +or even the main reason for medical supply shortages in 1776. For +example, in August of that year, when at least a half-dozen medical +supply officers were pleading for drugs from Congress in Philadelphia, +John Thomson of Petersburg, Virginia, advertised that he had for sale +"Rhubarb and Jalap, Glauber and Epsom Salts, Jesuits Bark" and a host +of other supplies.[100] Whether or not Thomson's supplies constituted +any significant amount, the very fact that he had to advertise them +indicates a lack of coordination and communication between those +urgently seeking supplies and those selling them. + +Even more frustrating were those suppliers right under Congress's nose +advertising essential drugs. Suppliers like Dr. Anthony Yeldall at +"his Medicinal Ware-House" were still advertising "Bark, Camphire, +Rhubarb, &c" in July of '76.[101] Philadelphia was second only to New +York for Loyalists, and Yeldall was later proven to be a strong Tory. +Then there were those who were neither Patriot nor Loyalist; they were +just indifferent to the cause for American independence, and thus +insisted on cash, even though six months' credit was the common +practice just prior to the war. In 1771 in Philadelphia one druggist +regularly gave a 15 percent discount on all purchases if paid within +six months and 7-1/2 percent discount was allowed for payments between +six and nine months, but interest was expected on all debts over a +year's standing.[102] + +The business-minded members of Congress tried to follow prewar methods +by seeking credit. Merchants who sold on credit found that, when they +finally were paid, they received paper money backed only by a promise +to exchange for gold and silver at some future time. Furthermore, they +were caught in a spiraling inflation, and often found that when they +finally received their money from Congress it then would cost them +twice as much to replenish their stocks. Medical supply officers +therefore found it necessary to pay ready cash for merchandise out of +their own pocket, and sometimes they had to wait six months for +reimbursement from Congress. + +As we have noted, by the fall of 1776 Boston had become a better +source of supply of drugs than Philadelphia, although it had been +occupied by the British for nine months and Morgan had removed most of +the drugs left there the previous May. This was primarily due to a +single factor--the American privateer. British shipping was vulnerable +to the American privateers, which were fast vessels well suited to +this kind of enterprise. Well over 1,000 captures were made during the +war by Massachusetts privateers alone, and the arrivals of rich prize +ships at New England ports became frequent.[103] + +The Greenleaf ledger confirms that drugs were included in some of +these prize ships. On December 14, 1776, Greenleaf records the receipt +of L62 from the Massachusetts government in payment for "an invoice of +Druggs taken from the prize ship Julius Caesar." Greenleaf received an +even larger stock "of druggs taken in the prize Brig Three Friends" +in March 1777. This was valued at over L170, and was also used by +Massachusetts to pay on its account with Greenleaf, largely for +outfitting its privateers.[104] + +On June 30, 1777, J. G. Frazer of Boston wrote Dr. Potts, still at +Ticonderoga, as follows:[105] + + I have the pleasure to give you this Early notice of a prize ship + being sent into Casco Bay last week with four tons of Jesuits Bark + on board for one valuable article besides a great quantity of other + stores for the British Army at New-York. + + +Brisk Business in Boston + +A series of letters to Director General Potts from Apothecary Andrew +Craigie, who was on a purchasing trip through New England, gives us an +interesting glimpse into the situation. On August 29, 1777, Craigie +wrote Potts from Springfield[106] that he had just arrived from +Wethersfield where he purchased 222 pounds of bark of excellent +quality. He saw it weighed and repacked, and left the necessary +instructions for shipment to Albany. Having heard that "a quantity of +Bark & other articles are arrived at some eastern ports" Craigie took +off for Boston where he wrote Potts on September 1 as follows:[107] + + I wrote you from Springfield aquainting you that I had engaged 222 + lb. Bark at the Price [L5 per pound] Mr. Livingston mentioned to + you; it being very dear induced me to engage a less quantity than + you proposed 'til I should make enquiry here. I find to my great + mortification that it is 40/[shillings] less than that in + Wethersfield. I wish we could get clear of that engagement, and at + least think some adjustment should be made as I am informed it cost + Mr. Livingston who bought it at publick sale only 3 Pounds at which + price I expect to engage 1 or 200 lb. tomorrow.... In the morning I + go to Cape Anne about 40 miles from this, after medicines that have + lately arrived.... + +Recalling Stringer's long absence of the previous year, Craigie +concluded: + + I shall pay particular attention to, and if to be had, procure the + articles, but everything is very dear. I hope not to exceed the + time you have limited. + +Craigie returned to Albany on September 20 and advised Potts that he +"succeeded in procuring medicines as expected" and that he had "on the +road 2 covered waggons of capital medicines &c."[108] The shipment +included 200 pounds of bark that Craigie bought at L3 a pound, and +waiting for him in Albany were also the 222 pounds of bark, for which +he was billed at L5 a pound plus L23/10 "Carting and Expenses."[109] +Payment had not been made by November 10,[110] nor was there any +evidence of an adjustment. + +At the same time that Craigie was in Boston purchasing supplies for +the Northern Department, Apothecary Jonathan B. Cutting of the Middle +Department was also there, competing with him.[111] Furthermore, +several agents for the Congress (Thomas Cushing, Daniel Tillinghast, +and John Bradford) were purchasing drugs for the Continental Navy. +Greenleaf's ledger records that between January 23 and May 28 over +L500 worth of medicine chests and sundry medicines were sold to "The +United American States" for the Continental frigates _Boston_, +_Hancock_, _Providence_, and _Columbus_. + +This competition among various branches of the army and navy led to a +brisk business in Boston. Druggists in nearby communities chanced the +British blockade to send supplies which they had on hand. For example, +Jonathan Waldo, an apothecary at Salem, Massachusetts, recorded in his +account book[112] on April 8, 1777, that "13 packages and 4 cases of +medicines are ship'd on Board the Sloop called the Two Brothers Saml +West Master. An Account and [illegible word] of Mr. Oliver Smith of +Boston Apothecary and to him consigned." Evidence of the war appears +in the footnote to the entry, however. It reads: "The cases are +unmarked being ship'd at Night. Error Excepted. Jon. Waldo." + + +The Situation Improves + +Oliver Smith, advertising in a Boston newspaper in October 1777, +clearly emphasized the fact that "A Large and Valuable Assortment of +Drugs and Medicines" were on hand. Included in the listing were bark, +gum camphor, gum opium, jalap, rhubarb, and salts.[113] + +Back in Philadelphia, the supply situation was also improving. William +Smith, Continental Druggists, received over $5,000 from Congress for +drug purchases,[114] and the Marshalls also continued to furnish +Congress with a variety of medical supplies in amounts upwards of +$4,000.[115] Drugs were occasionally being imported into Philadelphia +despite the British blockade. In January 1777, Robert Bass, an +apothecary in Market Street, advertised[116] "A Quantity of Peruvian +Bark, just imported ... together with Drugs and Medicines of most +kinds." Bass was supplying the Northern Department with drugs in +February 1777, but, according to a letter from John Warren to Potts, +"he is determined not even to pack them untill he shall receive the +money in payment for them."[117] In March, Bass wrote Potts directly +that + + ... if in future you want any compositions let me know in time that + I may have them ready. I cou'd not send a full quantity [of] fly + Plasters, but am this week making a large quantity of most kinds + and shall send of deficiency in your next order.[118] + +In June, Christopher and Charles Marshall also received "a small +assortment of valuable medicines, just imported and to be sold"[119] +to replenish their stock. Even Congress purchased directly certain of +the importations, on May 28, 1778, for example, ordering that "755 +42/90 dollars be advanced to the Committee of Commerce, to enable them +to pay Andrew and James Caldwell, the freight of sundry medicines +imported in their sloop from Martinico."[120] Many of the British +prize ships were carried to the French island of Martinique in the +West Indies for trans-shipment of their cargoes. + +These shipments however did not meet with the requirements for medical +supplies. In March, Apothecary Cutting, then stationed at the +"Continental Medicine Store in Fourth-Street," Philadelphia, +advertised that "any price will be given for old sheets, or half worn +linen proper for lint and bandages," while, in May, Commissary Hugh +James advertised that "a handsome price will be given for Vials and +Corks."[121] The problems of medical supplies were often brought to +the attention of the public. Thomas Carnes, "Quarter Master and +Steward" of the American hospital in New England, advertised in +several papers that he + + is authorized to make known in this public manner, that no Expense + shall be spared in future in making the most ample Provision for + the sick and wounded of the Army.... Proper medicines will be + prepared, not only by General Hospitals, but by Regimental + Surgeons. The Difficulties the Sick and Wounded met with the last + Campaign arose from the unsettled State of the Army, and the + Distance Medicines, and other Necessaries used to be sent.[122] + +The reorganization of the medical department by Congress, including +the establishment of "two Apothecaries" and their duties, was +published in the _Pennsylvania Packet_ on April 15, and a front page +account presenting "directions for preserving the Health of Soldiers" +was featured in the next issue.[123] + +Dr. Potts wrote the Medical Committee in Congress on April 3, 1777: + + I have the Honour to enclose you a Return of the Medicines & Stores + belonging to the General Hospital in the Department, which I have + received from Doctor Samuel Stringer, these with what I brought + with me from Philadelphia & some few I expect from Boston will be + quite sufficient for this campaign. + +In contrast to the time when stores were short in '76, the chairman of +the Medical Committee, M. Thornton, was quick to reply on April 12 +that + + ... we are highly pleased with your having the prospect of a + sufficient supply of medicines in your Department for the ensuing + Campaign, & approve of the returns you have made us.[124] + + +Valley Forge + +Washington's forces were defeated at Brandywine on September 11, 1777, +and on September 25 the British army occupied Philadelphia. +Washington, after trying without success to dislodge them by a sudden +attack at Germantown on October 4, retreated to Valley Forge. + +Business in Philadelphia under British occupation continued much as it +had under American control, except for a few missing suppliers and a +few new ones. One druggist who was little in evidence after the war +commenced was back in business advertising within two weeks after the +British occupied Philadelphia. It was William Drewet Smith (not to be +confused with William Smith) who advised "friends and customers ... +that they can be supplied with Medicine and Drugs as usual, at his +shop in Second-Street." To indicate that he was expecting an active +business, Smith also advertised for "a person who can be well +recommended for honesty and sobriety ... to attend a Druggist's +Shop."[125] + +[Illustration: Figure 3.--Page from the Waste Book manuscript of the +Christopher Marshall, Jr., and Charles Marshall apothecary shop in +Philadelphia. This is the first page of the contents of a medicine +chest furnished on order of the Continental Congress for the +Pennsylvania 4th Battalion. Preserved at the Historical Society of +Pennsylvania, in Philadelphia.] + +[Illustration: Figure 4.--Page from the ledger of the Greenleaf +apothecary shop in Boston, showing the accounts between September 3, +1776, and May 28, 1777, with "the United American States" for +outfitting ships of the Continental Navy. Preserved at the American +Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass.] + +During the British occupation there was a large number of thefts and +losses--perhaps aided by the American patriots who remained in +Philadelphia--that included drugs and surgical instruments. In +November an advertisement reported the loss of "a sett of Surgeons +Pocket instruments in a crimson chequered covering, with a silver +clasp. Whoever will bring them to the bar of the coffee-house or to +Mr. Allman, surgeons mate of the Royal Artillery, shall have a Guinea +reward, and no questions asked." In April an unidentified druggist +advertised: "Stolen yesterday afternoon out of an apothecary's shop +Three Specie Glasses, with brass caps; one contained two pounds of +native cinnabar. Whoever discovers the thief and goods shall have +Twenty Shillings reward from the printer."[126] + +A sign of the times is evident from the advertisement by Dr. Anthony +Yeldall, who offered his "Anti-Venereal Essence at only Two Dollars." +This nostrum, it was claimed, would not only cure the disease, but +would "absolutely prevent catching the infection." Each bottle came +with printed instructions "so that no questions need be asked." The +fact that the advertisement appeared no less than 10 times from +January through April speaks for its success.[127] It is interesting +to note that, after the British evacuated Philadelphia, "Anthony +Yeldall, Surgeon, late of the city of Philadelphia," was included +among those who were charged as having "knowingly and willingly aided +and assisted the enemies" and who would be brought to trial for high +treason.[128] + +While the British forces rested, well nourished, warm, and relatively +secure in Philadelphia, Washington's troops, hardly more than 20 miles +away, were tortured by cold, hunger, and disease. On December 23 there +were 2,898 men at Valley Forge reported sick or unfit for duty because +of lack of clothing.[129] Even so, the lack of medical supplies was +nowhere near as bad as the conditions that existed in '76. Under the +command of Director General Shippen and Purveyor General Potts,[130] +the medical department operated a series of hospitals in such +Pennsylvania communities as Easton, Bethlehem, Lancaster, Ephrata, and +Lititz. The principal hospital for Valley Forge was established 10 +miles away at Yellow Springs (now Chester Springs). + +The largest drain on medical supplies appears not to have been during +the height of winter but rather in the early spring when the medicine +chests of various regiments and hospitals were being restocked for the +expected spring offensive. The first step was to supplement the supply +of medical supplies on hand. In late February or early March, Dr. +William Brown sent Purveyor General Potts a list of needs of the +entire medical department that included L20,000 worth of medicines, +vials, corks, etc.[131] Dr. Brown supplemented this list with a letter +to Potts dated March 11 in which he itemized the following +equipment:[132] + + 3 doz. Boxes Small Apothecary's Weights & Scales + 3 doz. Bolus knives + 3 doz. Pot Spathulae + 2 doz. Marble Mortars, of one pint, & Pestles + 2 doz. Setts Measures, from 1/2 ounce to 1 [pint?] + 6 doz. Earthen Vessels (deep) with handles--of different + sizes, from 2 quarts to 2 galls, for boiling Decoctions, or + 2 doz. copper Do. of one gallon--for that purpose. + 6 doz. Delft Ware Tiles, for mixing Boluses &c. on. + +While Dr. Brown was completing his report on medical supplies, he was +also concluding his compilation of an emergency military hospital +formulary which has become known as the _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_, so +named because Brown was making Lititz his headquarters at the time. +The preface is dated "Lititz, March 12, 1778." The actual title +(translated from Latin) reads: "Formulary of simple and yet +efficacious remedies for the use of the military hospital, belonging +to the army of the Federated States of America. Especially adapted to +our poverty and straitened circumstances, caused by the ferocious +inhumanity of the enemy, and the cruel war unexpectedly brought upon +our fatherland." This formulary was published by Styner & Cist of +Philadelphia in 1778, which means that it was not actually printed +until sometime after June 18, when the British evacuated Philadelphia. + +In the preface Brown explained that there were two types of formulas +contained in the _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_; one was the "medicaments +which must be prepared and compounded in a general laboratory; the +others are to be mixed, as needed, in our hospital dispensaries." + +The main store of drugs was housed at Manheim until late March, when +Shippen ordered Apothecary Cutting to pack the medical stores there +and proceed on to Yellow Springs.[133] Cutting wrote Potts on March 30 +that + + ... the articles that we have in store are now ready to put on + board the waggons excepting the want of cases to contain them.... + Paper, Twine, Square Snuff Bottles & Corks are so essentially + necessary to take with us, to fit up the Regimental Chests that I + wish your order to buy them at Lancaster immediately. I never heard + what place in the vicinity of Camp has been chosen for our + temporary Medicine Shop, nor what quantities the Regimental + Surgeons are to be supply'd when we get there....[134] + +On April 16 Cutting[135] wrote that the + + ... dispensing store is open'd here [at Yellow Springs] and we have + begun to supply the Regiments in Camp.... Dr. Cochran has given + orders to the Division on the left to bring their Chests first, and + we propose going through the whole Army in the order in which they + lay.... The best method I can think of is to act immediately about + preparing new Chests upon the Northern Plan at some convenient + place for all such Battallions as did not get chests from Dr. + Craigie [in the] last campaign. When these new parcels are ready, + let us call all the large chests into the Stores ... which are too + compleat & capacious for Field Service, & in lieu of them give out + our smaller ones. By this exchange, the Genl. Hospital will be + well supplied with standing Chests & acquire a great variety of + useful articles which are not essential in Camp. + +Apothecary Cutting was concerned, however, over supplies and + + ... very apprehensive that the several Hospitals in this vicinity + will render a further reinforcement necessary before we shall be + able to compleat the whole.... To give only a few of the Capitals + to each will be a work of Time, & a much more intensive piece of + business than I at first imagined. + +Meanwhile, Potts had sent Apothecary Craigie to Baltimore to obtain a +fresh stock of drugs, and probably to prevent further friction between +Craigie and Cutting. This feud started early in 1777 when Apothecary +Cutting, serving with Shippen in Philadelphia, was named, over his +preceptor Craigie, to head the newly organized "Apothecary department" +of the army.[136] On March 27 Craigie wrote from Annapolis advising +Potts that he had been in Baltimore + + ... not long since and waited on Messrs. Lux & Bowly. The medicines + were not come to hand but were expected.... I have engaged the + whole invoice which contains several important medicines not + mentioned in your list. I think the prices are full high, tho' + somewhat less than Dr. Shippen affixed, and it was not in my power + to procure them at a cheaper rate. They were offered L20 per lb. + for all the Cantharides and much higher price for the Bark. They + are not yet arrived from some place in Virginia where they were + first landed. I shall examine them immediately on their arrival, + and if good forward them on to Manheim, if they prove not good + shall reject them, as the engagement is conditional.[137] + +Then on April 4, Craigie wrote from Chester Town:[138] + + I this day received a letter from Messrs. Lux & Bowley informing + me, the waggons were arrived, but to their great surprise with only + two packages of medicines, the others being seized near + Williamsburg for the use of Virginia State. Those arrived contain + but a very small share of any of the articles mentioned in your + list and I believe none of the Bark and Cantharides. I shall + immediately proceed to Baltimore and examine those two packages & + if good send them on to Manheim, provided the price is + agreeable.... I shall inquire into the circumstances of the seizure + and endeavor to find out if there has been any unfair play which I + can hardly suspect from the character of the Gentlemen. + +Just prior to May 1, Craigie returned to Carlisle, where the +"Elaboratory and Stores for the reception of the medicines &c. +belonging to the military hospitals" was established,[139] and +complained that he did not find the medicinal store in the order which +he expected to find it: + + We have many important medicines but by no means an assortment + sufficient for the Army. I speak only of what is now in store. + There are Medicines in different places of which I have no list. + +Craigie further noted that Cutting had come up from Yellow Springs on +May 1 to confer regarding plans for completing medicine chests, and +would leave the following day for Baltimore where he obviously was +going to try to purchase more drugs. + +Craigie was puzzled by the establishment of a dispensing store at +Yellow Springs, and asked whether or not the plan was + + ... to have the principle Store at Carlisle, where all the + medicines shall be prepared, and the Chests compleated supposing + the Genl. Hospitals will be more collected, and the number + lessened. I would propose that an Apothecary attend each with a + compleate Chest of Medicines; that the Surgeon & Physician Genl of + the Army be attended by an Apothecary with good Chest, and the + Regiments supply'd upon the Northern Plan. I would have an Issuing + Store established at a convenient distance from the Army, from + which the Hospital and Regimental Chests might occasionally be + replenished.[140] + +A sizable stock of drugs was finally received from Baltimore,[141] and +a fairly good stock was brought down from the stores in the Northern +Department, which were left well supplied by Craigie and Potts.[142] +An improved plan for obtaining lint from the Moravian Sisters at +Bethlehem and Lititz was proposed by Dr. Brown,[143] and "the +propriety of setting the glass works at Manheim agoing" was offered as +a solution by Craigie for obtaining much needed vials.[144] Local +manufacturing at Carlisle[145] and "in the Jersies"[146] was used as a +source of volatile and purging salts. + +Gibson records[147] that between April 19 and May 3, 1778, the +commands of Generals Patterson, Leonard, Poor, Glover, Scott, and +Woodward turned in their medicine chests to Apothecary Cutting at +Yellow Springs, and that every regiment received a standardized field +box containing a definite list and quantity of necessary drugs and +supplies. However, it appears likely that the project started by +Cutting and continued by Craigie was not completed until late June at +the earliest.[148] The "invoice of those things thought essential for +the protection and health of soldiers in the field or camp" presented +by Gibson[149] is actually an "Invoice of a Chest of medicines &c. +compleated in the medicinal Store, N[orthern] D[epartmen]t for Thos. +Tillotson Esq."[150] Inasmuch as the plan used in the Northern +Department was employed by both Craigie and Cutting, the items on this +invoice may serve as a reasonably good picture of the medicine chests +of '78 as compared with those of '76 (see page 130). + +One of the reasons for better supplies at a time when other conditions +were even worse than they were in 1776 is the fact that Congress was +advancing sizable, if not always completely adequate, amounts of money +for the cash purchase of supplies instead of seeking credit or +expecting those responsible to procure supplies by using their +personal money and waiting on Congress to reimburse them. During 1778, +Congress advanced some $940,000 to Purveyor General Potts alone for +the exclusive use of the hospital department, and these funds were in +turn distributed to the proper medical procurement officers, including +the apothecaries. It is significant to compare the sum of $1,095,000 +provided by Congress in 1778 with L10,000 (about $27,000) which, +according to Morgan, was the limit for medical and hospital supplies +in 1776.[151] True, inflation had set in by 1778, and the value of +money had declined greatly. For example, cantharides purchased from +the Marshalls' apothecary shop in Philadelphia in 1776 cost 10 +shillings per pound as compared with the cantharides Craigie purchased +in Baltimore in 1778 at L20 per pound. However, the worst of the +inflation was yet to come.[152] + + +In Summary + +Initially the drug supplies for the American Revolutionary Army had +come from stocks largely in the hands of private druggists. However, +this source of supply was totally inadequate for a war that attained +such proportions as the Revolution. Even if stocks of drugs in the +Colonies had been far greater than they were, there is little reason +to believe that shortages would not have developed. After all, a good +many of the suppliers were Loyalists, and others were indifferent to +the cause of American liberty. Even the most patriotic pharmacists +were faced with a complete financial suicide, caught between a +spiraling inflation and a Congress that had no money and only a +promise for the future. + +As if all these problems were not bad enough, the internal +organization of the medical department of the army was so chaotic +that, even if adequate supplies were available and if the almost +insurmountable problems of communications and transportation were +solved, it is almost certain that shortages would have developed at +least during the campaign of 1776. Add to this the fact that any +retreating army is subject to loss of supplies and the reasons for the +shortages become very obvious. + +The encouragement which Congress, through its Secret Committee, gave +to private shippers for the importation of vital war materials offered +little relief in the field of medical supplies. Importation was, of +course, cut off from England, and France did not directly export any +quantity of medical supplies, at least until 1778. American privateers +found it much more profitable to prey on British shipping than +initiating trade channels with countries which prior to the Revolution +were prohibited from shipping directly to the Colonies. These channels +of commerce did not develop extensively until well after the +Revolution. + +Hence the most immediate relief from medical supply shortages was +provided by the American privateers. Drug cargoes from British prize +ships, many of which were en route to New York, served as a most +important source of supply, particularly in 1777 and 1778. + +However, even with the most adequate supplies, competition between +different branches of the army and navy and the confiscation of +supplies destined for Continental troops by state militias further +encouraged inflationary trends. + +The number of individual drugs mentioned in various inventories was +considerable, as evidenced by the listing on page 130. However, of +these, only about a dozen constituted the really critical shortages. +Heading the list of these "capital articles" was Peruvian or Jesuits' +bark, the same cinchona from which quinine was later discovered. Tons +of bark were used during the Revolutionary War, and the price more +than quandrupled between June 1776 and September 1777. + +The most prominent group of drugs on the list of capital articles +consisted of cathartics and purgatives. Jalap, ipecac, and rhubarb +were the botanical favorites, while bitter purging salts (Epsom salts) +and Glauber's purging salts were the chemical choices for purging. +Tartar emetic (antimony and potassium tartrate) was the choice for a +vomit, and cantharides (Spanish flies) was the most important +ingredient of blistering plasters. Gum opium was administered for its +narcotic effects, while gum camphor, nitre (saltpetre or potassium +nitrate), and mercury (pure metal as well as certain salts) were +employed for a variety of purposes. Lint, a form of absorbent material +made by scraping or picking apart old woven material, also often was +short in supply. + +Equipment shortages included surgical instruments and mortar and +pestles for pulverizing the crude drugs. Glass vials for holding +compounded medicines were also a supply problem, especially after +essential drugs were again available. + +Some of the shortages were eased, if not solved, by local +manufacture. Lint was produced in large quantities in the Colonies, +and glass vials were manufactured in numerous glasshouses. Even local +manufacture of the purging salts and nitre aided in eliminating +shortages of these essential items, and at the same time initiated the +first large-scale pharmaceutical manufacturing in America. + +Numerous botanicals indigenous to the Colonies were widely employed in +medicine of the period, and certain ones such as snakeroot (seneka), +which was widely found growing in Virginia, would have been very +scarce had not an adequate supply been immediately at hand. However, +attempts to substitute other indigenous plants for scarce drugs like +Peruvian bark were largely unsuccessful. There is no indication that +hysop, wormwood, and mallows called for during the New York crisis +were ever found to be suitable replacements for any of the capital +articles. Wine apparently was more useful as a substitute for bark +than the bark of butternut recommended by the _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_. +Peruvian bark, jalap, ipecac, camphor, opium, cantharides--these are +the drugs which the American army physicians wanted, and these +constituted the most serious shortage problems. + +The medical supply problem was placed on relatively firm ground by the +summer of 1778, having been established on the principles proven in +the Northern Department under the guidance of Drs. Potts and Craigie. +Furthermore, the turning point in the war had been reached. Even +before Washington's forces went into winter quarters at Valley Forge, +Burgoyne[153] had surrendered at Saratoga, on October 17, 1777; and, +before the cold bleak winter at Valley Forge was over, the treaty of +French alliance was signed on February 6, 1778. The torments at Valley +Forge proved to be the birth of a new Continental Army. + +The War was still a long way from being over, and a variety of +problems were yet to face the Continental Army. Inflation was yet to +deal its hardest blow to the supply problem, but not even this could +produce the chaos of 1776. The worst of the drug supply problem was +over. + + +Contents of Army Medicine Chests + +The following listing is an example of the contents of medicine chests +ordered by the Continental Congress. The chest for the Pennsylvania +4th Battalion was filled for "Samuel Kennedy Surgeon" by the pharmacy +of Christopher Jr. and Charles Marshall of Philadelphia in May 1776. +The medicines are listed on an invoice in the Marshalls' waste book in +the possession of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The contents +of the Northern Department chest, compiled in the Northern +Department's "Medicinal Store" for "Thos. Tillotson Esq. Surgeon & +Physician General to the Army," probably was filled by Andrew Craigie +at Fort George in 1778. (_Italics_ denote capital article; asterisk +indicates that the drug is mentioned in _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_. +Contemporary English names are in parentheses following the Latin +listings.) + + + Pennsylvania Northern + 4th Battalion Department + Chest Chest +BOTANICALS + + *_Cort[ex] Peruv[ianum]_ + (Peruvian bark; Jesuits' bark; or bark) 4 lb. + *_Pulv[is] Cort[icis] Peruv[iani]_ + (Powdered Peruvian bark) 2 lb. Opt.; 6 lb. + 2 lb. 2nd + *_Pulvis Rad[ix] Jalapii_ + (Powdered jalap) 2 lb. 2 lb. + *_Pulv[is] Rad[ix] Ipecacuan[hae]_ + (Powdered ipecac) 8 oz. 12 oz. + *_Pulv[is] Rad[ix] Rhaei_ (Powdered rhubarb) 1 lb. 4 oz. 4 lb. + Rad[ix] Rhaei (Rhubarb root) 2 lb. + *Fol[ia] Sennae (Sennae or sena) 2 lb. + *Rad[ix] Gentian[ae] (Gentian root) 1 lb. 2-1/2 lb. + *Rad[ix] Seneka + (Senega; rattlesnake root; or snake root) 1 lb. + *Rad[ix] Scillae Sict. (Squill; or sea-onion) 6 oz. + Cinnamomi (Cinnamon) 1 lb. + Cort[ex] Aurant[orium] (Orange peel) 3 lb. + Fl[ores] Chamom[eli] (Camomile flower) 2 oz. + Mellisa[e Folia] (Balm) 1/2 lb. + *_Gum[mi] Camphor[a]_ (Camphor; or camphire) 10 oz. 2-1/2 lb. + *_Gum[mi] Opium_ [also] _Opii_ (Opium) 8 oz. 1 lb. + *Gum[mi] Arabic[um] (Gum Arabic) 2 lb. Opt. 2 lb. + *Gum[mi] Aloe Socotr[ina] (Aloe; or aloes) 8 oz. 1 lb. + Gum[mi] Aloe Hepat[ica] (Aloe; or aloes) 1 lb. + *Gum[mi] Ammon[iacum] (Gum ammoniac) 12 oz. + *Gum[mi] Guaiac[um] (Gum guaiac) 8 oz. 3/4 lb. + *Gum[mi] Myrrh[ae] (Myrrh) 4 oz. 2 oz. + *Bals[amum] Capivi (Balsam of copaiba) 1 lb. 4 oz. 2 lb. + *Bals[amum] Peruvian[um] (Balsam of Peru) 3 oz. + Bals[amum] Tolu[tanum] (Balsam of tolu) 8 oz. + *Ol[eum] Olivar[um] (Olive oil) 2-1/2 lb. + *Ol[eum] Ricini (Castor oil) 1 lb. 4 oz. 2 lb. + + +DRUGS OF ANIMAL ORIGIN + + *_Cantharides_ (Spanish flies; or flies) 4 oz. 3/4 lb. + *Cera Flav[a] (Yellow beeswax) 1 lb. 4 lb. + *Mel[lis] Com[munis] (Honey) 3 lb. + Pul[vis] Oc[uli] Canc[orum] + (Powdered crabs' eyes) 1 lb. + *Sperm[atis] Ceti (Spermaceti) 3 lb. + + +CHEMICALS + + *Alum[en] Com[munis] or Credem (Alum or rock alum) 1 lb. + *Creta ppt [precipitated or praeparata] (Chalk) 6 lb. + *_Pulv[is] Crem[or] Tartar[i]_ (Cream of tartar) 4 lb. 2 lb. + *_Tart[arus] Emetic[um]_ (Tartar emetic) 6 oz. 1/2 lb. + *_Sal Nitri_ [or] _Nitrum_ (Nitre or saltpetre) 4 lb. 4 lb. + Sal Absinthii (Salt of wormwood) 8 oz. + *_Sal Cath[articus] Amar[us]_ (Epsom salts; + bitter purging salts; or bitter + cathartic salts) 10 lb. + *_Sal Cath[articus] Glauber[i]_ [or] _Sal + Mirabile Glauberi_ (Glauber's salts; Glauber's + purging salts; or Glauber's wonderful salts). 10 lb. + *Sal Tartar[isatus] (Salt of tartar) 2 lb. + *Sal Amm[oniacum] (Sal ammoniac) 1/2 lb. Cd. + *Merc[urius] Corros[ivus] Sublim[atus] + (Corrosive sublimate of mercury) 2 oz. 2 oz. + *Merc[urius] Praecip[itatus] Rub[er] + (Red precipitate of mercury) 4 oz. 2 oz. + *_Merc[urius] Dulc[is] Ppt._ (Calomel) 8 oz. + Flor[es] Sulphur[is] (Flowers of sulphur) 4 lb. 2 lb. + *Ol[eum] Vitriol[um] (Oil of vitriol) 6 oz. + Ol[eum] Tereb[inthinae] (Oil of turpentine) 1-1/2 lb. + Tereb[inthina] Venet[ian] (Turpentine) 1 lb. 4 oz. + *Vitriol[um] Alb[um] (White vitriol) 4 oz. 2 oz. + *Elix[ir] Vitriol[i] (Elixir of vitriol) 3 lb. 2 lb. + Vitriol[um] Rom[anum] (Roman vitriol) 4 oz. + Sacch[arum] Saturni (Sugar of lead) 4 oz. + Vitr[um] Antomon[ii] Cerat[um] + (Cerated glass of antimony) 3 oz. + *Extr[actum] Saturni [also] Acetum Lithargyrites + (Litharge of lead; litharge vinegar; or + extract of Saturn). 11 oz. + +TINCTURES + + *Tinc[tura] Thebaic[a] [or] Tinctura Opii + [or] Laudani Liquidi (Tincture 12 oz. 2 lb. + of opium; thebaic tincture; liquid + laudanum; and Sydenham's laudanam). + *Tinct[ura] Myrrh[ae] & Aloes (Tincture of + myrrh and aloes). 1 lb. 12 oz. + Tinct[ura] Cinnam[omi] (Tincture of cinnamon) 2 lb. + + +SPIRITS + + Sp[iritus] Sal[is] Ammon[iaci] (Spirit of sal + ammoniac) 1 lb. 5 oz. + Sp[iritus] Nitri Dulc[is] [also] Sal[is] + Vol[atilis] (Sweet spirit of nitre) 2-1/2 lb. 1 lb. 12 oz. + Sp[iritus] Lavend[ula] Co[mpositus] + (Compound spirit of lavender) 1 lb. 4 oz. 1-1/2 lb. + Sp[iritus] Vini Rect[ificatus] (Rectified + spirit of wine) 1 lb. 4 oz. + + +MISCELLANEOUS PREPARATIONS + + *Cons[erva] Rosar[um] Rub[rarum] (Conserves + of red roses) 1 lb. + Conf[ectio] Cardiac[a] (Cordial confection) 1 lb. + Elect[uarium] Asthmatic[um] (Asthmatic + electuary) 1 lb. 1 oz. + *Elix[ir] Paregor[icum] (Paregoric elixir) 2 lb. + Pill[ulae] Purgant (Purgative pills) 8 oz. + Pulv[is] e Bol[o Compositus] (Compound powder + of bole with opium) 2 lb. + Linim[entum] Sapo[naceum] (Soap + liniment) 3-1/2 lb. + Sapo[nis] Venet[ian] (Venetian soap) 2 lb. 6 lb. + + +OINTMENTS + + *Ung[euntum] Lap[ide] Calamin[ari] (Ointment + from calamine stone) 10 lb. 4 lb. + *Ung[uentum] Basilic[um] Flav[um] (Yellow + basilicon ointment) 10 lb. + *Ung[uentum] Merc[urale] Fort[is] (Strong + mercurial ointment) 6 lb. + Ung[uentum] e Gum[mi] Elemi (Ointment of + gum elemi) 3 lb. + Ung[uentum] Alb[um] Camp[horatum] (Camphorated + white ointment) 3 lb. + + +PLASTERS + + *Emp[lastrum] Adhesiv[um] (Adhesive plaster) 6 lb. + Emp[lastrum] Diach[ylon] (Simple diachylon + plaster) 6 lb. 2 lb. + Emp[lastrum] Diach[ylon] c[um] G[ummi] + (Diachylon plaster with gum) 1 lb. + *Emp[lastrum] Epispast[icum] [also] Epithema + Vesicatorium (Blistering plaster; + vesicatory plaster). 1 lb. + Emp[lastrum] Stomach[icum] Majest. (Stomach + plaster) 1 lb. + + +SURGICAL DRESSINGS, ETC. + + *_Linteum Praeparatum_ (Lint) 1 lb. fine + Tow 12 lb. fine + Sponge 4 oz. fine + Twine 1 lb. fine 1/2 lb. + Tape 1 piece 2 pieces + Fracture pillows 2 + Splints 2 p. Sharps 34 doz. + Thread 4 oz. + Needles 7 common + Pins 1/2 thousand + Compresses 6 doz. + Bandages 700 + Flannel 6 yds. + Shears 2 pr. + Rags 1 bundle + + +SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS + + Director 1 1 steel + Probe, silver 1 1 + Forceps 1 + Catheters 1 silver + Amputating instruments 1 set + Trepanning instruments 1 Trepan 1 set + Lancets 2 best crown, + 4 common + Tourniquets 1 Brass 8 common + with + ligatures + Syringe, pewter 4 2 + Syringe, ivory 2 + Glyster pipe arm'd 6 + Tooth-drawing instrument 1 Crow Bill + + +PHARMACEUTICAL EQUIPMENT + + Scales and weights 1 box 1 set + Mortar and pestle 1 Brass, + 1 Glass + Tyles (pill tiles) 2 + Spatulas 1 wooden 1 large, + handle, 1 1 pocket + iron handle + Bolus knife 1 + Plaister knife (plaster spatula) 1 + Leather skins 2 lb. + + +MISCELLANEOUS SUPPLIES + + Bottles Assortment Assortment + Gallypots 1 doz. Assortment + Vials 6 doz. sorted + Corks 10 doz. + Pillboxes 1 pacg. + Wrapp[ing] paper 4 quire + Writing paper 1 quire 6 quire + Ink powder 2 papers + Quiles (quills) 14 hundred + + + * * * * * + +U.S. Government Printing Office: 1961 + + +For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing +Office + +Washington 25, D.C.--Price 25 cents + + * * * * * + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] John C. Miller, _Triumph of Freedom, 1775-1783_, Boston, 1948, +preface. + +[2] Louis C. Duncan, _Medical Men in the American Revolution, +1775-1783_, Carlisle Barracks, Pa., 1931; William O. Owen, _The +Medical Department of the United States Army during the Period of the +Revolution_, New York, 1920; James E. Gibson, _Dr. Bodo Otto and the +Medical Background of the American Revolution_, Springfield, Ill., +1937; James Thomas Flexner, _Doctors on Horseback_, New York, 1939. + +[3] Lyman F. Kebler, "Andrew Craigie, the First Apothecary General of +the United States," _Journal of the American Pharmaceutical +Association_, 1928, vol. 17, pp. 63-74, 167-178; Frederick Haven +Pratt, "The Craigies," _Proceedings of the Cambridge Historical +Society_ (1941), 1942, vol. 27, pp. 43-86; Edward Kremers and George +Urdang, _A History of Pharmacy_, Philadelphia, 1951 edition, chap. 11; +Edward Kremers, "The Lititz Pharmacopoeia," _The Badger Pharmacist_, +nos. 22-25, June-December 1938; J. W. England, ed., _The First Century +of the Philadelphia College of Pharmacy_, Philadelphia, 1922, pp. +84-94; _American Journal of Pharmacy_, 1884, vol. 56, pp. 483-491. + +[4] Jonathan Potts Papers, four volumes of miscellaneous manuscripts +at The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia (hereinafter +referred to as Potts Papers). + +[5] Journals of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts Bay, quoted +in Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 22-23. + +[6] Greenleaf Ledger, 1765-1778, at the American Antiquarian Society, +Worcester, Mass. (The Greenleaf pharmacy was established by Elizabeth +Greenleaf in 1726 or 1727. See J. L. Sibley, _Biographical Sketches of +Graduates of Harvard University, in Cambridge, Massachusetts_, +Cambridge, 1920, vol. 5, pp. 472-476; Jonathan Greenleaf, _A Genealogy +of the Greenleaf Family_, New York, 1854, pp. 89, 91, 205, 207; +_Boston Post-Boy_ and _Boston Gazette_, November 8, 1762, obituary of +Elizabeth Greenleaf.) + +[7] Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 23. + +[8] J. R. Alden, _The American Revolution_, New York, 1954 p. 23. + +[9] Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 12-13. + +[10] _Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789_, edited by +Worthington C. Ford, Washington, D.C., 1905, vol. 2, p. 250. Nearly +all excerpts from Ford also appear in Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2). + +[11] _Ibid._, vol. 3, p. 261. The Samuel Ward diary for September 23 +records that "a parcel of medicines for the hospital" was "to be +bought" (E. C. Burnett, _Letters of Members of the Continental +Congress_, Washington, D.C., 1921, vol. 1, p. 205). + +[12] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 344. + +[13] Burnett, _op. cit._ (footnote 11), vol. 1, p. 292. + +[14] _Pennsylvania Ledger_, May 6, 1775. [William Smith in +Philadelphia was selling drugs in 1772 (Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio +52).] + +[15] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, December 26, 1775. + +[16] _Pennsylvania Packet_, September 11, 1775; _Pennsylvania +Journal_, September 6, 1775; _Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 4, 1775. + +[17] The Marshalls sold drugs to Sharp Delaney and William Smith in +April 1776 (Marshall Waste Book, see footnote 20). + +[18] E. T. Ellis, "The Story of a Very Old Philadelphia Drug Store," +_American Journal of Pharmacy_, 1908, vol. 75, p. 57; England, _op. +cit._ (footnote 3), pp. 348-350; Parke, Davis & Co., _A History of +Pharmacy in Pictures_, undated booklet edited by George Bender. + +[19] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 442; vol. 4, pp. 188, +197. + +[20] Christopher Jr. and Charles Marshall Waste Book, February 21 to +July 6, 1776, at The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. + +[21] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 442; vol. 4, pp. 188, +197; Burnett, _op. cit._ (footnote 11), vol. 1. + +[22] Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 18-19. + +[23] _American Archives ..._ Peter Force, ed., Washington, ser. 4, +vol. 1-6, 1837-46; ser. 5, vol. 1-3, 1848-53. Ser. 4, vol. 3, p. 306. + +[24] Duncan, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 62-64. + +[25] _Pennsylvania Packet_, June 24, 1779. + +[26] It is quite possible that the designation "bad" was a +typographical error for "rad[ix]." + +[27] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 5, p. 115. + +[28] _Connecticut Courant_, February 12, 1776. + +[29] _Newport Mercury_, January 15, 1776. + +[30] _Massachusetts Gazette_, September 7, 1775. + +[31] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 4, p. 159. + +[32] _Massachusetts Gazette_, February 22, 1776. + +[33] _Boston Gazette_, April 15, 1776. + +[34] _Ibid._, April 22, 1776. It is worth noting that Morgan did not +think this important enough to include in his _Vindication_ (see +footnote 35). + +[35] John Morgan, _A Vindication of His Public Character in the +Station of Director-General of the Military Hospital, and Physician in +Chief of the American Army; Anno, 1776_, Boston, 1777. + +[36] _Pennsylvania Packet_, June 24, 1779. + +[37] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 5, p. 488. + +[38] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), pp. 102, 144; and _Independent +Chronicle_, April 10, 1777. + +[39] James Thacher, _American Medical Biography_, Boston, 1828, vol. +1, pp. 270-273. + +[40] For biographies of Sylvester Gardiner see _Dictionary of American +Biography_, New York, 1931, vol. 8, pp. 139-140; _Appleton's +Cyclopedia of American Biography_, New York, 1887, vol. 2; H. A. Kelly +and W. L. Burrage, _Dictionary of American Medical Biography_, New +York, 1928, pp. 450-452; James H. Stark, _The Loyalists of +Massachusetts_, Boston, 1910, pp. 313-315. + +[41] Greenleaf Ledger (see footnote 6). + +[42] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 1, pp. 282, 284. + +[43] _Ibid._, p. 314. + +[44] S. E. Morison and H. S. Commager, _The Growth of the American +Republic_, New York, 1950, vol. 1, p. 210. + +[45] _New-York Journal_, July 13, 1775. + +[46] _Ibid._, May 11, 1775. + +[47] _New-York Gazette_, January 1 and January 29, 1776. For a history +of the English patent medicines in America, see G. B. Griffenhagen and +J. H. Young in _The Chemist and Druggist_, 1957, vol. 167, pp. +714-722, and in _U.S. National Museum Bulletin 218_, 1959, pp. 155-183 +(Contributions from the Museum of History and Technology, Paper 10). + +[48] George Washington, _The Writings of George Washington_, edited by +John C. Fitzpatrick, Washington, 1931, vol. 4, pp. 464-465. + +[49] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), pp. 4, 9, 68; _Pennsylvania +Packet_, June 19, 1779; and Washington, _op. cit._ (footnote 48), vol. +4, pp. 464-465. + +[50] Duncan, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 135; Morgan, _op. cit._ +(footnote 35), p. 11. + +[51] _New-York Gazette_, May 6 and December 23, 1776. + +[52] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 4, p. 1026. + +[53] _Ibid._, vol. 6, p. 1431. + +[54] Morgan misspelled Delaney as "Delancey" in his letter of June 25 +to Adams. + +[55] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), p. 128. + +[56] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 5, p. 570. + +[57] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 6, p. 1069. + +[58] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 5, p. 633. + +[59] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), p. 12. + +[60] _Pennsylvania Packet_, June 26, 1779. + +[61] Washington, _op. cit._ (footnote 48), vol. 6, pp. 58-59. + +[62] _Connecticut Courant_, January 6, 1777. + +[63] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), pp. 13, 136, 146. William Smith +was appointed Continental Druggist on August 20; see Ford, _op. cit._ +(footnote 10), vol. 4, pp. 292-293. + +[64] Washington, _op. cit._ (footnote 48), vol. 6, pp. 86, 113. + +[65] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 3, pp. 116, 837. + +[66] _Pennsylvania Packet_, June 24, 1779. + +[67] Morgan, _op. cit._ (footnote 35), p. 129. + +[68] _Ibid._, p. xxv. [For details of the manner in which Shippen +moved in on Morgan to replace him eventually as director general, see +Flexner, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 3-53.] + +[69] _Ibid._, p. xxxv; Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 55. + +[70] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 7, p. 91. + +[71] _New-York Gazette_, September 30, December 16, 23, 1776, January +20, 1777. + +[72] _Ibid._, December 9, 1776, April 28, June 9, 1777. + +[73] Plough Court Pharmacy letterbook dated April 7, 1778, through +December 8, 1779, in possession of Allen and Hanburys, London. See +also Chapman-Huston and Ernest C. Gripps, _Through a City Archway: The +Story of Allen and Hanburys, 1715-1954_, London, 1954. + +[74] Duncan, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 97. + +[75] Owen, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 39. + +[76] _American Archives_, ser. 4, vol. 6, p. 1069. + +[77] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 1, pp. 651-652, 1114. + +[78] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 77; Morgan to Potts, July 28, 1776. + +[79] _Ibid._, folio 89; Stringer to Potts, August 17, 1776. See also +Gibson, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 108-109. Washington mentions +Stringer's visit with Morgan in a letter to Gates dated August 14 +(Washington, _op. cit._ footnote 48, vol. 5, pp. 433-435). + +[80] _Ibid._; McHenry to Potts, August 3, 1776. [Stringer arrived in +Philadelphia on the evening of August 2.] + +[81] _Ibid._; Stringer to Potts, August 17, 1776. + +[82] _Ibid._; McHenry to Potts, August 21, 1776. + +[83] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 1, p. 1271. For a similarly +worded letter to Egbert Benson dated August 22, see Gibson, _op. cit._ +(footnote 2), p. 112. + +[84] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 98; Stringer to Potts, September 7, +1776. Stringer arrived in Albany on September 5 (Potts Papers, vol. 1, +folio 97). + +[85] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 1, p. 1266. Other items +included "Acet. Com. six barrels; Alo. Hepta. 3 lb.; Calomel 2 lb.; +Emp. Diachyl 10 lb.; Cantharid. 2 lb.; Gm. Guiac 1 lb.; Myrrh 1 lb.; +Hord. Com. 100 lb.; Jerc. Precip. Rub. 1/2 lb.; Merc. Cor. Sublim. 1 +lb.; Rad. Serpent. Virg. 3 lb.; Sal. Nit. 5 lb.; Spirit Sal. Ammo. 4 +lb.; Ung. Diath. 3 lb.; Elix. Asthmat. 5 lb.; and Elix. Vitriol. 10 +lb." Also included were six gross of vials and corks and three reams +of wrapping paper. + +[86] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folios 102-106, 108-111, 114, 119. + +[87] _Ibid._, folio 99. There was a listing for 170 pounds of +"Cathart: Am" (Epsom salts). The 7 pounds of rhubarb was listed as "3 +lb. Rad. Rhaei and 4 lb. Pul. Rhaei." Also on hand were 1-1/2 pounds +of "Mithridat" (opium). + +[88] _Ibid._, folios 73, 94, 124. + +[89] _Ibid._, folio 4; McCrea to Potts, September 2, 1776. + +[90] _Ibid._, folio 124; Johnston to Potts, September 19, 1776. + +[91] _Ibid._, folio 125; Craigie to Potts, October 3, 1776. + +[92] _American Archives_, ser. 5, vol. 2, p. 923. Stringer also wrote +Potts on October 6 to advise him of the stock (Potts Papers, vol. 1, +folio 126). + +[93] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 131; Stringer to Potts, October 15, +1776. + +[94] _Ibid._, folio 133; Stringer to Potts, October 25, 1776. + +[95] _Ibid._, folio 132; Craigie to Potts, October 22, 1776. + +[96] _Ibid._, folio 138; Stringer to Potts, November 7, 1776. + +[97] Duncan, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 110. + +[98] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 3, p. 453, vol. 4, pp. +24-25. + +[99] Miller, _op. cit._ (footnote 1), pp. 103-113. + +[100] _Virginia Gazette_, August 24, 1776. + +[101] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, July 18, 1776. + +[102] G. B. Griffenhagen, "The Day-Dunlap 1771 Pharmaceutical +Catalogue," _American Journal of Pharmacy_, 1955, vol. 127, pp. +296-302. + +[103] 103 Miller, _op. cit._ (footnote 1), pp. 110-112. + +[104] Greenleaf Ledger, _op. cit._ (footnote 6). + +[105] Potts Papers, vol. 2, folio 213. + +[106] _Ibid._, vol. 3, folio 305. + +[107] _Ibid._, folio 331. + +[108] _Ibid._, folio 346. + +[109] _Ibid._, folio 336. + +[110] _Ibid._, folio 369. + +[111] _Ibid._, folio 331; Craigie to Potts, September 1, 1777. + +[112] Preserved at the Essex Institute, Salem, Massachusetts. + +[113] _Independent Chronicle_, October 30, 1777. + +[114] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 5, p. 748, vol. 7, p. 274, +vol. 8, p. 538. (Smith received $2,490 on September 9, 1776, $2,952 on +April 17, 1777, "for sundry medicines," and Caldwell & Co. received +$666 on July 7, 1777, "for sundry medicine delivered William Smith.") + +[115] _Ibid._, vol. 7, p. 321. (Christopher and Charles Marshall +received $4,151 on May 2, 1777, "for sundry medicines and chirurgical +instruments supplied by them for the use of different battalions of +continental forces.") + +[116] _Pennsylvania Journal_, January 29, 1777. + +[117] Potts Papers, vol. 2, folio 150. + +[118] _Ibid._, folio 153; Bass to Potts, March 17, 1777. + +[119] _Pennsylvania Journal_, June 11, July 9, 23, 1777. + +[120] Ford, _op. cit._ (footnote 10), vol. 11, p. 546. + +[121] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, March 18, May 27, 1777. + +[122] _Boston Gazette_, February 3, 1777; _Connecticut Courant_, April +7, 1777. + +[123] _Pennsylvania Packet_, April 15, 22, 1777. This anonymous +article was written by Dr. Benjamin Rush and reprinted as a pamphlet. + +[124] Potts Papers, vol. 2, folios 158, 159. + +[125] _Pennsylvania Ledger_, October 10, 1777; _Pennsylvania Evening +Post_, October 14, 18, 1777. + +[126] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, November 1, 8, 13, 1777, April 29, +1778. (A large number of advertisements announcing thefts appeared +during the British occupation.) + +[127] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, January 10 through April 20, 1778, +and _Pennsylvania Ledger_, April 4, 15, 1778. [Yeldall advertised his +"Anti-Venereal Essence" only once under American occupation, but at +$4.00 per bottle (_Pennsylvania Evening Post_, August 26, 1777).] + +[128] _Pennsylvania Evening Post_, June 25, 1777. + +[129] Gibson, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 149. + +[130] It was in February 1778 that Dr. Potts assumed his office as +purveyor general for the hospital department of the Continental Army +with the duty of purchasing and distributing all supplies and +medicines (_ibid._, p. 154). + +[131] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 24. (This apparently is the list +prepared by Brown, even though it is not signed by him. The item +"Medicines, Vials, Cork &c L20,000" was added with the statement "The +above enumerated articles should be purchased immediately," and both +were in the handwriting of "W. Shippen, D.G." The document is +undated.) + +[132] _Ibid._, vol. 4, folio 419; Brown to Potts, March 11, 1778. + +[133] _Ibid._, folio 428; Cutting to Potts, March 25, 1778. + +[134] _Ibid._, folio 432; Cutting to Potts, March 30, 1778. + +[135] _Ibid._, folio 441; Cutting to Potts, April 16, 1778. + +[136] _Ibid._, vol. 2, folio 151; Tillotson to Potts, February 22, +1777. [Cutting served as Assistant Apothecary under Craigie at +Cambridge and Roxbury. The feud has not been explored in any of +Craigie's biographies.] + +[137] _Ibid._, vol. 4, folio 429; Craigie to Potts, March 27, 1778. + +[138] _Ibid._, folio 437; Craigie to Potts, April 4, 1778. + +[139] _Ibid._, folio 411; Potts to Gates, February 24, 1778. + +[140] _Ibid._, folio 441; Craigie to Potts, May 1, 1778. + +[141] _Ibid._, vol. 1, folios 41, 44; undated invoices from Lux & +Bowly that undoubtedly were supplied during the spring or summer of +1778. Also, vol. 4, folio 476; letter from James Caldwell to Potts +advising "I sent forward from Baltimore a case of medicine & five +cases of Bark ... I have three cases more of Bark not yet up from +Williamsburg where it arrived." + +[142] _Ibid._, vol. 4, folio 458; Craigie to Potts, May 1, 1778. +Craigie advises: "Enclosed is a small List directed to Mr. Root +[Israel Root or Josiah Root, both apothecaries from Connecticut] which +I think may well be spared from the Northward, and are much wanted +here. I wish therefore they may be ordered. Andrew Atekin our +assistant there might come with them--he would make a good Hospital +Apothecary." Also, vol. 4, folio 431, an undated "Invoice of Medicines +&c. to be forwared for Head Quarters to Compleat ye Regimental +Assortments for the Army of the United States in the Middle Department +for the Campaign 1778." + +[143] _Ibid._, folio 419; Brown to Potts, March 11, 1778. + +[144] _Ibid._, folio 458; Craigie to Potts, May 1, 1778. + +[145] _Ibid._, folio 428; Cutting to Potts, March 25, 1778. Cutting +notes: "as to volatile salts, I expect a fine parcel manufactured at +Carlisle by tomorrow." + +[146] _Ibid._, folio 471; Craik to Potts, May 24, 1778. Dr. Craik, a +regimental surgeon, advises: "I wish you could procure some Cathartic +salts. The Regimental surgeons complain greatly for want of them.... +You may engage any quantity at the salt works in the Jersies." + +[147] Gibson, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 166-167. + +[148] Potts Papers, vol. 4, folios 462, 467; Craik to Potts, May 2 and +May 15. On May 2, Craik advises that "the medicine chests are much +wanted in the Regiments. Doctr. Cutting had best have them filled up +as soon as possible to prevent complaints." On May 15 Craik commented: +"I am sorry Doctr. Cutting went away before the Regiment Chests were +finished; there is great clamour about them tho Doctr. Layman is as +busy as possible.... I hope Doctr. Craig[ie] will soon have his chests +ready." + +[149] Gibson, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), pp. 167-168. + +[150] Potts Papers, vol. 1, folio 25, undated. + +[151] Gibson, _op. cit._ (footnote 2), p. 178, and Duncan, _op. cit._ +(footnote 2), pp. 115-116, 275. + +[152] Miller, _op. cit._ (footnote 1), pp. 425-477. + +[153] An interesting account of the medical aspects of Burgoyne's +campaign is recorded by R. M. Gorssline in _Canadian Defense +Quarterly_, 1929, vol. 6, pp. 356-363. + + * * * * * + +Transcriber's Notes: + +The marker for footnote 3 is missing, but it appears to belong after + "of the _Lititz Pharmacopoeia_ of 1778." + +In footnote 15 I corrected a typo, Pennslyvania for Pennsylvania + +On page 115 I removed an extra quotation mark + (purchasing such medicines "as) + +On page 118 I corrected a typo, capitivity for captivity + (happily delivered from his late capitivity) + +On page 118 I removed an extra quotation mark + (will turn to good Account.") + +On page 120 I corrected a typo, enitrely for entirely + (one half the load is enitrely) + +On page 128 I corrected a typo, mediicines for medicines + (Invoice of a Chest of mediicines) + +On page 129 I corrected a typo, quandrupled for quadrupled + (price more than quandrupled) + +On page 133 I corrected a typo, instument for instrument + (Tooth-drawing instument) + +These words occur both ways in the text and I have not changed them: + Bowly and Bowley, Barnabas and Barnabus + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Drug Supplies in the American +Revolution, by George B. 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