diff options
| -rw-r--r-- | .gitattributes | 3 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 2657-h.zip | bin | 0 -> 269559 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 2657-h/2657-h.htm | 18485 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 2657.txt | 14603 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 2657.zip | bin | 0 -> 249084 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | LICENSE.txt | 11 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | README.md | 2 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/20040930.2657.txt | 14506 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/20040930.2657.zip | bin | 0 -> 249027 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/5linc10.txt | 15026 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/5linc10.zip | bin | 0 -> 248782 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/5linc11.txt | 15090 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/5linc11.zip | bin | 0 -> 255048 bytes |
13 files changed, 77726 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/2657-h.zip b/2657-h.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..bc7df88 --- /dev/null +++ b/2657-h.zip diff --git a/2657-h/2657-h.htm b/2657-h/2657-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d076757 --- /dev/null +++ b/2657-h/2657-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,18485 @@ +<?xml version="1.0" encoding="us-ascii"?> + +<!DOCTYPE html + PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd" > + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en"> + <head> + <title> + The Papers and Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Five + </title> + <style type="text/css" xml:space="preserve"> + + body { margin:5%; background:#faebd7; text-align:justify} + P { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: .25em; margin-bottom: .25em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; } + hr { width: 50%; text-align: center;} + .foot { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; text-indent: -3em; font-size: 90%; } + blockquote {font-size: 97%; font-style: italic; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} + .mynote {background-color: #DDE; color: #000; padding: .5em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 95%;} + .toc { margin-left: 10%; margin-bottom: .75em;} + .toc2 { margin-left: 20%;} + div.fig { display:block; margin:0 auto; text-align:center; } + .figleft {float: left; margin-left: 0%; margin-right: 1%;} + .figright {float: right; margin-right: 0%; margin-left: 1%;} + pre { font-style: italic; font-size: 90%; margin-left: 10%;} + +</style> + </head> + <body> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, +Volume Five, by Abraham Lincoln + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Five + Constitutional Edition + +Author: Abraham Lincoln + +Commentator: Theodore Roosevelt, Carl Schurz, and Joseph Choate + +Editor: Arthur Brooks Lapsley + +Release Date: July 5, 2009 [EBook #2657] +Last Updated: October 29, 2012 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LINCOLN'S PAPERS *** + + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + +</pre> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> + <h1> + THE PAPERS AND WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN + </h1> + <h2> + VOLUME FIVE + </h2> + <h3> + CONSTITUTIONAL EDITION + </h3> + <h4> + Edited by Arthur Brooks Lapsley + </h4> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0001"> <b>THE WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Volume + Five, 1858-1862</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0001"> <b>1858</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0002"> TO SYDNEY SPRING, GRAYVILLE, ILL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0003"> TO H. C. WHITNEY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0004"> TO J. W. SOMERS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0005"> TO A. CAMPBELL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0006"> TO J. GILLESPIE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0007"> TO JOHN MATHERS, JACKSONVILLE, ILL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0008"> TO JOSEPH GILLESPIE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0009"> TO B. C. COOK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0010"> TO HON. J. M. PALMER. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0011"> TO ALEXANDER SYMPSON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0012"> TO J. O. CUNNINGHAM. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0013"> ON SLAVERY IN A DEMOCRACY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0014"> TO B. C. COOK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0015"> TO DR. WILLIAM FITHIAN, DANVILLE, ILL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0016"> FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT PARIS, ILL., </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0017"> SPEECH AT CLINTON, ILLINOIS, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0018"> FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT EDWARDSVILLE, ILL., </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0019"> VERSE TO "LINNIE" </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0020"> NEGROES ARE MEN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0021"> TO A. SYMPSON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0022"> SENATORIAL ELECTION LOST AND OUT OF MONEY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0023"> THE FIGHT MUST GO ON </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0024"> REALIZATION THAT DEBATES MUST BE SAVED </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0025"> TO H. C. WHITNEY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0026"> TO H. D. SHARPE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0027"> TO A. SYMPSON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0028"> ON BANKRUPTCY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_NOTE"> NOTES OF AN ARGUMENT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0031"> A LEGAL OPINION BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0032"> TO M. W. DELAHAY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0033"> TO W. M. MORRIS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0034"> TO H. L. PIERCE AND OTHERS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0035"> TO T. CANISIUS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0036"> TO THE GOVERNOR, AUDITOR, AND TREASURER OF THE + STATE OF ILLINOIS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0037"> ON LINCOLN'S SCRAP BOOK </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0038"> <b>1859</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0039"> FIRST SUGGESTION OF A PRESIDENTIAL OFFER. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0040"> TO S. GALLOWAY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0041"> IT IS BAD TO BE POOR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0042"> SPEECH AT COLUMBUS, OHIO. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0043"> SPEECH AT CINCINNATI OHIO, SEPTEMBER 17, 1859 + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0044"> ON PROTECTIVE TARIFFS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0045"> ON MORTGAGES </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0046"> FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS, + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0047"> TO G. W. DOLE, G. S. HUBBARD, AND W. H. BROWN. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0048"> TO G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0049"> AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0050"> ON NOMINATION TO THE NATIONAL TICKET </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0051"> <b>1860</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0052"> SPEECH AT NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, MARCH 6, + 1860 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0053"> RESPONSE TO AN ELECTOR'S REQUEST FOR MONEY + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0054"> TO J. W. SOMERS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0055"> ACCUSATION OF HAVING BEEN PAID FOR A POLITICAL + SPEECH </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0056"> TO H. TAYLOR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0057"> TELEGRAM TO A MEMBER OF THE ILLINOIS + DELEGATION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0058"> REPLY TO THE COMMITTEE SENT BY THE CHICAGO + CONVENTION TO INFORM </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0059"> ACCEPTANCE OF NOMINATION AS REPUBLICAN + CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0060"> To C. B. SMITH. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0061"> FORM OF REPLY PREPARED BY MR. LINCOLN, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0062"> TO E. B. WASHBURNE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0063"> TO S. HAYCRAFT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0064"> ABRAHAM OR "ABRAM" </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0065"> UNAUTHORIZED BIOGRAPHY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0066"> TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0067"> TO A. JONAS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0068"> TO JOHN B. FRY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0069"> TO THURLOW WEED </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0070"> SLOW TO LISTEN TO CRIMINATIONS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0071"> TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0072"> TO E. B. WASHBURNE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0073"> TO W. H. HERNDON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0074"> TO L. M. BOND. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0075"> LETTER SUGGESTING A BEARD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0076"> EARLY INFORMATION ON ARMY DEFECTION IN SOUTH + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0077"> TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0078"> TO SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0079"> TO ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0080"> TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0081"> BLOCKING "COMPROMISE" ON SLAVERY ISSUE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0082"> OPINION ON SECESSION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0083"> SOME FORTS SURRENDERED TO THE SOUTH </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0084"> TO A. H. STEPHENS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0085"> SUPPORT OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE CLAUSE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0086"> TO D. HUNTER. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0087"> TO I. N. MORRIS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0088"> ATTEMPT TO FORM A COALITION CABINET </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0089"> <b>1861</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0090"> TO W. H. SEWARD. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0091"> TO E. D. MORGAN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0092"> PATRONAGE CLAIMS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0093"> FAREWELL ADDRESS AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0094"> REMARKS AT TOLONO, ILLINOIS, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0095"> REPLY TO ADDRESS OF WELCOME, INDIANAPOLIS, + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0096"> ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF INDIANA, AT + INDIANAPOLIS, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0097"> INTENTIONS TOWARD THE SOUTH </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0098"> ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN CLUB OF CINCINNATI, + OHIO, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0099"> ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF OHIO AT COLUMBUS + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0100"> ADDRESS AT STEUBENVILLE, OHIO, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0101"> ADDRESS AT PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0102"> ADDRESS AT CLEVELAND, OHIO, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0103"> ADDRESS AT BUFFALO, NEW YORK, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0104"> ADDRESS AT ROCHESTER, NEW YORK, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0105"> ADDRESS AT SYRACUSE, NEW YORK, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0106"> ADDRESS AT UTICA, NEW YORK, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0107"> REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF ALBANY, NEW YORK </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0108"> REPLY TO GOVERNOR MORGAN OF NEW YORK, AT + ALBANY, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0109"> ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK, AT + ALBANY, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0110"> ADDRESS AT TROY, NEW YORK, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0111"> ADDRESS AT POUGHKEEPSIE, NEW YORK, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0112"> ADDRESS AT HUDSON, NEW YORK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0113"> ADDRESS AT PEEKSKILL, NEW YORK, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0114"> ADDRESS AT FISHKILL LANDING </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0115"> REMARKS AT THE ASTOR HOUSE, NEW YORK CITY, + FEBRUARY 19, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0116"> ADDRESS AT NEW YORK CITY, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0117"> REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEW YORK CITY, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0118"> ADDRESS AT JERSEY CITY, NEW JERSEY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0119"> REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEWARK, NEW JERSEY, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0120"> ADDRESS IN TRENTON AT THE TRENTON HOUSE, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0121"> ADDRESS TO THE SENATE OF NEW JERSEY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0122"> ADDRESS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF NEW JERSEY, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0123"> REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA, + PENNSYLVANIA, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0124"> ADDRESS IN THE HALL OF INDEPENDENCE, + PHILADELPHIA, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0125"> REPLY TO THE WILMINGTON DELEGATION, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0126"> ADDRESS AT LANCASTER, PENNSYLVANIA, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0127"> ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA, AT + HARRISBURG, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0128"> REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF WASHINGTON, D.C., </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0129"> REPLY TO A SERENADE AT WASHINGTON, D.C., </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0130"> WASHINGTON, SUNDAY, MARCH 3, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0131"> FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS, MARCH 4, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0132"> REFUSAL OF SEWARD RESIGNATION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0133"> REPLY TO THE PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0134"> REPLY TO THE MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0135"> TO SECRETARY SEWARD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0136"> REPLY TO THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0137"> TO SECRETARY SEWARD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0138"> TO J. COLLAMER </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0139"> TO THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0140"> NOTE ASKING CABINET OPINIONS ON FORT SUMTER. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0141"> ON ROYAL ARBITRATION OF AMERICAN BOUNDARY LINE + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0142"> AMBASSADORIAL APPOINTMENTS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0143"> TO G. E. PATTEN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0144"> RESPONSE TO SENATE INQUIRY RE. FORT SUMTER + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0145"> PREPARATION OF FIRST NAVAL ACTION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0146"> TO ——— STUART. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0147"> TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NEW YORK NAVY-YARD. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0148"> TO LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0149"> RELIEF EXPEDITION FOR FORT SUMTER </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0150"> ORDER TO CAPTAIN SAMUEL MERCER. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0151"> SECRETARY SEWARD'S BID FOR POWER </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0152"> REPLY TO SECRETARY SEWARD'S MEMORANDUM </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0153"> REPLY TO A COMMITTEE FROM THE VIRGINIA + CONVENTION, APRIL 13, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0154"> PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 75,000 MILITIA, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0155"> PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 19, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0156"> TO GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0157"> TO GOVERNOR HICKS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0158"> ORDER TO DEFEND FROM A MARYLAND INSURRECTION + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0159"> PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 27, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0160"> REMARKS TO A MILITARY COMPANY, WASHINGTON, + APRIL 27, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0161"> LOCALIZED REPEAL OF WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0162"> MILITARY ENROLLMENT OF ST. LOUIS CITIZENS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0163"> CONDOLENCE OVER FAILURE OF FT. SUMTER RELIEF + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0164"> PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 42,034 VOLUNTEERS, + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0165"> COMMUNICATION WITH VICE-PRESIDENT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0166"> ORDER TO COLONEL ANDERSON, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0167"> PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING THE WRIT OF HABEAS + CORPUS IN FLORIDA, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0168"> TO SECRETARY WELLES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0169"> PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CORRECTIONS OF A + DIPLOMATIC DESPATCH </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0170"> TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0171"> TO GOVERNOR MORGAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0172"> TO CAPTAIN DAHLGREEN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0173"> LETTER OF CONDOLENCE TO ONE OF FIRST + CASUALTIES </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0174"> TO COLONEL BARTLETT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0175"> MEMORANDUM ABOUT INDIANA REGIMENTS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0176"> TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0177"> TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0178"> TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0179"> TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0180"> TO N. W. EDWARDS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0181"> TO SECRETARY CAMERON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0182"> HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0183"> TO THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0184"> August 5, 1861. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0185"> ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL SCOTT TO SUSPEND THE + WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, JULY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0186"> TO SECRETARY SEWARD. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0187"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS IN SPECIAL SESSION, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0188"> TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0189"> MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0190"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0191"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0192"> TO THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0193"> MEMORANDA OF MILITARY POLICY SUGGESTED BY THE + BULL RUN DEFEAT. JULY 23, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0194"> TO THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0195"> MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0196"> MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0197"> TO SECRETARY CHASE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0198"> MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0199"> MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0200"> MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0201"> ORDER TO UNITED STATES MARSHALS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0202"> MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0203"> MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0204"> TO SECRETARY CAMERON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0205"> PROCLAMATION OF A NATIONAL FAST-DAY, AUGUST + 12, 1861. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0206"> TO JAMES POLLOCK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0207"> TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0208"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FREMONT, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0209"> PROCLAMATION FORBIDDING INTERCOURSE WITH REBEL + STATES, AUGUST 16, 1861. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0210"> TO SECRETARY CAMERON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0211"> TO GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0212"> TO GENERAL FREMONT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0213"> TELEGRAM TO GOVERNORS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0214"> TO GENERAL FREMONT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0215"> TO MRS. FREMONT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0216"> TO JOSEPH HOLT, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0217"> TO GENERAL SCOTT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0218"> TO SECRETARY CAMERON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0219"> TO GENERAL FREMONT, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0220"> To O. H. BROWNING. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0221"> MEMORANDUM FOR A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0222"> TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0223"> TO THE VICEROY OF EGYPT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0224"> ORDER AUTHORIZING SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OF + HABEAS CORPUS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0225"> TO SECRETARY OF INTERIOR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0226"> TWO SONS WHO WANT TO WORK </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0227"> TO GENERAL THOMAS W. SHERMAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0228"> TO GENERAL CURTIS, WITH INCLOSURES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0229"> WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0230"> WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0231"> ORDER RETIRING GENERAL SCOTT AND APPOINTING + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0232"> EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0233"> ORDER APPROVING THE PLAN OF GOVERNOR GAMBLE OF + MISSOURI. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0234"> REPLY TO THE MINISTER FROM SWEDEN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0235"> INDORSEMENT AUTHORIZING MARTIAL LAW IN SAINT + LOUIS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0236"> OFFER TO COOPERATE AND GIVE SPECIAL LINE OF + INFORMATION TO HORACE GREELEY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0237"> ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL HALLECK TO SUSPEND + THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0238"> ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0239"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0240"> LETTER OF REPRIMAND TO GENERAL HUNTER </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0241"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HALLECK. </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0242"> <b>1862</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0243"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0244"> TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0245"> TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0246"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0247"> MESSAGES OF DISAPPOINTMENT WITH HIS GENERALS + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0248"> TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0249"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUELL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0250"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0251"> INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GENERAL HALLECK, + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0252"> TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR ANDREW. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0253"> TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0254"> TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0255"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0256"> TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0257"> PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO. 1 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0258"> TO SECRETARY STANTON, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0259"> PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO. 1. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0260"> OPPOSITION TO McCLELLAN'S PLANS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0262"> TO WM. H. HERNDON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0263"> RESPITE FOR NATHANIEL GORDON </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0264"> MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0265"> TO GENERALS D. HUNTER AND J. H. LANE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0266"> EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 1, RELATING TO POLITICAL + PRISONERS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0267"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. WASHINGTON CITY, February + 15, 1862 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0268"> FIRST WRITTEN NOTICE OF GRANT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0269"> EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 2.—IN RELATION TO + STATE PRISONERS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0270"> ORDER RELATING TO COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0271"> SPEECH TO THE PERUVIAN MINISTER, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0272"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS RECOMMENDING COMPENSATED + EMANCIPATION. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0273"> INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GOVERNOR YATES. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0274"> PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.2. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0275"> PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.3. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0276"> INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME + BORDER SLAVE STATE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0277"> PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO.3. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0278"> FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL MCCLELLAN. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0279"> SPEECH TO A PARTY OF MASSACHUSETTS GENTLEMAN + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0280"> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0281"> TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0282"> GIFT OF SOME RABBITS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0283"> INSTRUCTION TO SECRETARY STANTON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0284"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0285"> TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0286"> TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0287"> PROCLAMATION RECOMMENDING THANKSGIVING FOR + VICTORIES, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0288"> ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN WASHINGTON, D.C. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0289"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0290"> TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0291"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0292"> MESSAGE TO THE SENATE, MAY 1, 1862. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0293"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0294"> TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0295"> RESPONSE TO EVANGELICAL LUTHERANS, MAY 6, 1862 + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0296"> TELEGRAM TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0297"> FURTHER REPRIMAND OF McCLELLAN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0298"> TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0299"> PROCLAMATION RAISING THE BLOCKADE OF CERTAIN + PORTS. </a> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_4_0001" id="link2H_4_0001"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h1> + THE WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, <br /> Volume Five, 1858-1862 + </h1> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0002" id="link2H_4_0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1858 + </h2> + <h2> + TO SYDNEY SPRING, GRAYVILLE, ILL. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, June 19, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + SYDNEY SPRING, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your letter introducing Mr. Faree was duly received. + There was no opening to nominate him for Superintendent of Public + Instruction, but through him Egypt made a most valuable contribution to + the convention. I think it may be fairly said that he came off the lion of + the day—or rather of the night. Can you not elect him to the + Legislature? It seems to me he would be hard to beat. What objection could + be made to him? What is your Senator Martin saying and doing? What is Webb + about? + </p> + <p> + Please write me. Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0003" id="link2H_4_0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO H. C. WHITNEY. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, June 24, 1858 + </h3> + <p> + H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Your letter enclosing the attack of the Times upon me was + received this morning. Give yourself no concern about my voting against + the supplies. Unless you are without faith that a lie can be successfully + contradicted, there is not a word of truth in the charge, and I am just + considering a little as to the best shape to put a contradiction in. Show + this to whomever you please, but do not publish it in the paper. + </p> + <p> + Your friend as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0004" id="link2H_4_0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. W. SOMERS. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, June 25, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 22nd, inclosing a draft of two hundred + dollars, was duly received. I have paid it on the judgment, and herewith + you have the receipt. I do not wish to say anything as to who shall be the + Republican candidate for the Legislature in your district, further than + that I have full confidence in Dr. Hull. Have you ever got in the way of + consulting with McKinley in political matters? He is true as steel, and + his judgment is very good. The last I heard from him, he rather thought + Weldon, of De Witt, was our best timber for representative, all things + considered. But you there must settle it among yourselves. It may well + puzzle older heads than yours to understand how, as the Dred Scott + decision holds, Congress can authorize a Territorial Legislature to do + everything else, and cannot authorize them to prohibit slavery. That is + one of the things the court can decide, but can never give an intelligible + reason for. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0005" id="link2H_4_0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO A. CAMPBELL. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, June 28, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + A. CAMPBELL, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—In 1856 you gave me authority to draw on you for any + sum not exceeding five hundred dollars. I see clearly that such a + privilege would be more available now than it was then. I am aware that + times are tighter now than they were then. Please write me at all events, + and whether you can now do anything or not I shall continue grateful for + the past. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0006" id="link2H_4_0006"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. GILLESPIE. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, July 16, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + HON. JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I write this to say that from the specimens of Douglas + Democracy we occasionally see here from Madison, we learn that they are + making very confident calculation of beating you and your friends for the + lower house, in that county. They offer to bet upon it. Billings and Job, + respectively, have been up here, and were each as I learn, talking largely + about it. If they do so, it can only be done by carrying the Fillmore men + of 1856 very differently from what they seem to [be] going in the other + party. Below is the vote of 1856, in your district: + </p> + <p> + Counties. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Counties. Buchanan. Fremont. Fillmore. + Bond............ 607 153 659 + Madison......... 1451 1111 1658 + Montgomery...... 992 162 686 + —— —— —— + 3050 1426 3003 +</pre> + <p> + By this you will see, if you go through the calculation, that if they get + one quarter of the Fillmore votes, and you three quarters, they will beat + you 125 votes. If they get one fifth, and you four fifths, you beat them + 179. In Madison, alone, if our friends get 1000 of the Fillmore votes, and + their opponents the remainder, 658, we win by just two votes. + </p> + <p> + This shows the whole field, on the basis of the election of 1856. + </p> + <p> + Whether, since then, any Buchanan, or Fremonters, have shifted ground, and + how the majority of new votes will go, you can judge better than I. + </p> + <p> + Of course you, on the ground, can better determine your line of tactics + than any one off the ground; but it behooves you to be wide awake and + actively working. + </p> + <p> + Don't neglect it; and write me at your first leisure. Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0007" id="link2H_4_0007"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JOHN MATHERS, JACKSONVILLE, ILL. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, JULY 20, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + JNO. MATHERS, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your kind and interesting letter of the 19th was duly + received. Your suggestions as to placing one's self on the offensive + rather than the defensive are certainly correct. That is a point which I + shall not disregard. I spoke here on Saturday night. The speech, not very + well reported, appears in the State journal of this morning. You doubtless + will see it; and I hope that you will perceive in it that I am already + improving. I would mail you a copy now, but have not one [at] hand. I + thank you for your letter and shall be pleased to hear from you again. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0008" id="link2H_4_0008"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, JULY 25, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + HON. J. GILLESPIE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your doleful letter of the 8th was received on my + return from Chicago last night. I do hope you are worse scared than hurt, + though you ought to know best. We must not lose the district. We must make + a job of it, and save it. Lay hold of the proper agencies, and secure all + the Americans you can, at once. I do hope, on closer inspection, you will + find they are not half gone. Make a little test. Run down one of the + poll-books of the Edwardsville precinct, and take the first hundred known + American names. Then quietly ascertain how many of them are actually going + for Douglas. I think you will find less than fifty. But even if you find + fifty, make sure of the other fifty, that is, make sure of all you can, at + all events. We will set other agencies to work which shall compensate for + the loss of a good many Americans. Don't fail to check the stampede at + once. Trumbull, I think, will be with you before long. + </p> + <p> + There is much he cannot do, and some he can. I have reason to hope there + will be other help of an appropriate kind. Write me again. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0009" id="link2H_4_0009"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO B. C. COOK. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 2, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + Hon. B. C. COOK. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I have a letter from a very true and intelligent man + insisting that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and Bureau to run + Douglas Republicans for Congress and for the Legislature in those + counties, if they can only get the encouragement of our folks nominating + pretty extreme abolitionists. + </p> + <p> + It is thought they will do nothing if our folks nominate men who are not + very obnoxious to the charge of abolitionism. Please have your eye upon + this. Signs are looking pretty fair. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0010" id="link2H_4_0010"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO HON. J. M. PALMER. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 5, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + HON. J. M. PALMER. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Since we parted last evening no new thought has occurred + to [me] on the subject of which we talked most yesterday. + </p> + <p> + I have concluded, however, to speak at your town on Tuesday, August 31st, + and have promised to have it so appear in the papers of to-morrow. Judge + Trumbull has not yet reached here. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0011" id="link2H_4_0011"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO ALEXANDER SYMPSON. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 11, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 6th received. If life and health continue I + shall pretty likely be at Augusta on the 25th. + </p> + <p> + Things look reasonably well. Will tell you more fully when I see you. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0012" id="link2H_4_0012"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. O. CUNNINGHAM. + </h2> + <h3> + OTTAWA, August 22, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + J. O. CUNNINGHAM, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 18th, signed as secretary of the + Republican club, is received. In the matter of making speeches I am a good + deal pressed by invitations from almost all quarters, and while I hope to + be at Urbana some time during the canvass, I cannot yet say when. Can you + not see me at Monticello on the 6th of September? + </p> + <p> + Douglas and I, for the first time this canvass, crossed swords here + yesterday; the fire flew some, and I am glad to know I am yet alive. There + was a vast concourse of people—more than could get near enough to + hear. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0013" id="link2H_4_0013"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON SLAVERY IN A DEMOCRACY. + </h2> + <h3> + August??, 1858 + </h3> + <p> + As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my + idea of democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the + difference, is no democracy. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0014" id="link2H_4_0014"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO B. C. COOK. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, August 2, 1858 + </h3> + <p> + HON. B. C. COOK. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I have a letter from a very true friend, and + intelligent man, writing that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and + Bureau, to run Douglas Republican for Congress and for the Legislature in + those counties, if they can only get the encouragement of our folks + nominating pretty extreme abolitionists. It is thought they will do + nothing if our folks nominate men who are not very [undecipherable word + looks like "obnoxious"] to the charge of abolitionism. Please have your + eye upon this. Signs are looking pretty fair. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0015" id="link2H_4_0015"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO DR. WILLIAM FITHIAN, DANVILLE, ILL. + </h2> + <h3> + BLOOMINGTON, Sept. 3, 1858 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR DOCTOR:—Yours of the 1st was received this morning, as also one + from Mr. Harmon, and one from Hiram Beckwith on the same subject. You will + see by the Journal that I have been appointed to speak at Danville on the + 22d of Sept.,—the day after Douglas speaks there. My recent + experience shows that speaking at the same place the next day after D. is + the very thing,—it is, in fact, a concluding speech on him. Please + show this to Messrs. Harmon and Beckwith; and tell them they must excuse + me from writing separate letters to them. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN + </p> + <p> + P. S.—Give full notice to all surrounding country. A.L. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0016" id="link2H_4_0016"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT PARIS, ILL., + </h2> + <h3> + SEPT. 8, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + Let us inquire what Judge Douglas really invented when he introduced the + Nebraska Bill? He called it Popular Sovereignty. What does that mean? It + means the sovereignty of the people over their own affairs—in other + words, the right of the people to govern themselves. Did Judge Douglas + invent this? Not quite. The idea of popular sovereignty was floating about + several ages before the author of the Nebraska Bill was born—indeed, + before Columbus set foot on this continent. In the year 1776 it took form + in the noble words which you are all familiar with: "We hold these truths + to be self-evident, that all men are created equal," etc. Was not this the + origin of popular sovereignty as applied to the American people? Here we + are told that governments are instituted among men deriving their just + powers from the consent of the governed. If that is not popular + sovereignty, then I have no conception of the meaning of words. If Judge + Douglas did not invent this kind of popular sovereignty, let us pursue the + inquiry and find out what kind he did invent. Was it the right of + emigrants to Kansas and Nebraska to govern themselves, and a lot of + "niggers," too, if they wanted them? Clearly this was no invention of his + because General Cass put forth the same doctrine in 1848 in his so called + Nicholson letter, six years before Douglas thought of such a thing. Then + what was it that the "Little Giant" invented? It never occurred to General + Cass to call his discovery by the odd name of popular sovereignty. He had + not the face to say that the right of the people to govern "niggers" was + the right of the people to govern themselves. His notions of the fitness + of things were not moulded to the brazenness of calling the right to put a + hundred "niggers" through under the lash in Nebraska a "sacred" right of + self-government. And here I submit to you was Judge Douglas's discovery, + and the whole of it: He discovered that the right to breed and flog + negroes in Nebraska was popular sovereignty. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0017" id="link2H_4_0017"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH AT CLINTON, ILLINOIS, + </h2> + <h3> + SEPTEMBER 8, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + The questions are sometimes asked "What is all this fuss that is being + made about negroes? What does it amount to? And where will it end?" These + questions imply that those who ask them consider the slavery question a + very insignificant matter they think that it amounts to little or nothing + and that those who agitate it are extremely foolish. Now it must be + admitted that if the great question which has caused so much trouble is + insignificant, we are very foolish to have anything to do with it—if + it is of no importance we had better throw it aside and busy ourselves + with something else. But let us inquire a little into this insignificant + matter, as it is called by some, and see if it is not important enough to + demand the close attention of every well-wisher of the Union. In one of + Douglas's recent speeches, I find a reference to one which was made by me + in Springfield some time ago. The judge makes one quotation from that + speech that requires some little notice from me at this time. I regret + that I have not my Springfield speech before me, but the judge has quoted + one particular part of it so often that I think I can recollect it. It + runs I think as follows: + </p> + <p> + "We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the + avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery + agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only + not ceased but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease + until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. + </p> + <p> + "A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government + cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the + Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect + it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the + other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of + it and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is + in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it + forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well + as new, North as well as South." + </p> + <p> + Judge Douglas makes use of the above quotation, and finds a great deal of + fault with it. He deals unfairly with me, and tries to make the people of + this State believe that I advocated dangerous doctrines in my Springfield + speech. Let us see if that portion of my Springfield speech of which Judge + Douglas complains so bitterly, is as objectionable to others as it is to + him. We are, certainly, far into the fifth year since a policy was + initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end + to slavery agitation. On the fourth day of January, 1854, Judge Douglas + introduced the Kansas-Nebraska bill. He initiated a new policy, and that + policy, so he says, was to put an end to the agitation of the slavery + question. Whether that was his object or not I will not stop to discuss, + but at all events some kind of a policy was initiated; and what has been + the result? Instead of the quiet and good feeling which were promised us + by the self-styled author of Popular Sovereignty, we have had nothing but + ill-feeling and agitation. According to Judge Douglas, the passage of the + Nebraska bill would tranquilize the whole country—there would be no + more slavery agitation in or out of Congress, and the vexed question would + be left entirely to the people of the Territories. Such was the opinion of + Judge Douglas, and such were the opinions of the leading men of the + Democratic Party. Even as late as the spring of 1856 Mr. Buchanan said, a + short time subsequent to his nomination by the Cincinnati convention, that + the territory of Kansas would be tranquil in less than six weeks. Perhaps + he thought so, but Kansas has not been and is not tranquil, and it may be + a long time before she may be so. + </p> + <p> + We all know how fierce the agitation was in Congress last winter, and what + a narrow escape Kansas had from being admitted into the Union with a + constitution that was detested by ninety-nine hundredths of her citizens. + Did the angry debates which took place at Washington during the last + season of Congress lead you to suppose that the slavery agitation was + settled? + </p> + <p> + An election was held in Kansas in the month of August, and the + constitution which was submitted to the people was voted down by a large + majority. So Kansas is still out of the Union, and there is a probability + that she will remain out for some time. But Judge Douglas says the slavery + question is settled. He says the bill he introduced into the Senate of the + United States on the 4th day of January, 1854, settled the slavery + question forever! Perhaps he can tell us how that bill settled the slavery + question, for if he is able to settle a question of such great magnitude + he ought to be able to explain the manner in which he does it. He knows + and you know that the question is not settled, and that his ill-timed + experiment to settle it has made it worse than it ever was before. + </p> + <p> + And now let me say a few words in regard to Douglas's great hobby of negro + equality. He thinks—he says at least—that the Republican party + is in favor of allowing whites and blacks to intermarry, and that a man + can't be a good Republican unless he is willing to elevate black men to + office and to associate with them on terms of perfect equality. He knows + that we advocate no such doctrines as these, but he cares not how much he + misrepresents us if he can gain a few votes by so doing. To show you what + my opinion of negro equality was in times past, and to prove to you that I + stand on that question where I always stood, I will read you a few + extracts from a speech that was made by me in Peoria in 1854. It was made + in reply to one of Judge Douglas's speeches. + </p> + <p> + (Mr. Lincoln then read a number of extracts which had the ring of the true + metal. We have rarely heard anything with which we have been more pleased. + And the audience after hearing the extracts read, and comparing their + conservative sentiments with those now advocated by Mr. Lincoln, testified + their approval by loud applause. How any reasonable man can hear one of + Mr. Lincoln's speeches without being converted to Republicanism is + something that we can't account for. Ed.) + </p> + <p> + Slavery, continued Mr. Lincoln, is not a matter of little importance, it + overshadows every other question in which we are interested. It has + divided the Methodist and Presbyterian churches, and has sown discord in + the American Tract Society. The churches have split and the society will + follow their example before long. So it will be seen that slavery is + agitated in the religious as well as in the political world. Judge Douglas + is very much afraid in the triumph that the Republican party will lead to + a general mixture of the white and black races. Perhaps I am wrong in + saying that he is afraid, so I will correct myself by saying that he + pretends to fear that the success of our party will result in the + amalgamation of the blacks and whites. I think I can show plainly, from + documents now before me, that Judge Douglas's fears are groundless. The + census of 1800 tells us that in that year there were over four hundred + thousand mulattoes in the United States. Now let us take what is called an + Abolition State—the Republican, slavery-hating State of New + Hampshire—and see how many mulattoes we can find within her borders. + The number amounts to just one hundred and eighty-four. In the Old + Dominion—in the Democratic and aristocratic State of Virginia—there + were a few more mulattoes than the Census-takers found in New Hampshire. + How many do you suppose there were? Seventy-nine thousand, seven hundred + and seventy-five—twenty-three thousand more than there were in all + the free States! In the slave States there were in 1800, three hundred and + forty-eight thousand mulattoes all of home production; and in the free + States there were less than sixty thousand mulattoes—and a large + number of them were imported from the South. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0018" id="link2H_4_0018"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT EDWARDSVILLE, ILL., + </h2> + <h3> + SEPT. 13, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + I have been requested to give a concise statement of the difference, as I + understand it, between the Democratic and Republican parties, on the + leading issues of the campaign. This question has been put to me by a + gentleman whom I do not know. I do not even know whether he is a friend of + mine or a supporter of Judge Douglas in this contest, nor does that make + any difference. His question is a proper one. Lest I should forget it, I + will give you my answer before proceeding with the line of argument I have + marked out for this discussion. + </p> + <p> + The difference between the Republican and the Democratic parties on the + leading issues of this contest, as I understand it, is that the former + consider slavery a moral, social and political wrong, while the latter do + not consider it either a moral, a social or a political wrong; and the + action of each, as respects the growth of the country and the expansion of + our population, is squared to meet these views. I will not affirm that the + Democratic party consider slavery morally, socially and politically right, + though their tendency to that view has, in my opinion, been constant and + unmistakable for the past five years. I prefer to take, as the accepted + maxim of the party, the idea put forth by Judge Douglas, that he "don't + care whether slavery is voted down or voted up." I am quite willing to + believe that many Democrats would prefer that slavery should be always + voted down, and I know that some prefer that it be always voted up; but I + have a right to insist that their action, especially if it be their + constant action, shall determine their ideas and preferences on this + subject. Every measure of the Democratic party of late years, bearing + directly or indirectly on the slavery question, has corresponded with this + notion of utter indifference whether slavery or freedom shall outrun in + the race of empire across to the Pacific—every measure, I say, up to + the Dred Scott decision, where, it seems to me, the idea is boldly + suggested that slavery is better than freedom. The Republican party, on + the contrary, hold that this government was instituted to secure the + blessings of freedom, and that slavery is an unqualified evil to the + negro, to the white man, to the soil, and to the State. Regarding it as an + evil, they will not molest it in the States where it exists, they will not + overlook the constitutional guards which our fathers placed around it; + they will do nothing that can give proper offence to those who hold slaves + by legal sanction; but they will use every constitutional method to + prevent the evil from becoming larger and involving more negroes, more + white men, more soil, and more States in its deplorable consequences. They + will, if possible, place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief + that it is in course of ultimate peaceable extinction in God's own good + time. And to this end they will, if possible, restore the government to + the policy of the fathers, the policy of preserving the new Territories + from the baneful influence of human bondage, as the Northwestern + Territories were sought to be preserved by the Ordinance of 1787, and the + Compromise Act of 1820. They will oppose, in all its length and breadth, + the modern Democratic idea, that slavery is as good as freedom, and ought + to have room for expansion all over the continent, if people can be found + to carry it. All, or nearly all, of Judge Douglas's arguments are logical, + if you admit that slavery is as good and as right as freedom, and not one + of them is worth a rush if you deny it. This is the difference, as I + understand it, between the Republican and Democratic parties. + </p> + <p> + My friends, I have endeavored to show you the logical consequences of the + Dred Scott decision, which holds that the people of a Territory cannot + prevent the establishment of slavery in their midst. I have stated what + cannot be gainsaid, that the grounds upon which this decision is made are + equally applicable to the free States as to the free Territories, and that + the peculiar reasons put forth by Judge Douglas for indorsing this + decision commit him, in advance, to the next decision and to all other + decisions corning from the same source. And when, by all these means, you + have succeeded in dehumanizing the negro; when you have put him down and + made it impossible for him to be but as the beasts of the field; when you + have extinguished his soul in this world and placed him where the ray of + hope is blown out as in the darkness of the damned, are you quite sure + that the demon you have roused will not turn and rend you? What + constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and independence? It is not our + frowning battlements, our bristling sea coasts, our army and our navy. + These are not our reliance against tyranny All of those may be turned + against us without making us weaker for the struggle. Our reliance is in + the love of liberty which God has planted in us. Our defense is in the + spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands + everywhere. Destroy this spirit and you have planted the seeds of + despotism at your own doors. Familiarize yourselves with the chains of + bondage and you prepare your own limbs to wear them. Accustomed to trample + on the rights of others, you have lost the genius of your own independence + and become the fit subjects of the first cunning tyrant who rises among + you. And let me tell you, that all these things are prepared for you by + the teachings of history, if the elections shall promise that the next + Dred Scott decision and all future decisions will be quietly acquiesced in + by the people. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0019" id="link2H_4_0019"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + VERSE TO "LINNIE" + </h2> + <h3> + September 30,? 1858. + </h3> + <p> + TO "LINNIE": + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + A sweet plaintive song did I hear + And I fancied that she was the singer. + May emotions as pure as that song set astir + Be the wont that the future shall bring her. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0020" id="link2H_4_0020"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + NEGROES ARE MEN + </h2> + <h3> + TO J. U. BROWN. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, OCT 18, 1858 HON. J. U. BROWN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I do not perceive how I can express myself more plainly + than I have in the fore-going extracts. In four of them I have expressly + disclaimed all intention to bring about social and political equality + between the white and black races and in all the rest I have done the same + thing by clear implication. + </p> + <p> + I have made it equally plain that I think the negro is included in the + word "men" used in the Declaration of Independence. + </p> + <p> + I believe the declaration that "all men are created equal" is the great + fundamental principle upon which our free institutions rest; that negro + slavery is violative of that principle; but that, by our frame of + government, that principle has not been made one of legal obligation; that + by our frame of government, States which have slavery are to retain it, or + surrender it at their own pleasure; and that all others—individuals, + free States and national Government—are constitutionally bound to + leave them alone about it. + </p> + <p> + I believe our Government was thus framed because of the necessity + springing from the actual presence of slavery, when it was framed. + </p> + <p> + That such necessity does not exist in the Territories when slavery is not + present. + </p> + <p> + In his Mendenhall speech Mr. Clay says: "Now as an abstract principle + there is no doubt of the truth of that declaration (all men created + equal), and it is desirable, in the original construction of society, to + keep it in view as a great fundamental principle." + </p> + <p> + Again, in the same speech Mr. Clay says: "If a state of nature existed and + we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man would be more + strongly opposed than I should to incorporate the institution of slavery + among its elements." + </p> + <p> + Exactly so. In our new free Territories, a state of nature does exist. In + them Congress lays the foundations of society; and in laying those + foundations, I say, with Mr. Clay, it is desirable that the declaration of + the equality of all men shall be kept in view as a great fundamental + principle, and that Congress, which lays the foundations of society, + should, like Mr. Clay, be strongly opposed to the incorporation of slavery + and its elements. + </p> + <p> + But it does not follow that social and political equality between whites + and blacks must be incorporated because slavery must not. The declaration + does not so require. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN + </p> + <p> + [Newspaper cuttings of Lincoln's speeches at Peoria, in 1854, at + Springfield, Ottawa, Chicago, and Charleston, in 1858. They were pasted in + a little book in which the above letter was also written.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0021" id="link2H_4_0021"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO A. SYMPSON. + </h2> + <h3> + BLANDINSVILLE, Oct 26, 1858 + </h3> + <p> + A. SYMPSON, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Since parting with you this morning I heard some things + which make me believe that Edmunds and Morrill will spend this week among + the National Democrats, trying to induce them to content themselves by + voting for Jake Davis, and then to vote for the Douglas candidates for + senator and representative. Have this headed off, if you can. Call + Wagley's attention to it and have him and the National Democrat for Rep. + to counteract it as far as they can. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0022" id="link2H_4_0022"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SENATORIAL ELECTION LOST AND OUT OF MONEY + </h2> + <h3> + TO N. B. JUDD. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, NOVEMBER 16, 1858 HON. N. B. JUDD + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 15th is just received. I wrote you the same + day. As to the pecuniary matter, I am willing to pay according to my + ability; but I am the poorest hand living to get others to pay. I have + been on expenses so long without earning anything that I am absolutely + without money now for even household purposes. Still, if you can put in + two hundred and fifty dollars for me toward discharging the debt of the + committee, I will allow it when you and I settle the private matter + between us. This, with what I have already paid, and with an outstanding + note of mine, will exceed my subscription of five hundred dollars. This, + too, is exclusive of my ordinary expenses during the campaign, all of + which, being added to my loss of time and business, bears pretty heavily + upon one no better off in [this] world's goods than I; but as I had the + post of honor, it is not for me to be over nice. You are feeling badly,—"And + this too shall pass away," never fear. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0023" id="link2H_4_0023"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE FIGHT MUST GO ON + </h2> + <h3> + TO H. ASBURY. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, November 19, 1858. + </p> + <p> + HENRY ASBURY, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 13th was received some days ago. The fight + must go on. The cause of civil liberty must not be surrendered at the end + of one or even one hundred defeats. Douglas had the ingenuity to be + supported in the late contest both as the best means to break down and to + uphold the slave interest. No ingenuity can keep these antagonistic + elements in harmony long. Another explosion will soon come. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0024" id="link2H_4_0024"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REALIZATION THAT DEBATES MUST BE SAVED + </h2> + <h3> + TO C. H. RAY. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, Nov.20, 1858 + </p> + <p> + DR. C. H. RAY + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I wish to preserve a set of the late debates (if they + may be called so), between Douglas and myself. To enable me to do so, + please get two copies of each number of your paper containing the whole, + and send them to me by express; and I will pay you for the papers and for + your trouble. I wish the two sets in order to lay one away in the + [undecipherable word] and to put the other in a scrapbook. Remember, if + part of any debate is on both sides of the sheet it will take two sets to + make one scrap-book. + </p> + <p> + I believe, according to a letter of yours to Hatch, you are "feeling like + h-ll yet." Quit that—you will soon feel better. Another "blow up" is + coming; and we shall have fun again. Douglas managed to be supported both + as the best instrument to down and to uphold the slave power; but no + ingenuity can long keep the antagonism in harmony. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0025" id="link2H_4_0025"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO H. C. WHITNEY. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, November 30, 1858 + </h3> + <p> + H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Being desirous of preserving in some permanent form the + late joint discussion between Douglas and myself, ten days ago I wrote to + Dr. Ray, requesting him to forward to me by express two sets of the + numbers of the Tribune which contain the reports of those discussions. Up + to date I have no word from him on the subject. Will you, if in your + power, procure them and forward them to me by express? If you will, I will + pay all charges, and be greatly obliged, to boot. Hoping to visit you + before long, I remain + </p> + <p> + As ever your friend, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0026" id="link2H_4_0026"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO H. D. SHARPE. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 8, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + H. D. SHARPE, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Your very kind letter of Nov. 9th was duly received. I do + not know that you expected or desired an answer; but glancing over the + contents of yours again, I am prompted to say that, while I desired the + result of the late canvass to have been different, I still regard it as an + exceeding small matter. I think we have fairly entered upon a durable + struggle as to whether this nation is to ultimately become all slave or + all free, and though I fall early in the contest, it is nothing if I shall + have contributed, in the least degree, to the final rightful result. + </p> + <p> + Respectfully yours, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0027" id="link2H_4_0027"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO A. SYMPSON. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Dec.12, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I expect the result of the election went hard with you. + So it did with me, too, perhaps not quite so hard as you may have + supposed. I have an abiding faith that we shall beat them in the long run. + Step by step the objects of the leaders will become too plain for the + people to stand them. I write merely to let you know that I am neither + dead nor dying. Please give my respects to your good family, and all + inquiring friends. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0028" id="link2H_4_0028"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON BANKRUPTCY + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_NOTE" id="link2H_NOTE"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + NOTES OF AN ARGUMENT. + </h2> + <h3> + December [?], 1858. + </h3> + <p> + Legislation and adjudication must follow and conform to the progress of + society. + </p> + <p> + The progress of society now begins to produce cases of the transfer for + debts of the entire property of railroad corporations; and to enable + transferees to use and enjoy the transferred property, legislation and + adjudication begin to be necessary. + </p> + <p> + Shall this class of legislation just now beginning with us be general or + special? + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT" id="link2H_SECT"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section Ten of our Constitution requires that it should be general, + </h2> + <h3> + if possible. (Read the section.) + </h3> + <p> + Special legislation always trenches upon the judicial department; and in + so far violates Section Two of the Constitution. (Read it.) + </p> + <p> + Just reasoning—policy—is in favor of general legislation—else + the Legislature will be loaded down with the investigation of smaller + cases—a work which the courts ought to perform, and can perform much + more perfectly. How can the Legislature rightly decide the facts between + P. & B. and S.C. + </p> + <p> + It is said that under a general law, whenever a R. R. Co. gets tired of + its debts, it may transfer fraudulently to get rid of them. So they may—so + may individuals; and which—the Legislature or the courts—is + best suited to try the question of fraud in either case? + </p> + <p> + It is said, if a purchaser have acquired legal rights, let him not be + robbed of them, but if he needs legislation let him submit to just terms + to obtain it. + </p> + <p> + Let him, say we, have general law in advance (guarded in every possible + way against fraud), so that, when he acquires a legal right, he will have + no occasion to wait for additional legislation; and if he has practiced + fraud let the courts so decide. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0031" id="link2H_4_0031"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + A LEGAL OPINION BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + </h2> + <p> + The 11th Section of the Act of Congress, approved Feb. 11, 1805, + prescribing rules for the subdivision of sections of land within the + United States system of surveys, standing unrepealed, in my opinion, is + binding on the respective purchasers of different parts of the same + section, and furnishes the true rule for surveyors in establishing lines + between them. That law, being in force at the time each became a + purchaser, becomes a condition of the purchase. + </p> + <p> + And, by that law, I think the true rule for dividing into quarters any + interior section or sections, which is not fractional, is to run straight + lines through the section from the opposite quarter section corners, + fixing the point where such straight lines cross, or intersect each other, + as the middle or centre of the section. + </p> + <p> + Nearly, perhaps quite, all the original surveys are to some extent + erroneous, and in some of the sections, greatly so. In each of the latter, + it is obvious that a more equitable mode of division than the above might + be adopted; but as error is infinitely various perhaps no better single + rules can be prescribed. + </p> + <p> + At all events I think the above has been prescribed by the competent + authority. + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, Jany. 6, 1859. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0032" id="link2H_4_0032"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO M. W. DELAHAY. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, March 4, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + M. W. DELAHAY, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR: Your second letter in relation to my being with you at your + Republican convention was duly received. It is not at hand just now, but I + have the impression from it that the convention was to be at Leavenworth; + but day before yesterday a friend handed me a letter from Judge M. F. + Caraway, in which he also expresses a wish for me to come, and he fixes + the place at Ossawatomie. This I believe is off of the river, and will + require more time and labor to get to it. It will push me hard to get + there without injury to my own business; but I shall try to do it, though + I am not yet quite certain I shall succeed. + </p> + <p> + I should like to know before coming, that while some of you wish me to + come, there may not be others who would quite as lief I would stay away. + Write me again. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0033" id="link2H_4_0033"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO W. M. MORRIS. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, March 28, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + W. M. MORRIS, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Your kind note inviting me to deliver a lecture at + Galesburg is received. I regret to say I cannot do so now; I must stick to + the courts awhile. I read a sort of lecture to three different audiences + during the last month and this; but I did so under circumstances which + made it a waste of no time whatever. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0034" id="link2H_4_0034"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO H. L. PIERCE AND OTHERS. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, April 6, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + GENTLEMEN:—Your kind note inviting me to attend a festival in + Boston, on the 28th instant, in honor of the birthday of Thomas Jefferson, + was duly received. My engagements are such that I cannot attend. + </p> + <p> + Bearing in mind that about seventy years ago two great political parties + were first formed in this country, that Thomas Jefferson was the head of + one of them and Boston the headquarters of the other, it is both curious + and interesting that those supposed to descend politically from the party + opposed to Jefferson should now be celebrating his birthday in their own + original seat of empire, while those claiming political descent from him + have nearly ceased to breathe his name everywhere. + </p> + <p> + Remembering, too, that the Jefferson party was formed upon its supposed + superior devotion to the personal rights of men, holding the rights of + property to be secondary only, and greatly inferior, and assuming that the + so-called Democracy of to-day are the Jefferson, and their opponents the + anti-Jefferson, party, it will be equally interesting to note how + completely the two have changed hands as to the principle upon which they + were originally supposed to be divided. The Democracy of to-day hold the + liberty of one man to be absolutely nothing, when in conflict with another + man's right of property; Republicans, on the contrary, are for both the + man and the dollar, but in case of conflict the man before the dollar. + </p> + <p> + I remember being once much amused at seeing two partially intoxicated men + engaged in a fight with their great-coats on, which fight, after a long + and rather harmless contest, ended in each having fought himself out of + his own coat and into that of the other. If the two leading parties of + this day are really identical with the two in the days of Jefferson and + Adams, they have performed the same feat as the two drunken men. + </p> + <p> + But soberly, it is now no child's play to save the principles of Jefferson + from total overthrow in this nation. One would state with great confidence + that he could convince any sane child that the simpler propositions of + Euclid are true; but nevertheless he would fail, utterly, with one who + should deny the definitions and axioms. The principles of Jefferson are + the definitions and axioms of free society. And yet they are denied and + evaded, with no small show of success. One dashingly calls them + "glittering generalities." Another bluntly calls them "self-evident lies." + And others insidiously argue that they apply to "superior races." These + expressions, differing in form, are identical in object and effect—the + supplanting the principles of free government, and restoring those of + classification, caste, and legitimacy. They would delight a convocation of + crowned heads plotting against the people. They are the vanguard, the + miners and sappers, of returning despotism. We must repulse them, or they + will subjugate us. This is a world of compensation; and he who would be no + slave must consent to have no slave. Those who deny freedom to others + deserve it not for themselves, and, under a just God, cannot long retain + it. All honor to Jefferson to the man who, in the concrete pressure of a + struggle for national independence by a single people, had the coolness, + forecast, and capacity to introduce into a mere revolutionary document an + abstract truth, applicable to all men and all times, and so to embalm it + there that to-day and in all coming days it shall be a rebuke and a + stumbling-block to the very harbingers of reappearing tyranny and + oppression. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0035" id="link2H_4_0035"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO T. CANISIUS. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, May 17, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + DR. THEODORE CANISIUS. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Your note asking, in behalf of yourself and other German + citizens, whether I am for or against the constitutional provision in + regard to naturalized citizens, lately adopted by Massachusetts, and + whether I am for or against a fusion of the Republicans and other + opposition elements for the canvass of 1860, is received. + </p> + <p> + Massachusetts is a sovereign and independent State; and it is no privilege + of mine to scold her for what she does. Still, if from what she has done + an inference is sought to be drawn as to what I would do, I may without + impropriety speak out. I say, then, that, as I understand the + Massachusetts provision, I am against its adoption in Illinois, or in any + other place where I have a right to oppose it. Understanding the spirit of + our institutions to aim at the elevation of men, I am opposed to whatever + tends to degrade them. I have some little notoriety for commiserating the + oppressed negro; and I should be strangely inconsistent if I could favor + any project for curtailing the existing rights of white men, even though + born in different lands, and speaking different languages from myself. As + to the matter of fusion, I am for it if it can be had on Republican + grounds; and I am not for it on any other terms. A fusion on any other + terms would be as foolish as unprincipled. It would lose the whole North, + while the common enemy would still carry the whole South. The question of + men is a different one. There are good, patriotic men and able statesmen + in the South whom I would cheerfully support, if they would now place + themselves on Republican ground, but I am against letting down the + Republican standard a hairsbreadth. + </p> + <p> + I have written this hastily, but I believe it answers your questions + substantially. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0036" id="link2H_4_0036"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE GOVERNOR, AUDITOR, AND TREASURER OF THE STATE OF ILLINOIS. + </h2> + <h3> + GENTLEMEN: + </h3> + <p> + In reply to your inquiry; requesting our written opinion as to what your + duty requires you to do in executing the latter clause of the Seventh + Section of "An Act in relation to the payment of the principal and + interest of the State debt," approved Feb'y 22, 1859, we reply that said + last clause of said section is certainly indefinite, general, and + ambiguous in its description of the bonds to be issued by you; giving no + time at which the bonds are to be made payable, no place at which either + principal or interest are to be paid, and no rate of interest which the + bonds are to bear; nor any other description except that they are to be + coupon bonds, which in commercial usage means interest-paying bonds with + obligations or orders attached to them for the payment of annual or + semiannual interest; there is we suppose no difficulty in ascertaining, if + this act stood alone, what ought to be the construction of the terms + "coupon bonds" and that it, would mean bonds bearing interest from the + time of issuing the same. And under this act considered by itself the + creditors would have a right to require such bonds. But your inquiry in + regard to a class of bonds on which no interest is to be paid or shall + begin to run until January 1, 1860, is whether the Act of February 18, + 1857, would not authorize you to refuse to give bonds with any coupons + attached payable before the first day of July, 1860. We have very maturely + considered this question and have arrived at the conclusion that you have + a right to use such measures as will secure the State against the loss of + six months' interest on these bonds by the indefiniteness of the Act of + 1859. While it cannot be denied that the letter of the laws favor the + construction claimed by some of the creditors that interest-bearing bonds + were required to be issued to them, inasmuch as the restriction that no + interest is to run on said bonds until 1st January, 1860, relates solely + to the bonds issued under the Act of 1857. And the Act of 1859 directing + you to issue new bonds does not contain this restriction, but directs you + to issue coupon bonds. Nevertheless the very indefiniteness and generality + of the Act of 1859, giving no rate of interest, no time due, no place of + payment, no postponement of the time when interest commences, necessarily + implies that the Legislature intended to invest you with a discretion to + impose such terms and restrictions as would protect the interest of the + State; and we think you have a right and that it is your duty to see that + the State Bonds are so issued that the State shall not lose six months' + interest. Two plans present themselves either of which will secure the + State. 1st. If in literal compliance with the law you issue bonds bearing + interest from 1st July, 1859, you may deduct from the bonds presented + three thousand from every $100,000 of bonds and issue $97,000 of coupon + bonds; by this plan $3000 out of $100,000 of principal would be + extinguished in consideration of paying $2910 interest on the first of + January, 1860—and the interest on the $3000 would forever cease; + this would be no doubt most advantageous to the State. But if the Auditor + will not consent to this, then, 2nd. Cut off of each bond all the coupons + payable before 1st July, 1860. + </p> + <p> + One of these plans would undoubtedly have been prescribed by the + Legislature if its attention had been directed to this question. + </p> + <p> + May 28, 1859. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0037" id="link2H_4_0037"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON LINCOLN'S SCRAP BOOK + </h2> + <h3> + TO H. C. WHITNEY. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, December 25, 1858. + </p> + <p> + H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I have just received yours of the 23rd inquiring + whether I received the newspapers you sent me by express. I did receive + them, and am very much obliged. There is some probability that my + scrap-book will be reprinted, and if it shall, I will save you a copy. + </p> + <p> + Your friend as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0038" id="link2H_4_0038"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1859 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0039" id="link2H_4_0039"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FIRST SUGGESTION OF A PRESIDENTIAL OFFER. + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0040" id="link2H_4_0040"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO S. GALLOWAY. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., July 28, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + HON. SAMUEL GALLOWAY. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your very complimentary, not to say flattering, letter + of the 23d inst. is received. Dr. Reynolds had induced me to expect you + here; and I was disappointed not a little by your failure to come. And yet + I fear you have formed an estimate of me which can scarcely be sustained + on a personal acquaintance. + </p> + <p> + Two things done by the Ohio Republican convention—the repudiation of + Judge Swan, and the "plank" for a repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law—I + very much regretted. These two things are of a piece; and they are viewed + by many good men, sincerely opposed to slavery, as a struggle against, and + in disregard of, the Constitution itself. And it is the very thing that + will greatly endanger our cause, if it be not kept out of our national + convention. There is another thing our friends are doing which gives me + some uneasiness. It is their leaning toward "popular sovereignty." There + are three substantial objections to this: First, no party can command + respect which sustains this year what it opposed last. Secondly, Douglas + (who is the most dangerous enemy of liberty, because the most insidious + one) would have little support in the North, and by consequence, no + capital to trade on in the South, if it were not for his friends thus + magnifying him and his humbug. But lastly, and chiefly, Douglas's popular + sovereignty, accepted by the public mind as a just principle, nationalizes + slavery, and revives the African slave trade inevitably. + </p> + <p> + Taking slaves into new Territories, and buying slaves in Africa, are + identical things, identical rights or identical wrongs, and the argument + which establishes one will establish the other. Try a thousand years for a + sound reason why Congress shall not hinder the people of Kansas from + having slaves, and, when you have found it, it will be an equally good one + why Congress should not hinder the people of Georgia from importing slaves + from Africa. + </p> + <p> + As to Governor Chase, I have a kind side for him. He was one of the few + distinguished men of the nation who gave us, in Illinois, their sympathy + last year. I never saw him, but suppose him to be able and right-minded; + but still he may not be the most suitable as a candidate for the + Presidency. + </p> + <p> + I must say I do not think myself fit for the Presidency. As you propose a + correspondence with me, I shall look for your letters anxiously. + </p> + <p> + I have not met Dr. Reynolds since receiving your letter; but when I shall, + I will present your respects as requested. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0041" id="link2H_4_0041"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + IT IS BAD TO BE POOR. + </h2> + <h3> + TO HAWKINS TAYLOR + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL. Sept. 6, 1859. + </p> + <p> + HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 3d is just received. There is some mistake + about my expected attendance of the U.S. Court in your city on the 3d + Tuesday of this month. I have had no thought of being there. + </p> + <p> + It is bad to be poor. I shall go to the wall for bread and meat if I + neglect my business this year as well as last. It would please me much to + see the city and good people of Keokuk, but for this year it is little + less than an impossibility. I am constantly receiving invitations which I + am compelled to decline. I was pressingly urged to go to Minnesota; and I + now have two invitations to go to Ohio. These last are prompted by Douglas + going there; and I am really tempted to make a flying trip to Columbus and + Cincinnati. + </p> + <p> + I do hope you will have no serious trouble in Iowa. What thinks Grimes + about it? I have not known him to be mistaken about an election in Iowa. + Present my respects to Col. Carter, and any other friends, and believe me + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0042" id="link2H_4_0042"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH AT COLUMBUS, OHIO. + </h2> + <h3> + SEPTEMBER 16, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF OHIO: I cannot fail to remember that I + appear for the first time before an audience in this now great State,—an + audience that is accustomed to hear such speakers as Corwin, and Chase, + and Wade, and many other renowned men; and, remembering this, I feel that + it will be well for you, as for me, that you should not raise your + expectations to that standard to which you would have been justified in + raising them had one of these distinguished men appeared before you. You + would perhaps be only preparing a disappointment for yourselves, and, as a + consequence of your disappointment, mortification to me. I hope, + therefore, that you will commence with very moderate expectations; and + perhaps, if you will give me your attention, I shall be able to interest + you to a moderate degree. + </p> + <p> + Appearing here for the first time in my life, I have been somewhat + embarrassed for a topic by way of introduction to my speech; but I have + been relieved from that embarrassment by an introduction which the Ohio + Statesman newspaper gave me this morning. In this paper I have read an + article, in which, among other statements, I find the following: + </p> + <p> + "In debating with Senator Douglas during the memorable contest of last + fall, Mr. Lincoln declared in favor of negro suffrage, and attempted to + defend that vile conception against the Little Giant." + </p> + <p> + I mention this now, at the opening of my remarks, for the purpose of + making three comments upon it. The first I have already announced,—it + furnishes me an introductory topic; the second is to show that the + gentleman is mistaken; thirdly, to give him an opportunity to correct it. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, in regard to this matter being a mistake. I have found + that it is not entirely safe, when one is misrepresented under his very + nose, to allow the misrepresentation to go uncontradicted. I therefore + propose, here at the outset, not only to say that this is a + misrepresentation, but to show conclusively that it is so; and you will + bear with me while I read a couple of extracts from that very "memorable" + debate with Judge Douglas last year, to which this newspaper refers. In + the first pitched battle which Senator Douglas and myself had, at the town + of Ottawa, I used the language which I will now read. Having been + previously reading an extract, I continued as follows: + </p> + <p> + "Now, gentlemen, I don't want to read at any greater length, but this is + the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to the institution + of slavery and the black race. This is the whole of it; and anything that + argues me into his idea of perfect social and political equality with the + negro, is but a specious and fantastic arrangement of words, by which a + man can prove a horse-chestnut to be a chestnut horse. I will say here, + while upon this subject, that I have no purpose directly or indirectly to + interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I + believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do + so. I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between + the white and the black races. There is a physical difference between the + two which, in my judgment, will probably forbid their ever living together + upon the footing of perfect equality; and inasmuch as it becomes a + necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, am + in favor of the race to which I belong having the superior position. I + have never said anything to the contrary, but I hold that, notwithstanding + all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to + all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence,—the + right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as + much entitled to these as the white man. I agree with judge Douglas, he is + not my equal in many respects,—certainly not in color, perhaps not + in moral or intellectual endowments. But in the right to eat the bread, + without leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal, + and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man." + </p> + <p> + Upon a subsequent occasion, when the reason for making a statement like + this occurred, I said: + </p> + <p> + "While I was at the hotel to-day an elderly gentleman called upon me to + know whether I was really in favor of producing perfect equality between + the negroes and white people. While I had not proposed to myself on this + occasion to say much on that subject, yet, as the question was asked me, I + thought I would occupy perhaps five minutes in saying something in regard + to it. I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of + bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white + and black races; that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making + voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, or + intermarry with the white people; and I will say in addition to this that + there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I + believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of + social and political equality. And inasmuch as they can not so live, while + they do remain together there must be the position of superior and + inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the + superior position assigned to the white race. I say upon this occasion I + do not perceive that because the white man is to have the superior + position, the negro should be denied everything. I do not understand that + because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I must necessarily want + her for a wife. My understanding is that I can just let her alone. I am + now in my fiftieth year, and I certainly never have had a black woman for + either a slave or a wife. So it seems to me quite possible for us to get + along without making either slaves or wives of negroes. I will add to this + that I have never seen, to my knowledge, a man, woman, or child, who was + in favor of producing perfect equality, social and political, between + negroes and white men. I recollect of but one distinguished instance that + I ever heard of so frequently as to be satisfied of its correctness, and + that is the case of Judge Douglas's old friend Colonel Richard M. Johnson. + I will also add to the remarks I have made (for I am not going to enter at + large upon this subject), that I have never had the least apprehension + that I or my friends would marry negroes, if there was no law to keep them + from it; but as judge Douglas and his friends seem to be in great + apprehension that they might, if there were no law to keep them from it, I + give him the most solemn pledge that I will to the very last stand by the + law of the State which forbids the marrying of white people with negroes." + </p> + <p> + There, my friends, you have briefly what I have, upon former occasions, + said upon this subject to which this newspaper, to the extent of its + ability, has drawn the public attention. In it you not only perceive, as a + probability, that in that contest I did not at any time say I was in favor + of negro suffrage, but the absolute proof that twice—once + substantially, and once expressly—I declared against it. Having + shown you this, there remains but a word of comment upon that newspaper + article. It is this, that I presume the editor of that paper is an honest + and truth-loving man, and that he will be greatly obliged to me for + furnishing him thus early an opportunity to correct the misrepresentation + he has made, before it has run so long that malicious people can call him + a liar. + </p> + <p> + The Giant himself has been here recently. I have seen a brief report of + his speech. If it were otherwise unpleasant to me to introduce the subject + of the negro as a topic for discussion, I might be somewhat relieved by + the fact that he dealt exclusively in that subject while he was here. I + shall, therefore, without much hesitation or diffidence, enter upon this + subject. + </p> + <p> + The American people, on the first day of January, 1854, found the African + slave trade prohibited by a law of Congress. In a majority of the States + of this Union, they found African slavery, or any other sort of slavery, + prohibited by State constitutions. They also found a law existing, + supposed to be valid, by which slavery was excluded from almost all the + territory the United States then owned. This was the condition of the + country, with reference to the institution of slavery, on the first of + January, 1854. A few days after that, a bill was introduced into Congress, + which ran through its regular course in the two branches of the national + legislature, and finally passed into a law in the month of May, by which + the Act of Congress prohibiting slavery from going into the Territories of + the United States was repealed. In connection with the law itself, and, in + fact, in the terms of the law, the then existing prohibition was not only + repealed, but there was a declaration of a purpose on the part of Congress + never thereafter to exercise any power that they might have, real or + supposed, to prohibit the extension or spread of slavery. This was a very + great change; for the law thus repealed was of more than thirty years' + standing. Following rapidly upon the heels of this action of Congress, a + decision of the Supreme Court is made, by which it is declared that + Congress, if it desires to prohibit the spread of slavery into the + Territories, has no constitutional power to do so. Not only so, but that + decision lays down principles which, if pushed to their logical + conclusion,—I say pushed to their logical conclusion,—would + decide that the constitutions of free States, forbidding slavery, are + themselves unconstitutional. Mark me, I do not say the judges said this, + and let no man say I affirm the judges used these words; but I only say it + is my opinion that what they did say, if pressed to its logical + conclusion, will inevitably result thus. + </p> + <p> + Looking at these things, the Republican party, as I understand its + principles and policy, believes that there is great danger of the + institution of slavery being spread out and extended until it is + ultimately made alike lawful in all the States of this Union; so + believing, to prevent that incidental and ultimate consummation is the + original and chief purpose of the Republican organization. I say "chief + purpose" of the Republican organization; for it is certainly true that if + the National House shall fall into the hands of the Republicans, they will + have to attend to all the other matters of national house-keeping, as well + as this. The chief and real purpose of the Republican party is eminently + conservative. It proposes nothing save and except to restore this + government to its original tone in regard to this element of slavery, and + there to maintain it, looking for no further change in reference to it + than that which the original framers of the Government themselves expected + and looked forward to. + </p> + <p> + The chief danger to this purpose of the Republican party is not just now + the revival of the African slave trade, or the passage of a Congressional + slave code, or the declaring of a second Dred Scott decision, making + slavery lawful in all the States. These are not pressing us just now. They + are not quite ready yet. The authors of these measures know that we are + too strong for them; but they will be upon us in due time, and we will be + grappling with them hand to hand, if they are not now headed off. They are + not now the chief danger to the purpose of the Republican organization; + but the most imminent danger that now threatens that purpose is that + insidious Douglas popular sovereignty. This is the miner and sapper. While + it does not propose to revive the African slave trade, nor to pass a slave + code, nor to make a second Dred Scott decision, it is preparing us for the + onslaught and charge of these ultimate enemies when they shall be ready to + come on, and the word of command for them to advance shall be given. I say + this "Douglas popular sovereignty"; for there is a broad distinction, as I + now understand it, between that article and a genuine popular sovereignty. + </p> + <p> + I believe there is a genuine popular sovereignty. I think a definition of + "genuine popular sovereignty," in the abstract, would be about this: That + each man shall do precisely as he pleases with himself, and with all those + things which exclusively concern him. Applied to government, this + principle would be, that a general government shall do all those things + which pertain to it, and all the local governments shall do precisely as + they please in respect to those matters which exclusively concern them. I + understand that this government of the United States, under which we live, + is based upon this principle; and I am misunderstood if it is supposed + that I have any war to make upon that principle. + </p> + <p> + Now, what is judge Douglas's popular sovereignty? It is, as a principle, + no other than that if one man chooses to make a slave of another man + neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to object. Applied in + government, as he seeks to apply it, it is this: If, in a new Territory + into which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose of making + their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their limits or to + establish it there, however one or the other may affect the persons to be + enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons who are afterwards + to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of the families of + communities, of which they are but an incipient member, or the general + head of the family of States as parent of all, however their action may + affect one or the other of these, there is no power or right to interfere. + That is Douglas's popular sovereignty applied. + </p> + <p> + He has a good deal of trouble with popular sovereignty. His explanations + explanatory of explanations explained are interminable. The most lengthy, + and, as I suppose, the most maturely considered of this long series of + explanations is his great essay in Harper's Magazine. I will not attempt + to enter on any very thorough investigation of his argument as there made + and presented. I will nevertheless occupy a good portion of your time here + in drawing your attention to certain points in it. Such of you as may have + read this document will have perceived that the judge early in the + document quotes from two persons as belonging to the Republican party, + without naming them, but who can readily be recognized as being Governor + Seward of New York and myself. It is true that exactly fifteen months ago + this day, I believe, I for the first time expressed a sentiment upon this + subject, and in such a manner that it should get into print, that the + public might see it beyond the circle of my hearers; and my expression of + it at that time is the quotation that Judge Douglas makes. He has not made + the quotation with accuracy, but justice to him requires me to say that it + is sufficiently accurate not to change the sense. + </p> + <p> + The sense of that quotation condensed is this: that this slavery element + is a durable element of discord among us, and that we shall probably not + have perfect peace in this country with it until it either masters the + free principle in our government, or is so far mastered by the free + principle as for the public mind to rest in the belief that it is going to + its end. This sentiment, which I now express in this way, was, at no great + distance of time, perhaps in different language, and in connection with + some collateral ideas, expressed by Governor Seward. Judge Douglas has + been so much annoyed by the expression of that sentiment that he has + constantly, I believe, in almost all his speeches since it was uttered, + been referring to it. I find he alluded to it in his speech here, as well + as in the copyright essay. I do not now enter upon this for the purpose of + making an elaborate argument to show that we were right in the expression + of that sentiment. In other words, I shall not stop to say all that might + properly be said upon this point, but I only ask your attention to it for + the purpose of making one or two points upon it. + </p> + <p> + If you will read the copyright essay, you will discover that judge Douglas + himself says a controversy between the American Colonies and the + Government of Great Britain began on the slavery question in 1699, and + continued from that time until the Revolution; and, while he did not say + so, we all know that it has continued with more or less violence ever + since the Revolution. + </p> + <p> + Then we need not appeal to history, to the declarations of the framers of + the government, but we know from judge Douglas himself that slavery began + to be an element of discord among the white people of this country as far + back as 1699, or one hundred and sixty years ago, or five generations of + men,—counting thirty years to a generation. Now, it would seem to me + that it might have occurred to Judge Douglas, or anybody who had turned + his attention to these facts, that there was something in the nature of + that thing, slavery, somewhat durable for mischief and discord. + </p> + <p> + There is another point I desire to make in regard to this matter, before I + leave it. From the adoption of the Constitution down to 1820 is the + precise period of our history when we had comparative peace upon this + question,—the precise period of time when we came nearer to having + peace about it than any other time of that entire one hundred and sixty + years in which he says it began, or of the eighty years of our own + Constitution. Then it would be worth our while to stop and examine into + the probable reason of our coming nearer to having peace then than at any + other time. This was the precise period of time in which our fathers + adopted, and during which they followed, a policy restricting the spread + of slavery, and the whole Union was acquiescing in it. The whole country + looked forward to the ultimate extinction of the institution. It was when + a policy had been adopted, and was prevailing, which led all just and + right-minded men to suppose that slavery was gradually coming to an end, + and that they might be quiet about it, watching it as it expired. I think + Judge Douglas might have perceived that too; and whether he did or not, it + is worth the attention of fair-minded men, here and elsewhere, to consider + whether that is not the truth of the case. If he had looked at these two + facts,—that this matter has been an element of discord for one + hundred and sixty years among this people, and that the only comparative + peace we have had about it was when that policy prevailed in this + government which he now wars upon, he might then, perhaps, have been + brought to a more just appreciation of what I said fifteen months ago,—that + "a house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe that this + government cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free. I do not + expect the house to fall, I do not expect the Union to dissolve; but I do + expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all + the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread + of it, and place it where the public mind will rest in the belief that it + is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it + forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well + as new, North as well as South." That was my sentiment at that time. In + connection with it, I said: "We are now far into the fifth year since a + policy was inaugurated with the avowed object and confident promise of + putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of the policy + that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented." I + now say to you here that we are advanced still farther into the sixth year + since that policy of Judge Douglas—that popular sovereignty of his—for + quieting the slavery question was made the national policy. Fifteen months + more have been added since I uttered that sentiment; and I call upon you + and all other right-minded men to say whether that fifteen months have + belied or corroborated my words. + </p> + <p> + While I am here upon this subject, I cannot but express gratitude that + this true view of this element of discord among us—as I believe it + is—is attracting more and more attention. I do not believe that + Governor Seward uttered that sentiment because I had done so before, but + because he reflected upon this subject and saw the truth of it. Nor do I + believe because Governor Seward or I uttered it that Mr. Hickman of + Pennsylvania, in, different language, since that time, has declared his + belief in the utter antagonism which exists between the principles of + liberty and slavery. You see we are multiplying. Now, while I am speaking + of Hickman, let me say, I know but little about him. I have never seen + him, and know scarcely anything about the man; but I will say this much of + him: Of all the anti-Lecompton Democracy that have been brought to my + notice, he alone has the true, genuine ring of the metal. And now, without + indorsing anything else he has said, I will ask this audience to give + three cheers for Hickman. [The audience responded with three rousing + cheers for Hickman.] + </p> + <p> + Another point in the copyright essay to which I would ask your attention + is rather a feature to be extracted from the whole thing, than from any + express declaration of it at any point. It is a general feature of that + document, and, indeed, of all of Judge Douglas's discussions of this + question, that the Territories of the United States and the States of this + Union are exactly alike; that there is no difference between them at all; + that the Constitution applies to the Territories precisely as it does to + the States; and that the United States Government, under the Constitution, + may not do in a State what it may not do in a Territory, and what it must + do in a State it must do in a Territory. Gentlemen, is that a true view of + the case? It is necessary for this squatter sovereignty, but is it true? + </p> + <p> + Let us consider. What does it depend upon? It depends altogether upon the + proposition that the States must, without the interference of the General + Government, do all those things that pertain exclusively to themselves,—that + are local in their nature, that have no connection with the General + Government. After Judge Douglas has established this proposition, which + nobody disputes or ever has disputed, he proceeds to assume, without + proving it, that slavery is one of those little, unimportant, trivial + matters which are of just about as much consequence as the question would + be to me whether my neighbor should raise horned cattle or plant tobacco; + that there is no moral question about it, but that it is altogether a + matter of dollars and cents; that when a new Territory is opened for + settlement, the first man who goes into it may plant there a thing which, + like the Canada thistle or some other of those pests of the soil, cannot + be dug out by the millions of men who will come thereafter; that it is one + of those little things that is so trivial in its nature that it has nor + effect upon anybody save the few men who first plant upon the soil; that + it is not a thing which in any way affects the family of communities + composing these States, nor any way endangers the General Government. + Judge Douglas ignores altogether the very well known fact that we have + never had a serious menace to our political existence, except it sprang + from this thing, which he chooses to regard as only upon a par with onions + and potatoes. + </p> + <p> + Turn it, and contemplate it in another view. He says that, according to + his popular sovereignty, the General Government may give to the + Territories governors, judges, marshals, secretaries, and all the other + chief men to govern them, but they, must not touch upon this other + question. Why? The question of who shall be governor of a Territory for a + year or two, and pass away, without his track being left upon the soil, or + an act which he did for good or for evil being left behind, is a question + of vast national magnitude; it is so much opposed in its nature to + locality that the nation itself must decide it: while this other matter of + planting slavery upon a soil,—a thing which, once planted, cannot be + eradicated by the succeeding millions who have as much right there as the + first comers, or, if eradicated, not without infinite difficulty and a + long struggle, he considers the power to prohibit it as one of these + little local, trivial things that the nation ought not to say a word + about; that it affects nobody save the few men who are there. + </p> + <p> + Take these two things and consider them together, present the question of + planting a State with the institution of slavery by the side of a question + who shall be Governor of Kansas for a year or two, and is there a man + here, is there a man on earth, who would not say the governor question is + the little one, and the slavery question is the great one? I ask any + honest Democrat if the small, the local, and the trivial and temporary + question is not, Who shall be governor? while the durable, the important, + and the mischievous one is, Shall this soil be planted with slavery? + </p> + <p> + This is an idea, I suppose, which has arisen in Judge Douglas's mind from + his peculiar structure. I suppose the institution of slavery really looks + small to him. He is so put up by nature that a lash upon his back would + hurt him, but a lash upon anybody else's back does not hurt him. That is + the build of the man, and consequently he looks upon the matter of slavery + in this unimportant light. + </p> + <p> + Judge Douglas ought to remember, when he is endeavoring to force this + policy upon the American people, that while he is put up in that way, a + good many are not. He ought to remember that there was once in this + country a man by the name of Thomas Jefferson, supposed to be a Democrat,—a + man whose principles and policy are not very prevalent amongst Democrats + to-day, it is true; but that man did not take exactly this view of the + insignificance of the element of slavery which our friend judge Douglas + does. In contemplation of this thing, we all know he was led to exclaim, + "I tremble for my country when I remember that God is just!" We know how + he looked upon it when he thus expressed himself. There was danger to this + country,—danger of the avenging justice of God, in that little + unimportant popular sovereignty question of judge Douglas. He supposed + there was a question of God's eternal justice wrapped up in the enslaving + of any race of men, or any man, and that those who did so braved the arm + of Jehovah; that when a nation thus dared the Almighty, every friend of + that nation had cause to dread his wrath. Choose ye between Jefferson and + Douglas as to what is the true view of this element among us. + </p> + <p> + There is another little difficulty about this matter of treating the + Territories and States alike in all things, to which I ask your attention, + and I shall leave this branch of the case. If there is no difference + between them, why not make the Territories States at once? What is the + reason that Kansas was not fit to come into the Union when it was + organized into a Territory, in Judge Douglas's view? Can any of you tell + any reason why it should not have come into the Union at once? They are + fit, as he thinks, to decide upon the slavery question,—the largest + and most important with which they could possibly deal: what could they do + by coming into the Union that they are not fit to do, according to his + view, by staying out of it? Oh, they are not fit to sit in Congress and + decide upon the rates of postage, or questions of ad valorem or specific + duties on foreign goods, or live-oak timber contracts, they are not fit to + decide these vastly important matters, which are national in their import, + but they are fit, "from the jump," to decide this little negro question. + But, gentlemen, the case is too plain; I occupy too much time on this + head, and I pass on. + </p> + <p> + Near the close of the copyright essay, the judge, I think, comes very near + kicking his own fat into the fire. I did not think, when I commenced these + remarks, that I would read that article, but I now believe I will: + </p> + <p> + "This exposition of the history of these measures shows conclusively that + the authors of the Compromise measures of 1850 and of the Kansas-Nebraska + Act of 1854, as well as the members of the Continental Congress of 1774., + and the founders of our system of government subsequent to the Revolution, + regarded the people of the Territories and Colonies as political + communities which were entitled to a free and exclusive power of + legislation in their provisional legislatures, where their representation + could alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity." + </p> + <p> + When the judge saw that putting in the word "slavery" would contradict his + own history, he put in what he knew would pass synonymous with it, + "internal polity." Whenever we find that in one of his speeches, the + substitute is used in this manner; and I can tell you the reason. It would + be too bald a contradiction to say slavery; but "internal polity" is a + general phrase, which would pass in some quarters, and which he hopes will + pass with the reading community for the same thing. + </p> + <p> + "This right pertains to the people collectively, as a law-abiding and + peaceful community, and not in the isolated individuals who may wander + upon the public domain in violation of the law. It can only be exercised + where there are inhabitants sufficient to constitute a government, and + capable of performing its various functions and duties,—a fact to be + ascertained and determined by" who do you think? Judge Douglas says "by + Congress!" "Whether the number shall be fixed at ten, fifteen or twenty + thousand inhabitants, does not affect the principle." + </p> + <p> + Now, I have only a few comments to make. Popular sovereignty, by his own + words, does not pertain to the few persons who wander upon the public + domain in violation of law. We have his words for that. When it does + pertain to them, is when they are sufficient to be formed into an + organized political community, and he fixes the minimum for that at ten + thousand, and the maximum at twenty thousand. Now, I would like to know + what is to be done with the nine thousand? Are they all to be treated, + until they are large enough to be organized into a political community, as + wanderers upon the public land, in violation of law? And if so treated and + driven out, at what point of time would there ever be ten thousand? If + they were not driven out, but remained there as trespassers upon the + public land in violation of the law, can they establish slavery there? No; + the judge says popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. Can they + exclude it then? No; popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. I + would like to know, in the case covered by the essay, what condition the + people of the Territory are in before they reach the number of ten + thousand? + </p> + <p> + But the main point I wish to ask attention to is, that the question as to + when they shall have reached a sufficient number to be formed into a + regular organized community is to be decided "by Congress." Judge Douglas + says so. Well, gentlemen, that is about all we want. No, that is all the + Southerners want. That is what all those who are for slavery want. They do + not want Congress to prohibit slavery from coming into the new + Territories, and they do not want popular sovereignty to hinder it; and as + Congress is to say when they are ready to be organized, all that the South + has to do is to get Congress to hold off. Let Congress hold off until they + are ready to be admitted as a State, and the South has all it wants in + taking slavery into and planting it in all the Territories that we now + have or hereafter may have. In a word, the whole thing, at a dash of the + pen, is at last put in the power of Congress; for if they do not have this + popular sovereignty until Congress organizes them, I ask if it at last + does not come from Congress? If, at last, it amounts to anything at all, + Congress gives it to them. I submit this rather for your reflection than + for comment. After all that is said, at last, by a dash of the pen, + everything that has gone before is undone, and he puts the whole question + under the control of Congress. After fighting through more than three + hours, if you undertake to read it, he at last places the whole matter + under the control of that power which he has been contending against, and + arrives at a result directly contrary to what he had been laboring to do. + He at last leaves the whole matter to the control of Congress. + </p> + <p> + There are two main objects, as I understand it, of this Harper's Magazine + essay. One was to show, if possible, that the men of our Revolutionary + times were in favor of his popular sovereignty, and the other was to show + that the Dred Scott decision had not entirely squelched out this popular + sovereignty. I do not propose, in regard to this argument drawn from the + history of former times, to enter into a detailed examination of the + historical statements he has made. I have the impression that they are + inaccurate in a great many instances,—sometimes in positive + statement, but very much more inaccurate by the suppression of statements + that really belong to the history. But I do not propose to affirm that + this is so to any very great extent, or to enter into a very minute + examination of his historical statements. I avoid doing so upon this + principle,—that if it were important for me to pass out of this lot + in the least period of time possible, and I came to that fence, and saw by + a calculation of my known strength and agility that I could clear it at a + bound, it would be folly for me to stop and consider whether I could or + not crawl through a crack. So I say of the whole history contained in his + essay where he endeavored to link the men of the Revolution to popular + sovereignty. It only requires an effort to leap out of it, a single bound + to be entirely successful. If you read it over, you will find that he + quotes here and there from documents of the Revolutionary times, tending + to show that the people of the colonies were desirous of regulating their + own concerns in their own way, that the British Government should not + interfere; that at one time they struggled with the British Government to + be permitted to exclude the African slave trade,—if not directly, to + be permitted to exclude it indirectly, by taxation sufficient to + discourage and destroy it. From these and many things of this sort, judge + Douglas argues that they were in favor of the people of our own + Territories excluding slavery if they wanted to, or planting it there if + they wanted to, doing just as they pleased from the time they settled upon + the Territory. Now, however his history may apply and whatever of his + argument there may be that is sound and accurate or unsound and + inaccurate, if we can find out what these men did themselves do upon this + very question of slavery in the Territories, does it not end the whole + thing? If, after all this labor and effort to show that the men of the + Revolution were in favor of his popular sovereignty and his mode of + dealing with slavery in the Territories, we can show that these very men + took hold of that subject, and dealt with it, we can see for ourselves how + they dealt with it. It is not a matter of argument or inference, but we + know what they thought about it. + </p> + <p> + It is precisely upon that part of the history of the country that one + important omission is made by Judge Douglas. He selects parts of the + history of the United States upon the subject of slavery, and treats it as + the whole, omitting from his historical sketch the legislation of Congress + in regard to the admission of Missouri, by which the Missouri Compromise + was established and slavery excluded from a country half as large as the + present United States. All this is left out of his history, and in nowise + alluded to by him, so far as I can remember, save once, when he makes a + remark, that upon his principle the Supreme Court were authorized to + pronounce a decision that the act called the Missouri Compromise was + unconstitutional. All that history has been left out. But this part of the + history of the country was not made by the men of the Revolution. + </p> + <p> + There was another part of our political history, made by the very men who + were the actors in the Revolution, which has taken the name of the + Ordinance of '87. Let me bring that history to your attention. In 1784, I + believe, this same Mr. Jefferson drew up an ordinance for the government + of the country upon which we now stand, or, rather, a frame or draft of an + ordinance for the government of this country, here in Ohio, our neighbors + in Indiana, us who live in Illinois, our neighbors in Wisconsin and + Michigan. In that ordinance, drawn up not only for the government of that + Territory, but for the Territories south of the Ohio River, Mr. Jefferson + expressly provided for the prohibition of slavery. Judge Douglas says, and + perhaps is right, that that provision was lost from that ordinance. I + believe that is true. When the vote was taken upon it, a majority of all + present in the Congress of the Confederation voted for it; but there were + so many absentees that those voting for it did not make the clear majority + necessary, and it was lost. But three years after that, the Congress of + the Confederation were together again, and they adopted a new ordinance + for the government of this Northwest Territory, not contemplating + territory south of the river, for the States owning that territory had + hitherto refrained from giving it to the General Government; hence they + made the ordinance to apply only to what the Government owned. In fact, + the provision excluding slavery was inserted aside, passed unanimously, or + at any rate it passed and became a part of the law of the land. Under that + ordinance we live. First here in Ohio you were a Territory; then an + enabling act was passed, authorizing you to form a constitution and State + Government, provided it was republican and not in conflict with the + Ordinance of '87. When you framed your constitution and presented it for + admission, I think you will find the legislation upon the subject will + show that, whereas you had formed a constitution that was republican, and + not in conflict with the Ordinance of '87, therefore you were admitted + upon equal footing with the original States. The same process in a few + years was gone through with in Indiana, and so with Illinois, and the same + substantially with Michigan and Wisconsin. + </p> + <p> + Not only did that Ordinance prevail, but it was constantly looked to + whenever a step was taken by a new Territory to become a State. Congress + always turned their attention to it, and in all their movements upon this + subject they traced their course by that Ordinance of '87. When they + admitted new States, they advertised them of this Ordinance, as a part of + the legislation of the country. They did so because they had traced the + Ordinance of '87 throughout the history of this country. Begin with the + men of the Revolution, and go down for sixty entire years, and until the + last scrap of that Territory comes into the Union in the form of the State + of Wisconsin, everything was made to conform with the Ordinance of '87, + excluding slavery from that vast extent of country. + </p> + <p> + I omitted to mention in the right place that the Constitution of the + United States was in process of being framed when that Ordinance was made + by the Congress of the Confederation; and one of the first Acts of + Congress itself, under the new Constitution itself, was to give force to + that Ordinance by putting power to carry it out in the hands of the new + officers under the Constitution, in the place of the old ones, who had + been legislated out of existence by the change in the Government from the + Confederation to the Constitution. Not only so, but I believe Indiana once + or twice, if not Ohio, petitioned the General Government for the privilege + of suspending that provision and allowing them to have slaves. A report + made by Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, himself a slaveholder, was directly + against it, and the action was to refuse them the privilege of violating + the Ordinance of '87. + </p> + <p> + This period of history, which I have run over briefly, is, I presume, as + familiar to most of this assembly as any other part of the history of our + country. I suppose that few of my hearers are not as familiar with that + part of history as I am, and I only mention it to recall your attention to + it at this time. And hence I ask how extraordinary a thing it is that a + man who has occupied a position upon the floor of the Senate of the United + States, who is now in his third term, and who looks to see the government + of this whole country fall into his own hands, pretending to give a + truthful and accurate history o the slavery question in this country, + should so entirely ignore the whole of that portion of our history—the + most important of all. Is it not a most extraordinary spectacle that a man + should stand up and ask for any confidence in his statements who sets out + as he does with portions of history, calling upon the people to believe + that it is a true and fair representation, when the leading part and + controlling feature of the whole history is carefully suppressed? + </p> + <p> + But the mere leaving out is not the most remarkable feature of this most + remarkable essay. His proposition is to establish that the leading men of + the Revolution were for his great principle of nonintervention by the + government in the question of slavery in the Territories, while history + shows that they decided, in the cases actually brought before them, in + exactly the contrary way, and he knows it. Not only did they so decide at + that time, but they stuck to it during sixty years, through thick and + thin, as long as there was one of the Revolutionary heroes upon the stage + of political action. Through their whole course, from first to last, they + clung to freedom. And now he asks the community to believe that the men of + the Revolution were in favor of his great principle, when we have the + naked history that they themselves dealt with this very subject matter of + his principle, and utterly repudiated his principle, acting upon a + precisely contrary ground. It is as impudent and absurd as if a + prosecuting attorney should stand up before a jury and ask them to convict + A as the murderer of B, while B was walking alive before them. + </p> + <p> + I say, again, if judge Douglas asserts that the men of the Revolution + acted upon principles by which, to be consistent with themselves, they + ought to have adopted his popular sovereignty, then, upon a consideration + of his own argument, he had a right to make you believe that they + understood the principles of government, but misapplied them, that he has + arisen to enlighten the world as to the just application of this + principle. He has a right to try to persuade you that he understands their + principles better than they did, and, therefore, he will apply them now, + not as they did, but as they ought to have done. He has a right to go + before the community and try to convince them of this, but he has no right + to attempt to impose upon any one the belief that these men themselves + approved of his great principle. There are two ways of establishing a + proposition. One is by trying to demonstrate it upon reason, and the other + is, to show that great men in former times have thought so and so, and + thus to pass it by the weight of pure authority. Now, if Judge Douglas + will demonstrate somehow that this is popular sovereignty,—the right + of one man to make a slave of another, without any right in that other or + any one else to object,—demonstrate it as Euclid demonstrated + propositions,—there is no objection. But when he comes forward, + seeking to carry a principle by bringing to it the authority of men who + themselves utterly repudiate that principle, I ask that he shall not be + permitted to do it. + </p> + <p> + I see, in the judge's speech here, a short sentence in these words: "Our + fathers, when they formed this government under which we live, understood + this question just as well, and even better than, we do now." That is + true; I stick to that. I will stand by Judge Douglas in that to the bitter + end. And now, Judge Douglas, come and stand by me, and truthfully show how + they acted, understanding it better than we do. All I ask of you, Judge + Douglas, is to stick to the proposition that the men of the Revolution + understood this subject better than we do now, and with that better + understanding they acted better than you are trying to act now. + </p> + <p> + I wish to say something now in regard to the Dred Scott decision, as dealt + with by Judge Douglas. In that "memorable debate" between Judge Douglas + and myself, last year, the judge thought fit to commence a process of + catechising me, and at Freeport I answered his questions, and propounded + some to him. Among others propounded to him was one that I have here now. + The substance, as I remember it, is, "Can the people of a United States + Territory, under the Dred Scott decision, in any lawful way, against the + wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits, + prior to the formation of a State constitution?" He answered that they + could lawfully exclude slavery from the United States Territories, + notwithstanding the Dred Scot decision. There was something about that + answer that has probably been a trouble to the judge ever since. + </p> + <p> + The Dred Scott decision expressly gives every citizen of the United States + a right to carry his slaves into the United States Territories. And now + there was some inconsistency in saying that the decision was right, and + saying, too, that the people of the Territory could lawfully drive slavery + out again. When all the trash, the words, the collateral matter, was + cleared away from it, all the chaff was fanned out of it, it was a bare + absurdity,—no less than that a thing may be lawfully driven away + from where it has a lawful right to be. Clear it of all the verbiage, and + that is the naked truth of his proposition,—that a thing may be + lawfully driven from the place where it has a lawful right to stay. Well, + it was because the judge could n't help seeing this that he has had so + much trouble with it; and what I want to ask your especial attention to, + just now, is to remind you, if you have not noticed the fact, that the + judge does not any longer say that the people can exclude slavery. He does + not say so in the copyright essay; he did not say so in the speech that he + made here; and, so far as I know, since his re-election to the Senate he + has never said, as he did at Freeport, that the people of the Territories + can exclude slavery. He desires that you, who wish the Territories to + remain free, should believe that he stands by that position; but he does + not say it himself. He escapes to some extent the absurd position I have + stated, by changing his language entirely. What he says now is something + different in language, and we will consider whether it is not different in + sense too. It is now that the Dred Scott decision, or rather the + Constitution under that decision, does not carry slavery into the + Territories beyond the power of the people of the Territories to control + it as other property. He does not say the people can drive it out, but + they can control it as other property. The language is different; we + should consider whether the sense is different. Driving a horse out of + this lot is too plain a proposition to be mistaken about; it is putting + him on the other side of the fence. Or it might be a sort of exclusion of + him from the lot if you were to kill him and let the worms devour him; but + neither of these things is the same as "controlling him as other + property." That would be to feed him, to pamper him, to ride him, to use + and abuse him, to make the most money out of him, "as other property"; + but, please you, what do the men who are in favor of slavery want more + than this? What do they really want, other than that slavery, being in the + Territories, shall be controlled as other property? If they want anything + else, I do not comprehend it. I ask your attention to this, first, for the + purpose of pointing out the change of ground the judge has made; and, in + the second place, the importance of the change,—that that change is + not such as to give you gentlemen who want his popular sovereignty the + power to exclude the institution or drive it out at all. I know the judge + sometimes squints at the argument that in controlling it as other property + by unfriendly legislation they may control it to death; as you might, in + the case of a horse, perhaps, feed him so lightly and ride him so much + that he would die. But when you come to legislative control, there is + something more to be attended to. I have no doubt, myself, that if the + Territories should undertake to control slave property as other property + that is, control it in such a way that it would be the most valuable as + property, and make it bear its just proportion in the way of burdens as + property, really deal with it as property,—the Supreme Court of the + United States will say, "God speed you, and amen." But I undertake to give + the opinion, at least, that if the Territories attempt by any direct + legislation to drive the man with his slave out of the Territory, or to + decide that his slave is free because of his being taken in there, or to + tax him to such an extent that he cannot keep him there, the Supreme Court + will unhesitatingly decide all such legislation unconstitutional, as long + as that Supreme Court is constructed as the Dred Scott Supreme Court is. + The first two things they have already decided, except that there is a + little quibble among lawyers between the words "dicta" and "decision." + They have already decided a negro cannot be made free by Territorial + legislation. + </p> + <p> + What is the Dred Scott decision? Judge Douglas labors to show that it is + one thing, while I think it is altogether different. It is a long opinion, + but it is all embodied in this short statement: "The Constitution of the + United States forbids Congress to deprive a man of his property, without + due process of law; the right of property in slaves is distinctly and + expressly affirmed in that Constitution: therefore, if Congress shall + undertake to say that a man's slave is no longer his slave when he crosses + a certain line into a Territory, that is depriving him of his property + without due process of law, and is unconstitutional." There is the whole + Dred Scott decision. They add that if Congress cannot do so itself, + Congress cannot confer any power to do so; and hence any effort by the + Territorial Legislature to do either of these things is absolutely decided + against. It is a foregone conclusion by that court. + </p> + <p> + Now, as to this indirect mode by "unfriendly legislation," all lawyers + here will readily understand that such a proposition cannot be tolerated + for a moment, because a legislature cannot indirectly do that which it + cannot accomplish directly. Then I say any legislation to control this + property, as property, for its benefit as property, would be hailed by + this Dred Scott Supreme Court, and fully sustained; but any legislation + driving slave property out, or destroying it as property, directly or + indirectly, will most assuredly, by that court, be held unconstitutional. + </p> + <p> + Judge Douglas says if the Constitution carries slavery into the + Territories, beyond the power of the people of the Territories to control + it as other property; then it follows logically that every one who swears + to support the Constitution of the United States must give that support to + that property which it needs. And, if the Constitution carries slavery + into the Territories, beyond the power of the people, to control it as + other property, then it also carries it into the States, because the + Constitution is the supreme law of the land. Now, gentlemen, if it were + not for my excessive modesty, I would say that I told that very thing to + Judge Douglas quite a year ago. This argument is here in print, and if it + were not for my modesty, as I said, I might call your attention to it. If + you read it, you will find that I not only made that argument, but made it + better than he has made it since. + </p> + <p> + There is, however, this difference: I say now, and said then, there is no + sort of question that the Supreme Court has decided that it is the right + of the slave holder to take his slave and hold him in the Territory; and + saying this, judge Douglas himself admits the conclusion. He says if that + is so, this consequence will follow; and because this consequence would + follow, his argument is, the decision cannot, therefore, be that way,—"that + would spoil my popular sovereignty; and it cannot be possible that this + great principle has been squelched out in this extraordinary way. It might + be, if it were not for the extraordinary consequences of spoiling my + humbug." + </p> + <p> + Another feature of the judge's argument about the Dred Scott case is, an + effort to show that that decision deals altogether in declarations of + negatives; that the Constitution does not affirm anything as expounded by + the Dred Scott decision, but it only declares a want of power a total + absence of power, in reference to the Territories. It seems to be his + purpose to make the whole of that decision to result in a mere negative + declaration of a want of power in Congress to do anything in relation to + this matter in the Territories. I know the opinion of the Judges states + that there is a total absence of power; but that is, unfortunately; not + all it states: for the judges add that the right of property in a slave is + distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution. It does not stop at + saying that the right of property in a slave is recognized in the + Constitution, is declared to exist somewhere in the Constitution, but says + it is affirmed in the Constitution. Its language is equivalent to saying + that it is embodied and so woven in that instrument that it cannot be + detached without breaking the Constitution itself. In a word, it is part + of the Constitution. + </p> + <p> + Douglas is singularly unfortunate in his effort to make out that decision + to be altogether negative, when the express language at the vital part is + that this is distinctly affirmed in the Constitution. I think myself, and + I repeat it here, that this decision does not merely carry slavery into + the Territories, but by its logical conclusion it carries it into the + States in which we live. One provision of that Constitution is, that it + shall be the supreme law of the land,—I do not quote the language,—any + constitution or law of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. This + Dred Scott decision says that the right of property in a slave is affirmed + in that Constitution which is the supreme law of the land, any State + constitution or law notwithstanding. Then I say that to destroy a thing + which is distinctly affirmed and supported by the supreme law of the land, + even by a State constitution or law, is a violation of that supreme law, + and there is no escape from it. In my judgment there is no avoiding that + result, save that the American people shall see that constitutions are + better construed than our Constitution is construed in that decision. They + must take care that it is more faithfully and truly carried out than it is + there expounded. + </p> + <p> + I must hasten to a conclusion. Near the beginning of my remarks I said + that this insidious Douglas popular sovereignty is the measure that now + threatens the purpose of the Republican party to prevent slavery from + being nationalized in the United States. I propose to ask your attention + for a little while to some propositions in affirmance of that statement. + Take it just as it stands, and apply it as a principle; extend and apply + that principle elsewhere; and consider where it will lead you. I now put + this proposition, that Judge Douglas's popular sovereignty applied will + reopen the African slave trade; and I will demonstrate it by any variety + of ways in which you can turn the subject or look at it. + </p> + <p> + The Judge says that the people of the Territories have the right, by his + principle, to have slaves, if they want them. Then I say that the people + in Georgia have the right to buy slaves in Africa, if they want them; and + I defy any man on earth to show any distinction between the two things,—to + show that the one is either more wicked or more unlawful; to show, on + original principles, that one is better or worse than the other; or to + show, by the Constitution, that one differs a whit from the other. He will + tell me, doubtless, that there is no constitutional provision against + people taking slaves into the new Territories, and I tell him that there + is equally no constitutional provision against buying slaves in Africa. He + will tell you that a people, in the exercise of popular sovereignty, ought + to do as they please about that thing, and have slaves if they want them; + and I tell you that the people of Georgia are as much entitled to popular + sovereignty and to buy slaves in Africa, if they want them, as the people + of the Territory are to have slaves if they want them. I ask any man, + dealing honestly with himself, to point out a distinction. + </p> + <p> + I have recently seen a letter of Judge Douglas's in which, without stating + that to be the object, he doubtless endeavors to make a distinction + between the two. He says he is unalterably opposed to the repeal of the + laws against the African slave trade. And why? He then seeks to give a + reason that would not apply to his popular sovereignty in the Territories. + What is that reason? "The abolition of the African slave trade is a + compromise of the Constitution!" I deny it. There is no truth in the + proposition that the abolition of the African slave trade is a compromise + of the Constitution. No man can put his finger on anything in the + Constitution, or on the line of history, which shows it. It is a mere + barren assertion, made simply for the purpose of getting up a distinction + between the revival of the African slave trade and his "great principle." + </p> + <p> + At the time the Constitution of the United States was adopted, it was + expected that the slave trade would be abolished. I should assert and + insist upon that, if judge Douglas denied it. But I know that it was + equally expected that slavery would be excluded from the Territories, and + I can show by history that in regard to these two things public opinion + was exactly alike, while in regard to positive action, there was more done + in the Ordinance of '87 to resist the spread of slavery than was ever done + to abolish the foreign slave trade. Lest I be misunderstood, I say again + that at the time of the formation of the Constitution, public expectation + was that the slave trade would be abolished, but no more so than the + spread of slavery in the Territories should be restrained. They stand + alike, except that in the Ordinance of '87 there was a mark left by public + opinion, showing that it was more committed against the spread of slavery + in the Territories than against the foreign slave trade. + </p> + <p> + Compromise! What word of compromise was there about it? Why, the public + sense was then in favor of the abolition of the slave trade; but there was + at the time a very great commercial interest involved in it, and extensive + capital in that branch of trade. There were doubtless the incipient stages + of improvement in the South in the way of farming, dependent on the slave + trade, and they made a proposition to Congress to abolish the trade after + allowing it twenty years,—a sufficient time for the capital and + commerce engaged in it to be transferred to other channel. They made no + provision that it should be abolished in twenty years; I do not doubt that + they expected it would be, but they made no bargain about it. The public + sentiment left no doubt in the minds of any that it would be done away. I + repeat, there is nothing in the history of those times in favor of that + matter being a compromise of the constitution. It was the public + expectation at the time, manifested in a thousand ways, that the spread of + slavery should also be restricted. + </p> + <p> + Then I say, if this principle is established, that there is no wrong in + slavery, and whoever wants it has a right to have it, is a matter of + dollars and cents, a sort of question as to how they shall deal with + brutes, that between us and the negro here there is no sort of question, + but that at the South the question is between the negro and the crocodile, + that is all, it is a mere matter of policy, there is a perfect right, + according to interest, to do just as you please,—when this is done, + where this doctrine prevails, the miners and sappers will have formed + public opinion for the slave trade. They will be ready for Jeff. Davis and + Stephens and other leaders of that company to sound the bugle for the + revival of the slave trade, for the second Dred Scott decision, for the + flood of slavery to be poured over the free States, while we shall be here + tied down and helpless and run over like sheep. + </p> + <p> + It is to be a part and parcel of this same idea to say to men who want to + adhere to the Democratic party, who have always belonged to that party, + and are only looking about for some excuse to stick to it, but + nevertheless hate slavery, that Douglas's popular sovereignty is as good a + way as any to oppose slavery. They allow themselves to be persuaded + easily, in accordance with their previous dispositions, into this belief, + that it is about as good a way of opposing slavery as any, and we can do + that without straining our old party ties or breaking up old political + associations. We can do so without being called negro-worshipers. We can + do that without being subjected to the jibes and sneers that are so + readily thrown out in place of argument where no argument can be found. So + let us stick to this popular sovereignty,—this insidious popular + sovereignty. + </p> + <p> + Now let me call your attention to one thing that has really happened, + which shows this gradual and steady debauching of public opinion, this + course of preparation for the revival of the slave trade, for the + Territorial slave code, and the new Dred Scott decision that is to carry + slavery into the Free States. Did you ever, five years ago, hear of + anybody in the world saying that the negro had no share in the Declaration + of National Independence; that it does not mean negroes at all; and when + "all men" were spoken of, negroes were not included? + </p> + <p> + I am satisfied that five years ago that proposition was not put upon paper + by any living being anywhere. I have been unable at any time to find a man + in an audience who would declare that he had ever known of anybody saying + so five years ago. But last year there was not a Douglas popular sovereign + in Illinois who did not say it. Is there one in Ohio but declares his firm + belief that the Declaration of Independence did not mean negroes at all? I + do not know how this is; I have not been here much; but I presume you are + very much alike everywhere. Then I suppose that all now express the belief + that the Declaration of Independence never did mean negroes. I call upon + one of them to say that he said it five years ago. + </p> + <p> + If you think that now, and did not think it then, the next thing that + strikes me is to remark that there has been a change wrought in you,—and + a very significant change it is, being no less than changing the negro, in + your estimation, from the rank of a man to that of a brute. They are + taking him down and placing him, when spoken of, among reptiles and + crocodiles, as Judge Douglas himself expresses it. + </p> + <p> + Is not this change wrought in your minds a very important change? Public + opinion in this country is everything. In a nation like ours, this popular + sovereignty and squatter sovereignty have already wrought a change in the + public mind to the extent I have stated. There is no man in this crowd who + can contradict it. + </p> + <p> + Now, if you are opposed to slavery honestly, as much as anybody, I ask you + to note that fact, and the like of which is to follow, to be plastered on, + layer after layer, until very soon you are prepared to deal with the negro + every where as with the brute. If public sentiment has not been debauched + already to this point, a new turn of the screw in that direction is all + that is wanting; and this is constantly being done by the teachers of this + insidious popular sovereignty. You need but one or two turns further, + until your minds, now ripening under these teachings, will be ready for + all these things, and you will receive and support, or submit to, the + slave trade, revived with all its horrors, a slave code enforced in our + Territories, and a new Dred Scott decision to bring slavery up into the + very heart of the free North. This, I must say, is but carrying out those + words prophetically spoken by Mr. Clay,—many, many years ago,—I + believe more than thirty years, when he told an audience that if they + would repress all tendencies to liberty and ultimate emancipation they + must go back to the era of our independence, and muzzle the cannon which + thundered its annual joyous return on the Fourth of July; they must blow + out the moral lights around us; they must penetrate the human soul, and + eradicate the love of liberty: but until they did these things, and others + eloquently enumerated by him, they could not repress all tendencies to + ultimate emancipation. + </p> + <p> + I ask attention to the fact that in a pre-eminent degree these popular + sovereigns are at this work: blowing out the moral lights around us; + teaching that the negro is no longer a man, but a brute; that the + Declaration has nothing to do with him; that he ranks with the crocodile + and the reptile; that man, with body and soul, is a matter of dollars and + cents. I suggest to this portion of the Ohio Republicans, or Democrats, if + there be any present, the serious consideration of this fact that there is + now going on among you a steady process of debauching public opinion on + this subject. With this, my friends, I bid you adieu. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0043" id="link2H_4_0043"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH AT CINCINNATI OHIO, SEPTEMBER 17, 1859 + </h2> + <p> + My Fellow-Citizens of the State of Ohio: This is the first time in my life + that I have appeared before an audience in so great a city as this: I + therefore—though I am no longer a young man—make this + appearance under some degree of embarrassment. But I have found that when + one is embarrassed, usually the shortest way to get through with it is to + quit talking or thinking about it, and go at something else. + </p> + <p> + I understand that you have had recently with you my very distinguished + friend Judge Douglas, of Illinois; and I understand, without having had an + opportunity (not greatly sought, to be sure) of seeing a report of the + speech that he made here, that he did me the honor to mention my humble + name. I suppose that he did so for the purpose of making some objection to + some sentiment at some time expressed by me. I should expect, it is true, + that judge Douglas had reminded you, or informed you, if you had never + before heard it, that I had once in my life declared it as my opinion that + this government cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free; that + a house divided against itself cannot stand, and, as I had expressed it, I + did not expect the house to fall, that I did not expect the Union to be + dissolved, but that I did expect that it would cease to be divided, that + it would become all one thing, or all the other; that either the opponents + of slavery would arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the + public mind would rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate + extinction, or the friends of slavery will push it forward until it + becomes alike lawful in all the States, old or new, free as well as slave. + I did, fifteen months ago, express that opinion, and upon many occasions + Judge Douglas has denounced it, and has greatly, intentionally or + unintentionally, misrepresented my purpose in the expression of that + opinion. + </p> + <p> + I presume, without having seen a report of his speech, that he did so + here. I presume that he alluded also to that opinion, in different + language, having been expressed at a subsequent time by Governor Seward of + New York, and that he took the two in a lump and denounced them; that he + tried to point out that there was something couched in this opinion which + led to the making of an entire uniformity of the local institutions of the + various States of the Union, in utter disregard of the different States, + which in their nature would seem to require a variety of institutions and + a variety of laws, conforming to the differences in the nature of the + different States. + </p> + <p> + Not only so: I presume he insisted that this was a declaration of war + between the free and slave States, that it was the sounding to the onset + of continual war between the different States, the slave and free States. + </p> + <p> + This charge, in this form, was made by Judge Douglas on, I believe, the + 9th of July, 1858, in Chicago, in my hearing. On the next evening, I made + some reply to it. I informed him that many of the inferences he drew from + that expression of mine were altogether foreign to any purpose entertained + by me, and in so far as he should ascribe these inferences to me, as my + purpose, he was entirely mistaken; and in so far as he might argue that, + whatever might be my purpose, actions conforming to my views would lead to + these results, he might argue and establish if he could; but, so far as + purposes were concerned, he was totally mistaken as to me. + </p> + <p> + When I made that reply to him, I told him, on the question of declaring + war between the different States of the Union, that I had not said that I + did not expect any peace upon this question until slavery was + exterminated; that I had only said I expected peace when that institution + was put where the public mind should rest in the belief that it was in + course of ultimate extinction; that I believed, from the organization of + our government until a very recent period of time, the institution had + been placed and continued upon such a basis; that we had had comparative + peace upon that question through a portion of that period of time, only + because the public mind rested in that belief in regard to it, and that + when we returned to that position in relation to that matter, I supposed + we should again have peace as we previously had. I assured him, as I now, + assure you, that I neither then had, nor have, or ever had, any purpose in + any way of interfering with the institution of slavery, where it exists. I + believe we have no power, under the Constitution of the United States, or + rather under the form of government under which we live, to interfere with + the institution of slavery, or any other of the institutions of our sister + States, be they free or slave States. I declared then, and I now + re-declare, that I have as little inclination to interfere with the + institution of slavery where it now exists, through the instrumentality of + the General Government, or any other instrumentality, as I believe we have + no power to do so. I accidentally used this expression: I had no purpose + of entering into the slave States to disturb the institution of slavery. + So, upon the first occasion that Judge Douglas got an opportunity to reply + to me, he passed by the whole body of what I had said upon that subject, + and seized upon the particular expression of mine that I had no purpose of + entering into the slave States to disturb the institution of slavery. "Oh, + no," said he, "he [Lincoln] won't enter into the slave States to disturb + the institution of slavery, he is too prudent a man to do such a thing as + that; he only means that he will go on to the line between the free and + slave States, and shoot over at them. This is all he means to do. He means + to do them all the harm he can, to disturb them all he can, in such a way + as to keep his own hide in perfect safety." + </p> + <p> + Well, now, I did not think, at that time, that that was either a very + dignified or very logical argument but so it was, I had to get along with + it as well as I could. + </p> + <p> + It has occurred to-me here to-night that if I ever do shoot over the line + at the people on the other side of the line into a slave State, and + purpose to do so, keeping my skin safe, that I have now about the best + chance I shall ever have. I should not wonder if there are some + Kentuckians about this audience—we are close to Kentucky; and + whether that be so or not, we are on elevated ground, and, by speaking + distinctly, I should not wonder if some of the Kentuckians would hear me + on the other side of the river. For that reason I propose to address a + portion of what I have to say to the Kentuckians. + </p> + <p> + I say, then, in the first place, to the Kentuckians, that I am what they + call, as I understand it, a "Black Republican." I think slavery is wrong, + morally and politically. I desire that it should be no further spread in—these + United States, and I should not object if it should gradually terminate in + the whole Union. While I say this for myself, I say to you Kentuckians + that I understand you differ radically with me upon this proposition; that + you believe slavery is a good thing; that slavery is right; that it ought + to be extended and perpetuated in this Union. Now, there being this broad + difference between us, I do not pretend, in addressing myself to you + Kentuckians, to attempt proselyting you; that would be a vain effort. I do + not enter upon it. I only propose to try to show you that you ought to + nominate for the next Presidency, at Charleston, my distinguished friend + Judge Douglas. In all that there is a difference between you and him, I + understand he is sincerely for you, and more wisely for you than you are + for yourselves. I will try to demonstrate that proposition. Understand, + now, I say that I believe he is as sincerely for you, and more wisely for + you, than you are for yourselves. + </p> + <p> + What do you want more than anything else to make successful your views of + slavery,—to advance the outspread of it, and to secure and + perpetuate the nationality of it? What do you want more than anything + else? What—is needed absolutely? What is indispensable to you? Why, + if I may, be allowed to answer the question, it is to retain a hold upon + the North, it is to retain support and strength from the free States. If + you can get this support and strength from the free States, you can + succeed. If you do not get this support and this strength from the free + States, you are in the minority, and you are beaten at once. + </p> + <p> + If that proposition be admitted,—and it is undeniable,—then + the next thing I say to you is, that Douglas, of all the men in this + nation, is the only man that affords you any hold upon the free States; + that no other man can give you any strength in the free States. This being + so, if you doubt the other branch of the proposition, whether he is for + you—whether he is really for you, as I have expressed it,—I + propose asking your attention for a while to a few facts. + </p> + <p> + The issue between you and me, understand, is, that I think slavery is + wrong, and ought not to be outspread; and you think it is right, and ought + to be extended and perpetuated. [A voice, "Oh, Lord!"] That is my + Kentuckian I am talking to now. + </p> + <p> + I now proceed to try to show you that Douglas is as sincerely for you and + more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, we know that in a government like this, in a + government of the people, where the voice of all the men of the country, + substantially, enters into the execution—or administration, rather—of + the government, in such a government, what lies at the bottom of all of it + is public opinion. I lay down the proposition, that Judge Douglas is not + only the man that promises you in advance a hold upon the North, and + support in the North, but he constantly moulds public opinion to your + ends; that in every possible way he can he constantly moulds the public + opinion of the North to your ends; and if there are a few things in which + he seems to be against you,—a few things which he says that appear + to be against you, and a few that he forbears to say which you would like + to have him say you ought to remember that the saying of the one, or the + forbearing to say the other, would lose his hold upon the North, and, by + consequence, would lose his capacity to serve you. + </p> + <p> + Upon this subject of moulding public opinion I call your attention to the + fact—for a well established fact it is—that the Judge never + says your institution of slavery is wrong. There is not a public man in + the United States, I believe, with the exception of Senator Douglas, who + has not, at some time in his life, declared his opinion whether the thing + is right or wrong; but Senator Douglas never declares it is wrong. He + leaves himself at perfect liberty to do all in your favor which he would + be hindered from doing if he were to declare the thing to be wrong. On the + contrary, he takes all the chances that he has for inveigling the + sentiment of the North, opposed to slavery, into your support, by never + saying it is right. This you ought to set down to his credit: You ought to + give him full credit for this much; little though it be, in comparison to + the whole which he does for you. + </p> + <p> + Some other, things I will ask your attention to. He said upon the floor of + the United States Senate, and he has repeated it, as I understand, a great + many times, that he does not care whether slavery is "voted up or voted + down." This again shows you, or ought to show you, if you would reason + upon it, that he does not believe it to be wrong; for a man may say when + he sees nothing wrong in a thing; that he, dues not care whether it be + voted up or voted down but no man can logically say that he cares not + whether a thing goes up or goes down which to him appears to be wrong. You + therefore have a demonstration in this that to Judge Douglas's mind your + favorite institution, which you would have spread out and made perpetual, + is no wrong. + </p> + <p> + Another thing he tells you, in a speech made at Memphis in Tennessee, + shortly after the canvass in Illinois, last year. He there distinctly told + the people that there was a "line drawn by the Almighty across this + continent, on the one side of which the soil must always be cultivated by + slaves"; that he did not pretend to know exactly where that line was, but + that there was such a line. I want to ask your attention to that + proposition again; that there is one portion of this continent where the + Almighty has signed the soil shall always be cultivated by slaves; that + its being cultivated by slaves at that place is right; that it has the + direct sympathy and authority of the Almighty. Whenever you can get these + Northern audiences to adopt the opinion that slavery is right on the other + side of the Ohio, whenever you can get them, in pursuance of Douglas's + views, to adopt that sentiment, they will very readily make the other + argument, which is perfectly logical, that that which is right on that + side of the Ohio cannot be wrong on this, and that if you have that + property on that side of the Ohio, under the seal and stamp of the + Almighty, when by any means it escapes over here it is wrong to have + constitutions and laws "to devil" you about it. So Douglas is moulding the + public opinion of the North, first to say that the thing is right in your + State over the Ohio River, and hence to say that that which is right there + is not wrong here, and that all laws and constitutions here recognizing it + as being wrong are themselves wrong, and ought to be repealed and + abrogated. He will tell you, men of Ohio, that if you choose here to have + laws against slavery, it is in conformity to the idea that your climate is + not suited to it, that your climate is not suited to slave labor, and + therefore you have constitutions and laws against it. + </p> + <p> + Let us attend to that argument for a little while and see if it be sound. + You do not raise sugar-cane (except the new-fashioned sugar-cane, and you + won't raise that long), but they do raise it in Louisiana. You don't raise + it in Ohio, because you can't raise it profitably, because the climate + don't suit it. They do raise it in Louisiana, because there it is + profitable. Now, Douglas will tell you that is precisely the slavery + question: that they do have slaves there because they are profitable, and + you don't have them here because they are not profitable. If that is so, + then it leads to dealing with the one precisely as with the other. Is + there, then, anything in the constitution or laws of Ohio against raising + sugar-cane? Have you found it necessary to put any such provision in your + law? Surely not! No man desires to raise sugar-cane in Ohio, but if any + man did desire to do so, you would say it was a tyrannical law that + forbids his doing so; and whenever you shall agree with Douglas, whenever + your minds are brought to adopt his argument, as surely you will have + reached the conclusion that although it is not profitable in Ohio, if any + man wants it, is wrong to him not to let him have it. + </p> + <p> + In this matter Judge Douglas is preparing the public mind for you of + Kentucky to make perpetual that good thing in your estimation, about which + you and I differ. + </p> + <p> + In this connection, let me ask your attention to another thing. I believe + it is safe to assert that five years ago no living man had expressed the + opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration of Independence. + Let me state that again: five years ago no living man had expressed the + opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration of Independence. If + there is in this large audience any man who ever knew of that opinion + being put upon paper as much as five years ago, I will be obliged to him + now or at a subsequent time to show it. + </p> + <p> + If that be true I wish you then to note the next fact: that within the + space of five years Senator Douglas, in the argument of this question, has + got his entire party, so far as I know, without exception, in saying that + the negro has no share in the Declaration of Independence. If there be now + in all these United States one Douglas man that does not say this, I have + been unable upon any occasion to scare him up. Now, if none of you said + this five years ago, and all of you say it now, that is a matter that you + Kentuckians ought to note. That is a vast change in the Northern public + sentiment upon that question. + </p> + <p> + Of what tendency is that change? The tendency of that change is to bring + the public mind to the conclusion that when men are spoken of, the negro + is not meant; that when negroes are spoken of, brutes alone are + contemplated. That change in public sentiment has already degraded the + black man in the estimation of Douglas and his followers from the + condition of a man of some sort, and assigned him to the condition of a + brute. Now, you Kentuckians ought to give Douglas credit for this. That is + the largest possible stride that can be made in regard to the perpetuation + of your thing of slavery. + </p> + <p> + A voice: Speak to Ohio men, and not to Kentuckians! + </p> + <p> + Mr. LINCOLN: I beg permission to speak as I please. + </p> + <p> + In Kentucky perhaps, in many of the slave States certainly, you are trying + to establish the rightfulness of slavery by reference to the Bible. You + are trying to show that slavery existed in the Bible times by divine + ordinance. Now, Douglas is wiser than you, for your own benefit, upon that + subject. Douglas knows that whenever you establish that slavery was—right + by the Bible, it will occur that that slavery was the slavery of the white + man, of men without reference to color; and he knows very well that you + may entertain that idea in Kentucky as much as you please, but you will + never win any Northern support upon it. He makes a wiser argument for you: + he makes the argument that the slavery of the black man; the slavery of + the man who has a skin of a different color from your own, is right. He + thereby brings to your support Northern voters who could not for a moment + be brought by your own argument of the Bible right of slavery. Will you + give him credit for that? Will you not say that in this matter he is more + wisely for you than you are for yourselves? + </p> + <p> + Now, having established with his entire party this doctrine, having been + entirely successful in that branch of his efforts in your behalf, he is + ready for another. + </p> + <p> + At this same meeting at Memphis he declared that in all contests between + the negro and the white man he was for the white man, but that in all + questions between the negro and the crocodile he was for the negro. He did + not make that declaration accidentally at Memphis. He made it a great many + times in the canvass in Illinois last year (though I don't know that it + was reported in any of his speeches there, but he frequently made it). I + believe he repeated it at Columbus, and I should not wonder if he repeated + it here. It is, then, a deliberate way of expressing himself upon that + subject. It is a matter of mature deliberation with him thus to express + himself upon that point of his case. It therefore requires deliberate + attention. + </p> + <p> + The first inference seems to be that if you do not enslave the negro, you + are wronging the white man in some way or other, and that whoever is + opposed to the negro being enslaved, is, in some way or other, against the + white man. Is not that a falsehood? If there was a necessary conflict + between the white man and the negro, I should be for the white man as much + as Judge Douglas; but I say there is no such necessary conflict. I say + that there is room enough for us all to be free, and that it not only does + not wrong the white man that the negro should be free, but it positively + wrongs the mass of the white men that the negro should be enslaved; that + the mass of white men are really injured by the effects of slave labor in + the vicinity of the fields of their own labor. + </p> + <p> + But I do not desire to dwell upon this branch of the question more than to + say that this assumption of his is false, and I do hope that that fallacy + will not long prevail in the minds of intelligent white men. At all + events, you ought to thank Judge Douglas for it; it is for your benefit it + is made. + </p> + <p> + The other branch of it is, that in the struggle between the negro and the + crocodile; he is for the negro. Well, I don't know that there is any + struggle between the negro and the crocodile, either. I suppose that if a + crocodile (or, as we old Ohio River boatmen used to call them, alligators) + should come across a white man, he would kill him if he could; and so he + would a negro. But what, at last, is this proposition? I believe it is a + sort of proposition in proportion, which may be stated thus: "As the negro + is to the white man, so is the crocodile to the negro; and as the negro + may rightfully treat the crocodile as a beast or reptile, so the white man + may rightfully treat the negro as a beast or a reptile." That is really + the "knip" of all that argument of his. + </p> + <p> + Now, my brother Kentuckians, who believe in this, you ought to thank Judge + Douglas for having put that in a much more taking way than any of + yourselves have done. + </p> + <p> + Again, Douglas's great principle, "popular sovereignty," as he calls it, + gives you, by natural consequence, the revival of the slave trade whenever + you want it. If you question this, listen awhile, consider awhile what I + shall advance in support of that proposition. + </p> + <p> + He says that it is the sacred right of the man who goes into the + Territories to have slavery if he wants it. Grant that for argument's + sake. Is it not the sacred right of the man who don't go there equally to + buy slaves in Africa, if he wants them? Can you point out the difference? + The man who goes into the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, or any other + new Territory, with the sacred right of taking a slave there which belongs + to him, would certainly have no more right to take one there than I would, + who own no slave, but who would desire to buy one and take him there. You + will not say you, the friends of Judge Douglas but that the man who does + not own a slave has an equal right to buy one and take him to the + Territory as the other does. + </p> + <p> + A voice: I want to ask a question. Don't foreign nations interfere with + the slave trade? + </p> + <p> + Mr. LINCOLN: Well! I understand it to be a principle of Democracy to whip + foreign nations whenever, they interfere with us. + </p> + <p> + Voice: I only asked for information. I am a Republican myself. + </p> + <p> + Mr. LINCOLN: You and I will be on the best terms in the world, but I do + not wish to be diverted from the point I was trying to press. + </p> + <p> + I say that Douglas's popular sovereignty, establishing his sacred right in + the people, if you please, if carried to its logical conclusion gives + equally the sacred right to the people of the States or the Territories + themselves to buy slaves wherever they can buy them cheapest; and if any + man can show a distinction, I should like to hear him try it. If any man + can show how the people of Kansas have a better right to slaves, because + they want them, than the people of Georgia have to buy them in Africa, I + want him to do it. I think it cannot be done. If it is "popular + sovereignty" for the people to have slaves because they want them, it is + popular sovereignty for them to buy them in Africa because they desire to + do so. + </p> + <p> + I know that Douglas has recently made a little effort, not seeming to + notice that he had a different theory, has made an effort to get rid of + that. He has written a letter, addressed to somebody, I believe, who + resides in Iowa, declaring his opposition to the repeal of the laws that + prohibit the Africa slave trade. He bases his opposition to such repeal + upon the ground that these laws are themselves one of the compromises of + the Constitution of the United States. Now, it would be very interesting + to see Judge Douglas or any of his friends turn, to the Constitution of + the United States and point out that compromise, to show where there is + any compromise in the Constitution, or provision in the Constitution; + express or implied, by which the administrators of that Constitution are + under any obligation to repeal the African slave trade. I know, or at + least I think I know, that the framers of that Constitution did expect the + African slave trade would be abolished at the end of twenty years, to + which time their prohibition against its being abolished extended there is + abundant contemporaneous history to show that the framers of the + Constitution expected it to be abolished. But while they so expected, they + gave nothing for that expectation, and they put no provision in the + Constitution requiring it should be so abolished. The migration or + importation of such persons as the States shall see fit to admit shall not + be prohibited, but a certain tax might be levied upon such importation. + But what was to be done after that time? The Constitution is as silent + about that as it is silent, personally, about myself. There is absolutely + nothing in it about that subject; there is only the expectation of the + framers of the Constitution that the slave trade would be abolished at the + end of that time; and they expected it would be abolished, owing to public + sentiment, before that time; and the put that provision in, in order that + it should not be abolished before that time, for reasons which I suppose + they thought to be sound ones, but which I will not now try to enumerate + before you. + </p> + <p> + But while, they expected the slave trade would be abolished at that time, + they expected that the spread of slavery into the new Territories should + also be restricted. It is as easy to prove that the framers of the + Constitution of the United States expected that slavery should be + prohibited from extending into the new Territories, as it is to prove that + it was expected that the slave trade should be abolished. Both these + things were expected. One was no more expected than the other, and one was + no more a compromise of the Constitution than the other. There was nothing + said in the Constitution in regard to the spread of slavery into the + Territory. I grant that; but there was something very important said about + it by the same generation of men in the adoption of the old Ordinance of + '87, through the influence of which you here in Ohio, our neighbors in + Indiana, we in Illinois, our neighbors in Michigan and Wisconsin, are + happy, prosperous, teeming millions of free men. That generation of men, + though not to the full extent members of the convention that framed the + Constitution, were to some extent members of that convention, holding + seats at the same time in one body and the other, so that if there was any + compromise on either of these subjects, the strong evidence is that that + compromise was in favor of the restriction of slavery from the new + Territories. + </p> + <p> + But Douglas says that he is unalterably opposed to the repeal of those + laws because, in his view, it is a compromise of the Constitution. You + Kentuckians, no doubt, are somewhat offended with that. You ought not to + be! You ought to be patient! You ought to know that if he said less than + that, he would lose the power of "lugging" the Northern States to your + support. Really, what you would push him to do would take from him his + entire power to serve you. And you ought to remember how long, by + precedent, Judge Douglas holds himself obliged to stick by compromises. + You ought to remember that by the time you yourselves think you are ready + to inaugurate measures for the revival of the African slave trade, that + sufficient time will have arrived, by precedent, for Judge Douglas to + break through, that compromise. He says now nothing more strong than he + said in 1849 when he declared in favor of Missouri Compromise,—and + precisely four years and a quarter after he declared that Compromise to be + a sacred thing, which "no ruthless hand would ever daze to touch," he + himself brought forward the measure ruthlessly to destroy it. By a mere + calculation of time it will only be four years more until he is ready to + take back his profession about the sacredness of the Compromise abolishing + the slave trade. Precisely as soon as you are ready to have his services + in that direction, by fair calculation, you may be sure of having them. + </p> + <p> + But you remember and set down to Judge Douglas's debt, or discredit, that + he, last year, said the people of Territories can, in spite of the Dred + Scott decision, exclude your slaves from those Territories; that he + declared, by "unfriendly legislation" the extension of your property into + the new Territories may be cut off, in the teeth of the decision of the + Supreme Court of the United States. + </p> + <p> + He assumed that position at Freeport on the 27th of August, 1858. He said + that the people of the Territories can exclude slavery, in so many words: + You ought, however, to bear in mind that he has never said it since. You + may hunt in every speech that he has since made, and he has never used + that expression once. He has never seemed to notice that he is stating his + views differently from what he did then; but by some sort of accident, he + has always really stated it differently. He has always since then declared + that "the Constitution does not carry slavery into the Territories of the + United States beyond the power of the people legally to control it, as + other property." Now, there is a difference in the language used upon that + former occasion and in this latter day. There may or may not be a + difference in the meaning, but it is worth while considering whether there + is not also a difference in meaning. + </p> + <p> + What is it to exclude? Why, it is to drive it out. It is in some way to + put it out of the Territory. It is to force it across the line, or change + its character so that, as property, it is out of existence. But what is + the controlling of it "as other property"? Is controlling it as other + property the same thing as destroying it, or driving it away? I should + think not. I should think the controlling of it as other property would be + just about what you in Kentucky should want. I understand the controlling + of property means the controlling of it for the benefit of the owner of + it. While I have no doubt the Supreme Court of the United States would say + "God speed" to any of the Territorial Legislatures that should thus + control slave property, they would sing quite a different tune if, by the + pretence of controlling it, they were to undertake to pass laws which + virtually excluded it,—and that upon a very well known principle to + all lawyers, that what a Legislature cannot directly do, it cannot do by + indirection; that as the Legislature has not the power to drive slaves + out, they have no power, by indirection, by tax, or by imposing burdens in + any way on that property, to effect the same end, and that any attempt to + do so would be held by the Dred Scott court unconstitutional. + </p> + <p> + Douglas is not willing to stand by his first proposition that they can + exclude it, because we have seen that that proposition amounts to nothing + more nor less than the naked absurdity that you may lawfully drive out + that which has a lawful right to remain. He admitted at first that the + slave might be lawfully taken into the Territories under the Constitution + of the United States, and yet asserted that he might be lawfully driven + out. That being the proposition, it is the absurdity I have stated. He is + not willing to stand in the face of that direct, naked, and impudent + absurdity; he has, therefore, modified his language into that of being + "controlled as other property." + </p> + <p> + The Kentuckians don't like this in Douglas! I will tell you where it will + go. He now swears by the court. He was once a leading man in Illinois to + break down a court, because it had made a decision he did not like. But he + now not only swears by the court, the courts having got to working for + you, but he denounces all men that do not swear by the courts, as + unpatriotic, as bad citizens. When one of these acts of unfriendly + legislation shall impose such heavy burdens as to, in effect, destroy + property in slaves in a Territory, and show plainly enough that there can + be no mistake in the purpose of the Legislature to make them so + burdensome, this same Supreme Court will decide that law to be + unconstitutional, and he will be ready to say for your benefit "I swear by + the court; I give it up"; and while that is going on he has been getting + all his men to swear by the courts, and to give it up with him. In this + again he serves you faithfully, and, as I say, more wisely than you serve + yourselves. + </p> + <p> + Again: I have alluded in the beginning of these remarks to the fact that + Judge Douglas has made great complaint of my having expressed the opinion + that this government "cannot endure permanently, half slave and half + free." He has complained of Seward for using different language, and + declaring that there is an "irrepressible conflict" between the principles + of free and slave labor. [A voice: "He says it is not original with + Seward. That it is original with Lincoln."] I will attend to that + immediately, sir. Since that time, Hickman of Pennsylvania expressed the + same sentiment. He has never denounced Mr. Hickman: why? There is a little + chance, notwithstanding that opinion in the mouth of Hickman, that he may + yet be a Douglas man. That is the difference! It is not unpatriotic to + hold that opinion if a man is a Douglas man. + </p> + <p> + But neither I, nor Seward, nor Hickman is entitled to the enviable or + unenviable distinction of having first expressed that idea. That same idea + was expressed by the Richmond Enquirer, in Virginia, in 1856,—quite + two years before it was expressed by the first of us. And while Douglas + was pluming himself that in his conflict with my humble self, last year, + he had "squelched out" that fatal heresy, as he delighted to call it, and + had suggested that if he only had had a chance to be in New York and meet + Seward he would have "squelched" it there also, it never occurred to him + to breathe a word against Pryor. I don't think that you can discover that + Douglas ever talked of going to Virginia to "squelch" out that idea there. + No. More than that. That same Roger A. Pryor was brought to Washington + City and made the editor of the par excellence Douglas paper, after making + use of that expression, which, in us, is so unpatriotic and heretical. + From all this, my Kentucky friends may see that this opinion is heretical + in his view only when it is expressed by men suspected of a desire that + the country shall all become free, and not when expressed by those fairly + known to entertain the desire that the whole country shall become slave. + When expressed by that class of men, it is in nowise offensive to him. In + this again, my friends of Kentucky, you have Judge Douglas with you. + </p> + <p> + There is another reason why you Southern people ought to nominate Douglas + at your convention at Charleston. That reason is the wonderful capacity of + the man,—the power he has of doing what would seem to be impossible. + Let me call your attention to one of these apparently impossible things: + </p> + <p> + Douglas had three or four very distinguished men of the most extreme + anti-slavery views of any men in the Republican party expressing their + desire for his re-election to the Senate last year. That would, of itself, + have seemed to be a little wonderful; but that wonder is heightened when + we see that Wise of Virginia, a man exactly opposed to them, a man who + believes in the divine right of slavery, was also expressing his desire + that Douglas should be reelected; that another man that may be said to be + kindred to Wise, Mr. Breckinridge, the Vice-President, and of your own + State, was also agreeing with the anti-slavery men in the North that + Douglas ought to be re-elected. Still to heighten the wonder, a senator + from Kentucky, whom I have always loved with an affection as tender and + endearing as I have ever loved any man, who was opposed to the + anti-slavery men for reasons which seemed sufficient to him, and equally + opposed to Wise and Breckinridge, was writing letters into Illinois to + secure the reelection of Douglas. Now, that all these conflicting elements + should be brought, while at daggers' points with one another, to support + him, is a feat that is worthy for you to note and consider. It is quite + probable that each of these classes of men thought, by the re-election of + Douglas, their peculiar views would gain something: it is probable that + the anti-slavery men thought their views would gain something; that Wise + and Breckinridge thought so too, as regards their opinions; that Mr. + Crittenden thought that his views would gain something, although he was + opposed to both these other men. It is probable that each and all of them + thought that they were using Douglas; and it is yet an unsolved problem + whether he was not using them all. If he was, then it is for you to + consider whether that power to perform wonders is one for you lightly to + throw away. + </p> + <p> + There is one other thing that I will say to you, in this relation. It is + but my opinion, I give it to you without a fee. It is my opinion that it + is for you to take him or be defeated; and that if you do take him you may + be beaten. You will surely be beaten if you do not take him. We, the + Republicans and others forming the opposition of the country, intend to + "stand by our guns," to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat + you, whether you take him or not. We know that before we fairly beat you + we have to beat you both together. We know that you are "all of a + feather," and that we have to beat you all together, and we expect to do + it. We don't intend to be very impatient about it. We mean to be as + deliberate and calm about it as it is possible to be, but as firm and + resolved as it is possible for men to be. When we do as we say,—beat + you,—you perhaps want to know what we will do with you. + </p> + <p> + I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition, + what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as we possibly + can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean to leave + you alone, and in no way interfere with your institution; to abide by all + and every compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to + the original proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we + have degenerated) may, according to the examples of those noble fathers, + Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are as + good as we; that there is no difference between us other than the + difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and bear in mind always + that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we + claim to have, and treat you accordingly. We mean to marry your girls when + we have a chance, the white ones I mean; and I have the honor to inform + you that I once did have a chance in that way. + </p> + <p> + I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, now, when that thing + takes place, what do you mean to do? I often hear it intimated that you + mean to divide the Union whenever a Republican, or anything like it, is + elected President of the United States. [A voice: "That is so."] "That is + so," one of them says; I wonder if he is a Kentuckian? [A voice: "He is a + Douglas man."] Well, then, I want to know what you are going to do with + your half of it? Are you going to split the Ohio down through, and push + your half off a piece? Or are you going to keep it right alongside of us + outrageous fellows? Or are you going to build up a wall some way between + your country and ours, by which that movable property of yours can't come + over here any more, to the danger of your losing it? Do you think you can + better yourselves, on that subject, by leaving us here under no obligation + whatever to return those specimens of your movable property that come + hither? You have divided the Union because we would not do right with you, + as you think, upon that subject; when we cease to be under obligations to + do anything for you, how much better off do you think you will be? Will + you make war upon us and kill us all? Why, gentlemen, I think you are as + gallant and as brave men as live; that you can fight as bravely in a good + cause, man for man, as any other people living; that you have shown + yourselves capable of this upon various occasions: but, man for man, you + are not better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are + of us. You will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were fewer + in numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were equal, it + would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, you will + make nothing by attempting to master us. + </p> + <p> + But perhaps I have addressed myself as long, or longer, to the Kentuckians + than I ought to have done, inasmuch as I have said that whatever course + you take we intend in the end to beat you. I propose to address a few + remarks to our friends, by way of discussing with them the best means of + keeping that promise that I have in good faith made. + </p> + <p> + It may appear a little episodical for me to mention the topic of which I + will speak now. It is a favorite position of Douglas's that the + interference of the General Government, through the Ordinance of '87, or + through any other act of the General Government never has made or ever can + make a free State; the Ordinance of '87 did not make free States of Ohio, + Indiana, or Illinois; that these States are free upon his "great + principle" of popular sovereignty, because the people of those several + States have chosen to make them so. At Columbus, and probably here, he + undertook to compliment the people that they themselves have made the + State of Ohio free, and that the Ordinance of '87 was not entitled in any + degree to divide the honor with them. I have no doubt that the people of + the State of Ohio did make her free according to their own will and + judgment, but let the facts be remembered. + </p> + <p> + In 1802, I believe, it was you who made your first constitution, with the + clause prohibiting slavery, and you did it, I suppose, very nearly + unanimously; but you should bear in mind that you—speaking of you as + one people—that you did so unembarrassed by the actual presence of + the institution amongst you; that you made it a free State not with the + embarrassment upon you of already having among you many slaves, which if + they had been here, and you had sought to make a free State, you would not + know what to do with. If they had been among you, embarrassing + difficulties, most probably, would have induced you to tolerate a slave + constitution instead of a free one, as indeed these very difficulties have + constrained every people on this continent who have adopted slavery. + </p> + <p> + Pray what was it that made you free? What kept you free? Did you not find + your country free when you came to decide that Ohio should be a free + State? It is important to inquire by what reason you found it so. Let us + take an illustration between the States of Ohio and Kentucky. Kentucky is + separated by this River Ohio, not a mile wide. A portion of Kentucky, by + reason of the course of the Ohio, is farther north than this portion of + Ohio, in which we now stand. Kentucky is entirely covered with slavery; + Ohio is entirely free from it: What made that difference? Was it climate? + No. A portion of Kentucky was farther north than this portion of Ohio. Was + it soil? No. There is nothing in the soil of the one more favorable to + slave than the other. It was not climate or soil that mused one side of + the line to be entirely covered with slavery, and the other side free of + it. What was it? Study over it. Tell us, if you can, in all the range of + conjecture, if there be anything you can conceive of that made that + difference, other than that there was no law of any sort keeping it out of + Kentucky, while the Ordinance of '87 kept it out of Ohio. If there is any + other reason than this, I confess that it is wholly beyond my power to + conceive of it. This, then, I offer to combat the idea that that Ordinance + has never made any State free. + </p> + <p> + I don't stop at this illustration. I come to the State of Indiana; and + what I have said as between Kentucky and Ohio, I repeat as between Indiana + and Kentucky: it is equally applicable. One additional argument is + applicable also to Indiana. In her Territorial condition she more than + once petitioned Congress to abrogate the Ordinance entirely, or at least + so far as to suspend its operation for a time, in order that they should + exercise the "popular sovereignty" of having slaves if they wanted them. + The men then controlling the General Government, imitating the men of the + Revolution, refused Indiana that privilege. And so we have the evidence + that Indiana supposed she could have slaves, if it were not for that + Ordinance; that she besought Congress to put that barrier out of the way; + that Congress refused to do so; and it all ended at last in Indiana being + a free State. Tell me not then that the Ordinance of '87 had nothing to do + with making Indiana a free State, when we find some men chafing against, + and only restrained by, that barrier. + </p> + <p> + Come down again to our State of Illinois. The great Northwest Territory, + including Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, was acquired + first, I believe, by the British Government, in part at least, from the + French. Before the establishment of our independence it became a part of + Virginia, enabling Virginia afterward to transfer it to the General + Government. There were French settlements in what is now Illinois, and at + the same time there were French settlements in what is now Missouri, in + the tract of country that was not purchased till about 1803. In these + French settlements negro slavery had existed for many years, perhaps more + than a hundred; if not as much as two hundred years,—at Kaskaskia, + in Illinois, and at St. Genevieve, or Cape Girardeau, perhaps, in + Missouri. The number of slaves was not very great, but there was about the + same number in each place. They were there when we acquired the Territory. + There was no effort made to break up the relation of master and slave, and + even the Ordinance of 1787 was not so enforced as to destroy that slavery + in Illinois; nor did the Ordinance apply to Missouri at all. + </p> + <p> + What I want to ask your attention to; at this point, is that Illinois and + Missouri came into the Union about the same time, Illinois in the latter + part of 1818, and Missouri, after a struggle, I believe sometime in 1820. + They had been filling up with American people about the same period of + time; their progress enabling them to come into the Union about the same + time. At the end of that ten years, in which they had been so preparing + (for it was about that period of time), the number of slaves in Illinois + had actually decreased; while in Missouri, beginning with very few, at the + end of that ten years there were about ten thousand. This being so, and it + being remembered that Missouri and Illinois are, to a certain extent, in + the same parallel of latitude, that the northern half of Missouri and the + southern half of Illinois are in the same parallel of latitude, so that + climate would have the same effect upon one as upon the other, and that in + the soil there is no material difference so far as bears upon the question + of slavery being settled upon one or the other,—there being none of + those natural causes to produce a difference in filling them, and yet + there being a broad difference to their filling up, we are led again to + inquire what was the cause of that difference. + </p> + <p> + It is most natural to say that in Missouri there was no law to keep that + country from filling up with slaves, while in Illinois there was the + Ordinance of The Ordinance being there, slavery decreased during that ten + years; the Ordinance not being in the other, it increased from a few to + ten thousand. Can anybody doubt the reason of the difference? + </p> + <p> + I think all these facts most abundantly prove that my friend Judge + Douglas's proposition, that the Ordinance of '87, or the national + restriction of slavery, never had a tendency to make a free State, is a + fallacy,—a proposition without the shadow or substance of truth + about it. + </p> + <p> + Douglas sometimes says that all the States (and it is part of this same + proposition I have been discussing) that have become free have become so + upon his "great principle"; that the State of Illinois itself came into + the Union as a slave State, and that the people, upon the "great + principle" of popular sovereignty, have since made it a free State. Allow + me but a little while to state to you what facts there are to justify him + in saying that Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. + </p> + <p> + I have mentioned to you that there were a few old French slaves there. + They numbered, I think, one or two hundred. Besides that, there had been a + Territorial law for indenturing black persons. Under that law, in + violation of the Ordinance of '87, but without any enforcement of the + Ordinance to overthrow the system, there had been a small number of slaves + introduced as indentured persons. Owing to this, the clause for the + prohibition of slavery was slightly modified. Instead of running like + yours, that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for crime, + of which the party shall have been duly convicted, should exist in the + State, they said that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should + thereafter be introduced; and that the children of indentured servants + should be born free; and nothing was said about the few old French slaves. + Out of this fact, that the clause for prohibiting slavery was modified + because of the actual presence of it, Douglas asserts again and again that + Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. How far the facts sustain + the conclusion that he draws, it is for intelligent and impartial men to + decide. I leave it with you, with these remarks, worthy of being + remembered, that that little thing, those few indentured servants being + there, was of itself sufficient to modify a constitution made by a people + ardently desiring to have a free constitution; showing the power of the + actual presence of the institution of slavery to prevent any people, + however anxious to make a free State, from making it perfectly so. + </p> + <p> + I have been detaining you longer, perhaps, than I ought to do. + </p> + <p> + I am in some doubt whether to introduce another topic upon which I could + talk a while. [Cries of "Go on," and "Give us it."] It is this, then: + Douglas's Popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply this: If one man + chooses to make a slave of another man, neither that man nor anybody else + has a right to object. Apply it to government, as he seeks to apply it, + and it is this: If, in a new Territory into which a few people are + beginning to enter for the purpose of making their homes, they choose to + either exclude slavery from their limits, or to establish it there, + however one or the other may affect the persons to be enslaved, or the + infinitely greater number of persons who are afterward to inhabit that + Territory, or the other members of the family of communities of which they + are but an incipient member, or the general head of the family of States + as parent of all, however their action may affect one or the other of + these, there is no power or right to interfere. That is Douglas's popular + sovereignty applied. Now, I think that there is a real popular sovereignty + in the world. I think the definition of popular sovereignty, in the + abstract, would be about this: that each man shall do precisely as he + pleases with himself, and with all those things which exclusively concern + him. Applied in government, this principle would be that a general + government shall do all those things which pertain to it, and all the + local governments shall do precisely as they please in respect to those + matters which exclusively concern them. + </p> + <p> + Douglas looks upon slavery as so insignificant that the people must decide + that question for themselves; and yet they are not fit to decide who shall + be their governor, judge, or secretary, or who shall be any of their + officers. These are vast national matters in his estimation; but the + little matter in his estimation is that of planting slavery there. That is + purely of local interest, which nobody should be allowed to say a word + about. + </p> + <p> + Labor is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human + comforts and necessities are drawn. There is a difference in opinion about + the elements of labor in society. Some men assume that there is necessary + connection between capital and labor, and that connection draws within it + the whole of the labor of the community. They assume that nobody works + unless capital excites them to work. They begin next to consider what is + the best way. They say there are but two ways: one is to hire men, and to + allure them to labor by their consent; the other is to buy the men, and + drive them, to it, and that is slavery. Having assumed that, they proceed + to discuss the question of whether the laborers themselves are better off + in the condition of slaves or of hired laborers, and they usually decide + that they are better off in the condition of slaves. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, I say that the whole thing is a mistake. That there is + a certain relation between capital and labor, I admit. That it does exist, + and rightfully exists, I think is true. That men who are industrious, and + sober, and honest in the pursuit of their own interests should after a + while accumulate capital, and after that should be allowed to enjoy it in + peace, and also, if they should choose, when they have accumulated it, to + use it to save themselves from actual labor, and hire other people to + labor for them, is right. In doing so they do not wrong the man they + employ, for they find men who have not of their own land to work upon, or + shops to work in, and who are benefited by working for others, hired + laborers, receiving their capital for it. Thus a few men, that own + capital, hire a few others, and these establish the relation of capital + and labor rightfully, a relation of which I make no complaint. But I + insist that that relation, after all, does not embrace more than one + eighth of the labor of the country. + </p> + <p> + [The speaker proceeded to argue that the hired laborer, with his ability + to become an employer, must have every precedence over him who labors + under the inducement of force. He continued:] + </p> + <p> + I have taken upon myself in the name of some of you to say that we expect + upon these principles to ultimately beat them. In order to do so, I think + we want and must have a national policy in regard to the institution of + slavery that acknowledges and deals with that institution as being wrong. + Whoever desires the prevention of the spread of slavery and the + nationalization of that institution yields all when he yields to any + policy that either recognizes slavery as being right or as being an + indifferent thing. Nothing will make you successful but setting up a + policy which shall treat the thing as being wrong: When I say this, I do + not mean to say that this General Government is charged with the duty of + redressing or preventing all the wrongs in the world, but I do think that + it is charged with preventing and redressing all wrongs which are wrongs + to itself. This Government is expressly charged with the duty of providing + for the general welfare. We believe that the spreading out and perpetuity + of the institution of slavery impairs the general welfare. We believe—nay, + we know—that that is the only thing that has ever threatened the + perpetuity of the Union itself. The only thing which has ever menaced the + destruction of the government under which we live is this very thing. To + repress this thing, we think, is, Providing for the general welfare. Our + friends in Kentucky differ from us. We need not make our argument for + them, but we who think it is wrong in all its relations, or in some of + them at least, must decide as to our own actions and our own course, upon + our own judgment. + </p> + <p> + I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in the + States where it exists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the + general welfare does not require us to do so. We must not withhold an + efficient Fugitive Slave law, because the Constitution requires us, as I + understand it, not to withhold such a law. But we must prevent the + outspreading of the institution, because neither the Constitution nor + general welfare requires us to extend it. We must prevent the revival of + the African slave trade, and the enacting by Congress of a Territorial + slave code. We must prevent each of these things being done by either + Congresses or courts. The people of these United States are the rightful + masters of both Congresses and courts, not to overthrow the Constitution, + but to overthrow the men who pervert the Constitution. + </p> + <p> + To do these things we must employ instrumentalities. We must hold + conventions; we must adopt platforms, if we conform to ordinary custom; we + must nominate candidates; and we must carry elections. In all these + things, I think that we ought to keep in view our real purpose, and in + none do anything that stands adverse to our purpose. If we shall adopt a + platform that fails to recognize or express our purpose, or elect a man + that declares himself inimical to our purpose, we not only take nothing by + our success, but we tacitly admit that we act upon no other principle than + a desire to have "the loaves and fishes," by which, in the end, our + apparent success is really an injury to us. + </p> + <p> + I know that this is very desirable with me, as with everybody else, that + all the elements of the opposition shall unite in the next Presidential + election and in all future time. I am anxious that that should be; but + there are things seriously to be considered in relation to that matter. If + the terms can be arranged, I am in favor of the union. But suppose we + shall take up some man, and put him upon one end or the other of the + ticket, who declares himself against us in regard to the prevention of the + spread of slavery, who turns up his nose and says he is tired of hearing + anything more about it, who is more against us than against the enemy, + what will be the issue? Why, he will get no slave States, after all,—he + has tried that already until being beat is the rule for him. If we + nominate him upon that ground, he will not carry a slave State; and not + only so, but that portion of our men who are high-strung upon the + principle we really fight for will not go for him, and he won't get a + single electoral vote anywhere, except, perhaps, in the State of Maryland. + There is no use in saying to us that we are stubborn and obstinate because + we won't do some such thing as this. We cannot do it. We cannot get our + men to vote it. I speak by the card, that we cannot give the State of + Illinois in such case by fifty thousand. We would be flatter down than the + "Negro Democracy" themselves have the heart to wish to see us. + </p> + <p> + After saying this much let me say a little on the other side. There are + plenty of men in the slave States that are altogether good enough for me + to be either President or Vice-President, provided they will profess their + sympathy with our purpose, and will place themselves on the ground that + our men, upon principle, can vote for them. There are scores of them, good + men in their character for intelligence and talent and integrity. If such + a one will place himself upon the right ground, I am for his occupying one + place upon the next Republican or opposition ticket. I will heartily go + for him. But unless he does so place himself, I think it a matter of + perfect nonsense to attempt to bring about a union upon any other basis; + that if a union be made, the elements will scatter so that there can be no + success for such a ticket, nor anything like success. The good old maxims + of the Bible axe applicable, and truly applicable, to human affairs, and + in this, as in other things, we may say here that he who is not for us is + against us; he who gathereth not with us, scattereth. I should be glad to + have some of the many good and able and noble men of the South to place + themselves where we can confer upon them the high honor of an election + upon one or the other end of our ticket. It would do my soul good to do + that thing. It would enable us to teach them that, inasmuch as we select + one of their own number to carry out our principles, we are free from the + charge that we mean more than we say. + </p> + <p> + But, my friends, I have detained you much longer than I expected to do. I + believe I may do myself the compliment to say that you have stayed and + heard me with great patience, for which I return you my most sincere + thanks. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0044" id="link2H_4_0044"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON PROTECTIVE TARIFFS + </h2> + <h3> + TO EDWARD WALLACE. + </h3> + <p> + CLINTON, October 11, 1859 + </p> + <p> + Dr. EDWARD WALLACE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I am here just now attending court. Yesterday, before I + left Springfield, your brother, Dr. William S. Wallace, showed me a letter + of yours, in which you kindly mention my name, inquiring for my tariff + views, and suggest the propriety of my writing a letter upon the subject. + I was an old Henry-Clay-Tariff Whig. In old times I made more speeches on + that subject than any other. + </p> + <p> + I have not since changed my views. I believe yet, if we could have a + moderate, carefully adjusted protective tariff, so far acquiesced in as + not to be a perpetual subject of political strife, squabbles changes, and + uncertainties, it would be better for us. Still it is my opinion that just + now the revival of that question will not advance the cause itself, or the + man who revives it. + </p> + <p> + I have not thought much on the subject recently, but my general impression + is that the necessity for a protective tariff will ere long force its old + opponents to take it up; and then its old friends can join in and + establish it on a more firm and durable basis. We, the Old Whigs, have + been entirely beaten out on the tariff question, and we shall not be able + to re-establish the policy until the absence of it shall have demonstrated + the necessity for it in the minds of men heretofore opposed to it. With + this view, I should prefer to not now write a public letter on the + subject. I therefore wish this to be considered confidential. I shall be + very glad to receive a letter from you. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0045" id="link2H_4_0045"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON MORTGAGES + </h2> + <h3> + TO W. DUNGY. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, November, 2, 1859. + </p> + <p> + WM. DUNGY, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of October 27 is received. When a mortgage is given + to secure two notes, and one of the notes is sold and assigned, if the + mortgaged premises are only sufficient to pay one note, the one assigned + will take it all. Also, an execution from a judgment on the assigned note + may take it all; it being the same thing in substance. There is redemption + on execution sales from the United States Court just as from any other + court. + </p> + <p> + You did not mention the name of the plaintiff or defendant in the suit, + and so I can tell nothing about it as to sales, bids, etc. Write again. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0046" id="link2H_4_0046"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS, + </h2> + <h3> + DECEMBER, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + ............. But you Democrats are for the Union; and you greatly fear + the success of the Republicans would destroy the Union. Why? Do the + Republicans declare against the Union? Nothing like it. Your own statement + of it is that if the Black Republicans elect a President, you "won't stand + it." You will break up the Union. If we shall constitutionally elect a + President, it will be our duty to see that you submit. Old John Brown has + been executed for treason against a State. We cannot object, even though + he agreed with us in thinking slavery wrong. That cannot excuse violence, + bloodshed and treason. It could avail him nothing that he might think + himself right. So, if we constitutionally elect a President, and therefore + you undertake to destroy the Union, it will be our duty to deal with you + as old John Brown has been dealt with. We shall try to do our duty. We + hope and believe that in no section will a majority so act as to render + such extreme measures necessary. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0047" id="link2H_4_0047"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO G. W. DOLE, G. S. HUBBARD, AND W. H. BROWN. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 14, 1859 + </h3> + <p> + MESSRS. DOLE, HUBBARD & BROWN. + </p> + <p> + GENT.:—Your favor of the 12th is at hand, and it gives me pleasure + to be able to answer it. It is not my intention to take part in any of the + rivalries for the gubernatorial nomination; but the fear of being + misunderstood upon that subject ought not to deter me from doing justice + to Mr. Judd, and preventing a wrong being done to him by the use of nay + name in connection with alleged wrongs to me. + </p> + <p> + In answer to your first question, as to whether Mr. Judd was guilty of any + unfairness to me at the time of Senator Trumbull's election, I answer + unhesitatingly in the negative; Mr. Judd owed no political allegiance to + any party whose candidate I was. He was in the Senate, holding over, + having been elected by a Democratic Constituency. He never was in any + caucus of the friends who sought to make me U. S. Senator, never gave me + any promises or pledges to support me, and subsequent events have greatly + tended to prove the wisdom, politically, of Mr. Judd's course. The + election of Judge Trumbull strongly tended to sustain and preserve the + position of that lion of the Democrats who condemned the repeal of the + Missouri Compromise, and left them in a position of joining with us in + forming the Republican party, as was done at the Bloomington convention in + 1856. + </p> + <p> + During the canvass of 1858 for the senatorship my belief was, and still + is, that I had no more sincere and faithful friend than Mr. Judd—certainly + none whom I trusted more. His position as chairman of the State Central + Committee led to my greater intercourse with him, and to my giving him a + larger share of my confidence, than with or to almost any other friend; + and I have never suspected that that confidence was, to any degree, + misplaced. + </p> + <p> + My relations with Mr. Judo since the organization of the Republican party, + in, our State, in 1856, and especially since the adjournment of the + Legislature in Feb., 1857, have been so very intimate that I deem it an + impossibility that he could have been dealing treacherously with me. He + has also, at all times, appeared equally true and faithful to the party. + In his position as chairman of the committee, I believe he did all that + any man could have done. The best of us are liable to commit errors, which + become apparent by subsequent developments; but I do not know of a single + error, even, committed by Mr. Judd, since he and I have acted together + politically. + </p> + <p> + I, had occasionally heard these insinuations against Mr. Judd, before the + receipt of your letter; and in no instance have I hesitated to pronounce + them wholly unjust, to the full extent of my knowledge and belief. I have + been, and still am, very anxious to take no part between the many friends, + all good and true, who are mentioned as candidates for a Republican + gubernatorial nomination; but I can not feel that my own honor is quite + clear if I remain silent when I hear any one of them assailed about + matters of which I believe I know more than his assailants. + </p> + <p> + I take pleasure in adding that, of all the avowed friends I had in the + canvass of last year, I do not suspect any of having acted treacherously + to me, or to our cause; and that there is not one of them in whose + honesty, honor, and integrity I, today, have greater confidence than I + have in those of Mr. Judd. + </p> + <p> + I dislike to appear before the public in this matter; but you are at + liberty to make such use of this letter as you may think justice requires. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0048" id="link2H_4_0048"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 19, 1859. + </h3> + <p> + MESSRS. G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS, CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, ETC. + </p> + <p> + GENTLEMEN:—Your letter of the 7th instant, accompanied by a similar + one from the governor-elect, the Republican State officers, and the + Republican members of the State Board of Equalization of Ohio, both + requesting of me, for publication in permanent form, copies of the + political debates between Senator Douglas and myself last year, has been + received. With my grateful acknowledgments to both you and them for the + very flattering terms in which the request is communicated, I transmit you + the copies. The copies I send you are as reported and printed by the + respective friends of Senator Douglas and myself, at the time—that + is, his by his friends, and mine by mine. It would be an unwarrantable + liberty for us to change a word or a letter in his, and the changes I have + made in mine, you perceive, are verbal only, and very few in number. I + wish the reprint to be precisely as the copies I send, without any comment + whatever. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0049" id="link2H_4_0049"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH + </h2> + <h3> + TO J. W. FELL, + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, December 20, 1859. + </p> + <p> + J. W. FELL, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Herewith is a little sketch, as you requested. There is + not much of it, for the reason, I suppose, that there is not much of me. + If anything be made out of it, I wish it to be modest, and not to go + beyond the material. If it were thought necessary to incorporate anything + from any of my speeches I suppose there would be no objection. Of course + it must not appear to have been written by myself. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN + </p> + <p> + ——— + </p> + <p> + I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. My parents were + both born in Virginia, of undistinguished families—second families, + perhaps I should say. My mother, who died in my tenth year, was of a + family of the name of Hanks, some of whom now reside in Adams, and others + in Macon County, Illinois. My paternal grandfather, Abraham Lincoln, + emigrated from Rockingham County, Virginia, to Kentucky about 1781 or + 1782, where a year or two later he was killed by the Indians, not in + battle, but by stealth, when he was laboring to open a farm in the forest. + His ancestors, who were Quakers, went to Virginia from Berks County, + Pennsylvania. An effort to identify them with the New England family of + the same name ended in nothing more definite than a similarity of + Christian names in both families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, Solomon, + Abraham, and the like. + </p> + <p> + My father, at the death of his father, was but six years of age, and he + grew up literally without education. He removed from Kentucky to what is + now Spencer County, Indiana, in my eighth year. We reached our new home + about the time that State came into the Union. It was a wild region, with + many bears and other wild animals still in the woods. There I grew up. + There were some schools, so called, but no qualification was ever required + of a teacher beyond "readin', writin', and cipherin"' to the Rule of + Three. If a straggler supposed to understand Latin happened to sojourn in + the neighborhood he was looked upon as a wizard. There was absolutely + nothing to excite ambition for education. Of course, when I came of age I + did not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, and cipher to the + Rule of Three, but that was all. I have not been to school since. The + little advance I now have upon this store of education I have picked up + from time to time under the pressure of necessity. + </p> + <p> + I was raised to farm work, which I continued till I was twenty-two. At + twenty-one I came to Illinois, Macon County. Then I got to New Salem, at + that time in Sangamon, now in Menard County, where I remained a year as a + sort of clerk in a store. Then came the Black Hawk war; and I was elected + a captain of volunteers, a success which gave me more pleasure than any I + have had since. I went the campaign, was elected, ran for the Legislature + the same year (1832), and was beaten—the only time I ever have been + beaten by the people. The next and three succeeding biennial elections I + was elected to the Legislature. I was not a candidate afterward. During + this legislative period I had studied law, and removed to Springfield to + practice it. In 1846 I was once elected to the lower House of Congress. + Was not a candidate for re-election. From 1849 to 1854, both inclusive, + practiced law more assiduously than ever before. Always a Whig in + politics; and generally on the Whig electoral tickets, making active + canvasses. I was losing interest in politics when the repeal of the + Missouri Compromise aroused me again. What I have done since then is + pretty well known. + </p> + <p> + If any personal description of me is thought desirable, it may be said I + am, in height, six feet four inches, nearly; lean in flesh, weighing on an + average one hundred and eighty pounds; dark complexion, with coarse black + hair and gray eyes. No other marks or brands recollected. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0050" id="link2H_4_0050"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON NOMINATION TO THE NATIONAL TICKET + </h2> + <h3> + To N. B. JUDD. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, FEBRUARY 9, 1859 HON. N. B. JUDD. + </p> + <p> + DEAR Sir:—I am not in a position where it would hurt much for me to + not be nominated on the national ticket; but I am where it would hurt some + for me to not get the Illinois delegates. What I expected when I wrote the + letter to Messrs. Dole and others is now happening. Your discomfited + assailants are most bitter against me; and they will, for revenge upon me, + lay to the Bates egg in the South, and to the Seward egg in the North, and + go far toward squeezing me out in the middle with nothing. Can you help me + a little in this matter in your end of the vineyard. I mean this to be + private. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0051" id="link2H_4_0051"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1860 + </h2> + <p> + SPEECH AT THE COOPER INSTITUTE, NEW YORK FEBRUARY 27, 1860 + </p> + <p> + MR. PRESIDENT AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW YORK:—The facts with which + I shall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar; nor is there + anything new in the general use I shall make of them. If there shall be + any novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and the + inferences and observations following that presentation. + </p> + <p> + In his speech last autumn at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in the New York + Times, Senator Douglas said: + </p> + <p> + "Our fathers, when they framed the Government under which we live, + understood this question just as well, and even better than we do now." + </p> + <p> + I fully indorse this, and I adopt it as a text for this discourse. I so + adopt it because it furnishes a precise and an agreed starting-point for a + discussion between Republicans and that wing of the Democracy headed by + Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry: What was the understanding + those fathers had of the question mentioned? + </p> + <p> + What is the frame of Government under which we live? + </p> + <p> + The answer must be—the Constitution of the United States. That + Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787 (and under which the + present Government first went into operation), and twelve subsequently + framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed in 1789. + </p> + <p> + Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? I suppose the + "thirty-nine" who signed the original instrument may be fairly called our + fathers who framed that part of the present Government. It is almost + exactly true to say they framed it, and it is altogether true to say they + fairly represented the opinion and sentiment of the whole nation at that + time. + </p> + <p> + Their names, being familiar to nearly all, and accessible to quite all, + need not now be repeated. + </p> + <p> + I take these "thirty-nine," for the present, as being our "fathers who + framed the Government under which we live." + </p> + <p> + What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers + understood "just as well, and even better than we do now"? + </p> + <p> + It is this: Does the proper division of local from Federal authority, or + anything in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Government to control as + to slavery in our Federal Territories? + </p> + <p> + Upon this Senator Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans the + negative. This affirmation and denial form an issue, and this issue—this + question is precisely what the text declares our fathers understood + "better than we." + </p> + <p> + Let us now inquire whether the "thirty-nine," or any of them, acted upon + this question; and if they did, how they acted upon it—how they + expressed that better understanding. + </p> + <p> + In 1784, three years before the Constitution—the United States then + owning the Northwestern Territory, and no other—the Congress of the + Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery in that + Territory; and four of the "thirty nine" who afterward framed the + Constitution were in that Congress and voted on that question. Of these, + Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin, and Hugh Williamson voted for the + prohibition, thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing + local from Federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbade the + Federal Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. The + other of the four—James McHenry voted against the prohibition, + showing that, for some cause, he thought it improper to vote for it. + </p> + <p> + In 1787, still before the Constitution, but while the convention was in + session framing it, and while the Northwestern Territory still was the + only Territory owned by the United States, the same question of + prohibiting slavery in the Territory again came before the Congress of the + Confederation; and two more of the "thirty-nine" who afterward signed the + Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on the question. They were + William Blount and William Few; and they both voted for the prohibition + thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from + Federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbade the Federal + Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. This time the + prohibition became a law, being part of what is now well known as the + Ordinance of '87. + </p> + <p> + The question of Federal control of slavery in the Territories seems not to + have been directly before the convention which framed the original + Constitution; and hence it is not recorded that the "thirty-nine," or any + of them, while engaged on that instrument, expressed any opinion on that + precise question. + </p> + <p> + In 1789, by the first Congress which sat under the Constitution, an act + was passed to enforce the Ordinance of '87, including the prohibition of + slavery in the Northwestern Territory. The bill for this act was reported + by one of the "thirty-nine," Thomas Fitzsimmons, then a member of the + House of Representatives from Pennsylvania. It went through all its stages + without a word of opposition, and finally passed both branches without + yeas and nays, which is equivalent to a unanimous passage. In this + Congress there were sixteen of the thirty-nine fathers who framed the + original Constitution. They were John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman, Wm. S. + Johnnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thos. Fitzsimmons, William Few, + Abraham Baldwin, Rufus King, William Paterson, George Claimer, Richard + Bassett, George Read, Pierce Butler, Daniel Carroll, James Madison. + </p> + <p> + This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from + Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, properly forbade + Congress to prohibit slavery in the Federal territory; else both their + fidelity to correct principles and their oath to support the Constitution + would have constrained them to oppose the prohibition. + </p> + <p> + Again: George Washington, another of the "thirty nine," was then President + of the United States, and, as such, approved and signed the bill; thus + completing its validity as a law, and thus showing that, in his + understanding, no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything + in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to + slavery in Federal territory. + </p> + <p> + No great while after the adoption of the original Constitution, North + Carolina ceded to the Federal Government the country now constituting the + State of Tennessee; and, a few years later, Georgia ceded that which now + constitutes the States of Mississippi and Alabama. In both deeds of + cession it was made a condition by the ceding States that the Federal + Government should not prohibit slavery in the ceded country. Besides this, + slavery was then actually in the ceded country. Under these circumstances, + Congress, on taking charge of these countries, did not absolutely prohibit + slavery within them. But they did interfere with it—take control of + it—even there, to a certain extent. In 1798, Congress organized the + Territory of Mississippi: In the act of organization they prohibited the + bringing of slaves into the Territory from any place without the United + States, by fine and giving freedom to slaves so brought. This act passed + both branches of Congress without yeas and nays. In that Congress were + three of the "thirty-nine" who framed the original Constitution. They were + John Langdon, George Read, and Abraham Baldwin. They all, probably, voted + for it. Certainly they would have placed their opposition to it upon + record, if, in their understanding, any line dividing local from Federal + authority, or anything in the Constitution, properly forbade the Federal + Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. + </p> + <p> + In 1803, the Federal Government purchased the Louisiana country. Our + former territorial acquisitions came from certain of our own States; but + this Louisiana country was acquired from a foreign nation. In 1804, + Congress gave a territorial organization to that part of it which now + constitutes the State of Lousiana. New Orleans, lying within that part, + was an old and comparatively large city. There were other considerable + towns and settlements, and slavery was extensively and thoroughly + intermingled with the people. Congress did not, in the Territorial Act, + prohibit slavery; but they did interfere with it take control of it—in + a more marked and extensive way than they did in the case of Mississippi. + The substance of the provision therein made in relation to slaves was: + </p> + <p> + First. That no slave should be imported into the Territory from foreign + parts. + </p> + <p> + Second. That no slave should be carried into it who had been imported into + the United States since the first day of May, 1798. + </p> + <p> + Third. That no slave should be carried into it except by the owner, and + for his own use as a settler; the penalty in all the cases being a fine + upon the violator of the law, and freedom to the slave. + </p> + <p> + This act also was passed without yeas and nays. In the Congress which + passed it there were two of the "thirty-nine." They were Abraham Baldwin + and Jonathan Dayton. As stated in the case of Mississippi, it is probable + they both voted for it. They would not have allowed it to pass without + recording their opposition to it, if, in their understanding, it violated + either the line properly dividing local from Federal authority, or any + provision of the Constitution. + </p> + <p> + In 1819-20 came and passed the Missouri question. Many votes were taken, + by yeas and nays, in both branches of Congress, upon the various phases of + the general question. Two of the "thirty-nine"—Rufus King and + Charles Pinckney were members of that Congress. Mr. King steadily voted + for slavery prohibition and against all compromises, while Mr. Pinckney as + steadily voted against slavery prohibition, and against all compromises. + By this, Mr. King showed that, in his understanding, no line dividing + local from Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, was + violated by Congress prohibiting slavery in Federal territory; while Mr. + Pinckney, by his vote, showed that in his understanding there was some + sufficient reason for opposing such prohibition in that case. + </p> + <p> + The cases I have mentioned are the only acts of the "thirty-nine," or of + any of them, upon the direct issue, which I have been able to discover. + </p> + <p> + To enumerate the persons who thus acted, as being four in 1784, two in + 1787, seventeen in 1789, three in 1798, two in 1804, and two in 1819-20—there + would be thirty of them. But this would be counting, John Langdon, Roger + Sherman, William Few, Rufus King, and George Read, each twice, and Abraham + Baldwin three times. The true number of those of the "thirty-nine" whom I + have shown to have acted upon the question which, by the text, they + understood better than we, is twenty-three, leaving sixteen not shown to + have acted upon it in any way. + </p> + <p> + Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our thirty-nine fathers "who + framed the Government under which we live," who have, upon their official + responsibility and their corporal oaths, acted upon the very question + which the text affirms they "understood just as well, and even better than + we do now"; and twenty-one of them—a clear majority of the whole + "thirty-nine"—so acting upon it as to make them guilty of gross + political impropriety and wilful perjury, if, in their understanding, any + proper division between local and Federal authority, or anything in the + Constitution they had made themselves, and sworn to support, forbade the + Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. + Thus the twenty-one acted; and, as actions speak louder than words, so + actions under such responsibilities speak still louder. + </p> + <p> + Two of the twenty-three voted against Congressional prohibition of slavery + in the Federal Territories, in the instances in which they acted upon the + question. But for what reasons they so voted is not known. They may have + done so because they thought a proper division of local from Federal + authority, or some provision or principle of the Constitution, stood in + the way; or they may, without any such question, have voted against the + prohibition on what appeared to them to be sufficient grounds of + expediency. No one who has sworn to support the Constitution can + conscientiously vote for what he understands to be an unconstitutional + measure, however expedient he may think it; but one may and ought to vote + against a measure which he deems constitutional, if, at the same time, he + deems it inexpedient. It therefore would be unsafe to set down even the + two who voted against the prohibition as having done so because, in their + understanding, any proper division of local from Federal authority, or + anything in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as + to slavery in Federal territory. + </p> + <p> + The remaining sixteen of the "thirty-nine," so far as I have discovered, + have left no record of their understanding upon the direct question of + Federal control on slavery in the Federal Territories. But there is much + reason to believe that their understanding upon that question would not + have appeared different from that of their twenty-three compeers, had it + been manifested at all. + </p> + <p> + For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have purposely omitted + whatever understanding may have been manifested by any person, however + distinguished, other than the thirty-nine fathers who framed the original + Constitution; and, for the same reason, I have also omitted whatever + understanding may have been manifested by any of the "thirty tine" even on + any other phase of the general question of slavery. If we should look into + their acts and declarations on those other phases, as the foreign slave + trade, and the morality and policy of slavery generally, it would appear + to us that on the direct question of Federal control of slavery in Federal + Territories, the sixteen, if they had acted at all, would probably have + acted just as the twenty-three did. Among that sixteen were several of the + most noted anti-slavery men of those times—as Dr. Franklin, + Alexander Hamilton, and Gouverneur Morris while there was not one now + known to have been otherwise, unless it may be John Rutledge, of South + Carolina. + </p> + <p> + The sum of the whole is, that of our thirty-nine fathers who framed the + original Constitution, twenty-one—a clear majority of the whole—certainly + understood that no proper division of local from Federal authority, nor + any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control + slavery in the Federal Territories; whilst all the rest probably had the + same understanding. Such, unquestionably, was the understanding of our + fathers who framed the original Constitution; and the text affirms that + they understood the question "better than we." + </p> + <p> + But, so far, I have been considering the understanding of the question + manifested by the framers of the original Constitution. In and by the + original instrument, a mode was provided for amending it; and, as I have + already stated, the present frame of "the Government under which we live" + consists of that original, and twelve amendatory articles framed and + adopted since. Those who now insist that Federal control of slavery in + Federal Territories violates the Constitution, point us to the provisions + which they suppose it thus violates; and, as I understand, they all fix + upon provisions in these amendatory articles, and not in the original + instrument. The Supreme Court, in the Dred Scott case, plant themselves + upon the fifth amendment, which provides that no person shall be deprived + of "life, liberty, or property without due process of law"; while Senator + Douglas and his peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth + amendment, providing that "the powers not delegated to the United States + by the Constitution" "are reserved to the States respectively, or to the + people." + </p> + <p> + Now, it so happens that these amendments were framed by the first Congress + which sat under the Constitution—the identical Congress which passed + the act already mentioned, enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the + Northwestern Territory. Not only was it the same Congress, but they were + the identical same individual men who, at the same session, and at the + same time within the session, had under consideration, and in progress + toward maturity, these Constitutional amendments, and this act prohibiting + slavery in all the territory the nation then owned. The Constitutional + amendments were introduced before and passed after the act enforcing the + Ordinance of '87; so that, during the whole pendency of the act to enforce + the Ordinance, the Constitutional amendments were also pending. + </p> + <p> + The seventy-six members of that Congress, including sixteen of the framers + of the original Constitution, as before stated, were pre-eminently our + fathers who framed that part of "the Government under which we live," + which is now claimed as forbidding the Federal Government to control + slavery in the Federal Territories. + </p> + <p> + Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day to affirm that the + two things which that Congress deliberately framed, and carried to + maturity at the same time, are absolutely inconsistent with each other? + And does not such affirmation become impudently absurd when coupled with + the other affirmation from the same mouth, that those who did the two + things alleged to be inconsistent understood whether they really were + inconsistent better than we—better than he who affirms that they are + inconsistent? + </p> + <p> + It is surely safe to assume that the thirty-nine framers of the original + Constitution, and the seventy-six members of the Congress which framed the + amendments thereto, taken together, do certainly include those who may be + fairly called "our fathers who framed the Government under which we live." + And, so assuming, I defy any man to show that any one of them ever, in his + whole life, declared that, in his understanding, any proper division of + local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the + Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. I + go a step further. I defy any one to show that any living man in the world + ever did, prior to the beginning of the present century (and I might + almost say prior to the beginning of the last half of the present + century), declare that, in his understanding, any proper division of local + from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the + Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. To + those who now so declare, I give not only "our fathers who framed the + Government under which we live," but with them all other living men within + the century in which it was framed, among whom to search, and they shall + not be able to find the evidence of a single man agreeing with them. + </p> + <p> + Now and here let me guard a little against being misunderstood. I do not + mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our fathers did. + To do so would be to discard all the lights of current experience to + reject all progress, all improvement. What I do say is that, if we would + supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in any case, we should do + so upon evidence so conclusive, and argument so clear, that even their + great authority, fairly considered and weighed, cannot stand; and most + surely not in a case whereof we ourselves declare they understood the + question better than we. + </p> + <p> + If any man at this day sincerely believes that proper division of local + from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbids the + Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories, he + is right to say so, and to enforce his position by all truthful evidence + and fair argument which he can. But he has no right to mislead others who + have less access to history, and less leisure to study it, into the false + belief that "our fathers who framed the Government under which we live" + were of the same opinion thus substituting falsehood and deception for + truthful evidence and fair argument. If any man at this day sincerely + believes "our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live," + used and applied principles, in other cases, which ought to have led them + to understand that a proper division of local from Federal authority, or + some part of the Constitution, forbids the Federal Government to control + as to slavery in the Federal Territories, he is right to say so. But he + should, at the same time, brave the responsibility of declaring that, in + his opinion, he understands their principles better than they did + themselves; and especially should he not shirk that responsibility by + asserting that they "understood the question just as well, and even better + than we do now." + </p> + <p> + But enough! Let all who believe that "our fathers, who framed the + Government under which we live, understood this question just as well, and + even better than we do now," speak as they spoke, and act as they acted + upon it. This is all Republicans ask—all Republicans desire—in + relation to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let it be again + marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected + only because of, and so far as, its actual presence among us makes that + toleration and protection a necessity. Let all the guaranties those + fathers gave it be not grudgingly, but fully and fairly maintained. For + this Republicans contend, and with this, so far as I know or believe, they + will be content. + </p> + <p> + And now, if they would listen—as I suppose they will not—I + would address a few words to the Southern people. + </p> + <p> + I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just + people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and justice + you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you speak of us + Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, or, at the best, + as no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing to pirates or + murderers, but nothing like it to "Black Republicans." In all your + contentions with one another, each of you deems an unconditional + condemnation of "Black Republicanism" as the first thing to be attended + to. Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable + prerequisite license, so to speak among you, to be admitted or permitted + to speak at all: Now; can you, or not, be prevailed upon to pause, and to + consider whether this is quite just to us, or even to yourselves? Bring + forward your charges and specifications, and then be patient long enough + to hear us deny or justify. + </p> + <p> + You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the burden + of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? Why, that + our party has no existence in your section—gets no votes in your + section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove the issue? If + it does, then in case we should, without change of principle, begin to get + votes in your section, we should thereby cease to be sectional. You cannot + escape this conclusion; and yet, are you willing to abide by it? If you + are, you will probably soon find that we have ceased to be sectional, for + we shall get votes in your section this very year. You will then begin to + discover, as the truth plainly is, that your proof, does not touch the + issue. The fact that we get no votes in your section is a fact of your + making, and not of ours. And if there be fault in that fact, that fault is + primarily yours, and remains so until you show that we repel you by, some + wrong principle or practice. If we do repel you by any wrong principle or + practice, the fault is ours; but this brings you to where you ought to + have started to a discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If + our principle, put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit + of ours, or for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are + sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, then, on + the question of whether our principle, put in practice, would wrong your + section; and so meet us as if it were possible that something may be said + on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No! Then you really believe that + the principle which "our fathers who framed the Government under which we + live" thought so clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse it again and + again, upon their official oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand + your condemnation without a moment's consideration. + </p> + <p> + Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against sectional + parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less than eight years + before Washington gave that warning, he had, as President of the United + States, approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the prohibition + of slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied the policy of + the Government upon that subject up to, and at, the very moment he penned + that warning; and about one year after he penned it, he wrote La Fayette + that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, expressing in the same + connection his hope that we should at some time have a confederacy of free + States. + </p> + <p> + Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon + this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or + in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast + the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon + you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we + commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right + application of it. + </p> + <p> + But you say you are conservative—eminently conservative—while + we are revolutionary, destructive, or something, of the sort. What is + conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against a new and + untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the point + in controversy which was adopted by "our fathers who framed the Government + under which we live"; while you with one accord reject, and scout, and + spit upon that old policy and insist upon substituting something new. + True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be. + You are divided on new propositions and plans, but you are unanimous in + rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some of you are + for reviving the foreign slave trade; some for a Congressional slave code + for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the Territories to + prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining slavery in the + Territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reat pur-rinciple" + that "if one man would enslave another, no third man should object," + fantastically called "popular sovereignty"; but never a man among you in + favor of Federal prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, according + to the practice of "our fathers who framed the Government under which we + live." Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an + advocate in the century within which our Government originated. Consider, + then, whether your claim of conservatism for yourselves, and your charge + of destructiveness against us, are based on the most clear and stable + foundations. + </p> + <p> + Again: You say we have made the slavery question more prominent than it + formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, but we deny + that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who discarded the old policy + of the fathers. We resisted and still resist your innovation; and thence + comes the greater prominence of the question. Would you have that question + reduced to its former proportions? Go back to that old policy. What has + been will be again, under the same conditions. If you would have the peace + of the old times, readopt the precepts and policy of the old times. + </p> + <p> + You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We deny it; + and what is your proof'? Harper's Ferry! John Brown!! John Brown was no + Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single Republican in his + Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our party is guilty in that + matter you know it or you do not know it. If you do know it, you are + inexcusable for not designating the man and proving the fact. If you do + not know it, you are inexcusable for asserting it, and especially for + persisting in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the + proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does not + know to be true is simply malicious slander. + </p> + <p> + Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged the + Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that our doctrines and + declarations necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. We + know we hold to no doctrine, and make no declaration, which were not held + to and made by our fathers who framed the Government under which we live. + You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this affair. When it occurred, + some important State elections were near at hand, and you were in evident + glee with the belief that, by charging the blame upon us, you could get an + advantage of us in those elections. The elections came, and your + expectations were not quite fulfilled. Every Republican man knew that, as + to himself at least, your charge was a slander, and he was not much + inclined by it to cast his vote in your favor. Republican doctrines and + declarations are accompanied with a continued protest against any + interference whatever with your slaves, or with you about your slaves. + Surely, this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, in common + with "our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live," declare + our belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not hear us declare + even this. For any thing we say or do, the slaves would scarcely know + there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, in fact, generally + know it but for your misrepresentations of us in their hearing. In your + political contests among yourselves, each faction charges the other with + sympathy with Black Republicanism; and then, to give point to the charge, + defines Black Republicanism to simply be insurrection, blood, and thunder + among the slaves. + </p> + <p> + Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the + Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton insurrection, + twenty-eight years ago, in which, at least, three times as many lives were + lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely stretch your very elastic + fancy to the conclusion that Southampton was "got up by Black + Republicanism." In the present state of things in the United States, I do + not think a general or even a very extensive slave insurrection is + possible. The indispensable concert of action cannot be attained. The + slaves have no means of rapid communication; nor can incendiary freemen, + black or white, supply it. The explosive materials are everywhere in + parcels; but there neither are, nor can be supplied the indispensable + connecting trains. + </p> + <p> + Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for their + masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true. A plot for an + uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to twenty individuals + before some one of them, to save the life of a favorite master or + mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and the slave revolution in + Hayti was not an exception to it, but a case occurring under peculiar + circumstances. The gunpowder plot of British history, though not connected + with slaves, was more in point. In that case, only about twenty were + admitted to the secret; and yet one of them, in his anxiety to save a + friend, betrayed the plot to that friend, and, by consequence, averted the + calamity. Occasional poisonings from the kitchen, and open or stealthy + assassinations in the field, and local revolts, extending to a score or + so, will continue to occur as the natural results of slavery; but no + general insurrection of slaves, as I think, can happen in this country for + a long time. Whoever much fears or much hopes for such an event will be + alike disappointed. + </p> + <p> + In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, "It is still in + our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation peaceably, + and in such slow degrees as that the evil will wear off insensibly, and + their places be, pari passu, filled up by free white laborers. If, on the + contrary, it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at the + prospect held up." + </p> + <p> + Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of + emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia; and, as + to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slave holding States only. + The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the power of + restraining the extension of the institution—the power to insure + that a slave insurrection shall never occur on any American soil which is + now free from slavery. + </p> + <p> + John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It was + an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in which the + slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd that the slaves, + with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not succeed. That + affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the many attempts related in + history at the assassination of kings and emperors. An enthusiast broods + over the oppression of a people till he fancies himself commissioned by + Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the attempt, which ends in little + else than his own execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon and John + Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry were, in their philosophy, precisely the + same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one case, and on + New England in the other, does not disprove the sameness of the two + things. + </p> + <p> + And how much would it avail you, if you could, by the use of John Brown, + Helper's Book, and the like, break up the Republican organization? Human + action can be modified to some extent, but human nature cannot be changed. + There is a judgment and a feeling against slavery in this nation, which + cast at least a million and a half of votes. You cannot destroy that + judgment and feeling—that sentiment—by breaking up the + political organization which rallies around it. You can scarcely scatter + and disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of your + heaviest fire; but if you could, how much would you gain by forcing the + sentiment which created it out of the peaceful channel of the ballot-box, + into some other channel? What would that other channel probably be? Would + the number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by the operation? + </p> + <p> + But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of your + constitutional rights. + </p> + <p> + That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated, if not + fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to + deprive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. But we + are proposing no such thing. + </p> + <p> + When you make these declarations, you have a specific and well-understood + allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to take slaves into + the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. But no such + right is specifically written in the Constitution. That instrument is + literally silent about any such right. We, on the contrary, deny that such + a right has any existence in the Constitution, even by implication. + </p> + <p> + Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is that you will destroy the + Government unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the Constitution + as you please on all points in dispute between you and us. You will rule + or ruin, in all events. + </p> + <p> + This, plainly stated, is your language. Perhaps you will say the Supreme + Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in your favor. Not + quite so. But, waiving the lawyer's distinction between dictum and + decision, the court have decided the question for you in a sort of way. + The court have substantially said it is your constitutional right to take + slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. + When I say, the decision was made in a sort of way, I mean it was made in + a divided court, by a bare majority of the judges, and they not quite + agreeing with one another in the reasons for making it; that it is so made + as that its avowed supporters disagree with one another about its meaning, + and that it was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of fact—the + statement in the opinion that "the right of property in a slave is + distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution." + </p> + <p> + An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property in + a slave is not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it. Bear in mind, + the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that such right is + impliedly affirmed in the Constitution; but they pledge their veracity + that it is "distinctly and expressly" affirmed there—"distinctly," + that is, not mingled with anything else; "expressly," that is, in words + meaning just that, without the aid of any inference, and susceptible of no + other meaning. + </p> + <p> + If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right is + affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others to + show that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in the + Constitution, nor the word "property" even, in any connection with + language alluding to the things slave or slavery; and that wherever in + that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a "person"; and + wherever his master's legal right in relation to him is alluded to, it is + spoken of as "service or labor which may be due," as a debt payable in + service or labor. Also, it would be open to show, by contemporaneous + history, that this mode of alluding to slaves and slavery, instead of + speaking of them, was employed on purpose to exclude from the Constitution + the idea that there could be property in man. + </p> + <p> + To show all this, is easy and certain. + </p> + <p> + When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their notice, + is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the mistaken + statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it? + </p> + <p> + And then it is to be remembered that "our fathers; who framed the + Government under which we live",—the men who made the Constitution—decided + this same constitutional question in our favor, long ago; decided it + without division among themselves, when making the decision, without + division among themselves about the meaning of it after it was made, and, + so far as any evidence is left, without basing it upon any mistaken + statement of facts. + </p> + <p> + Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves justified to + break up this Government unless such a court decision as yours is shall be + at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule of political action? + But you will not abide the election of a Republican President! In that + supposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union; and then, you say, + the great crime of having destroyed it will be upon us! That is cool. A + highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters through his teeth, "stand + and deliver, or I shall kill you, and then you'll be a murderer!" + </p> + <p> + To be sure, what the robber demanded of me-my money was my own, and I had + a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my vote is my + own; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the threat of + destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely be distinguished + in principle. + </p> + <p> + A few words now to Republicans: It is exceedingly desirable that all parts + of this great confederacy shall be at peace and in harmony one with + another. Let us Republicans do our part to have it so. Even though much + provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill temper. Even though + the Southern people will not so much as listen to us, let us calmly + consider their demands, and yield to them if, in our deliberate view of + our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all they say and do, and by the + subject and nature of their controversy with us, let us determine, if we + can, what will satisfy them. + </p> + <p> + Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered + to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaints against + us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insurrections + are the rage now. Will it satisfy them if, in the future, we have nothing + to do with invasions and, insurrections? We know it will not. We so know + because we know we never had anything to do with invasions and + insurrections; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the + charge and the denunciation. + </p> + <p> + The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: We must not only + let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do let them + alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so + trying to convince them from the very beginning of our organization, but + with no success. In all our platforms and speeches we have constantly + protested our purpose to let them alone; but this has had no tendency to + convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they + have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them. + </p> + <p> + These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will + convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and join + them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly—done in + acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated—we must + place ourselves avowedly with them. Senator Douglas's new sedition law + must be enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is + wrong, whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits; or in private. We + must arrest and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must + pull down our free State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be + disinfected from all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will + cease to believe that all their troubles proceed from us. + </p> + <p> + I am quite aware they do not state their case precisely in this way. Most + of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to us, and say + what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone have never + disturbed them—so that after all it is what we say which + dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we + cease saying. + </p> + <p> + I am also aware they have not as yet, in terms, demanded the overthrow of + our free State constitutions. Yet those constitutions declare the wrong of + slavery, with more solemn emphasis than do all other sayings against it; + and when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, the overthrow + of these constitutions will be demanded, and nothing be left to resist the + demand. It is nothing to the contrary, that they do not demand the whole + of this just now. Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, they + can voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. Holding, as they + do, that slavery is morally right, and socially elevating, they cannot + cease to demand a full national recognition of it, as a legal right and a + social blessing. + </p> + <p> + Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction + that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and + constitutions against it are themselves wrong, and should be silenced and + swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its nationality its + universality; if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its extension—its + enlargement. All they ask we could readily grant if we thought slavery + right; all we ask they could as readily grant, if they thought it wrong. + Their thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the precise fact upon + which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right, as they do, they + are not to blame for desiring its full recognition, as being right; but + thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? Can we cast our votes + with their view, and against our own? In view of our moral, social, and + political responsibilities, can we do this? Wrong as we think slavery is, + we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that much is due to + the necessity arising from its actual presence in the nation; but can we, + while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread into the national + Territories, and to overrun us here in these free States? If our sense of + duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty, fearlessly and + effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those sophistical contrivances + wherewith we are so industriously plied and belabored-contrivances such as + groping for some middle ground between the right and the wrong, vain as + the search for a man who should be neither a living man nor a dead + man-such as a policy of "don't care" on a question about which all true + men do care—such as Union appeals beseeching true Union men to yield + to Disunionists, reversing the divine rule, and calling, not the sinners, + but the righteous to repentance—such as invocations to Washington, + imploring men to unsay what Washington said, and undo what Washington did. + </p> + <p> + Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against us, + nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government nor of + dungeons to ourselves. LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT MAKES MIGHT, AND IN + THAT FAITH LET US, TO THE END, DARE TO DO OUR DUTY AS WE UNDERSTAND IT. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0052" id="link2H_4_0052"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH AT NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, MARCH 6, 1860 + </h2> + <p> + MR. PRESIDENT, AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW HAVEN:—If the Republican + party of this nation shall ever have the national House entrusted to its + keeping, it will be the duty of that party to attend to all the affairs of + national housekeeping. Whatever matters of importance may come up, + whatever difficulties may arise in its way of administration of the + Government, that party will then have to attend to. It will then be + compelled to attend to other questions, besides this question which now + assumes an overwhelming importance—the question of slavery. It is + true that in the organization of the Republican party this question of + slavery was more important than any other: indeed, so much more important + has it become that no more national question can even get a hearing just + at present. The old question of tariff—a matter that will remain one + of the chief affairs of national house-keeping to all time; the question + of the management of financial affairs; the question of the disposition of + the public domain how shall it be managed for the purpose of getting it + well settled, and of making there the homes of a free and happy people? + these will remain open and require attention for a great while yet, and + these questions will have to be attended to by whatever party has the + control of the Government. Yet, just now, they cannot even obtain a + hearing, and I do not propose to detain you upon these topics or what sort + of hearing they should have when opportunity shall come. + </p> + <p> + For, whether we will or not, the question of slavery is the question, the + all-absorbing topic of the day. It is true that all of us—and by + that I mean, not the Republican party alone, but the whole American + people, here and elsewhere—all of us wish this question settled, + wish it out of the way. It stands in the way, and prevents the adjustment, + and the giving of necessary attention to other questions of national + house-keeping. The people of the whole nation agree that this question + ought to be settled, and yet it is not settled. And the reason is that + they are not yet agreed how it shall be settled. All wish it done, but + some wish one way and some another, and some a third, or fourth, or fifth; + different bodies are pulling in different directions, and none of them, + having a decided majority, are able to accomplish the common object. + </p> + <p> + In the beginning of the year 1854, a new policy was inaugurated with the + avowed object and confident promise that it would entirely and forever put + an end to the slavery agitation. It was again and again declared that + under this policy, when once successfully established, the country would + be forever rid of this whole question. Yet under the operation of that + policy this agitation has not only not ceased, but it has been constantly + augmented. And this too, although, from the day of its introduction, its + friends, who promised that it would wholly end all agitation, constantly + insisted, down to the time that the Lecompton Bill was introduced, that it + was working admirably, and that its inevitable tendency was to remove the + question forever from the politics of the country. Can you call to mind + any Democratic speech, made after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, + down to the time of the Lecompton Bill, in which it was not predicted that + the slavery agitation was just at an end, that "the abolition excitement + was played out," "the Kansas question was dead," "they have made the most + they can out of this question and it is now forever settled"? But since + the Lecompton Bill no Democrat, within my experience, has ever pretended + that he could see the end. That cry has been dropped. They themselves do + not pretend, now, that the agitation of this subject has come to an end + yet. + </p> + <p> + The truth is that this question is one of national importance, and we + cannot help dealing with it; we must do something about it, whether we + will or not. We cannot avoid it; the subject is one we cannot avoid + considering; we can no more avoid it than a man can live without eating. + It is upon us; it attaches to the body politic as much and closely as the + natural wants attach to our natural bodies. Now I think it important that + this matter should be taken up in earnest, and really settled: And one way + to bring about a true settlement of the question is to understand its true + magnitude. + </p> + <p> + There have been many efforts made to settle it. Again and again it has + been fondly hoped that it was settled; but every time it breaks out + afresh, and more violently than ever. It was settled, our fathers hoped, + by the Missouri Compromise, but it did not stay settled. Then the + compromises of 1850 were declared to be a full and final settlement of the + question. The two great parties, each in national convention, adopted + resolutions declaring that the settlement made by the Compromise of 1850 + was a finality that it would last forever. Yet how long before it was + unsettled again? It broke out again in 1854, and blazed higher and raged + more furiously than ever before, and the agitation has not rested since. + </p> + <p> + These repeated settlements must have some faults about them. There must be + some inadequacy in their very nature to the purpose to which they were + designed. We can only speculate as to where that fault, that inadequacy, + is, but we may perhaps profit by past experiences. + </p> + <p> + I think that one of the causes of these repeated failures is that our best + and greatest men have greatly underestimated the size of this question. + They have constantly brought forward small cures for great sores—plasters + too small to cover the wound. That is one reason that all settlements have + proved temporary—so evanescent. + </p> + <p> + Look at the magnitude of this subject: One sixth of our population, in + round numbers—not quite one sixth, and yet more than a seventh,—about + one sixth of the whole population of the United States are slaves. The + owners of these slaves consider them property. The effect upon the minds + of the owners is that of property, and nothing else it induces them to + insist upon all that will favorably affect its value as property, to + demand laws and institutions and a public policy that shall increase and + secure its value, and make it durable, lasting, and universal. The effect + on the minds of the owners is to persuade them that there is no wrong in + it. The slaveholder does not like to be considered a mean fellow for + holding that species of property, and hence, he has to struggle within + himself and sets about arguing himself into the belief that slavery is + right. The property influences his mind. The dissenting minister who + argued some theological point with one of the established church was + always met with the reply, "I can't see it so." He opened a Bible and + pointed him a passage, but the orthodox minister replied, "I can't see it + so." Then he showed him a single word—"Can you see that?" "Yes, I + see it," was the reply. The dissenter laid a guinea over the word and + asked, "Do you see it now?" So here. Whether the owners of this species of + property do really see it as it is, it is not for me to say, but if they + do, they see it as it is through two thousand millions of dollars, and + that is a pretty thick coating. Certain it is that they do not see it as + we see it. Certain it is that this two thousand millions of dollars, + invested in this species of property, all so concentrated that the mind + can grasp it at once—this immense pecuniary interest—has its + influence upon their minds. + </p> + <p> + But here in Connecticut and at the North slavery does not exist, and we + see it through no such medium. + </p> + <p> + To us it appears natural to think that slaves are human beings; men, not + property; that some of the things, at least, stated about men in the + Declaration of Independence apply to them as well as to us. I say we + think, most of us, that this charter of freedom applies to the slaves as + well as to ourselves; that the class of arguments put forward to batter + down that idea are also calculated to break down the very idea of a free + government, even for white men, and to undermine the very foundations of + free society. We think slavery a great moral wrong, and, while we do not + claim the right to touch it where it exists, we wish to treat it as a + wrong in the Territories, where our votes will reach it. We think that a + respect for ourselves, a regard for future generations and for the God + that made us, require that we put down this wrong where our votes will + properly reach it. We think that species of labor an injury to free white + men—in short, we think slavery a great moral, social, and political + evil, tolerable only because, and so far as, its actual existence makes it + necessary to tolerate it, and that beyond that it ought to be treated as a + wrong. + </p> + <p> + Now these two ideas, the property idea that slavery is right, and the idea + that it is wrong, come into collision, and do actually produce that + irrepressible conflict which Mr. Seward has been so roundly abused for + mentioning. The two ideas conflict, and must conflict. + </p> + <p> + Again, in its political aspect, does anything in any way endanger the + perpetuity of this Union but that single thing, slavery? Many of our + adversaries are anxious to claim that they are specially devoted to the + Union, and take pains to charge upon us hostility to the Union. Now we + claim that we are the only true Union men, and we put to them this one + proposition: Whatever endangers this Union, save and except slavery? Did + any other thing ever cause a moment's fear? All men must agree that this + thing alone has ever endangered the perpetuity of the Union. But if it was + threatened by any other influence, would not all men say that the best + thing that could be done, if we could not or ought not to destroy it, + would be at least to keep it from growing any larger? Can any man believe, + that the way to save the Union is to extend and increase the only thing + that threatens the Union, and to suffer it to grow bigger and bigger? + </p> + <p> + Whenever this question shall be settled, it must be settled on some + philosophical basis. No policy that does not rest upon some philosophical + opinion can be permanently maintained. And hence there are but two + policies in regard to slavery that can be at all maintained. The first, + based on the property view that slavery is right, conforms to that idea + throughout, and demands that we shall do everything for it that we ought + to do if it were right. We must sweep away all opposition, for opposition + to the right is wrong; we must agree that slavery is right, and we must + adopt the idea that property has persuaded the owner to believe that + slavery is morally right and socially elevating. This gives a + philosophical basis for a permanent policy of encouragement. + </p> + <p> + The other policy is one that squares with the idea that slavery is wrong, + and it consists in doing everything that we ought to do if it is wrong. + Now, I don't wish to be misunderstood, nor to leave a gap down to be + misrepresented, even. I don't mean that we ought to attack it where it + exists. To me it seems that if we were to form a government anew, in view + of the actual presence of slavery we should find it necessary to frame + just such a government as our fathers did—giving to the slaveholder + the entire control where the system was established, while we possessed + the power to restrain it from going outside those limits. From the + necessities of the case we should be compelled to form just such a + government as our blessed fathers gave us; and, surely, if they have so + made it, that adds another reason why we should let slavery alone where it + exists. + </p> + <p> + If I saw a venomous snake crawling in the road, any man would say I might + seize the nearest stick and kill it; but if I found that snake in bed with + my children, that would be another question. I might hurt the children + more than the snake, and it might bite them. Much more if I found it in + bed with my neighbor's children, and I had bound myself by a solemn + compact not to meddle with his children under any circumstances, it would + become me to let that particular mode of getting rid of the gentleman + alone. But if there was a bed newly made up, to which the children were to + be taken, and it was proposed to take a batch of young snakes and put them + there with them, I take it no man would say there was any question how I + ought to decide! + </p> + <p> + That is just the case. The new Territories are the newly made bed to which + our children are to go, and it lies with the nation to say whether they + shall have snakes mixed up with them or not. It does not seem as if there + could be much hesitation what our policy should be! + </p> + <p> + Now I have spoken of a policy based on the idea that slavery is wrong, and + a policy based on the idea that it is right. But an effort has been made + for a policy that shall treat it as neither right nor wrong. It is based + upon utter indifference. Its leading advocate [Douglas] has said, "I don't + care whether it be voted up or down." "It is merely a matter of dollars + and cents." "The Almighty has drawn a line across this continent, on one + side of which all soil must forever be cultivated by slave labor, and on + the other by free." "When the struggle is between the white man and the + negro, I am for the white man; when it is between the negro and the + crocodile, I am for the negro." Its central idea is indifference. It holds + that it makes no more difference to us whether the Territories become free + or slave States than whether my neighbor stocks his farm with horned + cattle or puts in tobacco. All recognize this policy, the plausible + sugar-coated name of which is "popular sovereignty." + </p> + <p> + This policy chiefly stands in the way of a permanent settlement of the + question. I believe there is no danger of its becoming the permanent + policy of the country, for it is based on a public indifference. There is + nobody that "don't care." All the people do care one way or the other! I + do not charge that its author, when he says he "don't care," states his + individual opinion; he only expresses his policy for the government. I + understand that he has never said as an individual whether he thought + slavery right or wrong—and he is the only man in the nation that has + not! Now such a policy may have a temporary run; it may spring up as + necessary to the political prospects of some gentleman; but it is utterly + baseless: the people are not indifferent, and it can therefore have no + durability or permanence. + </p> + <p> + But suppose it could: Then it could be maintained only by a public opinion + that shall say, "We don't care." There must be a change in public opinion; + the public mind must be so far debauched as to square with this policy of + caring not at all. The people must come to consider this as "merely a + question of dollars and cents," and to believe that in some places the + Almighty has made slavery necessarily eternal. This policy can be brought + to prevail if the people can be brought round to say honestly, "We don't + care"; if not, it can never be maintained. It is for you to say whether + that can be done. + </p> + <p> + You are ready to say it cannot, but be not too fast! Remember what a long + stride has been taken since the repeal of the Missouri Compromise! Do you + know of any Democrat, of either branch of the party—do you know one + who declares that he believes that the Declaration of Independence has any + application to the negro? Judge Taney declares that it has not, and Judge + Douglas even vilifies me personally and scolds me roundly for saying that + the Declaration applies to all men, and that negroes are men. Is there a + Democrat here who does not deny that the Declaration applies to the negro? + Do any of you know of one? Well, I have tried before perhaps fifty + audiences, some larger and some smaller than this, to find one such + Democrat, and never yet have I found one who said I did not place him + right in that. I must assume that Democrats hold that, and now, not one of + these Democrats can show that he said that five years ago! I venture to + defy the whole party to produce one man that ever uttered the belief that + the Declaration did not apply to negroes, before the repeal of the + Missouri Compromise! Four or five years ago we all thought negroes were + men, and that when "all men" were named, negroes were included. But the + whole Democratic party has deliberately taken negroes from the class of + men and put them in the class of brutes. Turn it as you will it is simply + the truth! Don't be too hasty, then, in saying that the people cannot be + brought to this new doctrine, but note that long stride. One more as long + completes the journey from where negroes are estimated as men to where + they are estimated as mere brutes—as rightful property! + </p> + <p> + That saying "In the struggle between white men and the negro," etc., which + I know came from the same source as this policy—that saying marks + another step. There is a falsehood wrapped up in that statement. "In the + struggle between the white man and the negro" assumes that there is a + struggle, in which either the white man must enslave the negro or the + negro must enslave the white. There is no such struggle! It is merely the + ingenious falsehood to degrade and brutalize the negro. Let each let the + other alone, and there is no struggle about it. If it was like two wrecked + seamen on a narrow plank, when each must push the other off or drown + himself, I would push the negro off or a white man either, but it is not; + the plank is large enough for both. This good earth is plenty broad enough + for white man and negro both, and there is no need of either pushing the + other off. + </p> + <p> + So that saying, "In the struggle between the negro and the crocodile," + etc., is made up from the idea that down where the crocodile inhabits, a + white man can't labor; it must be nothing else but crocodile or negro; if + the negro does not the crocodile must possess the earth; in that case he + declares for the negro. The meaning of the whole is just this: As a white + man is to a negro, so is a negro to a crocodile; and as the negro may + rightfully treat the crocodile, so may the white man rightfully treat the + negro. This very dear phrase coined by its author, and so dear that he + deliberately repeats it in many speeches, has a tendency to still further + brutalize the negro, and to bring public opinion to the point of utter + indifference whether men so brutalized are enslaved or not. When that time + shall come, if ever, I think that policy to which I refer may prevail. But + I hope the good freemen of this country will never allow it to come, and + until then the policy can never be maintained. + </p> + <p> + Now consider the effect of this policy. We in the States are not to care + whether freedom or slavery gets the better, but the people in the + Territories may care. They are to decide, and they may think what they + please; it is a matter of dollars and cents! But are not the people of the + Territories detailed from the States? If this feeling of indifference this + absence of moral sense about the question prevails in the States, will it + not be carried into the Territories? Will not every man say, "I don't + care, it is nothing to me"? If any one comes that wants slavery, must they + not say, "I don't care whether freedom or slavery be voted up or voted + down"? It results at last in nationalizing the institution of slavery. + Even if fairly carried out, that policy is just as certain to nationalize + slavery as the doctrine of Jeff Davis himself. These are only two roads to + the same goal, and "popular sovereignty" is just as sure and almost as + short as the other. + </p> + <p> + What we want, and all we want, is to have with us the men who think + slavery wrong. But those who say they hate slavery, and are opposed to it, + but yet act with the Democratic party—where are they? Let us apply a + few tests. You say that you think slavery is wrong, but you denounce all + attempts to restrain it. Is there anything else that you think wrong that + you are not willing to deal with as wrong? Why are you so careful, so + tender, of this one wrong and no other? You will not let us do a single + thing as if it was wrong; there is no place where you will even allow it + to be called wrong! We must not call it wrong in the free States, because + it is not there, and we must not call it wrong in the slave States, + because it is there; we must not call it wrong in politics because that is + bringing morality into politics, and we must not call it wrong in the + pulpit because that is bringing politics into religion; we must not bring + it into the Tract Society or the other societies, because those are such + unsuitable places—and there is no single place, according to you, + where this wrong thing can properly be called wrong! + </p> + <p> + Perhaps you will plead that if the people of the slave States should + themselves set on foot an effort for emancipation, you would wish them + success, and bid them God-speed. Let us test that: In 1858 the + emancipation party of Missouri, with Frank Blair at their head, tried to + get up a movement for that purpose, and having started a party contested + the State. Blair was beaten, apparently if not truly, and when the news + came to Connecticut, you, who knew that Frank Blair was taking hold of + this thing by the right end, and doing the only thing that you say can + properly be done to remove this wrong—did you bow your heads in + sorrow because of that defeat? Do you, any of you, know one single + Democrat that showed sorrow over that result? Not one! On the contrary + every man threw up his hat, and hallooed at the top of his lungs, "Hooray + for Democracy!" + </p> + <p> + Now, gentlemen, the Republicans desire to place this great question of + slavery on the very basis on which our fathers placed it, and no other. It + is easy to demonstrate that "our fathers, who framed this Government under + which we live," looked on slavery as wrong, and so framed it and + everything about it as to square with the idea that it was wrong, so far + as the necessities arising from its existence permitted. In forming the + Constitution they found the slave trade existing, capital invested in it, + fields depending upon it for labor, and the whole system resting upon the + importation of slave labor. They therefore did not prohibit the slave + trade at once, but they gave the power to prohibit it after twenty years. + Why was this? What other foreign trade did they treat in that way? Would + they have done this if they had not thought slavery wrong? + </p> + <p> + Another thing was done by some of the same men who framed the + Constitution, and afterwards adopted as their own the act by the first + Congress held under that Constitution, of which many of the framers were + members, that prohibited the spread of slavery into Territories. Thus the + same men, the framers of the Constitution, cut off the supply and + prohibited the spread of slavery, and both acts show conclusively that + they considered that the thing was wrong. + </p> + <p> + If additional proof is wanted it can be found in the phraseology of the + Constitution. When men are framing a supreme law and chart of government, + to secure blessings and prosperity to untold generations yet to come, they + use language as short and direct and plain as can be found, to express + their meaning In all matters but this of slavery the framers of the + Constitution used the very clearest, shortest, and most direct language. + But the Constitution alludes to slavery three times without mentioning it + once The language used becomes ambiguous, roundabout, and mystical. They + speak of the "immigration of persons," and mean the importation of slaves, + but do not say so. In establishing a basis of representation they say "all + other persons," when they mean to say slaves—why did they not use + the shortest phrase? In providing for the return of fugitives they say + "persons held to service or labor." If they had said slaves it would have + been plainer, and less liable to misconstruction. Why did n't they do it? + We cannot doubt that it was done on purpose. Only one reason is possible, + and that is supplied us by one of the framers of the Constitution—and + it is not possible for man to conceive of any other—they expected + and desired that the system would come to an end, and meant that when it + did, the Constitution should not show that there ever had been a slave in + this good free country of ours. + </p> + <p> + I will dwell on that no longer. I see the signs of approaching triumph of + the Republicans in the bearing of their political adversaries. A great + deal of their war with us nowadays is mere bushwhacking. At the battle of + Waterloo, when Napoleon's cavalry had charged again and again upon the + unbroken squares of British infantry, at last they were giving up the + attempt, and going off in disorder, when some of the officers in mere + vexation and complete despair fired their pistols at those solid squares. + The Democrats are in that sort of extreme desperation; it is nothing else. + I will take up a few of these arguments. + </p> + <p> + There is "the irrepressible conflict." How they rail at Seward for that + saying! They repeat it constantly; and, although the proof has been thrust + under their noses again and again that almost every good man since the + formation of our Government has uttered that same sentiment, from General + Washington, who "trusted that we should yet have a confederacy of free + States," with Jefferson, Jay, Monroe, down to the latest days, yet they + refuse to notice that at all, and persist in railing at Seward for saying + it. Even Roger A. Pryor, editor of the Richmond Enquirer, uttered the same + sentiment in almost the same language, and yet so little offence did it + give the Democrats that he was sent for to Washington to edit the States—the + Douglas organ there—while Douglas goes into hydrophobia and spasms + of rage because Seward dared to repeat it. This is what I call + bushwhacking, a sort of argument that they must know any child can see + through. + </p> + <p> + Another is John Brown: "You stir up insurrections, you invade the South; + John Brown! Harper's Ferry!" Why, John Brown was not a Republican! You + have never implicated a single Republican in that Harper's Ferry + enterprise. We tell you that if any member of the Republican party is + guilty in that matter, you know it or you do not know it. If you do know + it, you are inexcusable not to designate the man and prove the fact. If + you do not know it, you are inexcusable to assert it, and especially to + persist in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the + proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does not + know to be true is simply malicious slander. Some of you admit that no + Republican designedly aided or encouraged the Harper's Ferry affair, but + still insist that our doctrines and declarations necessarily lead to such + results. We do not believe it. We know we hold to no doctrines, and make + no declarations, which were not held to and made by our fathers who framed + the Government 'under which we live, and we cannot see how declarations + that were patriotic when they made them are villainous when we make them. + You never dealt fairly by us in relation to that affair—and I will + say frankly that I know of nothing in your character that should lead us + to suppose that you would. You had just been soundly thrashed in elections + in several States, and others were soon to come. You rejoiced at the + occasion, and only were troubled that there were not three times as many + killed in the affair. You were in evident glee; there was no sorrow for + the killed nor for the peace of Virginia disturbed; you were rejoicing + that by charging Republicans with this thing you might get an advantage of + us in New York, and the other States. You pulled that string as tightly as + you could, but your very generous and worthy expectations were not quite + fulfilled. Each Republican knew that the charge was a slander as to + himself at least, and was not inclined by it to cast his vote in your + favor. It was mere bushwhacking, because you had nothing else to do. You + are still on that track, and I say, go on! If you think you can slander a + woman into loving you or a man into voting for you, try it till you are + satisfied! + </p> + <p> + Another specimen of this bushwhacking, that "shoe strike." Now be it + understood that I do not pretend to know all about the matter. I am merely + going to speculate a little about some of its phases. And at the outset, I + am glad to see that a system of labor prevails in New England under which + laborers can strike when they want to, where they are not obliged to work + under all circumstances, and are not tied down and obliged to labor + whether you pay them or not! I like the system which lets a man quit when + he wants to, and wish it might prevail everywhere. One of the reasons why + I am opposed to slavery is just here. What is the true condition of the + laborer? I take it that it is best for all to leave each man free to + acquire property as fast as he can. Some will get wealthy. I don't believe + in a law to prevent a man from getting rich; it would do more harm than + good. So, while we do not propose any war upon capital, we do wish to + allow the humblest man an equal chance to get rich with everybody else. + When one starts poor, as most do in the race of life, free society is such + that he knows he can better his condition; he knows that there is no fixed + condition of labor for his whole life. I am not ashamed to confess that + twenty-five years ago I was a hired laborer, mauling rails, at work on a + flatboat—just what might happen to any poor man's son! I want every + man to have a chance—and I believe a Black man is entitled to it—in + which he can better his condition; when he may look forward and hope to be + a hired laborer this year and the next, work for himself afterward, and + finally to hire men to work for him! That is the system. Up here in New + England, you have a soil that scarcely sprouts black-eyed beans, and yet + where will you find wealthy men so wealthy, and poverty so rarely in + extremity? There is not another such place on earth! I desire that if you + get too thick here, and find it hard to better your condition on this + soil, you may have a chance to strike and go somewhere else, where you may + not be degraded, nor have your families corrupted, by forced rivalry with + negro slaves. I want you to have a clean bed and no snakes in it! Then you + can better your condition, and so it may go on and on in one endless round + so long as man exists on the face of the earth! + </p> + <p> + Now, to come back to this shoe strike,—if, as the senator from + Illinois asserts, this is caused by withdrawal of Southern votes, consider + briefly how you will meet the difficulty. You have done nothing, and have + protested that you have done nothing, to injure the South. And yet, to get + back the shoe trade, you must leave off doing something which you are now + doing. What is it? You must stop thinking slavery wrong! Let your + institutions be wholly changed; let your State constitutions be subverted; + glorify slavery, and so you will get back the shoe trade—for what? + You have brought owned labor with it, to compete with your own labor, to + underwork you, and to degrade you! Are you ready to get back the trade on + those terms? + </p> + <p> + But the statement is not correct. You have not lost that trade; orders + were never better than now! Senator Mason, a Democrat, comes into the + Senate in homespun, a proof that the dissolution of the Union has actually + begun! but orders are the same. Your factories have not struck work, + neither those where they make anything for coats, nor for pants nor for + shirts, nor for ladies' dresses. Mr. Mason has not reached the + manufacturers who ought to have made him a coat and pants! To make his + proof good for anything he should have come into the Senate barefoot! + </p> + <p> + Another bushwhacking contrivance; simply that, nothing else! I find a good + many people who are very much concerned about the loss of Southern trade. + Now either these people are sincere or they are not. I will speculate a + little about that. If they are sincere, and are moved by any real danger + of the loss of Southern trade, they will simply get their names on the + white list, and then, instead of persuading Republicans to do likewise, + they will be glad to keep you away! Don't you see that they cut off + competition? They would not be whispering around to Republicans to come in + and share the profits with them. But if they are not sincere, and are + merely trying to fool Republicans out of their votes, they will grow very + anxious about your pecuniary prospects; they are afraid you are going to + get broken up and ruined; they do not care about Democratic votes, oh, no, + no, no! You must judge which class those belong to whom you meet: I leave + it to you to determine from the facts. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +Let us notice some more of the stale charges against Republicans. You say +we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the burden of proof +is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? Why, that our party +has no existence in your section—gets no votes in your section. The fact +is substantially true; but does it prove the issue? If it does, then in +case we should, without change of principle, begin to get votes in your +section, we should thereby cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this +conclusion; and yet, are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you will +probably soon find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get +votes in your section this very year. The fact that we get no votes in +your section is a fact of your making and not of ours. And if there be +fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains so until +you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or practice. If we + ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have started—to a +discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our principle, put +in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of ours, or for any +other object, then our principle, and we with it, are sectional, and are +justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, then, on the question of +whether our principle put in practice would wrong your section; and so +meet it as if it were possible that something may be said on our side. Do +you accept the challenge? No? Then you really believe that the principle +which our fathers who framed the Government under which we live thought so +clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse it again and again, upon their +official oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand our condemnation +without a moment's consideration. Some of you delight to flaunt in our +faces the warning against sectional parties given by Washington in his +Farewell Address. Less than eight years before Washington gave that +warning, he had, as President of the United States, approved and signed an +act of Congress enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern +Territory, which act embodied the policy of government upon that subject, +up to and at the very moment he penned that warning; and about one year +after he penned it he wrote La Fayette that he considered that prohibition +a wise measure, expressing in the same connection his hope that we should +sometime have a confederacy of free States. +</pre> + <p> + Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon + this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or + in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast + the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon + you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we + commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right + application of it. + </p> + <p> + But you say you are conservative—eminently conservative—while + we are revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort. What is + conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against the new + and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the + point in controversy which was adopted by our fathers who framed the + Government under which we live; while you with one accord reject and scout + and spit upon that old policy, and insist upon substituting something new. + </p> + <p> + True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be. + You have considerable variety of new propositions and plans, but you are + unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some + of you are for reviving the foreign slave-trade; some for a congressional + slave code for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the + Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining + slavery in the Territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reat + pur-rinciple" that if one man would enslave another, no third man should + object—fantastically called "popular sovereignty." But never a man + among you in favor of prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, + according to the practice of our fathers who framed the Government under + which we live. Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or + an advocate in the century within which our Government originated. And yet + you draw yourselves up and say, "We are eminently conservative." + </p> + <p> + It is exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great confederacy shall + be at peace, and in harmony one with another. Let us Republicans do our + part to have it so. Even though much provoked, let us do nothing through + passion and ill-temper. Even though the Southern people will not so much + as listen to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and yield to them + if, in our deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all + they say and do, and by the subject and nature of their controversy with + us, let us determine, if we can, what will satisfy them. + </p> + <p> + Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered + to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaints against + us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insurrections + are the rage now. Will it satisfy them, in the future, if we have nothing + to do with invasions and insurrections? We know it will not. We so know + because we know we never had anything to do with invasions and + insurrections; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the + charge and the denunciation. + </p> + <p> + The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: we must not only + let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do let them + alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so + trying to convince them, from the very beginning of our organization, but + with no success. In all our platforms and speeches, we have constantly + protested our purpose to let them alone; but this had no tendency to + convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they + have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them. + </p> + <p> + These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will + convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and join + them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly—done in + acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated—we must + place ourselves avowedly with them. Douglas's new sedition law must be + enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong, + whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits, or in private. We must + arrest and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must pull + down our free State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be + disinfected of all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will cease + to believe that all their troubles proceed from us. So long as we call + slavery wrong, whenever a slave runs away they will overlook the obvious + fact that he ran away because he was oppressed, and declare he was stolen + off. Whenever a master cuts his slaves with a lash, and they cry out under + it, he will overlook the obvious fact that the negroes cry out because + they are hurt, and insist that they were put up to it by some rascally + abolitionist. + </p> + <p> + I am quite aware that they do not state their case precisely in this way. + Most of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to us, + and say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone—have + never disturbed them—so that, after all, it is what we say which + dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we + cease saying. + </p> + <p> + I am also aware that they have not as yet in terms demanded the overthrow + of our free-State constitutions. Yet those constitutions declare the wrong + of slavery with more solemn emphasis than do all other sayings against it; + and when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, the overthrow + of these constitutions will be demanded. It is nothing to the contrary + that they do not demand the whole of this just now. Demanding what they + do, and for the reason they do, they can voluntarily stop nowhere short of + this consummation. Holding as they do that slavery is morally right, and + socially elevating, they cannot cease to demand a full national + recognition of it, as a legal right, and a social blessing. + </p> + <p> + Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction + that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and + constitutions against it are themselves wrong and should be silenced and + swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its nationality—its + universality: if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its extension—its + enlargement. All they ask, we could readily grant, if we thought slavery + right; all we ask, they could as readily grant, if they thought it wrong. + Their thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the precise fact on + which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right as they do, they + are not to blame for desiring its full recognition, as being right; but, + thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? Can we cast our votes + with their view, and against our own? In view of our moral, social, and + political responsibilities, can we do this? + </p> + <p> + Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it + is because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual + presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow + it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us here in + these free States? + </p> + <p> + If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty, + fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those + sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and + belabored—contrivances such as groping for some middle ground + between the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who would be + neither a living man nor a dead man—such as a policy of "don't care" + on a question about which all free men do care—such as Union appeals + beseeching true Union men to yield to Disunionists, reversing the divine + rule, and caning, not the sinners, but the righteous to repentance—such + as invocations of Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington did. + </p> + <p> + Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against us, + nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government, nor of + dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that right makes might; and in + that faith, let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it. + </p> + <p> + [As Mr. Lincoln concluded his address, there was witnessed the wildest + scene of enthusiasm and excitement that has been in New Haven for years. + The Palladium editorially says: "We give up most of our space to-day to a + very full report of the eloquent speech of the HON. Abraham Lincoln, of + Illinois, delivered last night at Union Hall."] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0053" id="link2H_4_0053"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RESPONSE TO AN ELECTOR'S REQUEST FOR MONEY + </h2> + <h3> + TO —————— March 16, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I cannot enter the ring + on the money basis—first, because in the main it is wrong; and + secondly, I have not and cannot get the money. + </p> + <p> + I say, in the main, the use of money is wrong; but for certain objects in + a political contest, the use of some is both right and indispensable. With + me, as with yourself, the long struggle has been one of great pecuniary + loss. + </p> + <p> + I now distinctly say this—if you shall be appointed a delegate to + Chicago, I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expenses of the + trip. + </p> + <p> + Your friend as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + [Extract from a letter to a Kansas delegate.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0054" id="link2H_4_0054"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. W. SOMERS. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, March 17, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Reaching home three days ago, I found your letter of + February 26th. Considering your difficulty of hearing, I think you had + better settle in Chicago, if, as you say, a good man already in fair + practice there will take you into partnership. If you had not that + difficulty, I still should think it an even balance whether you would not + better remain in Chicago, with such a chance for copartnership. + </p> + <p> + If I went west, I think I would go to Kansas, to Leavenworth or Atchison. + Both of them are and will continue to be fine growing places. + </p> + <p> + I believe I have said all I can, and I have said it with the deepest + interest for your welfare. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0055" id="link2H_4_0055"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ACCUSATION OF HAVING BEEN PAID FOR A POLITICAL SPEECH + </h2> + <h3> + TO C. F. McNEIL. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, April 6, 1860 + </p> + <p> + C. F. MCNEIL, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Reaching home yesterday, I found yours of the 23d March, + inclosing a slip from The Middleport Press. It is not true that I ever + charged anything for a political speech in my life; but this much is true: + Last October I was requested by letter to deliver some sort of speech in + Mr. Beecher's church, in Brooklyn—two hundred dollars being offered + in the first letter. I wrote that I could do it in February, provided they + would take a political speech if I could find time to get up no other. + They agreed; and subsequently I informed them the speech would have to be + a political one. When I reached New York, I for the first time learned + that the place was changed to "Cooper Institute." I made the speech, and + left for New Hampshire, where I have a son at school, neither asking for + pay nor having any offered me. Three days after a check for two hundred + dollars was sent to me at New Hampshire; and I took it, and did not know + it was wrong. My understanding now is—though I knew nothing of it at + the time—that they did charge for admittance to the Cooper + Institute, and that they took in more than twice two hundred dollars. + </p> + <p> + I have made this explanation to you as a friend; but I wish no explanation + made to our enemies. What they want is a squabble and a fuss, and that + they can have if we explain; and they cannot have it if we don't. + </p> + <p> + When I returned through New York from New England, I was told by the + gentlemen who sent me the Check that a drunken vagabond in the club, + having learned something about the two hundred dollars, made the + exhibition out of which The Herald manufactured the article quoted by The + Press of your town. + </p> + <p> + My judgment is, and therefore my request is, that you give no denial and + no explanation. + </p> + <p> + Thanking you for your kind interest in the matter, I remain, Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0056" id="link2H_4_0056"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO H. TAYLOR. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., April 21, 1860. + </h3> + <p> + HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 15th is just received. It surprises me that + you have written twice, without receiving an answer. I have answered all I + ever received from you; and certainly one since my return from the East. + </p> + <p> + Opinions here, as to the prospect of Douglas being nominated, are quite + conflicting—some very confident he will, and others that he will not + be. I think his nomination possible, but that the chances are against him. + </p> + <p> + I am glad there is a prospect of your party passing this way to Chicago. + Wishing to make your visit here as pleasant as we can, we wish you to + notify us as soon as possible whether you come this way, how many, and + when you will arrive. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0057" id="link2H_4_0057"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO A MEMBER OF THE ILLINOIS DELEGATION + </h2> + <h3> + AT THE CHICAGO CONVENTION. SPRINGFIELD, May 17? 1860. + </h3> + <p> + I authorize no bargains and will be bound by none. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0058" id="link2H_4_0058"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE COMMITTEE SENT BY THE CHICAGO CONVENTION TO INFORM + </h2> + <h3> + LINCOLN OF HIS NOMINATION, + </h3> + <p> + MAY 19, 1860. + </p> + <p> + Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:—I tender to you, and + through you to the Republican National Convention, and all the people + represented in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done me, which + you now formally announce. Deeply and even painfully sensible of the great + responsibility which is inseparable from this high honor—a + responsibility which I could almost wish had fallen upon some one of the + far more eminent men and experienced statesmen whose distinguished names + were before the convention—I shall, by your leave, consider more + fully the resolutions of the convention, denominated their platform, and + without any unnecessary or unreasonable delay respond to you, Mr. + Chairman, in writing—not doubting that the platform will be found + satisfactory, and the nomination gratefully accepted. + </p> + <p> + And now I will not longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each of + you, by the hand. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0059" id="link2H_4_0059"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ACCEPTANCE OF NOMINATION AS REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT + </h2> + <h3> + OF THE UNITED STATES + </h3> + <p> + TO GEORGE ASHMUN AND OTHERS. + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD ILLINOIS, May 23, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. GEORGE ASHMUN, President of Republican National Convention. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—I accept the nomination tendered me by the convention over + which you presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter of + yourself and others, acting as a committee of the convention for that + purpose. + </p> + <p> + The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your letter + meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or disregard it + in any part. + </p> + <p> + Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to the + views and feelings of all who were represented in the convention, to the + rights of all the States and Territories and people of the nation, to the + inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual union, harmony, and + prosperity of all—I am most happy to co-operate for the practical + success of the principles declared by the convention. + </p> + <p> + Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0060" id="link2H_4_0060"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + To C. B. SMITH. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., May 26, 1860. + </h3> + <p> + HON. C. B. SMITH. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:-Yours of the 21st was duly received, but have found no time + until now to say a word in the way of answer. I am indeed much indebted to + Indiana; and, as my home friends tell me, much to you personally. Your + saying, you no longer consider it a doubtful State is very gratifying. The + thing starts well everywhere—too well, I almost fear, to last. But + we are in, and stick or go through must be the word. + </p> + <p> + Let me hear from Indiana occasionally. + </p> + <p> + Your friend, as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0061" id="link2H_4_0061"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FORM OF REPLY PREPARED BY MR. LINCOLN, + </h2> + <p> + WITH WHICH HIS PRIVATE SECRETARY WAS INSTRUCTED TO ANSWER A NUMEROUS CLASS + OF LETTERS IN THE CAMPAIGN OF 1860. + </p> + <p> + (Doctrine.) + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, ———, 1860 + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Your letter to Mr. Lincoln of and by which you seek to + obtain his opinions on certain political points, has been received by him. + He has received others of a similar character, but he also has a greater + number of the exactly opposite character. The latter class beseech him to + write nothing whatever upon any point of political doctrine. They say his + positions were well known when he was nominated, and that he must not now + embarrass the canvass by undertaking to shift or modify them. He regrets + that he cannot oblige all, but you perceive it is impossible for him to do + so. + </p> + <p> + Yours, etc., + </p> + <p> + JNO. J. NICOLAY. <a name="link2H_4_0062" id="link2H_4_0062"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, MAY 26, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I have several letters from you written since the + nomination, but till now have found no moment to say a word by way of + answer. Of course I am glad that the nomination is well received by our + friends, and I sincerely thank you for so informing me. So far as I can + learn, the nominations start well everywhere; and, if they get no + back-set, it would seem as if they are going through. I hope you will + write often; and as you write more rapidly than I do, don't make your + letters so short as mine. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0063" id="link2H_4_0063"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO S. HAYCRAFT. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 4, 1860. + </h3> + <p> + HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Like yourself I belonged to the old Whig party from its + origin to its close. I never belonged to the American party organization, + nor ever to a party called a Union party; though I hope I neither am or + ever have been less devoted to the Union than yourself or any other + patriotic man. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0064" id="link2H_4_0064"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ABRAHAM OR "ABRAM" + </h2> + <h3> + TO G. ASHMUN. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL. June 4, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. GEORGE ASHMUN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—It seems as if the question whether my first name is + "Abraham" or "Abram" will never be settled. It is "Abraham," and if the + letter of acceptance is not yet in print, you may, if you think fit, have + my signature thereto printed "Abraham Lincoln." Exercise your judgment + about this. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0065" id="link2H_4_0065"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + UNAUTHORIZED BIOGRAPHY + </h2> + <h3> + TO S. GALLOWAY. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 19, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. SAM'L GALLOWAY. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your very kind letter of the 15th is received. Messrs. + Follett, Foster, & Co.'s Life of me is not by my authority; and I have + scarcely been so much astounded by anything, as by their public + announcement that it is authorized by me. They have fallen into some + strange misunderstanding. I certainly knew they contemplated publishing a + biography, and I certainly did not object to their doing so, upon their + own responsibility. I even took pains to facilitate them. But, at the same + time, I made myself tiresome, if not hoarse, with repeating to Mr. Howard, + their only agent seen by me, my protest that I authorized nothing—would + be responsible for nothing. How they could so misunderstand me, passes + comprehension. As a matter wholly my own, I would authorize no biography, + without time and opportunity [sic] to carefully examine and consider every + word of it and, in this case, in the nature of things, I can have no such + time and Opportunity [sic]. But, in my present position, when, by the + lessons of the past, and the united voice of all discreet friends, I can + neither write nor speak a word for the public, how dare I to send forth, + by my authority, a volume of hundreds of pages, for adversaries to make + points upon without end? Were I to do so, the convention would have a + right to re-assemble and substitute another name for mine. + </p> + <p> + For these reasons, I would not look at the proof sheets—I am + determined to maintain the position of [sic] truly saying I never saw the + proof sheets, or any part of their work, before its publication. + </p> + <p> + Now, do not mistake me—I feel great kindness for Messrs. F., F., + & Co.—do not think they have intentionally done wrong. There may + be nothing wrong in their proposed book—I sincerely hope there will + not. I barely suggest that you, or any of the friends there, on the party + account, look it over, and exclude what you may think would embarrass the + party bearing in mind, at all times, that I authorize nothing—will + be responsible for nothing. + </p> + <p> + Your friend, as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + [The custom then, and it may have been a good one, was for the + Presidential candidate to do no personal canvassing or speaking—or + as we have it now "running for election." He stayed at home and kept his + mouth shut. Ed.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0066" id="link2H_4_0066"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, July 18, 1860. + </h3> + <p> + HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. MY DEAR SIR:—It appears to me that you and I + ought to be acquainted, and accordingly I write this as a sort of + introduction of myself to you. You first entered the Senate during the + single term I was a member of the House of Representatives, but I have no + recollection that we were introduced. I shall be pleased to receive a line + from you. + </p> + <p> + The prospect of Republican success now appears very flattering, so far as + I can perceive. Do you see anything to the contrary? + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0067" id="link2H_4_0067"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO A. JONAS. + </h2> + <h3> + (Confidential.) SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, JULY 21, 1860. + </h3> + <p> + HON. A. JONAS. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 20th is received. I suppose as good or + even better men than I may have been in American or Know-Nothing lodges; + but in point of fact, I never was in one at Quincy or elsewhere. I was + never in Quincy but one day and two nights while Know-Nothing lodges were + in existence, and you were with me that day and both those nights. I had + never been there before in my life, and never afterward, till the joint + debate with Douglas in 1858. It was in 1854 when I spoke in some hall + there, and after the speaking, you, with others, took me to an + oyster-saloon, passed an hour there, and you walked with me to, and parted + with me at, the Quincy House, quite late at night. I left by stage for + Naples before daylight in the morning, having come in by the same route + after dark the evening, previous to the speaking, when I found you waiting + at the Quincy House to meet me. A few days after I was there, Richardson, + as I understood, started this same story about my having been in a + Know-Nothing lodge. When I heard of the charge, as I did soon after; I + taxed my recollection for some incident which could have suggested it; and + I remembered that on parting with you the last night I went to the office + of the hotel to take my stage-passage for the morning, was told that no + stage-office for that line was kept there, and that I must see the driver + before retiring, to insure his calling for me in the morning; and a + servant was sent with me to find the driver, who, after taking me a square + or two, stopped me, and stepped perhaps a dozen steps farther, and in my + hearing called to some one, who answered him, apparently from the upper + part of a building, and promised to call with the stage for me at the + Quincy House. I returned, and went to bed, and before day the stage called + and took me. This is all. + </p> + <p> + That I never was in a Know-Nothing lodge in Quincy, I should expect could + be easily proved by respectable men who were always in the lodges and + never saw me there. An affidavit of one or two such would put the matter + at rest. + </p> + <p> + And now a word of caution. Our adversaries think they can gain a point if + they could force me to openly deny the charge, by which some degree of + offence would be given to the Americans. For this reason it must not + publicly appear that I am paying any attention to the charge. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0068" id="link2H_4_0068"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JOHN B. FRY. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, August 15, 1860. + </h3> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 9th, inclosing the letter of HON. John + Minor Botts, was duly received. The latter is herewith returned according + to your request. It contains one of the many assurances I receive from the + South, that in no probable event will there be any very formidable effort + to break up the Union. The people of the South have too much of good sense + and good temper to attempt the ruin of the government rather than see it + administered as it was administered by the men who made it. At least so I + hope and believe. I thank you both for your own letter and a sight of that + of Mr. Botts. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0069" id="link2H_4_0069"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THURLOW WEED + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL. August 17 1860. + </h3> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 13th was received this morning. Douglas is + managing the Bell element with great adroitness. He had his men in + Kentucky to vote for the Bell candidate, producing a result which has + badly alarmed and damaged Breckenridge, and at the same time has induced + the Bell men to suppose that Bell will certainly be President, if they can + keep a few of the Northern States away from us by throwing them to + Douglas. But you, better than I, understand all this. + </p> + <p> + I think there will be the most extraordinary effort ever made to carry New + York for Douglas. You and all others who write me from your State think + the effort cannot succeed, and I hope you are right. Still, it will + require close watching and great efforts on the other side. + </p> + <p> + Herewith I send you a copy of a letter written at New York, which + sufficiently explains itself, and which may or may not give you a valuable + hint. You have seen that Bell tickets have been put on the track both here + and in Indiana. In both cases the object has been, I think, the same as + the Hunt movement in New York—to throw States to Douglas. In our + State, we know the thing is engineered by Douglas men, and we do not + believe they can make a great deal out of it. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0070" id="link2H_4_0070"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SLOW TO LISTEN TO CRIMINATIONS + </h2> + <h3> + TO HON. JOHN —————— + </h3> + <p> + (Private.) + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Aug. 31, 1860 + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 27th is duly received. It consists almost + exclusively of a historical detail of some local troubles, among some of + our friends in Pennsylvania; and I suppose its object is to guard me + against forming a prejudice against Mr. McC———____, I + have not heard near so much upon that subject as you probably suppose; and + I am slow to listen to criminations among friends, and never expose their + quarrels on either side. My sincere wish is that both sides will allow + bygones to be bygones, and look to the present and future only. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0071" id="link2H_4_0071"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 4, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I am annoyed some by a letter from a friend in Chicago, + in which the following passage occurs: "Hamlin has written Colfax that two + members of Congress will, he fears, be lost in Maine, the first and sixth + districts; and that Washburne's majority for governor will not exceed six + thousand." + </p> + <p> + I had heard something like this six weeks ago, but had been assured since + that it was not so. Your secretary of state,—Mr. Smith, I think,—whom + you introduced to me by letter, gave this assurance; more recently, Mr. + Fessenden, our candidate for Congress in one of those districts, wrote a + relative here that his election was sure by at least five thousand, and + that Washburne's majority would be from 14,000 to 17,000; and still later, + Mr. Fogg, of New Hampshire, now at New York serving on a national + committee, wrote me that we were having a desperate fight in Maine, which + would end in a splendid victory for us. + </p> + <p> + Such a result as you seem to have predicted in Maine, in your letter to + Colfax, would, I fear, put us on the down-hill track, lose us the State + elections in Pennsylvania and Indiana, and probably ruin us on the main + turn in November. + </p> + <p> + You must not allow it. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0072" id="link2H_4_0072"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 9, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR: Yours of the 5th was received last evening. I was right glad + to see it. It contains the freshest "posting" which I now have. It + relieved me some from a little anxiety I had about Maine. Jo Medill, on + August 30th, wrote me that Colfax had a letter from Mr. Hamlin saying we + were in great danger of losing two members of Congress in Maine, and that + your brother would not have exceeding six thousand majority for Governor. + I addressed you at once, at Galena, asking for your latest information. As + you are at Washington, that letter you will receive some time after the + Maine election. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0073" id="link2H_4_0073"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO W. H. HERNDON. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., OCTOBER 10, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAM:—I cannot give you details, but it is entirely certain + that Pennsylvania and Indiana have gone Republican very largely. + Pennsylvania 25,000, and Indiana 5000 to 10,000. Ohio of course is safe. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0074" id="link2H_4_0074"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO L. M. BOND. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 15, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + L. MONTGOMERY BOND, Esq. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR: I certainly am in no temper and have no purpose to embitter + the feelings of the South, but whether I am inclined to such a course as + would in fact embitter their feelings you can better judge by my published + speeches than by anything I would say in a short letter if I were inclined + now, as I am not, to define my position anew. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0075" id="link2H_4_0075"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER SUGGESTING A BEARD + </h2> + <h3> + TO MISS GRACE BEDELL, RIPLEY N.Y. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 19, 1860 + </p> + <p> + MISS GRACE BEDELL. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR LITTLE MISS:—Your very agreeable letter of the 15th is + received. I regret the necessity of saying I have no daughter. I have + three sons—one seventeen, one nine, and one seven. They with their + mother constitute my whole family. As to the whiskers, as I have never + worn any, do you not think that people would call it a piece of silly + affectation were I to begin wearing them now? + </p> + <p> + I am your true friend and sincere well-wisher, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0076" id="link2H_4_0076"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + EARLY INFORMATION ON ARMY DEFECTION IN SOUTH + </h2> + <h3> + TO D. HUNTER. + </h3> + <p> + (Private and Confidential.) SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, October 26, 1860 + </p> + <p> + MAJOR DAVID HUNTER + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your very kind letter of the 20th was duly received, + for which please accept my thanks. I have another letter, from a writer + unknown to me, saying the officers of the army at Fort Kearny have + determined in case of Republican success at the approaching Presidential + election, to take themselves, and the arms at that point, south, for the + purpose of resistance to the government. While I think there are many + chances to one that this is a humbug, it occurs to me that any real + movement of this sort in the Army would leak out and become known to you. + In such case, if it would not be unprofessional or dishonorable (of which + you are to be judge), I shall be much obliged if you will apprise me of + it. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0077" id="link2H_4_0077"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + </h2> + <h3> + (Confidential.) SPRINGFIELD. ILLINOIS, November 8, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I am anxious for a personal interview with you at as + early a day as possible. Can you, without much inconvenience, meet me at + Chicago? If you can, please name as early a day as you conveniently can, + and telegraph me, unless there be sufficient time before the day named to + communicate by mail. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0078" id="link2H_4_0078"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + </h2> + <h3> + (Private and Confidential.) + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Nov.13, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 9th is just received. I can only answer + briefly. Rest fully assured that the good people of the South who will put + themselves in the same temper and mood towards me which you do will find + no cause to complain of me. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. CELEBRATION OF LINCOLN'S ELECTION, REMARKS AT THE MEETING AT + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS NOVEMBER 20, 1860 + </p> + <p> + FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:—Please excuse me on this occasion from + making a speech. I thank you in common with all those who have thought fit + by their votes to indorse the Republican cause. I rejoice with you in the + success which has thus far attended that cause. Yet in all our rejoicings + let us neither express nor cherish any hard feelings toward any citizen + who by his vote has differed with us. Let us at all times remember that + all American citizens are brothers of a common country, and should dwell + together in the bonds of fraternal feeling. Let me again beg you to accept + my thanks, and to excuse me from further speaking at this time. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0079" id="link2H_4_0079"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL. NOV. 30, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + HON. A. H. STEPHENS. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I have read in the newspapers your speech recently + delivered (I think) before the Georgia Legislature, or its assembled + members. If you have revised it, as is probable, I shall be much obliged + if you will send me a copy. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0080" id="link2H_4_0080"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + </h2> + <h3> + (Private) + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 8, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 4th was duly received. The inclosed to + Governor Seward covers two notes to him, copies of which you find open for + your inspection. Consult with Judge Trumbull; and if you and he see no + reason to the contrary, deliver the letter to Governor Seward at once. If + you see reason to the contrary write me at once. + </p> + <p> + I have an intimation that Governor Banks would yet accept a place in the + Cabinet. Please ascertain and write me how this is, + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0081" id="link2H_4_0081"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + BLOCKING "COMPROMISE" ON SLAVERY ISSUE + </h2> + <h3> + TO E. B. WASHBURNE + </h3> + <p> + (Private and Confidential.) + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., December 13, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your long letter received. Prevent, as far as possible, + any of our friends from demoralizing themselves and our cause by + entertaining propositions for compromise of any sort on "slavery + extension." There is no possible compromise upon it but which puts us + under again, and leaves all our work to do over again. Whether it be a + Missouri line or Eli Thayer's popular sovereignty, it is all the same. Let + either be done, and immediately filibustering and extending slavery + recommences. On that point hold firm, as with a chain of steel. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0082" id="link2H_4_0082"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + OPINION ON SECESSION + </h2> + <h3> + TO THURLOW WEED + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 17, 1860 + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 11th was received two days ago. Should the + convocation of governors of which you speak seem desirous to know my views + on the present aspect of things, tell them you judge from my speeches that + I will be inflexible on the territorial question; but I probably think + either the Missouri line extended, or Douglas's and Eli Thayer's popular + sovereignty would lose us everything we gain by the election; that + filibustering for all south of us and making slave States of it would + follow in spite of us, in either case; also that I probably think all + opposition, real and apparent, to the fugitive slave clause of the + Constitution ought to be withdrawn. + </p> + <p> + I believe you can pretend to find but little, if anything, in my speeches, + about secession. But my opinion is that no State can in any way lawfully + get out of the Union without the consent of the others; and that it is the + duty of the President and other government functionaries to run the + machine as it is. + </p> + <p> + Truly yours, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0083" id="link2H_4_0083"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SOME FORTS SURRENDERED TO THE SOUTH + </h2> + <h3> + TO E. B. WASHBURNE + </h3> + <p> + (Confidential) + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 21, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Last night I received your letter giving an account of + your interview with General Scott, and for which I thank you. Please + present my respects to the General, and tell him, confidentially, I shall + be obliged to him to be as well prepared as he can to either hold or + retake the forts, as the case may require, at and after the inauguration. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0084" id="link2H_4_0084"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO A. H. STEPHENS. + </h2> + <h3> + (For your own eye only) SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 22, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + HON. ALEXANDER STEVENS + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your obliging answer to my short note is just received, + and for which please accept my thanks. I fully appreciate the present + peril the country is in, and the weight of responsibility on me. Do the + people of the South really entertain fear that a Republican administration + would, directly or indirectly, interfere with the slaves, or with them + about the slaves? If they do, I wish to assure you, as once a friend, and + still, I hope, not an enemy, that there is no cause for such fears. The + South would be in no more danger in this respect than it was in the days + of Washington. I suppose, however, this does not meet the case. You think + slavery is right and ought to be extended, while we think it is wrong and + ought to be restricted. That, I suppose, is the rub. It certainly is the + only substantial difference between us. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0085" id="link2H_4_0085"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SUPPORT OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE CLAUSE + </h2> + <h3> + MEMORANDUM + </h3> + <p> + December [22?], 1860 + </p> + <p> + Resolved: That the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution ought to be + enforced by a law of Congress, with efficient provisions for that object, + not obliging private persons to assist in its execution, but punishing all + who resist it, and with the usual safeguards to liberty, securing free men + against being surrendered as slaves. + </p> + <p> + That all State laws, if there be such, really or apparently in conflict + with such law of Congress, ought to be repealed; and no opposition to the + execution of such law of Congress ought to be made. + </p> + <p> + That the Federal Union must be preserved. + </p> + <p> + Prepared for the consideration of the Republican members of the Senate + Committee of Thirteen. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0086" id="link2H_4_0086"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO D. HUNTER. + </h2> + <h3> + (Confidential.) + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS December 22, 1860 + </p> + <p> + MAJOR DAVID HUNTER. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I am much obliged by the receipt of yours of the 18th. + The most we can do now is to watch events, and be as well prepared as + possible for any turn things may take. If the forts fall, my judgment is + that they are to be retaken. When I shall determine definitely my time of + starting to Washington, I will notify you. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0087" id="link2H_4_0087"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO I. N. MORRIS + </h2> + <h3> + (Confidential.) + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Dec 24, 1860 + </p> + <p> + HON. I. N. MORRIS. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Without supposing that you and I are any nearer + together, politically, than heretofore, allow me to tender you my sincere + thanks for your Union resolution, expressive of views upon which we never + were, and, I trust, never will be at variance. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0088" id="link2H_4_0088"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ATTEMPT TO FORM A COALITION CABINET + </h2> + <h3> + TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 14, 1860. + </p> + <p> + HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I need a man of Democratic antecedents from New + England. I cannot get a fair share of that element in without. This stands + in the way of Mr. Adams. I think of Governor Banks, Mr. Welles, and Mr. + Tuck. Which of them do the New England delegation prefer? Or shall I + decide for myself? + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0089" id="link2H_4_0089"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1861 + </h2> + <p> + TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + </p> + <p> + (Private.) + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD. ILL., January 3, 1861. + </p> + <p> + HON. W. H. SEWARD. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours without signature was received last night. I have + been considering your suggestions as to my reaching Washington somewhat + earlier than is usual. It seems to me the inauguration is not the most + dangerous point for us. Our adversaries have us now clearly at + disadvantage on the second Wednesday of February, when the votes should be + officially counted. If the two houses refuse to meet at all, or meet + without a quorum of each, where shall we be? I do not think that this + counting is constitutionally essential to the election, but how are we to + proceed in the absence of it? In view of this, I think it is best for me + not to attempt appearing in Washington till the result of that ceremony is + known. + </p> + <p> + It certainly would be of some advantage if you could know who are to be at + the heads of the War and Navy departments, but until I can ascertain + definitely whether I can get any suitable men from the South, and who, and + how many, I can not well decide. As yet, I have no word from Mr. Gilmer in + answer to my request for an interview with him. I look for something on + the subject, through you, before long. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0090" id="link2H_4_0090"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO W. H. SEWARD. + </h2> + <h3> + (Private.) + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., January 12, 1861 + </p> + <p> + HON. W. H. SEWARD. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 8th received. I still hope Mr. Gilmer + will, on a fair understanding with us, consent to take a place in the + Cabinet. The preference for him over Mr. Hunt or Mr. Gentry is that, up to + date—he has a living position in the South, while they have not. He + is only better than Winter Davis in that he is farther south. I fear, if + we could get, we could not safely take more than one such man—that + is, not more than one who opposed us in the election—the danger + being to lose the confidence of our own friends. Your selection for the + State Department having become public, I am happy to find scarcely any + objection to it. I shall have trouble with every other Northern Cabinet + appointment—so much so that I shall have to defer them as long as + possible to avoid being teased into insanity, to make changes. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0091" id="link2H_4_0091"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO E. D. MORGAN + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL. FEB. 4, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + SIR:—Your letter of the 30th ult. inviting me, on behalf of the + Legislature of New York, to pass through that State on my way to + Washington, and tendering me the hospitalities of her authorities and + people, has been duly received. With the feelings of deep gratitude to you + and them for this testimonial of regard and esteem I beg you to notify + them that I accept the invitation so kindly tendered. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN + </p> + <p> + P.S.—Please let the ceremonies be only such as to take the least + time possible. A. L. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0092" id="link2H_4_0092"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PATRONAGE CLAIMS + </h2> + <h3> + TO THURLOW WEED + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., February 4, 1861 + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—I have both your letter to myself and that to Judge Davis, + in relation to a certain gentleman in your State claiming to dispense + patronage in my name, and also to be authorized to use my name to advance + the chances of Mr. Greeley for an election to the United States Senate. + </p> + <p> + It is very strange that such things should be said by any one. The + gentleman you mention did speak to me of Mr. Greeley in connection with + the senatorial election, and I replied in terms of kindness toward Mr. + Greeley, which I really feel, but always with an expressed protest that my + name must not be used in the senatorial election in favor of or against + any one. Any other representation of me is a misrepresentation. + </p> + <p> + As to the matter of dispensing patronage, it perhaps will surprise you to + learn that I have information that you claim to have my authority to + arrange that matter in New York. I do not believe you have so claimed; but + still so some men say. On that subject you know all I have said to you is + "justice to all," and I have said nothing more particular to any one. I + say this to reassure you that I have not changed my position. + </p> + <p> + In the hope, however, that you will not use my name in the matter, I am, + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0093" id="link2H_4_0093"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FAREWELL ADDRESS AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MY FRIENDS:—One who has never been placed in a like position cannot + understand my feelings at this hour, nor the oppressive sadness I feel at + this parting. For more than twenty-five years I have lived among you, and + during all that time I have received nothing but kindness at your hands. + Here the most cherished ties of earth were assumed. Here my children were + born, and here one of them lies buried. To you, my friends, I owe all that + I have, all that I am. All the strange checkered past seems to crowd upon + my mind. To-day I leave you. I go to assume a task more difficult than + that which devolved upon General Washington. Unless the great God who + assisted him shall be with and aid me I cannot prevail; but if the same + almighty arm that directed and protected him shall guide and support me I + shall not fail; I shall succeed. Let us pray that the God of our fathers + may not forsake us now. To Him I commend you all. Permit me to ask that + with equal sincerity and faith you will all invoke His wisdom and goodness + for me. + </p> + <p> + With these words I must leave you; for how long I know not. Friends, one + and all, I must now wish you an affectionate farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0094" id="link2H_4_0094"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REMARKS AT TOLONO, ILLINOIS, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + </h2> + <p> + I am leaving you on an errand of national importance, attended, as you are + aware, with considerable difficulties. Let us believe, as some poet has + expressed it, "Behind the cloud the sun is still shining." I bid you an + affectionate farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0095" id="link2H_4_0095"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO ADDRESS OF WELCOME, INDIANAPOLIS, + </h2> + <h3> + INDIANA, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + GOVERNOR MORTON AND FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA: + </p> + <p> + Most heartily do I thank you for this magnificent reception, and while I + cannot take to myself any share of the compliment thus paid, more than + that which pertains to a mere instrument, an accidental instrument, + perhaps I should say, of a great cause, I yet must look upon it as a most + magnificent reception, and as such most heartily do thank you for it. You + have been pleased to address yourself to me chiefly in behalf of this + glorious Union in which we live, in all of which you have my hearty + sympathy, and, as far as may be within my power, will have, one and + inseparable, my hearty consideration. While I do not expect, upon this + occasion, or until I get to Washington, to attempt any lengthy speech, I + will only say to the salvation of the Union there needs but one single + thing—the hearts of a people like yours. + </p> + <p> + The people—when they rise in mass in behalf of the Union and the + liberties of their country, truly may it be said, "The gates of hell + cannot prevail against them." In all trying positions in which I shall be + placed—and, doubtless, I shall be placed in many such—my + reliance will be placed upon you and the people of the United States; and + I wish you to remember, now and forever, that it is your business, and not + mine; that if the union of these States and the liberties of this people + shall be lost, it is but little to any one man of fifty-two years of age, + but a great deal to the thirty millions of people who inhabit these United + States, and to their posterity in all coming time. It is your business to + rise up and preserve the Union and liberty for yourselves, and not for me. + </p> + <p> + I desire they should be constitutionally performed. I, as already + intimated, am but an accidental instrument, temporary, and to serve but + for a limited time; and I appeal to you again to constantly bear in mind + that with you, and not with politicians, not with Presidents, not with + office-seekers, but with you is the question, Shall the Union and shall + the liberties of this country be preserved to the latest generations? + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0096" id="link2H_4_0096"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF INDIANA, AT INDIANAPOLIS, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA:—I am here to thank you much + for this magnificent welcome, and still more for the generous support + given by your State to that political cause which I think is the true and + just cause of the whole country and the whole world. + </p> + <p> + Solomon says there is "a time to keep silence," and when men wrangle by + the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using the + same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence. + </p> + <p> + The words "coercion" and "invasion" are much used in these days, and often + with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, the meaning + of those who use them. Let us get the exact definitions of these words, + not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, who certainly + deprecate the things they would represent by the use of the words. + </p> + <p> + What, then, is coercion? What is invasion? Would the marching of an army + into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and with hostile + intent toward them, be invasion? I certainly think it would, and it would + be coercion also, if the South Carolinians were forced to submit. But if + the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other + property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold + the mails from places where they were habitually violated, would any or + all of these things be invasion or coercion? Do our professed lovers of + the Union, who spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion and + invasion, understand that such things as these, on the part of the United + States, would be coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of + means to preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be + exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the homoeopathist + would be much too large for it to swallow. In their view, the Union, as a + family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, but rather a sort + of "free-love" arrangement, to be maintained on passional attraction. + </p> + <p> + By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I speak + not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the Constitution, + for that is a bond we all recognize. That position, however, a State + cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that assumed primary + right of a State to rule all which is less than itself, and to ruin all + which is larger than itself. If a State and a county, in a given case, + should be equal in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of + principle, is the State better than the county? Would an exchange of name + be an exchange of rights? Upon what principle, upon what rightful + principle, may a State, being no more than one fiftieth part of the nation + in soil and population, break up the nation, and then coerce a + proportionably large subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? What + mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country, + with its people, by merely calling it a State? Fellow-citizens, I am not + asserting anything. I am merely asking questions for you to consider. And + now allow me to bid you farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0097" id="link2H_4_0097"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + INTENTIONS TOWARD THE SOUTH + </h2> + <h3> + ADDRESS TO THE MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF + </h3> + <p> + CINCINNATI, OHIO, FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + </p> + <p> + Mr. MAYOR, AND GENTLEMEN:—Twenty-four hours ago, at the capital of + Indiana, I said to myself, "I have never seen so many people assembled + together in winter weather." I am no longer able to say that. But it is + what might reasonably have been expected—that this great city of + Cincinnati would thus acquit herself on such an occasion. My friends, I am + entirely overwhelmed by the magnificence of the reception which has been + given, I will not say to me, but to the President-elect of the United + States of America. Most heartily do I thank you, one and all, for it. + </p> + <p> + I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati. That was a year previous + to the late Presidential election. On that occasion, in a playful manner, + but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I said to the + Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we, as Republicans, would ultimately + beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone that result longer by + nominating Senator Douglas for the Presidency than they could by any other + way. They did not, in any true sense of the word, nominate Mr. Douglas, + and the result has come certainly as soon as ever I expected. I also told + them how I expected they would be treated after they should have been + beaten, and I now wish to call their attention to what I then said upon + that subject. I then said: + </p> + <p> + "When we do as we say, beat you, you perhaps want to know what we will do + with you. I will tell you, as far as I am authorized to speak for the + Opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as + we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We + mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your + institutions; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution, + and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you so + far as degenerate men, if we have degenerated, may, according to the + example of those noble fathers, Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. + </p> + <p> + "We mean to remember that you are as good as we; that there is no + difference between us other than the difference of circumstances. We mean + to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your + bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you + accordingly." + </p> + <p> + Fellow-citizens of Kentucky—friends and brethren, may I call you in + my new position?—I see no occasion and feel no inclination to + retract a word of this. If it shall not be made good, be assured the fault + shall not be mine. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0098" id="link2H_4_0098"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN CLUB OF CINCINNATI, OHIO, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. CHAIRMAN:—I thank you and those whom you represent for the + compliment you have paid me by tendering me this address. In so far as + there is an allusion to our present national difficulties, which + expresses, as you have said, the views of the gentlemen present, I shall + have to beg pardon for not entering fully upon the questions which the + address you have now read suggests. + </p> + <p> + I deem it my duty—a duty which I owe to my constituents—to + you, gentlemen, that I should wait until the last moment for a development + of the present national difficulties before I express myself decidedly as + to what course I shall pursue. I hope, then, not to be false to anything + that you have expected of me. + </p> + <p> + I agree with you, Mr. Chairman, that the working men are the basis of all + governments, for the plain reason that they are all the more numerous, and + as you added that those were the sentiments of the gentlemen present, + representing not only the working class, but citizens of other callings + than those of the mechanic, I am happy to concur with you in these + sentiments, not only of the native-born citizens, but also of the Germans + and foreigners from other countries. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Chairman, I hold that while man exists it is his duty to improve not + only his own condition, but to assist in ameliorating the condition of + mankind; and therefore, without entering upon the details of the question, + I will simply say that I am for those means which will give the greatest + good to the greatest number. + </p> + <p> + In regard to the Homestead law, I have to say that, in so far as the + government lands can be disposed of, I am in favor of cutting up the wild + lands into parcels, so that every poor man may have a home. + </p> + <p> + In regard to the Germans and foreigners, I esteem them no better than + other people, nor any worse. It is not my nature, when I see a people + borne down by the weight of their shackles—the oppression of tyranny—to + make their life more bitter by heaping upon them greater burdens; but + rather would I do all in my power to raise the yoke than to add anything + that would tend to crush them. + </p> + <p> + Inasmuch as our own country is extensive and new, and the countries of + Europe are densely populated, if there are any abroad who desire to make + this the land of their adoption, it is not in my heart to throw aught in + their way to prevent them from coming to the United States. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I will bid you an affectionate farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0099" id="link2H_4_0099"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF OHIO AT COLUMBUS + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 13, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. PRESIDENT AND Mr. SPEAKER, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF + OHIO:—It is true, as has been said by the president of the Senate, + that very great responsibility rests upon me in the position to which the + votes of the American people have called me. I am deeply sensible of that + weighty responsibility. I cannot but know what you all know, that without + a name, perhaps without a reason why I should have a name, there has + fallen upon me a task such as did not rest even upon the Father of his + Country; and so feeling, I can turn and look for that support without + which it will be impossible for me to perform that great task. I turn, + then, and look to the American people and to that God who has never + forsaken them. Allusion has been made to the interest felt in relation to + the policy of the new administration. In this I have received from some a + degree of credit for having kept silence, and from others some + deprecation. I still think that I was right. + </p> + <p> + In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, and without + a precedent which could enable me to judge by the past, it has seemed + fitting that before speaking upon the difficulties of the country I should + have gained a view of the whole field, being at liberty to modify and + change the course of policy as future events may make a change necessary. + </p> + <p> + I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a good + thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing going + wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we look out there is + nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon + political questions, but nobody is suffering anything. This is a most + consoling circumstance, and from it we may conclude that all we want is + time, patience, and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken this + people. + </p> + <p> + Fellow-citizens, what I have said I have said altogether extemporaneously, + and I will now come to a close. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0100" id="link2H_4_0100"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT STEUBENVILLE, OHIO, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 14, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + I fear that the great confidence placed in my ability is unfounded. + Indeed, I am sure it is. Encompassed by vast difficulties as I am, nothing + shall be wanting on my part, if sustained by God and the American people. + I believe the devotion to the Constitution is equally great on both sides + of the river. It is only the different understanding of that instrument + that causes difficulty. The only dispute on both sides is, "What are their + rights?" If the majority should not rule, who would be the judge? Where is + such a judge to be found? We should all be bound by the majority of the + American people; if not, then the minority must control. Would that be + right? Would it be just or generous? Assuredly not. I reiterate that the + majority should rule. If I adopt a wrong policy, the opportunity for + condemnation will occur in four years' time. Then I can be turned out, and + a better man with better views put in my place. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0101" id="link2H_4_0101"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + I most cordially thank his Honor Mayor Wilson, and the citizens of + Pittsburg generally, for their flattering reception. I am the more + grateful because I know that it is not given to me alone, but to the cause + I represent, which clearly proves to me their good-will, and that sincere + feeling is at the bottom of it. And here I may remark that in every short + address I have made to the people, in every crowd through which I have + passed of late, some allusion has been made to the present distracted + condition of the country. It is natural to expect that I should say + something on this subject; but to touch upon it at all would involve an + elaborate discussion of a great many questions and circumstances, + requiring more time than I can at present command, and would, perhaps, + unnecessarily commit me upon matters which have not yet fully developed + themselves. The condition of the country is an extraordinary one, and + fills the mind of every patriot with anxiety. It is my intention to give + this subject all the consideration I possibly can before specially + deciding in regard to it, so that when I do speak it may be as nearly + right as possible. When I do speak I hope I may say nothing in opposition + to the spirit of the Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, + or which will prove inimical to the liberties of the people, or to the + peace of the whole country. And furthermore, when the time arrives for me + to speak on this great subject, I hope I may say nothing to disappoint the + people generally throughout the country, especially if the expectation has + been based upon anything which I may have heretofore said. Notwithstanding + the troubles across the river [the speaker pointing southwardly across the + Monongahela, and smiling], there is no crisis but an artificial one. What + is there now to warrant the condition of affairs presented by our friends + over the river? Take even their own view of the questions involved, and + there is nothing to justify the course they are pursuing. I repeat, then, + there is no crisis, excepting such a one as may be gotten up at any time + by turbulent men aided by designing politicians, My advice to them, under + such circumstances, is to keep cool. If the great American people only + keep their temper on both sides of the line, the troubles will come to an + end, and the question which now distracts the country will be settled, + just as surely as all other difficulties of a like character which have + originated in this government have been adjusted. Let the people on both + sides keep their self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared + away in due time, so will this great nation continue to prosper as + heretofore. But, fellow-citizens, I have spoken longer on this subject + than I intended at the outset. + </p> + <p> + It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of Pennsylvania. + Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adopted, the tariff question + must be as durable as the government itself. It is a question of national + housekeeping. It is to the government what replenishing the meal-tub is to + the family. Every varying circumstances will require frequent + modifications as to the amount needed and the sources of supply. So far + there is little difference of opinion among the people. It is as to + whether, and how far, duties on imports shall be adjusted to favor home + production in the home market, that controversy begins. One party insists + that such adjustment oppresses one class for the advantage of another; + while the other party argues that, with all its incidents, in the long run + all classes are benefited. In the Chicago platform there is a plank upon + this subject which should be a general law to the incoming administration. + We should do neither more nor less than we gave the people reason to + believe we would when they gave us their votes. Permit me, + fellow-citizens, to read the tariff plank of the Chicago platform, or + rather have it read in your hearing by one who has younger eyes. + </p> + <p> + [Mr. Lincoln's private secretary then read Section 12 of the Chicago + platform, as follows:] + </p> + <p> + "That, while providing revenue for the support of the General Government + by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these + imposts as will encourage the development of the industrial interest of + the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which + secures to working-men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, + to mechanics and manufacturers adequate return for their skill, labor, and + enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence." + </p> + <p> + As with all general propositions, doubtless, there will be shades of + difference in construing this. I have by no means a thoroughly matured + judgment upon this subject, especially as to details; some general ideas + are about all. I have long thought it would be to our advantage to produce + any necessary article at home which can be made of as good quality and + with as little labor at home as abroad, at least by the difference of the + carrying from abroad. In such case the carrying is demonstrably a dead + loss of labor. For instance, labor being the true standard of value, is it + not plain that if equal labor get a bar of railroad iron out of a mine in + England and another out of a mine in Pennsylvania, each can be laid down + in a track at home cheaper than they could exchange countries, at least by + the carriage? If there be a present cause why one can be both made and + carried cheaper in money price than the other can be made without + carrying, that cause is an unnatural and injurious one, and ought + gradually, if not rapidly, to be removed. The condition of the treasury at + this time would seem to render an early revision of the tariff + indispensable. The Morrill [tariff] bill, now pending before Congress, may + or may not become a law. I am not posted as to its particular provisions, + but if they are generally satisfactory, and the bill shall now pass, there + will be an end for the present. If, however, it shall not pass, I suppose + the whole subject will be one of the most pressing and important for the + next Congress. By the Constitution, the executive may recommend measures + which he may think proper, and he may veto those he thinks improper, and + it is supposed that he may add to these certain indirect influences to + affect the action of Congress. My political education strongly inclines me + against a very free use of any of these means by the executive to control + the legislation of the country. As a rule, I think it better that Congress + should originate as well as perfect its measures without external bias. I + therefore would rather recommend to every gentleman who knows he is to be + a member of the next Congress to take an enlarged view, and post himself + thoroughly, so as to contribute his part to such an adjustment of the + tariff as shall produce a sufficient revenue, and in its other bearings, + so far as possible, be just and equal to all sections of the country and + classes of the people. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0102" id="link2H_4_0102"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT CLEVELAND, OHIO, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. CHAIRMAN AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF CLEVELAND:—We have been marching + about two miles through snow, rain, and deep mud. The large numbers that + have turned out under these circumstances testify that you are in earnest + about something or other. But do I think so meanly of you as to suppose + that that earnestness is about me personally? I would be doing you an + injustice to suppose you did. You have assembled to testify your respect + for the Union, the Constitution, and the laws; and here let me say that it + is with you, the people, to advance the great cause of the Union and the + Constitution, and not with any one man. It rests with you alone. This fact + is strongly impressed upon my mind at present. In a community like this, + whose appearance testifies to their intelligence, I am convinced that the + cause of liberty and the Union can never be in danger. Frequent allusion + is made to the excitement at present existing in our national politics, + and it is as well that I should also allude to it here. I think that there + is no occasion for any excitement. 'The crisis, as it is called, is + altogether an artificial crisis. In all parts of the nation there are + differences of opinion on politics. There are differences of opinion even + here. You did not all vote for the person who now addresses you. What is + happening now will not hurt those who are farther away from here. Have + they not all their rights now as they ever have had? Do they not have + their fugitive slaves returned now as ever? Have they not the same + Constitution that they have lived under for seventy-odd years? Have they + not a position as citizens of this common country, and have we any power + to change that position? What, then, is the matter with them? Why all this + excitement? Why all these complaints? + </p> + <p> + As I said before, this crisis is all artificial! It has no foundation in + facts. It is not argued up, as the saying is, and cannot, therefore, be + argued down. Let it alone and it will go down of itself. + </p> + <p> + [Mr. Lincoln then said that they must be content with a few words from + him, as he was tired, etc. Having been given to understand that the crowd + was not all Republican, but consisted of men of all parties, he + continued:] + </p> + <p> + This is as it should be. If Judge Douglas had been elected and had been + here on his way to Washington, as I am to-night, the Republicans should + have joined his supporters in welcoming him, just as his friends have + joined with mine tonight. If all do not join now to save the good old ship + of the Union this voyage, nobody will have a chance to pilot her on + another voyage. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0103" id="link2H_4_0103"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT BUFFALO, NEW YORK, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 16, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF BUFFALO AND THE STATE OF NEW YORK:—I + am here to thank you briefly for this grand reception given to me, not + personally, but as the representative of our great and beloved country. + Your worthy mayor has been pleased to mention, in his address to me, the + fortunate and agreeable journey which I have had from home, on my rather + circuitous route to the Federal capital. I am very happy that he was + enabled in truth to congratulate myself and company on that fact. It is + true we have had nothing thus far to mar the pleasure of the trip. We have + not been met alone by those who assisted in giving the election to me—I + say not alone by them, but by the whole population of the country through + which we have passed. This is as it should be. Had the election fallen to + any other of the distinguished candidates instead of myself, under the + peculiar circumstances, to say the least, it would have been proper for + all citizens to have greeted him as you now greet me. It is an evidence of + the devotion of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and the + perpetuity of the liberties of this country. I am unwilling on any + occasion that I should be so meanly thought of as to have it supposed for + a moment that these demonstrations are tendered to me personally. They are + tendered to the country, to the institutions of the country, and to the + perpetuity of the liberties of the country, for which these institutions + were made and created. + </p> + <p> + Your worthy mayor has thought fit to express the hope that I may be able + to relieve the country from the present, or, I should say, the threatened + difficulties. I am sure I bring a heart true to the work. For the ability + to perform it, I must trust in that Supreme Being who has never forsaken + this favored land, through the instrumentality of this great and + intelligent people. Without that assistance I shall surely fail; with it, + I cannot fail. When we speak of threatened difficulties to the Country, it + is natural that it should be expected that something should be said by + myself with regard to particular measures. Upon more mature reflection, + however, others will agree with me that, when it is considered that these + difficulties are without precedent, and have never been acted upon by any + individual situated as I am, it is most proper I should wait and see the + developments, and get all the light possible, so that when I do speak + authoritatively, I may be as near right as possible. When I shall speak + authoritatively, I hope to say nothing inconsistent with the Constitution, + the Union, the rights of all the States, of each State, and of each + section of the country, and not to disappoint the reasonable expectations + of those who have confided to me their votes. In this connection allow me + to say that you, as a portion of the great American people, need only to + maintain your composure, stand up to your sober convictions of right, to + your obligations to the Constitution, and act in accordance with those + sober convictions, and the clouds now on the horizon will be dispelled, + and we shall have a bright and glorious future; and when this generation + has passed away, tens of thousands will inhabit this country where only + thousands inhabit it now. I do not propose to address you at length; I + have no voice for it. Allow me again to thank you for this magnificent + reception, and bid you farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0104" id="link2H_4_0104"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT ROCHESTER, NEW YORK, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 18, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + I confess myself, after having seen many large audiences since leaving + home, overwhelmed with this vast number of faces at this hour of the + morning. I am not vain enough to believe that you are here from any wish + to see me as an individual, but because I am for the time being the + representative of the American people. I could not, if I would, address + you at any length. I have not the strength, even if I had the time, for a + speech at each of these many interviews that are afforded me on my way to + Washington. I appear merely to see you, and to let you see me, and to bid + you farewell. I hope it will be understood that it is from no + disinclination to oblige anybody that I do not address you at greater + length. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0105" id="link2H_4_0105"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT SYRACUSE, NEW YORK, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:—I See you have erected a very fine and + handsome platform here for me, and I presume you expected me to speak from + it. If I should go upon it, you would imagine that I was about to deliver + you a much longer speech than I am. I wish you to understand that I mean + no discourtesy to you by thus declining. I intend discourtesy to no one. + But I wish you to understand that, though I am unwilling to go upon this + platform, you are not at liberty to draw inferences concerning any other + platform with which my name has been or is connected. I wish you long life + and prosperity individually, and pray that with the perpetuity of those + institutions under which we have all so long lived and prospered, our + happiness may be secured, our future made brilliant, and the glorious + destiny of our country established forever. I bid you a kind farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0106" id="link2H_4_0106"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT UTICA, NEW YORK, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 18, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:—I have no speech to make to you; and no time + to speak in. I appear before you that I may see you, and that you may see + me; and I am willing to admit that so far as the ladies are concerned I + have the best of the bargain, though I wish it to be understood that I do + not make the same acknowledgment concerning the men. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0107" id="link2H_4_0107"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF ALBANY, NEW YORK + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + MR. MAYOR:—I can hardly appropriate to myself the flattering terms + in which you communicate the tender of this reception, as personal to + myself. I most gratefully accept the hospitalities tendered to me, and + will not detain you or the audience with any extended remarks at this + time. I presume that in the two or three courses through which I shall + have to go, I shall have to repeat somewhat, and I will therefore only + express to you my thanks for this kind reception. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0108" id="link2H_4_0108"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO GOVERNOR MORGAN OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + GOVERNOR MORGAN:—I was pleased to receive an invitation to visit the + capital of the great Empire State of this nation while on my way to the + Federal capital. I now thank you, Mr. Governor, and you, the people of the + capital of the State of New York, for this most hearty and magnificent + welcome. If I am not at fault, the great Empire State at this time + contains a larger population than did the whole of the United States of + America at the time they achieved their national independence, and I was + proud—to be invited to visit its capital, to meet its citizens, as I + now have the honor to do. I am notified by your governor that this + reception is tendered by citizens without distinction of party. Because of + this I accept it the more gladly. In this country, and in any country + where freedom of thought is tolerated, citizens attach themselves to + political parties. It is but an ordinary degree of charity to attribute + this act to the supposition that, in thus attaching themselves to the + various parties, each man in his own judgment supposes he thereby best + advances the interests of the whole country. And when an election is past + it is altogether befitting a free people, as I suppose, that, until the + next election, they should be one people. The reception you have extended + me to-day is not given to me personally,—it should not be so,—but + as the representative, for the time being, of the majority of the nation. + If the election had fallen to any of the more distinguished citizens who + received the support of the people, this same honor should have greeted + him that greets me this day, in testimony of the universal, unanimous + devotion of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and to the + perpetual liberties of succeeding generations in this country. + </p> + <p> + I have neither the voice nor the strength to address you at any greater + length. I beg you will therefore accept my most grateful thanks for this + manifest devotion—not to me, but the institutions of this great and + glorious country. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0109" id="link2H_4_0109"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF NEW + YORK:—It is with feelings of great diffidence, and, I may say, with + feelings of awe, perhaps greater than I have recently experienced, that I + meet you here in this place. The history of this great State, the renown + of those great men who have stood here, and have spoken here, and have + been heard here, all crowd around my fancy, and incline me to shrink from + any attempt to address you. Yet I have some confidence given me by the + generous manner in which you have invited me, and by the still more + generous manner in which you have received me, to speak further. You have + invited and received me without distinction of party. I cannot for a + moment suppose that this has been done in any considerable degree with + reference to my personal services, but that it is done in so far as I am + regarded, at this time, as the representative of the majesty of this great + nation. I doubt not this is the truth, and the whole truth of the case, + and this is as it should be. It is much more gratifying to me that this + reception has been given to me as the elected representative of a free + people, than it could possibly be if tendered merely as an evidence of + devotion to me, or to any one man personally. + </p> + <p> + And now I think it were more fitting that I should close these hasty + remarks. It is true that, while I hold myself, without mock modesty, the + humblest of all individuals that have ever been elevated to the + Presidency, I have a more difficult task to perform than any one of them. + </p> + <p> + You have generously tendered me the support—the united support—of + the great Empire State. For this, in behalf of the nation—in behalf + of the present and future of the nation—in behalf of civil and + religious liberty for all time to come, most gratefully do I thank you. I + do not propose to enter into an explanation of any particular line of + policy, as to our present difficulties, to be adopted by the incoming + administration. I deem it just to you, to myself, to all, that I should + see everything, that I should hear everything, that I should have every + light that can be brought within my reach, in order that, when I do so + speak, I shall have enjoyed every opportunity to take correct and true + ground; and for this reason I do not propose to speak at this time of the + policy of the Government. But when the time comes, I shall speak, as well + as I am able, for the good of the present and future of this country for + the good both of the North and of the South—for the good of the one + and the other, and of all sections of the country. In the meantime, if we + have patience, if we restrain ourselves, if we allow ourselves not to run + off in a passion, I still have confidence that the Almighty, the Maker of + the universe, will, through the instrumentality of this great and + intelligent people, bring us through this as He has through all the other + difficulties of our country. Relying on this, I again thank you for this + generous reception. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0110" id="link2H_4_0110"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT TROY, NEW YORK, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR. MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF TROY:—I thank you very kindly for this + great reception. Since I left my home it has not been my fortune to meet + an assemblage more numerous and more orderly than this. I am the more + gratified at this mark of your regard since you assure me it is tendered, + not to the individual but to the high office you have called me to fill. I + have neither strength nor time to make any extended remarks on this + occasion, and I can only repeat to you my sincere thanks for the kind + reception you have thought proper to extend to me. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0111" id="link2H_4_0111"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT POUGHKEEPSIE, NEW YORK, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS:—It is altogether impossible I should make myself + heard by any considerable portion of this vast assemblage; but, although I + appear before you mainly for the purpose of seeing you, and to let you see + rather than hear me, I cannot refrain from saying that I am highly + gratified—as much here, indeed, under the circumstances, as I have + been anywhere on my route—to witness this noble demonstration—made, + not in honor of an individual, but of the man who at this time humbly, but + earnestly, represents the majesty of the nation. + </p> + <p> + This reception, like all the others that have been tendered to me, + doubtless emanates from all the political parties, and not from one alone. + As such I accept it the more gratefully, since it indicates an earnest + desire on the part of the whole people, with out regard to political + differences, to save—not the country, because the country will save + itself but to save the institutions of the country, those institutions + under which, in the last three quarters of a century, we have grown to a + great, and intelligent, and a happy people—the greatest, the most + intelligent, and the happiest people in the world. These noble + manifestations indicate, with unerring certainty, that the whole people + are willing to make common cause for this object; that if, as it ever must + be, some have been successful in the recent election and some have been + beaten, if some are satisfied and some are dissatisfied, the defeated + party are not in favor of sinking the ship, but are desirous of running it + through the tempest in safety, and willing, if they think the people have + committed an error in their verdict now, to wait in the hope of reversing + it and setting it right next time. I do not say that in the recent + election the people did the wisest thing, that could have been done—indeed, + I do not think they did; but I do say that in accepting the great trust + committed to me, which I do with a determination to endeavor to prove + worthy of it, I must rely upon you, upon the people of the whole country, + for support; and with their sustaining aid, even I, humble as I am, cannot + fail to carry the ship of state safely through the storm. + </p> + <p> + I have now only to thank you warmly for your kind attendance, and bid you + all an affectionate farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0112" id="link2H_4_0112"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT HUDSON, NEW YORK. + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 19, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS:—I see that you are providing a platform for me. I + shall have to decline standing upon it, because the president of the + company tells me that I shall not have time to wait until it is brought to + me. As I said yesterday, under similar circumstances at another gathering, + you must not draw the inference that I have any intention of deserting any + platform with which I have a legitimate connection because I do not stand + on yours. Allow me to thank you for this splendid reception, and I now bid + you farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0113" id="link2H_4_0113"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT PEEKSKILL, NEW YORK, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:—I have but a moment to stand before you to + listen to and return your kind greeting. I thank you for this reception, + and for the pleasant manner in which it is tendered to me by our mutual + friends. I will say in a single sentence, in regard to the difficulties + that lie before me and our beloved country, that if I can only be as + generously and unanimously sustained as the demonstrations I have + witnessed indicate I shall be, I shall not fail; but without your + sustaining hands I am sure that neither I nor any other man can hope to + surmount these difficulties. I trust that in the course I shall pursue I + shall be sustained not only by the party that elected me, but by the + patriotic people of the whole country. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0114" id="link2H_4_0114"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT FISHKILL LANDING + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:—I appear before you not to make a speech. I + have not sufficient time, if I had the strength, to repeat speeches at + every station where the people kindly gather to welcome me as we go along. + If I had the strength, and should take the time, I should not get to + Washington until after the inauguration, which you must be aware would not + fit exactly. That such an untoward event might not transpire, I know you + will readily forego any further remarks; and I close by bidding you + farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0115" id="link2H_4_0115"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REMARKS AT THE ASTOR HOUSE, NEW YORK CITY, FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + </h2> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS:—I have stepped before you merely in compliance with + what appears to be your wish, and not with the purpose of making a speech. + I do not propose making a speech this afternoon. I could not be heard by + any but a small fraction of you, at best; but, what is still worse than + that, I have nothing just now to say that is worthy of your hearing. I beg + you to believe that I do not now refuse to address you from any + disposition to disoblige you, but to the contrary. But, at the same time, + I beg of you to excuse me for the present. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0116" id="link2H_4_0116"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT NEW YORK CITY, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN:—I am rather an old man to avail myself + of such an excuse as I am now about to do. Yet the truth is so distinct, + and presses itself so distinctly upon me, that I cannot well avoid it—and + that is, that I did not understand when I was brought into this room that + I was to be brought here to make a speech. It was not intimated to me that + I was brought into the room where Daniel Webster and Henry Clay had made + speeches, and where one in my position might be expected to do something + like those men or say something worthy of myself or my audience. I + therefore beg you to make allowance for the circumstances in which I have + been by surprise brought before you. Now I have been in the habit of + thinking and sometimes speaking upon political questions that have for + some years past agitated the country; and, if I were disposed to do so, + and we could take up some one of the issues, as the lawyers call them, and + I were called upon to make an argument about it to the best of my ability, + I could do so without much preparation. But that is not what you desire to + have done here to-night. + </p> + <p> + I have been occupying a position, since the Presidential election, of + silence—of avoiding public speaking, of avoiding public writing. I + have been doing so because I thought, upon full consideration, that was + the proper course for me to take. I am brought before you now, and + required to make a speech, when you all approve more than anything else of + the fact that I have been keeping silence. And now it seems to me that the + response you give to that remark ought to justify me in closing just here. + I have not kept silence since the Presidential election from any party + wantonness, or from any indifference to the anxiety that pervades the + minds of men about the aspect of the political affairs of this country. I + have kept silence for the reason that I supposed it was peculiarly proper + that I should do so until the time came when, according to the custom of + the country, I could speak officially. + </p> + <p> + I still suppose that, while the political drama being enacted in this + country at this time is rapidly shifting its scenes—forbidding an + anticipation with any degree of certainty to-day of what we shall see + to-morrow—it is peculiarly fitting that I should see it all, up to + the last minute, before I should take ground that I might be disposed, by + the shifting of the scenes afterward, also to shift. I have said several + times upon this journey, and I now repeat it to you, that when the time + does come, I shall then take the ground that I think is right—right + for the North, for the South, for the East, for the West, for the whole + country. And in doing so I hope to feel no necessity pressing upon me to + say anything in conflict with the Constitution, in conflict with the + continued union of these States, in conflict with the perpetuation of the + liberties of this people, or anything in conflict with anything whatever + that I have ever given you reason to expect from me. And now, my friends, + have I said enough? [Loud cries of "No, no!" and, "Three cheers for + LINCOLN!"] Now, my friends, there appears to be a difference of opinion + between you and me, and I really feel called upon to decide the question + myself. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0117" id="link2H_4_0117"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEW YORK CITY, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 20, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. MAYOR:—It is with feelings of deep gratitude that I make my + acknowledgments for the reception that has been given me in the great + commercial city of New York. I cannot but remember that it is done by the + people who do not, by a large majority, agree with me in political + sentiment. It is the more grateful to me because in this I see that for + the great principles of our Government the people are pretty nearly or + quite unanimous. In regard to the difficulties that confront us at this + time, and of which you have seen fit to speak so becomingly and so justly, + I can only say I agree with the sentiments expressed. In my devotion to + the Union I hope I am behind no man in the nation. As to my wisdom in + conducting affairs so as to tend to the preservation of the Union, I fear + too great confidence may have been placed in me. I am sure I bring a heart + devoted to the work. There is nothing that could ever bring me to consent—willingly + to consent—to the destruction of this Union (in which not only the + great city of New York, but the whole country, has acquired its + greatness), unless it would be that thing for which the Union itself was + made. I understand that the ship is made for the carrying and preservation + of the cargo; and so long as the ship is safe with the cargo, it shall not + be abandoned. This Union shall never be abandoned, unless the possibility + of its existence shall cease to exist without the necessity of throwing + passengers and cargo overboard. So long, then, as it is possible that the + prosperity and liberties of this people can be preserved within this + Union, it shall be my purpose at all tunes to preserve it. And now, Mr. + Mayor, renewing my thanks for this cordial reception, allow me to come to + a close. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0118" id="link2H_4_0118"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT JERSEY CITY, NEW JERSEY + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 21, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + MR. DAYTON AND GENTLEMEN OF THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY:—I shall only + thank you briefly for this very kind reception given me, not personally, + but as the temporary representative of the majesty of the nation. To the + kindness of your hearts, and of the hearts of your brethren in your State, + I should be very proud to respond, but I shall not have strength to + address you or other assemblages at length, even if I had the time to do + so. I appear before you, therefore, for little else than to greet you, and + to briefly say farewell. You have done me the very high honor to present + your reception courtesies to me through your great man a man with whom it + is an honor to be associated anywhere, and in owning whom no State can be + poor. He has said enough, and by the saying of it suggested enough, to + require a response of an hour, well considered. I could not in an hour + make a worthy response to it. I therefore, ladies and gentlemen of New + Jersey, content myself with saying, most heartily do I indorse all the + sentiments he has expressed. Allow me, most gratefully, to bid you + farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0119" id="link2H_4_0119"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEWARK, NEW JERSEY, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 21, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + MR. MAYOR:—I thank you for this reception at the city of Newark. + With regard to the great work of which you speak, I will say that I bring + to it a heart filled with love for my country, and an honest desire to do + what is right. I am sure, however, that I have not the ability to do + anything unaided of God, and that without His support and that of this + free, happy, prosperous, and intelligent people, no man can succeed in + doing that the importance of which we all comprehend. Again thanking you + for the reception you have given me, I will now bid you farewell, and + proceed upon my journey. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0120" id="link2H_4_0120"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS IN TRENTON AT THE TRENTON HOUSE, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + I have been invited by your representatives to the Legislature to visit + this the capital of your honored State, and in acknowledging their kind + invitation, compelled to respond to the welcome of the presiding officers + of each body, and I suppose they intended I should speak to you through + them, as they are the representatives of all of you; and if I were to + speak again here, I should only have to repeat in a great measure much + that I have said, which would be disgusting to my friends around me who + have met here. I have no speech to make, but merely appear to see you and + let you look at me; and as to the latter I think I have greatly the best + of the bargain. My friends, allow me to bid you farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0121" id="link2H_4_0121"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS TO THE SENATE OF NEW JERSEY + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE OF THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY:—I + am very grateful to you for the honorable reception of which I have been + the object. I cannot but remember the place that New Jersey holds in our + early history. In the Revolutionary struggle few of the States among the + Old Thirteen had more of the battle-fields of the country within their + limits than New Jersey. May I be pardoned if, upon this occasion, I + mention that away back in my childhood, the earliest days of my being able + to read, I got hold of a small book, such a one as few of the younger + members have ever seen Weems's Life of Washington. I remember all the + accounts there given of the battle-fields and struggles for the liberties + of the country; and none fixed themselves upon my imagination so deeply as + the struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The crossing of the river, the + contest with the Hessians, the great hardships endured at that time, all + fixed themselves on my memory more than any single Revolutionary event; + and you all know, for you have all been boys, how these early impressions + last longer than any others. I recollect thinking then, boy even though I + was, that there must have been something more than common that these men + struggled for. I am exceedingly anxious that that thing that something + even more than national independence, that something that held out a great + promise to all the people of the world to all time to come—I am + exceedingly anxious that this Union, the Constitution, and the liberties + of the people shall be perpetuated in accordance with the original idea + for which that struggle was made; and I shall be most happy indeed if I + shall be a humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and of this his + almost chosen people, for perpetuating the object of that great struggle. + You give me this reception, as I understand, without distinction of party. + I learn that this body is composed of a majority of gentlemen who, in the + exercise of their best judgment in the choice of a chief magistrate, did + not think I was the man. I understand, nevertheless, that they come + forward here to greet me as the constitutionally elected President of the + United States—as citizens of the United States to meet the man who, + for the time being, is the representative of the majesty of the nation—united + by the single purpose to perpetuate the Constitution, the union, and the + liberties of the people. As such, I accept this reception more gratefully + than I could do did I believe it were tendered to me as an individual. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0122" id="link2H_4_0122"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF NEW JERSEY, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR. SPEAKER AND GENTLEMEN: I have just enjoyed the honor of a reception by + the other branch of this Legislature, and I return to you and them my + thanks for the reception which the people of New Jersey have given through + their chosen representatives to me as the representative, for the time + being, of the majesty of the people of the United States. I appropriate to + myself very little of the demonstrations of respect with which I have been + greeted. I think little should be given to any man, but that it should be + a manifestation of adherence to the Union and the Constitution. I + understand myself to be received here by the representatives of the people + of New Jersey, a majority of whom differ in opinion from those with whom I + have acted. This manifestation is therefore to be regarded by me as + expressing their devotion to the Union, the Constitution, and the + liberties of the people. + </p> + <p> + You, Mr. Speaker, have well said that this is a time when the bravest and + wisest look with doubt and awe upon the aspect presented by our national + affairs. Under these circumstances you will readily see why I should not + speak in detail of the course I shall deem it best to pursue. It is proper + that I should avail myself of all the information and all the time at my + command, in order that when the time arrives in which I must speak + officially, I shall be able to take the ground which I deem best and + safest, and from which I may have no occasion to swerve. I shall endeavor + to take the ground I deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the + South, and the whole country. I shall take it, I hope, in good temper, + certainly with no malice toward any section. I shall do all that may be in + my power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficulties. The man + does not live who is more devoted to peace than I am, none who would do + more to preserve it, but it may be necessary to put the foot down firmly. + And if I do my duty and do right, you will sustain me, will you not? [Loud + cheers, and cries of "Yes, yes; we will."] Received as I am by the members + of a Legislature the majority of whom do not agree with me in political + sentiments, I trust that I may have their assistance in piloting the ship + of state through this voyage, surrounded by perils as it is; for if it + should suffer wreck now, there will be no pilot ever needed for another + voyage. + </p> + <p> + Gentlemen, I have already spoken longer than I intended, and must beg + leave to stop here. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0123" id="link2H_4_0123"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA:—I appear before you + to make no lengthy speech, but to thank you for this reception. The + reception you have given me to-night is not to me, the man, the + individual, but to the man who temporarily represents, or should + represent, the majesty of the nation. It is true, as your worthy mayor has + said, that there is great anxiety amongst the citizens of the United + States at this time. I deem it a happy circumstance that this dissatisfied + portion of our fellow-citizens does not point us to anything in which they + are being injured or about to be injured; for which reason I have felt all + the while justified in concluding that the crisis, the panic, the anxiety + of the country at this time is artificial. If there be those who differ + with me upon this subject, they have not pointed out the substantial + difficulty that exists. I do not mean to say that an artificial panic may + not do considerable harm; that it has done such I do not deny. The hope + that has been expressed by your mayor, that I may be able to restore + peace, harmony, and prosperity to the country, is most worthy of him; and + most happy, indeed, will I be if I shall be able to verify and fulfil that + hope. I promise you that I bring to the work a sincere heart. Whether I + will bring a head equal to that heart will be for future times to + determine. It were useless for me to speak of details of plans now; I + shall speak officially next Monday week, if ever. If I should not speak + then, it were useless for me to do so now. If I do speak then, it is + useless for me to do so now. When I do speak, I shall take such ground as + I deem best calculated to restore peace, harmony, and prosperity to the + country, and tend to the perpetuity of the nation and the liberty of these + States and these people. Your worthy mayor has expressed the wish, in + which I join with him, that it were convenient for me to remain in your + city long enough to consult your merchants and manufacturers; or, as it + were, to listen to those breathings rising within the consecrated walls + wherein the Constitution of the United States and, I will add, the + Declaration of Independence, were originally framed and adopted. I assure + you and your mayor that I had hoped on this occasion, and upon all + occasions during my life, that I shall do nothing inconsistent with the + teachings of these holy and most sacred walls. I have never asked anything + that does not breathe from those walls. All my political warfare has been + in favor of the teachings that come forth from these sacred walls. May my + right hand forget its cunning and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth + if ever I prove false to those teachings. Fellow-citizens, I have + addressed you longer than I expected to do, and now allow me to bid you + goodnight. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0124" id="link2H_4_0124"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS IN THE HALL OF INDEPENDENCE, PHILADELPHIA, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR. CUYLER:—I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing + here, in this place, where were collected together the wisdom, the + devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which we + live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of + restoring peace to the present distracted condition of the country. I can + say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments I entertain have + been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments + which originated and were given to the world from this hall. I have never + had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied + in the Declaration of Independence. I have often pondered over the dangers + which were incurred by the men who assembled here and framed and adopted + that Declaration of Independence. I have pondered over the toils that were + endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved that + independence. I have often inquired of myself what great principle or idea + it was that kept the confederacy so long together. It was not the mere + matter of separation of the colonies from the motherland, but that + sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not alone + to the people of this country, but, I hope, to the world for all future + time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weight would be + lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is the sentiment embodied in + the Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, can the country be saved + upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men + in the world if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that + principle, it will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved + without giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be + assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now, in my view of the + present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed or war. There is no + necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course, and I may say, in + advance, that there will be no bloodshed unless it is forced upon the + Government, and then it will be compelled to act in self-defence. + </p> + <p> + My friends; this is wholly an unexpected speech, and I did not expect to + be called upon to say a word when I came here. I supposed it was merely to + do something toward raising the flag. I may, therefore, have said + something indiscreet. I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by + and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, die by. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0125" id="link2H_4_0125"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE WILMINGTON DELEGATION, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR. CHAIRMAN:—I feel highly flattered by the encomiums you have seen + fit to bestow upon me. Soon after the nomination of General Taylor, I + attended a political meeting in the city of Wilmington, and have since + carried with me a fond remembrance of the hospitalities of the city on + that occasion. The programme established provides for my presence in + Harrisburg in twenty-four hours from this time. I expect to be in + Washington on Saturday. It is, therefore, an impossibility that I should + accept your kind invitation. There are no people whom I would more gladly + accommodate than those of Delaware; but circumstances forbid, gentlemen. + With many regrets for the character of the reply I am compelled to give + you, I bid you adieu. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0126" id="link2H_4_0126"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS AT LANCASTER, PENNSYLVANIA, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 22, 1860 + </h3> + <p> + LADIES AND GENTLEMEN OF OLD LANCASTER:—I appear not to make a + speech. I have not time to make a speech at length, and not strength to + make them on every occasion; and, worse than all, I have none to make. + There is plenty of matter to speak about in these times, but it is well + known that the more a man speaks the less he is understood—the more + he says one thing, the more his adversaries contend he meant something + else. I shall soon have occasion to speak officially, and then I will + endeavor to put my thoughts just as plain as I can express myself—true + to the Constitution and Union of all the States, and to the perpetual + liberty of all the people. Until I so speak, there is no need to enter + upon details. In conclusion, I greet you most heartily, and bid you an + affectionate farewell. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0127" id="link2H_4_0127"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA, AT HARRISBURG, + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR. SPEAKER OF THE SENATE, AND ALSO MR. SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF + REPRESENTATIVES, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF + PENNSYLVANIA:—I appear before you only for a very few brief remarks + in response to what has been said to me. I thank you most sincerely for + this reception, and the generous words in which support has been promised + me upon this occasion. I thank your great commonwealth for the + overwhelming support it recently gave, not me personally, but the cause + which I think a just one, in the late election. + </p> + <p> + Allusion has been made to the fact—the interesting fact perhaps we + should say—that I for the first time appear at the capital of the + great commonwealth of Pennsylvania upon the birthday of the Father of his + Country. In connection with that beloved anniversary connected with the + history of this country, I have already gone through one exceedingly + interesting scene this morning in the ceremonies at Philadelphia. Under + the kind conduct of gentlemen there, I was for the first time allowed the + privilege of standing in old Independence Hall to have a few words + addressed to me there, and opening up to me an opportunity of manifesting + my deep regret that I had not more time to express something of my own + feelings excited by the occasion, that had been really the feelings of my + whole life. + </p> + <p> + Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent flag of the + country. They had arranged it so that I was given the honor of raising it + to the head of its staff, and when it went up I was pleased that it went + to its place by the strength of my own feeble arm. When, according to the + arrangement, the cord was pulled, and it floated gloriously to the wind, + without an accident, in the bright, glowing sunshine of the morning, I + could not help hoping that there was in the entire success of that + beautiful ceremony at least something of an omen of what is to come. Nor + could I help feeling then, as I have often felt, that in the whole of that + proceeding I was a very humbled instrument. I had not provided the flag; I + had not made the arrangements for elevating it to its place; I had applied + but a very small portion of even my feeble strength in raising it. In the + whole transaction I was in the hands of the people who had arranged it, + and if I can have the same generous co-operation of the people of this + nation, I think the flag of our country may yet be kept flaunting + gloriously. + </p> + <p> + I recur for a moment but to repeat some words uttered at the hotel in + regard to what has been said about the military support which the General + Government may expect from the commonwealth of Pennsylvania in a proper + emergency. To guard against any possible mistake do I recur to this. It is + not with any pleasure that I contemplate the possibility that a necessity + may arise in this country for the use of the military arm. While I am + exceedingly gratified to see the manifestation upon your streets of your + military force here, and exceedingly gratified at your promise to use that + force upon a proper emergency—while I make these acknowledgments I + desire to repeat, in order to preclude any possible misconstruction, that + I do most sincerely hope that we shall have no use for them; that it will + never become their duty to shed blood, and most especially never to shed + fraternal blood. I promise that so far as I may have wisdom to direct, if + so painful a result shall in any wise be brought about, it shall be + through no fault of mine. + </p> + <p> + Allusion has also been made by one of your honored speakers to some + remarks recently made by myself at Pittsburg in regard to what is supposed + to be the especial interest of this great commonwealth of Pennsylvania. I + now wish only to say in regard to that matter, that the few remarks which + I uttered on that occasion were rather carefully worded. I took pains that + they should be so. I have seen no occasion since to add to them or + subtract from them. I leave them precisely as they stand, adding only now + that I am pleased to have an expression from you, gentlemen of + Pennsylvania, signifying that they are satisfactory to you. + </p> + <p> + And now, gentlemen of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of + Pennsylvania, allow me again to return to you my most sincere thanks. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0128" id="link2H_4_0128"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF WASHINGTON, D.C., + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 27, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. MAYOR:—I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities of + this city who accompany you, for this welcome. And as it is the first time + in my life, since the present phase of politics has presented itself in + this country, that I have said anything publicly within a region of + country where the institution of slavery exists, I will take this occasion + to say that I think very much of the ill feeling that has existed and + still exists between the people in the section from which I came and the + people here, is dependent upon a misunderstanding of one another. I + therefore avail myself of this opportunity to assure you, Mr. Mayor, and + all the gentlemen present, that I have not now, and never have had, any + other than as kindly feelings toward you as to the people of my own + section. I have not now, and never have had, any disposition to treat you + in any respect otherwise than as my own neighbors. I have not now any + purpose to withhold from you any of the benefits of the Constitution, + under any circumstances, that I would not feel myself constrained to + withhold from my own neighbors; and I hope, in a word, that when we shall + become better acquainted—and I say it with great confidence—we + shall like each other better. I thank you for the kindness of this + reception. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0129" id="link2H_4_0129"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO A SERENADE AT WASHINGTON, D.C., + </h2> + <h3> + FEBRUARY 28, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MY FRIENDS:—I suppose that I may take this as a compliment paid to + me, and as such please accept my thanks for it. I have reached this city + of Washington under circumstances considerably differing from those under + which any other man has ever reached it. I am here for the purpose of + taking an official position amongst the people, almost all of whom were + politically opposed to me, and are yet opposed to me, as I suppose. + </p> + <p> + I propose no lengthy address to you. I only propose to say, as I did on + yesterday, when your worthy mayor and board of aldermen called upon me, + that I thought much of the ill feeling that has existed between you and + the people of your surroundings and that people from among whom I came, + has depended, and now depends, upon a misunderstanding. + </p> + <p> + I hope that, if things shall go along as prosperously as I believe we all + desire they may, I may have it in my power to remove something of this + misunderstanding; that I may be enabled to convince you, and the people of + your section of the country, that we regard you as in all things our + equals, and in all things entitled to the same respect and the same + treatment that we claim for ourselves; that we are in no wise disposed, if + it were in our power, to oppress you, to deprive you of any of your rights + under the Constitution of the United States, or even narrowly to split + hairs with you in regard to these rights, but are determined to give you, + as far as lies in our hands, all your rights under the Constitution—not + grudgingly, but fully and fairly. I hope that, by thus dealing with you, + we will become better acquainted, and be better friends. + </p> + <p> + And now, my friends, with these few remarks, and again returning my thanks + for this compliment, and expressing my desire to hear a little more of + your good music, I bid you good-night. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0130" id="link2H_4_0130"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + WASHINGTON, SUNDAY, MARCH 3, 1861 + </h2> + <p> + [During the struggle over the appointments of LINCOLN's Cabinet, the + President-elect spoke as follows:] + </p> + <p> + Gentlemen, it is evident that some one must take the responsibility of + these appointments, and I will do it. My Cabinet is completed. The + positions are not definitely assigned, and will not be until I announce + them privately to the gentlemen whom I have selected as my Constitutional + advisers. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0131" id="link2H_4_0131"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS, MARCH 4, 1861 + </h2> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES:—In compliance with a custom as + old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, + and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of + the United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the + execution of his office." + </p> + <p> + I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters + of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. + </p> + <p> + Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that + by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their + peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any + reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to + the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. + It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses + you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that + </p> + <p> + "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the + institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no + lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." + </p> + <p> + Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had + made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And, + more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a + law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now + read: + </p> + <p> + "Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and + especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic + institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to + that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our + political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed + force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, + as amongst the gravest of crimes." + </p> + <p> + I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon the + public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is + susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to + be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, too, + that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the + laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when + lawfully demanded, for whatever cause—as cheerfully to one section + as to another. + </p> + <p> + There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from + service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the + Constitution as any other of its provisions: + </p> + <p> + "No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, + escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation + therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered + up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." + </p> + <p> + It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who + made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the + intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their + support to the whole Constitution—to this provision as much as to + any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within + the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up," their oaths are + unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they + not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to + keep good that unanimous oath? + </p> + <p> + There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced + by national or by State authority; but surely that difference is not a + very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but + little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And + should any one in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a + merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? + </p> + <p> + Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of + liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so + that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it + not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that + clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each + State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in + the several States"? + </p> + <p> + I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no + purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. + And, while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as + proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, + both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all + those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting + to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. + </p> + <p> + It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under + our national Constitution. During that period fifteen different and + greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the + executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many + perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of + precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional + term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of + the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. + </p> + <p> + I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, + the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not + expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe + to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic + law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express + provisions of our national Constitution, and the Union will endure forever—it + being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in + the instrument itself. + </p> + <p> + Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association + of States in the nature of contract merely, can it as a contract be + peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a + contract may violate it—break it, so to speak; but does it not + require all to lawfully rescind it? + </p> + <p> + Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in + legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the + Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was + formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured + and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further + matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted + and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation + in 1778. And, finally, in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining + and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union." + </p> + <p> + But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States + be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the + Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. + </p> + <p> + It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can + lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect + are legally void; and that acts of violence, within any State or States, + against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or + revolutionary, according to circumstances. + </p> + <p> + I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the + Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as + the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the + Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be + only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform it so far as + practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall + withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the + contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the + declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and + maintain itself. + </p> + <p> + In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there shall + be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power + confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and + places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; + but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no + invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where + hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, shall be so + great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding + the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers + among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist + in the government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to + do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, that I + deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. + </p> + <p> + The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of + the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense + of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and + reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current + events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, + and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised + according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope + of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of + fraternal sympathies and affections. + </p> + <p> + That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the + Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither + affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To + those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak? + </p> + <p> + Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national + fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not + be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate + a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly + from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to + are greater than all the real ones you fly from—will you risk the + commission of so fearful a mistake? + </p> + <p> + All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be + maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the + Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so + constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, + if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of + the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a + majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional + right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution—certainly + would if such a right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the + vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to + them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the + Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no + organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to + every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight + can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express + provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be + surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not + expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The + Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the + Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. + </p> + <p> + From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, + and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority + will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There + is no other alternative; for continuing the Government is acquiescence on + one side or the other. + </p> + <p> + If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a + precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; for a minority of their + own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by + such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy + a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the + present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion + sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. + </p> + <p> + Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a + new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession? + </p> + <p> + Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A + majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and + always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and + sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects + it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is + impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly + inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or + despotism in some form is all that is left. + </p> + <p> + I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional + questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that such + decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, as to + the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect + and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the + government. And, while it is obviously possible that such decision may be + erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being + limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled + and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than + could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid + citizen must confess that if the policy of the government, upon vital + questions affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by + decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary + litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have + ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned + the government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in + this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from + which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, + and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to + political purposes. + </p> + <p> + One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be + extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be + extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause + of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave + trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a + community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law + itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in + both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be + perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation + of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly + suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, in one + section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not + be surrendered at all by the other. + </p> + <p> + Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective + sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A + husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the + reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do + this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either + amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to + make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after + separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can + make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than + laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; + and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease + fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again + upon you. + </p> + <p> + This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. + Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can + exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary + right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that + many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national + Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I + fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole + subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the + instrument itself, and I should, under existing circumstances, favor + rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act + upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems + preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people + themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions + originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which + might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. + I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution which amendment, + however, I have not seen—has passed Congress, to the effect that the + Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of + the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid + misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak + of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision + to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being + made express and irrevocable. + </p> + <p> + The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they + have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the + States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the + executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer + the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, + unimpaired by him, to his successors. + </p> + <p> + Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of + the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present + differences is either party without faith of being in the right? If the + Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your + side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice + will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American + people. + </p> + <p> + By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people have + wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; and + have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their + own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue + and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, + can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four years. + </p> + <p> + My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. + Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to + hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take + deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good + object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still + have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the + laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will have + no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted + that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there + still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, + patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet + forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best way + all our present difficulty. + </p> + <p> + In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the + momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can + have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath + registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the + most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend" it. + </p> + <p> + I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be + enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break, our bonds of + affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field + and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this + broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as + surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0132" id="link2H_4_0132"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REFUSAL OF SEWARD RESIGNATION + </h2> + <h3> + TO WM. H. SEWARD. + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 4, 1861. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your note of the 2d instant, asking to withdraw your + acceptance of my invitation to take charge of the State Department, was + duly received. It is the subject of the most painful solicitude with me, + and I feel constrained to beg that you will countermand the withdrawal. + The public interest, I think, demands that you should; and my personal + feelings are deeply enlisted in the same direction. Please consider and + answer by 9 A.M. to-morrow. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0133" id="link2H_4_0133"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION, + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE PENNSYLVANIAN DELEGATION:—As I + have so frequently said heretofore, when I have had occasion to address + the people of the Keystone, in my visits to that State, I can now but + repeat the assurance of my gratification at the support you gave me at the + election, and at the promise of a continuation of that support which is + now tendered to me. + </p> + <p> + Allusion has been made to the hope that you entertain that you have a + President and a government. In respect to that I wish to say to you that + in the position I have assumed I wish to do more than I have ever given + reason to believe I would do. I do not wish you to believe that I assume + to be any better than others who have gone before me. I prefer rather to + have it understood that if we ever have a government on the principles we + profess, we should remember, while we exercise our opinion, that others + have also rights to the exercise of their opinions, and that we should + endeavor to allow these rights, and act in such a manner as to create no + bad feeling. I hope we have a government and a President. I hope, and wish + it to be understood, that there may be no allusion to unpleasant + differences. + </p> + <p> + We must remember that the people of all the States are entitled to all the + privileges and immunities of the citizens of the several States. We should + bear this in mind, and act in such a way as to say nothing insulting or + irritating. I would inculcate this idea, so that we may not, like + Pharisees, set ourselves up to be better than other people. + </p> + <p> + Now, my friends, my public duties are pressing to-day, and will prevent my + giving more time to you. Indeed, I should not have left them now, but I + could not well deny myself to so large and respectable a body. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0134" id="link2H_4_0134"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION, + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + I am thankful for this renewed assurance of kind feeling and confidence, + and the support of the old Bay State, in so far as you, Mr. Chairman, have + expressed, in behalf of those whom you represent, your sanction of what I + have enunciated in my inaugural address. This is very grateful to my + feelings. The object was one of great delicacy, in presenting views at the + opening of an administration under the peculiar circumstances attending my + entrance upon the official duties connected with the Government. I studied + all the points with great anxiety, and presented them with whatever of + ability and sense of justice I could bring to bear. If it met the + approbation of our good friends in Massachusetts, I shall be exceedingly + gratified, while I hope it will meet the approbation of friends + everywhere. I am thankful for the expressions of those who have voted with + us; and like every other man of you, I like them as certainly as I do + others. As the President in the administration of the Government, I hope + to be man enough not to know one citizen of the United States from + another, nor one section from another. I shall be gratified to have good + friends of Massachusetts and others who have thus far supported me in + these national views still to support me in carrying them out. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0135" id="link2H_4_0135"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY SEWARD + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, MARCH 7, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Herewith is the diplomatic address and my reply. To + whom the reply should be addressed—that is, by what title or style—I + do not quite understand, and therefore I have left it blank. + </p> + <p> + Will you please bring with you to-day the message from the War Department, + with General Scott's note upon it, which we had here yesterday? I wish to + examine the General's opinion, which I have not yet done. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0136" id="link2H_4_0136"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, MARCH 7, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. FIGANIERE AND GENTLEMEN OF THE DIPLOMATIC BODY:—Please accept my + sincere thanks for your kind congratulations. It affords me pleasure to + confirm the confidence you so generously express in the friendly + disposition of the United States, through me, towards the sovereigns and + governments you respectively represent. With equal satisfaction I accept + the assurance you are pleased to give, that the same disposition is + reciprocated by your sovereigns, your governments, and yourselves. + </p> + <p> + Allow me to express the hope that these friendly relations may remain + undisturbed, and also my fervent wishes for the health and happiness of + yourselves personally. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0137" id="link2H_4_0137"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY SEWARD + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 11,1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. DEAR SIR:—What think you of sending + ministers at once as follows: Dayton to England; Fremont to France; Clay + to Spain; Corwin to Mexico? + </p> + <p> + We need to have these points guarded as strongly and quickly as possible. + This is suggestion merely, and not dictation. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0138" id="link2H_4_0138"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. COLLAMER + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 12, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. JACOB COLLAMER. MY DEAR SIR:—God help me. It is said I have + offended you. I hope you will tell me how. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + March 14, 1861. DEAR SIR:—I am entirely unconscious that you have + any way offended me. I cherish no sentiment towards you but that of + kindness and confidence. Your humble servant, J. COLLAMER. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + [Returned with indorsement:] +</pre> + <p> + Very glad to know that I have n't. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0139" id="link2H_4_0139"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 13, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. P. M. G. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—The bearer of this, Mr. C. T. Hempstow, is a Virginian who + wishes to get, for his son, a small place in your Dept. I think Virginia + should be heard, in such cases. + </p> + <p> + LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0140" id="link2H_4_0140"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + NOTE ASKING CABINET OPINIONS ON FORT SUMTER. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 15, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + THE HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort + Sumter, under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it? Please give + me your opinion in writing on this question. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + [Same to other members of the Cabinet.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0141" id="link2H_4_0141"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON ROYAL ARBITRATION OF AMERICAN BOUNDARY LINE + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES + </h3> + <p> + The Senate has transmitted to me a copy of the message sent by my + predecessor to that body on the 21st of February last, proposing to take + its advice on the subject of a proposition made by the British Government + through its minister here to refer the matter in controversy between that + government and the Government of the United States to the arbitrament of + the King of Sweden and Norway, the King of the Netherlands, or the + Republic of the Swiss Confederation. + </p> + <p> + In that message my predecessor stated that he wished to present to the + Senate the precise questions following, namely: + </p> + <p> + "Will the Senate approve a treaty referring to either of the sovereign + powers above named the dispute now existing between the governments of the + United States and Great Britain concerning the boundary line between + Vancouver's Island and the American continent? In case the referee shall + find himself unable to decide where the line is by the description of it + in the treaty of June 15, 1846, shall he be authorized to establish a line + according to the treaty as nearly as possible? Which of the three powers + named by Great Britain as an arbiter shall be chosen by the United + States?" + </p> + <p> + I find no reason to disapprove of the course of my predecessor in this + important matter; but, on the contrary, I not only shall receive the + advice of the Senate thereon cheerfully, but I respectfully ask the Senate + for their advice on the three questions before recited. + </p> + <p> + ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, March 16, 1861 + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0142" id="link2H_4_0142"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + AMBASSADORIAL APPOINTMENTS + </h2> + <h3> + TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 18, 1861 HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I believe it is a necessity with us to make the + appointments I mentioned last night—that is, Charles F. Adams to + England, William L. Dayton to France, George P. Marsh to Sardinia, and + Anson Burlingame to Austria. These gentlemen all have my highest esteem, + but no one of them is originally suggested by me except Mr. Dayton. Mr. + Adams I take because you suggested him, coupled with his eminent fitness + for the place. Mr. Marsh and Mr. Burlingame I take because of the intense + pressure of their respective States, and their fitness also. + </p> + <p> + The objection to this card is that locally they are so huddled up—three + being in New England and two from a single State. I have considered this, + and will not shrink from the responsibility. This, being done, leaves but + five full missions undisposed of—Rome, China, Brazil, Peru, and + Chili. And then what about Carl Schurz; or, in other words, what about our + German friends? + </p> + <p> + Shall we put the card through, and arrange the rest afterward? What say + you? + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0143" id="link2H_4_0143"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO G. E. PATTEN. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 19, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + TO MASTER GEO. EVANS PATTEN. + </p> + <p> + WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:—I did see and talk with Master Geo. Evans + Patten last May at Springfield, Ill. + </p> + <p> + Respectfully, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + [Written because of a denial that any interview with young Patten, then a + schoolboy, had ever taken place.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0144" id="link2H_4_0144"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RESPONSE TO SENATE INQUIRY RE. FORT SUMTER + </h2> + <h3> + MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + </h3> + <p> + TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:—I have received a copy of the + resolution of the Senate, passed on the 25th instant, requesting me, if in + my opinion not incompatible with the public interest, to communicate to + the Senate the despatches of Major Robert Anderson to the War Department + during the time he has been in command of Fort Sumter. On examination of + the correspondence thus called for, I have, with the highest respect for + the Senate, come to the conclusion that at the present moment the + publication of it would be inexpedient. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN WASHINGTON, MARCH 16, 1861 <a name="link2H_4_0145" + id="link2H_4_0145"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PREPARATION OF FIRST NAVAL ACTION + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 29, 1861 HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—I desire that an expedition to move by sea be got ready to sail + as early as the 6th of April next, the whole according to memorandum + attached, and that you cooperate with the Secretary of the Navy for that + object. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + [Inclosure.] + </p> + <p> + Steamers Pocahontas at Norfolk, Paunee at Washington, Harriet Lane at New + York, to be under sailing orders for sea, with stores, etc., for one + month. Three hundred men to be kept ready for departure from on board the + receiving-ships at New York. Two hundred men to be ready to leave + Governor's Island in New York. Supplies for twelve months for one hundred + men to be put in portable shape, ready for instant shipping. A large + steamer and three tugs conditionally engaged. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0146" id="link2H_4_0146"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO ——— STUART. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, March 30, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR STUART: + </p> + <p> + Cousin Lizzie shows me your letter of the 27th. The question of giving her + the Springfield post-office troubles me. You see I have already appointed + William Jayne a Territorial governor and Judge Trumbull's brother to a + land-office. Will it do for me to go on and justify the declaration that + Trumbull and I have divided out all the offices among our relatives? Dr. + Wallace, you know, is needy, and looks to me; and I personally owe him + much. + </p> + <p> + I see by the papers, a vote is to be taken as to the post-office. Could + you not set up Lizzie and beat them all? She, being here, need know + nothing of it, so therefore there would be no indelicacy on her part. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0147" id="link2H_4_0147"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NEW YORK NAVY-YARD. + </h2> + <h3> + NAVY DEPT., WASHINGTON, April 1, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NAVY-YARD, Brooklyn, N. Y. + </p> + <p> + Fit out the Powhatan to go to sea at the earnest possible moment under + sealed orders. Orders by a confidential messenger go forward to-morrow. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0148" id="link2H_4_0148"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER, United States Navy. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—You will proceed to New York, and with the least possible + delay, assuming command of any naval steamer available, proceed to + Pensacola Harbor, and at any cost or risk prevent any expedition from the + mainland reaching Fort Pickens or Santa Rosa Island. + </p> + <p> + You will exhibit this order to any naval officer at Pensacola, if you deem + it necessary, after you have established yourself within the harbor, and + will request co-operation by the entrance of at least one other steamer. + </p> + <p> + This order, its object, and your destination will be communicated to no + person whatever until you reach the harbor of Pensacola. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + Recommended, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0149" id="link2H_4_0149"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RELIEF EXPEDITION FOR FORT SUMTER + </h2> + <h3> + ORDER TO OFFICERS OF THE ARMY AND NAVY. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861. + </p> + <p> + All officers of the army and navy to whom this order may be exhibited will + aid by every means in their power the expedition under the command of + Colonel Harvey Brown, supplying him with men and material, and + co-operating with him as he may desire. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0150" id="link2H_4_0150"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER TO CAPTAIN SAMUEL MERCER. + </h2> + <h3> + (Confidential.) + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON CITY, April 1, 1861 + </p> + <p> + SIR:—Circumstances render it necessary to place in command of your + ship (and for a special purpose) an officer who is fully informed and + instructed in relation to the wishes of the Government, and you will + therefore consider yourself detached. But in taking this step the + Government does not in the least reflect upon your efficiency or + patriotism; on the contrary, have the fullest confidence in your ability + to perform any duty required of you. Hoping soon to be able to give you a + better command than the one you now enjoy, and trusting that you will have + full confidence in the disposition of the Government toward you, I remain, + etc., + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0151" id="link2H_4_0151"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SECRETARY SEWARD'S BID FOR POWER + </h2> + <h3> + MEMORANDUM FROM SECRETARY SEWARD, APRIL 1, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Some thoughts for the President's Consideration, + </p> + <p> + First. We are at the end of a month's administration, and yet without a + policy either domestic or foreign. + </p> + <p> + Second. This, however, is not culpable, and it has even been unavoidable. + The presence of the Senate, with the need to meet applications for + patronage, have prevented attention to other and more grave matters. + </p> + <p> + Third. But further delay to adopt and prosecute our policies for both + domestic and foreign affairs would not only bring scandal on the + administration, but danger upon the country. + </p> + <p> + Fourth. To do this we must dismiss the applicants for office. But how? I + suggest that we make the local appointments forthwith, leaving foreign or + general ones for ulterior and occasional action. + </p> + <p> + Fifth. The policy at home. I am aware that my views are singular, and + perhaps not sufficiently explained. My system is built upon this idea as a + ruling one, namely, that we must CHANGE THE QUESTION BEFORE THE PUBLIC + FROM ONE UPON SLAVERY, OR ABOUT SLAVERY, for a question upon UNION OR + DISUNION: In other words, from what would be regarded as a party question, + to one of patriotism or union. + </p> + <p> + The occupation or evacuation of Fort Sumter, although not in fact a + slavery or a party question, is so regarded. Witness the temper manifested + by the Republicans in the free States, and even by the Union men in the + South. + </p> + <p> + I would therefore terminate it as a safe means for changing the issue. I + deem it fortunate that the last administration created the necessity. + </p> + <p> + For the rest, I would simultaneously defend and reinforce all the ports in + the gulf, and have the navy recalled from foreign stations to be prepared + for a blockade. Put the island of Key West under martial law. + </p> + <p> + This will raise distinctly the question of union or disunion. I would + maintain every fort and possession in the South. + </p> + <p> + FOR FOREIGN NATIONS, + </p> + <p> + I would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at once. + </p> + <p> + I would seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia, and send agents + into Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous continental + spirit of independence on this continent against European intervention. + </p> + <p> + And, if satisfactory explanations are not received from Spain and France, + </p> + <p> + Would convene Congress and declare war against them. + </p> + <p> + But whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of + it. + </p> + <p> + For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it + incessantly. + </p> + <p> + Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in + it, or Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on + it must end, and all agree and abide. + </p> + <p> + It is not in my especial province; But I neither seek to evade nor assume + responsibility. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0152" id="link2H_4_0152"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO SECRETARY SEWARD'S MEMORANDUM + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, APRIL 1, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. W. H. SEWARD. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Since parting with you I have been considering your + paper dated this day, and entitled "Some Thoughts for the President's + Consideration." The first proposition in it is, "First, We are at the end + of a month's administration, and yet without a policy either domestic or + foreign." + </p> + <p> + At the beginning of that month, in the inaugural, I said: "The power + confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and + places belonging to the Government, and to Collect the duties and + imposts." This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken in + connection with the order I immediately gave General Scott, directing him + to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold the forts, + comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with the single + exception that it does not propose to abandon Fort Sumter. + </p> + <p> + Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement of Fort Sumter would be + done on a slavery or a party issue, while that of Fort Pickens would be on + a more national and patriotic one. + </p> + <p> + The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly brings a + new item within the range of our foreign policy; but up to that time we + have been preparing circulars and instructions to ministers and the like, + all in perfect harmony, without even a suggestion that we had no foreign + policy. + </p> + <p> + Upon your Closing propositions—that, + </p> + <p> + "Whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of it. + </p> + <p> + "For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it + incessantly. + </p> + <p> + "Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in + it, or, + </p> + <p> + "Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it + must end, and all agree and abide"— + </p> + <p> + I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general line of + policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its being changed + without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of unnecessary debate; + still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and suppose I am + entitled to have, the advice of all the Cabinet. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0153" id="link2H_4_0153"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO A COMMITTEE FROM THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION, APRIL 13, 1861 + </h2> + <p> + HON. WILLIAM BALLARD PRESTON, ALEXANDER H. H. STUART, GEORGE W. RANDOLPH, + Esq. + </p> + <p> + GENTLEMEN:—As a committee of the Virginia Convention now in Session, + you present me a preamble and resolution in these words: + </p> + <p> + "Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which + prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive + intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely injurious to the + industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an + excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment of pending difficulties, + and threatens a disturbance of the public peace: therefore + </p> + <p> + "Resolved, that a committee of three delegates be appointed by this + Convention to wait upon the President of the United States, present to him + this preamble and resolution, and respectfully ask him to communicate to + this Convention the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue + in regard to the Confederate States. + </p> + <p> + "Adopted by the Convention of the State of Virginia, Richmond, April 8, + 1861." + </p> + <p> + In answer I have to say that, having at the beginning of my official term + expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep + regret and some mortification I now learn that there is great and + injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and + what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to change, + it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the inaugural + address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole document as the + best expression I can give of my purposes. + </p> + <p> + As I then and therein said, I now repeat: "The power confided to me will + be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to + the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what is + necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force + against or among the people anywhere." By the words "property and places + belonging to the Government," I chiefly allude to the military posts and + property which were in the possession of the Government when it came to my + hands. + </p> + <p> + But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the + United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault has been + made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess, if I + can, like places which had been seized before the Government was devolved + upon me. And in every event I shall, to the extent of my ability, repel + force by force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been + assaulted, as is reported, I shall perhaps cause the United States mails + to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to have seceded, believing + that the commencement of actual war against the Government justifies and + possibly demands this. + </p> + <p> + I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and property + situated within the States which claim to have seceded as yet belonging to + the Government of the United States as much as they did before the + supposed secession. + </p> + <p> + Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect the + duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the country; not + meaning by this, however, that I may not land a force deemed necessary to + relieve a fort upon a border of the country. + </p> + <p> + From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must + not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I + reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be regarded as + a modification. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0154" id="link2H_4_0154"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 75,000 MILITIA, + </h2> + <h3> + AND CONVENING CONGRESS IN EXTRA SESSION, APRIL 15, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + </p> + <p> + A Proclamation. + </p> + <p> + Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past and now + are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South + Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by + combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of + judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals bylaw: + </p> + <p> + Now, therefore, I, A. LINCOLN, President of the United States, in virtue + of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought + fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the several + States of the Union, to the aggregate number of seventy-five thousand, in + order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly + executed. + </p> + <p> + The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the State + authorities through the War Department. + </p> + <p> + I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort + to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our National + Union, and the perpetuity of popular government; and to redress wrongs + already long enough endured. + </p> + <p> + I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces + hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and + property which have been seized from the Union; and in every event the + utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to + avoid any devastation, any destruction of or interference with property, + or any disturbance of peaceful citizens in any part of the country. + </p> + <p> + And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid to + disperse and retire peacefully to their respective abodes within twenty + days from date. + </p> + <p> + Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an + extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested + by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. Senators and + Representatives are therefore summoned to assemble at their respective + chambers, at twelve o'clock noon, on Thursday, the fourth day of July + next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their + wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of + the United States to be affixed. + </p> + <p> + Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the year + of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the + independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN + </p> + <p> + By the President: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0155" id="link2H_4_0155"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 19, 1861 + </h2> + <h3> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + </h3> + <p> + A Proclamation. + </p> + <p> + Whereas an insurrection against the Government of the United States has + broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, + Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the United States for + the collection of the revenue cannot be effectually executed therein + conformably to that provision of the Constitution which requires duties to + be uniform throughout the United States: + </p> + <p> + And Whereas a combination of persons engaged in such insurrection have + threatened to grant pretended letters of marque to authorize the bearers + thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, and property of good + citizens of the country lawfully engaged in commerce on the high seas, and + in waters of the United States: + </p> + <p> + And Whereas an executive proclamation has been already issued requiring + the persons engaged in these disorderly proceedings to desist therefrom, + calling out a militia force for the purpose of repressing the same, and + convening Congress in extraordinary session to deliberate and determine + thereon: + </p> + <p> + Now, therefore, I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the United States, with a + view to the same purposes before mentioned, and to the protection of the + public peace, and the lives and property of quiet and orderly citizens + pursuing their lawful occupations, until Congress shall have assembled and + deliberated on the said unlawful proceedings, or until the same shall have + ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set on foot a blockade of the + ports within the States aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United + States, and of the law of nations in such case provided. For this purpose + a competent force will be posted so as to prevent entrance and exit of + vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, therefore, with a view to violate + such blockade, a vessel shall approach or shall attempt to leave either of + the said ports, she will be duly warned by the commander of one of the + blockading vessels, who will indorse on her register the fact and date of + such warning, and if the same vessel shall again attempt to enter or leave + the blockaded port, she will be captured and sent to the nearest + convenient port, for such proceedings against her and her cargo, as prize, + as may be deemed advisable. + </p> + <p> + And I hereby proclaim and declare that if any person, under the pretended + authority of the said States, or under any other pretense, shall molest a + vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo on board of her, such + person will be held amenable to the laws of the United States for the + prevention and punishment of piracy. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the + United States to be affixed. + </p> + <p> + Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of April, in the year + of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the + independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0156" id="link2H_4_0156"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + </p> + <p> + GENTLEMEN:—Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brune is + received. I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to keep the + peace in the trying situation in which you are placed. + </p> + <p> + For the future troops must be brought here, but I make no point of + bringing them through Baltimore. Without any military knowledge myself, of + course I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily said this morning + in the presence of these gentlemen, "March them around Baltimore, and not + through it." I sincerely hope the General, on fuller reflection, will + consider this practical and proper, and that you will not object to it. By + this a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops will be + avoided, unless they go out of their way to seek it. I hope you will exert + your influence to prevent this. + </p> + <p> + Now and ever I shall do all in my power for peace consistently with the + maintenance of the Government. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0157" id="link2H_4_0157"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GOVERNOR HICKS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + GOVERNOR HICKS: + </p> + <p> + I desire to consult with you and the Mayor of Baltimore relative to + preserving the peace of Maryland. Please come immediately by special + train, which you can take at Baltimore; or, if necessary, one can be sent + from here. Answer forthwith. + </p> + <p> + LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0158" id="link2H_4_0158"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER TO DEFEND FROM A MARYLAND INSURRECTION + </h2> + <h3> + ORDER TO GENERAL SCOTT. WASHINGTON, April 25, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SCOTT. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR—The Maryland Legislature assembles to-morrow at + Annapolis, and not improbably will take action to arm the people of that + State against the United States. The question has been submitted to and + considered by me whether it would not be justifiable, upon the ground of + necessary defense, for you, as General in Chief of the United States Army, + to arrest or disperse the members of that body. I think it would not be + justifiable nor efficient for the desired object. + </p> + <p> + First. They have a clearly legal right to assemble, and we cannot know in + advance that their action will not be lawful and peaceful, and if we wait + until they shall have acted their arrest or dispersion will not lessen the + effect of their action. + </p> + <p> + Secondly. We cannot permanently prevent their action. If we arrest them, + we cannot long hold them as prisoners, and when liberated they will + immediately reassemble and take their action; and precisely the same if we + simply disperse them—they will immediately reassemble in some other + place. + </p> + <p> + I therefore conclude that it is only left to the Commanding General to + watch and await their action, which, if it shall be to arm their people + against the United States, he is to adopt the most prompt and efficient + means to counteract, even, if necessary, to the bombardment of their + cities and, in the extremist necessity, the suspension of the writ of + habeas corpus. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0159" id="link2H_4_0159"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 27, 1861 + </h2> + <h3> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + </h3> + <p> + A Proclamation. + </p> + <p> + Whereas, for the reasons assigned in my proclamation of the nineteenth + instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South Carolina, Georgia, + Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas was ordered to be + established: + </p> + <p> + And whereas, since that date, public property of the United States has + been seized, the collection of the revenue obstructed, and duly + commissioned officers of the United States, while engaged in executing the + orders of their superiors, have been arrested and held in custody as + prisoners, or have been impeded in the discharge of their official duties, + without due legal process, by persons claiming to act under authorities of + the States of Virginia and North Carolina: + </p> + <p> + An efficient blockade of the ports of those States will also be + established. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the + United States to be affixed. + </p> + <p> + Done at the city of Washington, this twenty seventh day of April, in the + year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the + independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0160" id="link2H_4_0160"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REMARKS TO A MILITARY COMPANY, WASHINGTON, APRIL 27, 1861 + </h2> + <p> + I have desired as sincerely as any man, and I sometimes think more than + any other man, that our present difficulties might be settled without the + shedding of blood. I will not say that all hope has yet gone; but if the + alternative is presented whether the Union is to be broken in fragments + and the liberties of the people lost, or blood be shed, you will probably + make the choice with which I shall not be dissatisfied. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0161" id="link2H_4_0161"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LOCALIZED REPEAL OF WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS + </h2> + <h3> + TO GENERAL SCOTT. + </h3> + <p> + TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES. + </p> + <p> + You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of the + United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line + which is now or which shall be used between the City of Philadelphia and + the city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to + suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public safety, you personally, + or through the officer in command at the point at which resistance occurs, + are authorized to suspend that writ. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, April 17, 1861 + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0162" id="link2H_4_0162"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MILITARY ENROLLMENT OF ST. LOUIS CITIZENS + </h2> + <h3> + FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR WAR DEPARTMENT, April 30, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + TO CAPTAIN NATHANIEL LYON. + </p> + <p> + CAPT. NATHANIEL LYON, Commanding Department of the West. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—The President of the United States directs that you enroll in + the military service of the United States the loyal citizens of Saint + Louis and vicinity, not exceeding, with those heretofore enlisted, ten + thousand in number, for the purpose of maintaining the authority of the + United States; for the protection of the peaceful inhabitants of Missouri; + and you will, if deemed necessary for that purpose by yourself, by Messrs. + Oliver F. Ferny, John How, James O. Broadhead, Samuel T. Glover, J. + Wilzie, Francis P. Blair, Jr., proclaim martial law in the city of Saint + Louis. + </p> + <p> + The additional force hereby authorized shall be discharged in part or in + whole, if enlisted. As soon as it appears to you and the gentlemen above + mentioned that there is no danger of an attempt on the part of the enemies + of the Government to take military possession of the city of Saint Louis, + or put the city in control of the combination against the Government of + the United States; and whilst such additional force remains in the service + the same shall be governed by the Rules and Articles of War, and such + special regulations as you may prescribe. I shall like the force hereafter + directed to be enrolled to be under your command. + </p> + <p> + The arms and other military stores in the Saint Louis Arsenal not needed + for the forces of the United States in Missouri must be removed to + Springfield, or some other safe place of deposit in the State of Illinois, + as speedily as practicable, by the ordnance officers in charge at Saint + Louis. + </p> + <p> + (Indorsement.) + </p> + <p> + It is revolutionary times, and therefore I do not object to the + irregularity of this. W. S. + </p> + <p> + Approved, April 30, 1861. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + Colonel Thomas will make this order. SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0163" id="link2H_4_0163"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CONDOLENCE OVER FAILURE OF FT. SUMTER RELIEF + </h2> + <h3> + TO GUSTAVUS V. FOX. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, D.C., May 1, 1861 + </p> + <p> + CAPTAIN G. V. Fox. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I sincerely regret that the failure of the late attempt + to provision Fort Sumter should be the source of any annoyance to you. + </p> + <p> + The practicability of your plan was not, in fact, brought to a test. By + reason of a gale, well known in advance to be possible and not improbable, + the tugs, an essential part of the plan, never reached the ground; while, + by an accident for which you were in no wise responsible, and possibly I + to some extent was, you were deprived of a war vessel, with her men, which + you deemed of great importance to the enterprise. + </p> + <p> + I most cheerfully and truly declare that the failure of the undertaking + has not lowered you a particle, while the qualities you developed in the + effort have greatly heightened you in my estimation. + </p> + <p> + For a daring and dangerous enterprise of a similar character you would + to-day be the man of all my acquaintances whom I would select. You and I + both anticipated that the cause of the country would be advanced by making + the attempt to provision Fort Sumter, even if it should fail; and it is no + small consolation now to feel that our anticipation is justified by the + result. + </p> + <p> + Very truly your friend, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0164" id="link2H_4_0164"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 42,034 VOLUNTEERS, + </h2> + <h3> + MAY 3, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. + </p> + <p> + A Proclamation.. + </p> + <p> + Whereas existing exigencies demand immediate and adequate measures for the + protection of the National Constitution and the preservation of the + National Union by the suppression of the insurrectionary combinations now + existing in several States for opposing the laws of the Union and + obstructing the execution thereof, to which end a military force in + addition to that called forth by my proclamation of the 15th day of April + in the present year appears to be indispensably necessary: + </p> + <p> + Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States and + Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy thereof and of the militia of the + several States when called into actual service, do hereby call into the + service of the United States 42,034 volunteers to serve for the period of + three years, unless sooner discharged, and to be mustered into service as + infantry and cavalry. The proportions of each arm and the details of + enrollment and organization will be made known through the Department of + War. + </p> + <p> + And I also direct that the Regular Army of the United States be increased + by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one regiment of cavalry, + and one regiment of artillery, making altogether a maximum aggregate + increase of 22,714 officers and enlisted men, the details of which + increase will also be made known through the Department of War. + </p> + <p> + And I further direct the enlistment for not less than one or more than + three years of 18,000 seamen, in addition to the present force, for the + naval service of the United States. The details of the enlistment and + organization will be made known through the Department of the Navy. + </p> + <p> + The call for volunteers hereby made and the direction for the increase of + the Regular Army and for the enlistment of seamen hereby given, together + with the plan of organization adopted for the volunteer and for the + regular forces hereby authorized, will be submitted to Congress as soon as + assembled. + </p> + <p> + In the meantime I earnestly invoke the co-operation of all good citizens + in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual suppression of unlawful + violence, for the impartial enforcement of constitutional laws, and for + the speediest possible restoration of peace and order, and with these of + happiness and prosperity, throughout our country. + </p> + <p> + In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my band and caused the seal of + the United States to be affixed................ + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0165" id="link2H_4_0165"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + COMMUNICATION WITH VICE-PRESIDENT + </h2> + <h3> + TO VICE-PRESIDENT HAMLIN. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, D.C., May 6, 1861 + </p> + <p> + HON. H. HAMLIN, New York. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:-Please advise me at the close of each day what troops left + during the day, where going, and by what route; what remaining at New + York, and what expected in the next day. Give the numbers, as near as + convenient, and what corps they are. This information, reaching us daily, + will be very useful as well as satisfactory. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0166" id="link2H_4_0166"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER TO COLONEL ANDERSON, + </h2> + <h3> + MAY 7, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + TO ALL WHO SHALL SEE THESE PRESENTS, GREETING: + </p> + <p> + Know ye that, reposing special trust and confidence in the patriotism, + valor, fidelity, and ability of Colonel Robert Anderson, U. S. Army, I + have empowered him, and do hereby empower him, to receive into the army of + the United States as many regiments of volunteer troops from the State of + Kentucky and from the western part of the State of Virginia as shall be + willing to engage in the Service of the United States for the term of + three years, upon the terms and according to the plan proposed by the + proclamation of May 3, 1861, and General Orders No. 15, from the War + Department, of May 4, 1861. + </p> + <p> + The troops whom he receives shall be on the same footing in every respect + as those of the like kind called for in the proclamation above cited, + except that the officers shall be commissioned by the United States. He is + therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the duty hereby devolved + upon him by doing and performing all manner of things thereunto belonging. + </p> + <p> + Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 7th day of May, A. D. + 1861, and in the eighty-fifth year of the independence of the United + States. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War, + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0167" id="link2H_4_0167"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS IN FLORIDA, + </h2> + <h3> + MAY 10, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA: + </p> + <p> + A Proclamation. + </p> + <p> + Whereas an insurrection exists in the State of Florida, by which the + lives, liberty, and property of loyal citizens of the United States are + endangered: + </p> + <p> + And whereas it is deemed proper that all needful measures should be taken + for the protection of such citizens and all officers of the United States + in the discharge of their public duties in the State aforesaid: + </p> + <p> + Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the + United States, do hereby direct the commander of the forces of the United + States on the Florida coast to permit no person to exercise any office or + authority upon the islands of Key West, the Tortugas, and Santa Rosa, + which may be inconsistent with the laws and Constitution of the United + States, authorizing him at the same time, if he shall find it necessary, + to suspend there the writ of habeas corpus, and to remove from the + vicinity of the United States fortresses all dangerous or suspected + persons. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the + United States to be affixed..................... + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0168" id="link2H_4_0168"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY WELLES. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 11, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. + </p> + <p> + SIR:-Lieut. D. D. Porter was placed in command of the steamer Powhatan, + and Captain Samuel Mercer was detached therefrom, by my special order, and + neither of them is responsible for any apparent or real irregularity on + their part or in connection with that vessel. + </p> + <p> + Hereafter Captain Porter is relieved from that special service and placed + under the direction of the Navy Department, from which he will receive + instructions and to which he will report. + </p> + <p> + Very respectfully, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0169" id="link2H_4_0169"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CORRECTIONS OF A DIPLOMATIC DESPATCH + </h2> + <h3> + WRITTEN BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO MINISTER ADAMS + </h3> + <p> + NO. 10. + </p> + <p> + DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON, May 21, 1861 + </p> + <p> + SIR:—-Mr. Dallas, in a brief despatch of May 2d (No. 333), tells us + that Lord John Russell recently requested an interview with him on account + of the solicitude which his lordship felt concerning the effect of certain + measures represented as likely to be adopted by the President. In that + conversation the British secretary told Mr. Dallas that the three + representatives of the Southern Confederacy were then in London, that Lord + John Russell had not yet seen them, but that he was not unwilling to see + them unofficially. He further informed Mr. Dallas that an understanding + exists between the British and French governments which would lead both to + take one and the same course as to recognition. His lordship then referred + to the rumor of a meditated blockade by us of Southern ports, and a + discontinuance of them as ports of entry. Mr. Dallas answered that he knew + nothing on those topics, and therefore + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + (The President's corrections, both in notes and text, are in + caps. All matter between brackets was to be marked out.) +</pre> + <p> + could say nothing. He added that you were expected to arrive in two weeks. + Upon this statement Lord John Russell acquiesced in the expediency of + waiting for the full knowledge you were expected to bring. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Dallas transmitted to us some newspaper reports of ministerial + explanations made in Parliament. + </p> + <p> + You will base no proceedings on parliamentary debates further than to seek + explanations when necessary and communicate them to this department. [We + intend to have a clear and simple record of whatever issue may arise + between us and Great Britain.] + </p> + <p> + The President [is surprised and grieved] regrets that Mr. Dallas did not + protest against the proposed unofficial intercourse between the British + Government and the missionaries of the insurgents [as well as against the + demand for explanations made by the British Government]. It is due, + however, to Mr. Dallas to say that our instructions had been given only to + you and not to him, and that his loyalty and fidelity, too rare in these + times [among our late representatives abroad, are confessed and] are + appreciated. + </p> + <p> + Intercourse of any kind with the so-called commissioners is liable to be + construed as a recognition of the authority which appointed them. Such + intercourse would be none the less [wrongful] hurtful to us for being + called unofficial, and it might be even more injurious, because we should + have no means of knowing what points might be resolved by it. Moreover, + unofficial intercourse is useless and meaningless if it is not expected to + ripen into official intercourse and direct recognition. It is left + doubtful here whether the proposed unofficial intercourse has yet actually + begun. Your own [present] antecedent instructions are deemed explicit + enough, and it is hoped that you have not misunderstood them. You will in + any event desist from all intercourse whatever, unofficial as well as + official, with the British Government, so long as it shall continue + intercourse of either kind with the domestic enemies of this country + [confining yourself to a delivery of a copy of this paper to the Secretary + of State. After doing this.] When intercourse shall have been arrested for + this cause, you will communicate with this department and receive further + directions. + </p> + <p> + Lord John Russell has informed us of an understanding between the British + and French governments that they will act together in regard to our + affairs. This communication, however, loses something of its value from + the circumstance that the communication was withheld until after knowledge + of the fact had been acquired by us from other sources. We know also + another fact that has not yet been officially communicated to us—namely, + that other European States are apprised by France and England of their + agreement, and are expected to concur with or follow them in whatever + measures they adopt on the subject of recognition. The United States have + been impartial and just in all their conduct toward the several nations of + Europe. They will not complain, however, of the combination now announced + by the two leading powers, although they think they had a right to expect + a more independent, if not a more friendly, course from each of them. You + will take no notice of that or any other alliance. Whenever the European + governments shall see fit to communicate directly with us, we shall be, as + heretofore, frank and explicit in our reply. + </p> + <p> + As to the blockade, you will say that by [the] our own laws [of nature] + and the laws of nature and the laws of nations, this Government has a + clear right to suppress insurrection. An exclusion of commerce from + national ports which have been seized by the insurgents, in the equitable + form of blockade, is the proper means to that end. You will [admit] not + insist that our blockade is [not] to be respected if it be not maintained + by a competent force; but passing by that question as not now a practical, + or at least an urgent, one, you will add that [it] the blockade is now, + and it will continue to be so maintained, and therefore we expect it to be + respected by Great Britain. You will add that we have already revoked the + exequatur of a Russian consul who had enlisted in the military service of + the insurgents, and we shall dismiss or demand the recall of every foreign + agent, consular or diplomatic, who shall either disobey the Federal laws + or disown the Federal authority. + </p> + <p> + As to the recognition of the so-called Southern Confederacy, it is not to + be made a subject of technical definition. It is, of course, [quasi] + direct recognition to publish an acknowledgment of the sovereignty and + independence of a new power. It is [quasi] direct recognition to receive + its ambassadors, ministers, agents, or commissioners officially. A + concession of belligerent rights is liable to be construed as a + recognition of them. No one of these proceedings will [be borne] pass + [unnoticed] unquestioned by the United States in this case. + </p> + <p> + Hitherto recognition has been moved only on the assumption that the + so-called Confederate States are de facto a self-sustaining power. Now, + after long forbearance, designed to soothe discontent and avert the need + of civil war, the land and naval forces of the United States have been put + in motion to repress the insurrection. The true character of the pretended + new State is at once revealed. It is seen to be a power existing in + pronunciamento only, It has never won a field. It has obtained no forts + that were not virtually betrayed into its hands or seized in breach of + trust. It commands not a single port on the coast nor any highway out from + its pretended capital by land. Under these circumstances Great Britain is + called upon to intervene and give it body and independence by resisting + our measures of suppression. British recognition would be British + intervention to create within our own territory a hostile state by + overthrowing this republic itself. [When this act of intervention is + distinctly performed, we from that hour shall cease to be friends, and + become once more, as we have twice before been forced to be, enemies of + Great Britain.] + </p> + <p> + As to the treatment of privateers in the insurgent service, you will say + that this is a question exclusively our own. We treat them as pirates. + They are our own citizens, or persons employed by our citizens, preying on + the commerce of our country. If Great Britain shall choose to recognize + them as lawful belligerents, and give them shelter from our pursuit and + punishment, the laws of nations afford an adequate and proper remedy [and + we shall avail ourselves of it. And while you need not say this in + advance, be sure that you say nothing inconsistent with it.] + </p> + <p> + Happily, however, her Britannic Majesty's government can avoid all these + difficulties. It invited us in 1856 to accede to the declaration of the + Congress of Paris, of which body Great Britain was herself a member, + abolishing privateering everywhere in all cases and forever. You already + have our authority to propose to her our accession to that declaration. If + she refuse to receive it, it can only be because she is willing to become + the patron of privateering when aimed at our devastation. + </p> + <p> + These positions are not elaborately defended now, because to vindicate + them would imply a possibility of our waiving them. + </p> + <p> + 1 We are not insensible of the grave importance of + </p> + <p> + 1 (Drop all from this line to the end, and in lieu of it write, "This + paper is for your own guidance only, and not [sic] to be read or shown to + any one.") + </p> + <p> + (Secretary Seward, when the despatch was returned to him, added an + introductory paragraph stating that the document was strictly + confidential. For this reason these last two paragraphs remained as they + are here printed.) + </p> + <p> + this occasion. We see how, upon the result of the debate in which we are + engaged, a war may ensue between the United States and one, two, or even + more European nations. War in any case is as exceptionable from the habits + as it is revolting from the sentiments of the American people. But if it + come, it will be fully seen that it results from the action of Great + Britain, not our own; that Great Britain will have decided to fraternize + with our domestic enemy, either without waiting to hear from you our + remonstrances and our warnings, or after having heard them. War in defense + of national life is not immoral, and war in defense of independence is an + inevitable part of the discipline of nations. + </p> + <p> + The dispute will be between the European and the American branches of the + British race. All who belong to that race will especially deprecate it, as + they ought. It may well be believed that men of every race and kindred + will deplore it. A war not unlike it between the same parties occurred at + the close of the last century. Europe atoned by forty years of suffering + for the error that Great Britain committed in provoking that contest. If + that nation shall now repeat the same great error, the social convulsions + which will follow may not be so long, but they will be more general. When + they shall have ceased, it will, we think, be seen, whatever may have been + the fortunes of other nations, that it is not the United States that will + have come out of them with its precious Constitution altered or its + honestly obtained dominion in any degree abridged. Great Britain has but + to wait a few months and all her present inconveniences will cease with + all our own troubles. If she take a different course, she will calculate + for herself the ultimate as well as the immediate consequences, and will + consider what position she will hold when she shall have forever lost the + sympathies and the affections of the only nation on whose sympathies and + affections she has a natural claim. In making that calculation she will do + well to remember that in the controversy she proposes to open we shall be + actuated by neither pride, nor passion, nor cupidity, nor ambition; but we + shall stand simply on the principle of self-preservation, and that our + cause will involve the independence of nations and the rights of human + nature. + </p> + <p> + I am, Sir, respectfully your obedient servant, W. H. S. + </p> + <p> + CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., etc, + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0170" id="link2H_4_0170"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR, + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 21, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:—Why cannot Colonel Small's + Philadelphia regiment be received? I sincerely wish it could. There is + something strange about it. Give these gentlemen an interview, and take + their regiment. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0171" id="link2H_4_0171"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GOVERNOR MORGAN. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, May 12, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + GOVERNOR E. D. MORGAN, Albany, N.Y. + </p> + <p> + I wish to see you face to face to clear these difficulties about + forwarding troops from New York. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0172" id="link2H_4_0172"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO CAPTAIN DAHLGREEN. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE, MANSION, May 23, 1863. + </h3> + <p> + CAPT. DAHLGREEN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Allow me to introduce Col. J. A. McLernand, M.C. of my + own district in Illinois. If he should desire to visit Fortress Monroe, + please introduce him to the captain of one of the vessels in our service, + and pass him down and back. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0173" id="link2H_4_0173"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER OF CONDOLENCE TO ONE OF FIRST CASUALTIES + </h2> + <h3> + TO COLONEL ELLSWORTH'S PARENTS, WASHINGTON, D.C., May 25, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + TO THE FATHER AND MOTHER OF COL. ELMER E. ELLSWORTH. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR AND MADAME:—In the untimely loss of your noble son, our + affliction here is scarcely less than your own. So much of promised + usefulness to one's country, and of bright hopes for one's self and + friends, have never been so suddenly dashed as in his fall. In size, in + years, and in youthful appearance a boy only, his power to command men was + surpassingly great. This power, combined with a fine intellectual and + indomitable energy, and a taste altogether military, constituted in him, + as seemed to me, the best natural talent in that department I ever knew. + And yet he was singularly modest and deferential in social intercourse. My + acquaintance with him began less than two years ago; yet, through the + latter half of the intervening period, it was as intense as the disparity + of our ages and my engrossing engagements would permit. To me he appeared + to have no indulgences or pastimes, and I never heard him utter a profane + or an intemperate word. What was conclusive of his good heart, he never + forgot his parents. The honors he labored for so laudably, and for which, + in the sad end, he so gallantly gave his life, he meant for them no less + than for himself. + </p> + <p> + In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon the sacredness of your + sorrow, I have ventured to address you this tribute to the memory of my + young friend and your brave and early fallen son. + </p> + <p> + May God give you the consolation which is beyond all early power. + </p> + <p> + Sincerely your friend in common affliction, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0174" id="link2H_4_0174"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO COLONEL BARTLETT. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, May 27, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + COL. W. A. BARTLETT, New York. + </p> + <p> + The Naval Brigade was to go to Fort Monroe without trouble to the + government, and must so go or not at all. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0175" id="link2H_4_0175"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MEMORANDUM ABOUT INDIANA REGIMENTS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, JUNE 11, 1861 + </h3> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + The government has already accepted ten regiments from the State of +Indiana. I think at least six more ought to be received from that State, +two to be those of Colonel James W. McMillan and Colonel William L. +Brown, and the other four to be designated by the Governor of the State +of Indiana, and to be received into the volunteer service of the United +States according to the "Plan of Organization" in the General Orders of +the War Department, No.15. When they report to Major-General McClellan in +condition to pass muster according to that order, and with the approval of +the Secretary of War to be indorsed hereon, and left in his department, +I direct that the whole six, or any smaller number of such regiments, be +received. +</pre> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0176" id="link2H_4_0176"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—There is, it seems, a regiment in Massachusetts + commanded by Fletcher Webster, and which HON. Daniel Webster's old friends + very much wish to get into the service. If it can be received with the + approval of your department and the consent of the Governor of + Massachusetts I shall indeed be much gratified. Give Mr. Ashmun a chance + to explain fully. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0177" id="link2H_4_0177"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + </h3> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR—I think it is entirely safe to accept a fifth regiment + from Michigan, and with your approbation I should say a regiment presented + by Col. T. B. W. Stockton, ready for service within two weeks from now, + will be received. Look at Colonel Stockton's testimonials. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0178" id="link2H_4_0178"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 17, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY Of WAR. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—With your concurrence, and that of the Governor of + Indiana, I am in favor of accepting into what we call the three years' + service any number not exceeding four additional regiments from that + State. Probably they should come from the triangular region between the + Ohio and Wabash Rivers, including my own old boyhood home. Please see HON. + C. M. Allen, Speaker of the Indiana House of Representatives, and unless + you perceive good reason to the contrary, draw up an order for him + according to the above. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0179" id="link2H_4_0179"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 17,1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:—With your concurrence, and that + of the Governor of Ohio, I am in favor of receiving into what we call the + three years' service any number not exceeding six additional regiments + from that State, unless you perceive good reasons to the contrary. Please + see HON. John A. Gurley, who bears this, and make an order corresponding + with the above. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0180" id="link2H_4_0180"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO N. W. EDWARDS + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D. C., June 19, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Hon. N. W. EDWARDS MY DEAR SIR: + </p> + <p> + ....When you wrote me some time ago in reference to looking up something + in the departments here, I thought I would inquire into the thing and + write you, but the extraordinary pressure upon me diverted me from it, and + soon it passed out of my mind. The thing you proposed, it seemed to me, I + ought to understand myself before it was set on foot by my direction or + permission; and I really had no time to make myself acquainted with it. + Nor have I yet. And yet I am unwilling, of course, that you should be + deprived of a chance to make something, if it can be done without + injustice to the Government, or to any individual. If you choose to come + here and point out to me how this can be done I shall not only not object, + but shall be gratified to be able to oblige you. + </p> + <p> + Your friend as ever + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0181" id="link2H_4_0181"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 20, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Since you spoke to me yesterday about General J. H. + Lane, of Kansas, I have been reflecting upon the subject, and have + concluded that we need the service of such a man out there at once; that + we had better appoint him a brigadier-general of volunteers to-day, and + send him off with such authority to raise a force (I think two regiments + better than three, but as to this I am not particular) as you think will + get him into actual work quickest. Tell him, when he starts, to put it + through not to be writing or telegraphing back here, but put it through. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0182" id="link2H_4_0182"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + </h2> + <h3> + [Indorsement.] + </h3> + <p> + General Lane has been authorized to raise two additional regiments of + volunteers. + </p> + <p> + SIMON CAMERON, Secretary o f War. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0183" id="link2H_4_0183"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 29, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + GENTLEMEN OF THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION WHO ARE FOR THE UNION: + </p> + <p> + I somewhat wish to authorize my friend Jesse Bayles to raise a Kentucky + regiment, but I do not wish to do it without your consent. If you consent, + please write so at the bottom of this. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + We consent: + R. MALLORY. + H. GRIDER. + G. W. DUNLAP. + J. S. JACKSON. + C. A. WICKLIFFE. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0184" id="link2H_4_0184"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + August 5, 1861. + </h2> + <p> + I repeat, I would like for Col. Bayles to raise a regiment of cavalry + whenever the Union men of Kentucky desire or consent to it. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0185" id="link2H_4_0185"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL SCOTT TO SUSPEND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, JULY + </h2> + <p> + 2, 1861 TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES: + </p> + <p> + You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of the + United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line + which is now or which shall be used between the city of New York and the + city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to + suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public safety, you personally, + or through the officer in command at the point where resistance occurs, + are authorized to suspend that writ. + </p> + <p> + Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at the city of + Washington, this second day of July, A.D. 1861, and of the independence of + the United States the eighty-fifth. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0186" id="link2H_4_0186"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 3, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—General Scott had sent me a copy of the despatch of + which you kindly sent one. Thanks to both him and you. Please assemble the + Cabinet at twelve to-day to look over the message and reports. + </p> + <p> + And now, suppose you step over at once and let us see General Scott (and) + General Cameron about assigning a position to General Fremont. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0187" id="link2H_4_0187"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS IN SPECIAL SESSION, + </h2> + <h3> + JULY 4, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:—Having + been convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the + Constitution, your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of + legislation. + </p> + <p> + At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four months ago, the + functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally suspended + within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, + Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of the + Post-Office Department. + </p> + <p> + Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dockyards, custom-houses, and + the like, including the movable and stationary property in and about them, + had been seized, and were held in open hostility to this government, + excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on and near the + Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor, South Carolina. The + forts thus seized had been put in improved condition, new ones had been + built, and armed forces had been organized and were organizing, all + avowedly with the same hostile purpose. + </p> + <p> + The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal Government in and + near these States were either besieged or menaced by warlike preparations, + and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by well-protected hostile + batteries, with guns equal in quality to the best of its own, and + outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. A disproportionate share of + the Federal muskets and rifles had somehow found their way into these + States, and had been seized to be used against the government. + Accumulations of the public revenue lying within them had been seized for + the same object. The navy was scattered in distant seas, leaving but a + very small part of it within the immediate reach of the government. + Officers of the Federal army and navy had resigned in great numbers; and + of those resigning a large proportion had taken up arms against the + government. Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, the purpose + to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance with this + purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States, declaring + the States respectively to be separated from the national Union. A formula + for instituting a combined government of these States had been + promulgated; and this illegal organization, in the character of + confederate States, was already invoking recognition, aid, and + intervention from foreign powers. + </p> + <p> + Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an imperative + duty upon the incoming executive to prevent, if possible, the consummation + of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of means to that + end became indispensable. This choice was made and was declared in the + inaugural address. The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all + peaceful measures before a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only to + hold the public places and property not already wrested from the + government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on time, + discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the mails, at + government expense, to the very people who were resisting the government; + and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to any of the people, + or any of their rights. Of all that which a President might + constitutionally and justifiably do in such a case, everything was + forborne without which it was believed possible to keep the government on + foot. + </p> + <p> + On the 5th of March (the present incumbent's first full day in office), a + letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written on the 28th + of February and received at the War Department on the 4th of March, was by + that department placed in his hands. This letter expressed the + professional opinion of the writer that reinforcements could not be thrown + into that fort within the time for his relief, rendered necessary by the + limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding possession of the + same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good and well-disciplined + men. This opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his command, and + their memoranda on the subject were made inclosures of Major Anderson's + letter. The whole was immediately laid before Lieutenant-General Scott, + who at once concurred with Major Anderson in opinion. On reflection, + however, he took full time, consulting with other officers, both of the + army and the navy, and at the end of four days came reluctantly but + decidedly to the same conclusion as before. He also stated at the same + time that no such sufficient force was then at the control of the + government, or could be raised and brought to the ground within the time + when the provisions in the fort would be exhausted. In a purely military + point of view, this reduced the duty of the administration in the case to + the mere matter of getting the garrison safely out of the fort. + </p> + <p> + It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the + circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity under which it + was to be done would not be fully understood; that by many it would be + construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home it would + discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far + to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; that in fact, it would be + our national destruction consummated. This could not be allowed. + Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and ere it would be reached Fort + Pickens might be reinforced. This last would be a clear indication of + policy, and would better enable the country to accept the evacuation of + Fort Sumter as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to be + sent for the landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort + Pickens. This order could not go by land, but must take the longer and + slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was received + just one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news itself was that the + officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had been + transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of the + late administration (and of the existence of which the present + administration, up to the time the order was despatched, had only too + vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention), had refused to land the + troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would be reached at + Fort Sumter was impossible—rendered so by the near exhaustion of + provisions in the latter-named fort. In precaution against such a + conjuncture, the government had, a few days before, commenced preparing an + expedition as well adapted as might be to relieve Fort Sumter, which + expedition was intended to be ultimately used, or not, according to + circumstances. The strongest anticipated case for using it was now + presented, and it was resolved to send it forward. As had been intended in + this contingency, it was also resolved to notify the governor of South + Carolina that he might expect an attempt would be made to provision the + fort; and that, if the attempt should not be resisted, there would be no + effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in + case of an attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given; + whereupon the fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even + awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition. + </p> + <p> + It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sumter was in + no sense a matter of self-defense on the part of the assailants. They well + knew that the garrison in the fort could by no possibility commit + aggression upon them. They knew—they were expressly notified—that + the giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of the garrison was + all which would on that occasion be attempted, unless themselves, by + resisting so much, should provoke more. They knew that this government + desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail them, but merely + to maintain visible possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual + and immediate dissolution—trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, + discussion, and the ballot-box for final adjustment; and they assailed and + reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object—to drive out the + visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate + dissolution. That this was their object the executive well understood; and + having said to them in the inaugural address, "You can have no conflict + without being yourselves the aggressors," he took pains not only to keep + this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of + ingenious sophistry that the world should not be able to misunderstand it. + By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that + point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the government began + the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return + their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years before + for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in + whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have forced + upon the country the distinct issue, "immediate dissolution or blood." + </p> + <p> + And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It + presents to the whole family of man the question whether a constitutional + republic or democracy—a government of the people by the same people—can + or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic + foes. It presents the question whether discontented individuals, too few + in numbers to control administration according to organic law in any case, + can always, upon the pretenses made in this case, or on any other + pretenses, or arbitrarily without any pretense, break up their government, + and thus practically put an end to free government upon the earth. It + forces us to ask: Is there in all republics this inherent and fatal + weakness? Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the liberties + of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence? + </p> + <p> + So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power of + the government, and so to resist force employed for its destruction by + force for its preservation. + </p> + <p> + The call was made, and the response of the country was most gratifying, + surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expectation. Yet none + of the States commonly called slave States, except Delaware, gave a + regiment through regular State organization. A few regiments have been + organized within some others of those States by individual enterprise, and + received into the government service. Of course the seceded States, so + called (and to which Texas had been joined about the time of the + inauguration), gave no troops to the cause of the Union. + </p> + <p> + The border States, so called, were not uniform in their action, some of + them being almost for the Union, while in others—as Virginia, North + Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas—the Union sentiment was nearly + repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most + remarkable—perhaps the most important. A convention elected by the + people of that State to consider this very question of disrupting the + Federal Union was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter + fell. To this body the people had chosen a large majority of professed + Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, many members of + that majority went over to the original disunion minority, and with them + adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Union. Whether + this change was wrought by their great approval of the assault upon + Sumter, or their great resentment at the government's resistance to that + assault, is not definitely known. Although they submitted the ordinance + for ratification to a vote of the people, to be taken on a day then + somewhat more than a month distant, the convention and the Legislature + (which was also in session at the same time and place), with leading men + of the State not members of either, immediately commenced acting as if the + State were already out of the Union. They pushed military preparations + vigorously forward all over the State. They seized the United States + armory at Harper's Ferry, and the navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. They + received perhaps invited—into their State large bodies of troops, + with their warlike appointments, from the so-called seceded States. They + formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance and co-operation with + the so-called "Confederate States," and sent members to their congress at + Montgomery. And finally, they permitted the insurrectionary government to + be transferred to their capital at Richmond. + </p> + <p> + The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to make + its nest within her borders; and this government has no choice left but to + deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret as the loyal + citizens have, in due form, claimed its protection. Those loyal citizens + this government is bound to recognize and protect, as being Virginia. + </p> + <p> + In the border States, so called,—in fact, the middle States,—there + are those who favor a policy which they call "armed neutrality"; that is, + an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one way, or + the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disunion completed. + Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an impassable wall + along the line of separation—and yet not quite an impassable one, + for under the guise of neutrality it would tie the hands of Union men and + freely pass supplies from among them to the insurrectionists, which it + could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke it would take all the trouble + off the hands of secession, except only what proceeds from the external + blockade. It would do for the disunionists that which, of all things, they + most desire—feed them well and give them disunion without a struggle + of their own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation + to maintain the Union; and while very many who have favored it are + doubtless loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very injurious in effect. + </p> + <p> + Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated that at first + a call was made for 75,000 militia; and, rapidly following this, a + proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insurrectionary + districts by proceedings in the nature of blockade. So far all was + believed to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrectionists + announced their purpose to enter upon the practice of privateering. + </p> + <p> + Other calls were made for volunteers to serve for three years, unless + sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular army and + navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured upon, + under what appeared to be a popular demand and a public necessity; + trusting then, as now, that Congress would readily ratify them. It is + believed that nothing has been done beyond the constitutional competency + of Congress. + </p> + <p> + Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to + authorize the commanding general in proper cases, according to his + discretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, or, in + other words, to arrest and detain, without resort to the ordinary + processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous to + the public safety. This authority has purposely been exercised but very + sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and propriety of what has been done + under it are questioned, and the attention of the country has been called + to the proposition that one who has sworn to "take care that the laws be + faithfully executed" should not himself violate them. Of course some + consideration was given to the questions of power and propriety before + this matter was acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required to + be faithfully executed were being resisted and failing of execution in + nearly one third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail of + execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the use of the means + necessary to their execution some single law, made in such extreme + tenderness of the citizen's liberty that, practically, it relieves more of + the guilty than of the innocent, should to a very limited extent be + violated? To state the question more directly, are all the laws but one to + go unexecuted, and the government itself go to pieces lest that one be + violated? Even in such a case, would not the official oath be broken if + the government should be overthrown when it was believed that disregarding + the single law would tend to preserve it? But it was not believed that + this question was presented. It was not believed that any law was + violated. The provision of the Constitution that "the privilege of the + writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of + rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it," is equivalent to + a provision—is a provision—that such privilege may be + suspended when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety does + require it. It was decided that we have a case of rebellion, and that the + public safety does require the qualified suspension of the privilege of + the writ which was authorized to be made. Now it is insisted that + Congress, and not the executive, is vested with this power. But the + Constitution itself is silent as to which or who is to exercise the power; + and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot + be believed the framers of the instrument intended that in every case the + danger should run its course until Congress could be called together, the + very assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, + by the rebellion. + </p> + <p> + No more extended argument is now offered, as an opinion at some length + will probably be presented by the attorney-general. Whether there shall be + any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is submitted entirely + to the better judgment of Congress. + </p> + <p> + The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary and so long + continued as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as if they + supposed the early destruction of our national Union was probable. While + this, on discovery, gave the executive some concern, he is now happy to + say that the sovereignty and rights of the United States are now + everywhere practically respected by foreign powers; and a general sympathy + with the country is manifested throughout the world. + </p> + <p> + The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy will + give the information in detail deemed necessary and convenient for your + deliberation and action; while the executive and all the departments will + stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate new facts considered + important for you to know. + </p> + <p> + It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this + contest a short and decisive one: that you place at the control of the + government for the work at least four hundred thousand men and + $400,000,000. That number of men is about one-tenth of those of proper + ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to engage; and + the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money value owned by the + men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of $600,000,000 now is a + less sum per head than was the debt of our Revolution when we came out of + that struggle; and the money value in the country now bears even a greater + proportion to what it was then than does the population. Surely each man + has as strong a motive now to preserve our liberties as each had then to + establish them. + </p> + <p> + A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten times + the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from the country + leaves no doubt that the material for the work is abundant, and that it + needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal sanction, and the hand + of the executive to give it practical shape and efficiency. One of the + greatest perplexities of the government is to avoid receiving troops + faster than it can provide for them. In a word, the people will save their + government if the government itself will do its part only indifferently + well. + </p> + <p> + It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether the + present movement at the South be called "secession" or "rebellion." The + movers, however, well understand the difference. At the beginning they + knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude by + any name which implies violation of law. They knew their people possessed + as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and order, and as much + pride in and reverence for the history and government of their common + country as any other civilized and patriotic people. They knew they could + make no advancement directly in the teeth of these strong and noble + sentiments. Accordingly, they commenced by an insidious debauching of the + public mind. They invented an ingenious sophism which, if conceded, was + followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the incidents, to the + complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself is that any State of + the Union may consistently with the national Constitution, and therefore + lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from the Union without the consent of + the Union or of any other State. The little disguise that the supposed + right is to be exercised only for just cause, themselves to be the sole + judges of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice. + </p> + <p> + With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been drugging the public mind + of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length they have + brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against the + government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted the farcical + pretense of taking their State out of the Union, who could have been + brought to no such thing the day before. + </p> + <p> + This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency from the + assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining + to a State—to each State of our Federal Union. Our States have + neither more nor less power than that reserved to them in the Union by the + Constitution—no one of them ever having been a State out of the + Union. The original ones passed into the Union even before they cast off + their British colonial dependence; and the new ones each came into the + Union directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas. And even + Texas in its temporary independence was never designated a State. The new + ones only took the designation of States on coming into the Union, while + that name was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of + Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were declared to be "free and + independent States"; but even then the object plainly was not to declare + their independence of one another or of the Union, but directly the + contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action before, at the + time, and afterward, abundantly show. The express plighting of faith by + each and all of the original thirteen in the Articles of Confederation, + two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive. + Having never been States either in substance or in name outside of the + Union, whence this magical omnipotence of "State rights," asserting a + claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is said about + the "sovereignty" of the States; but the word even is not in the national + Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State constitutions. What + is "sovereignty" in the political sense of the term? Would it be far wrong + to define it as "a political community without a political superior"? + Tested by this, no one of our States except Texas ever was a sovereignty. + And even Texas gave up the character on coming into the Union; by which + act she acknowledged the Constitution of the United States, and the laws + and treaties of the United States made in pursuance of the Constitution, + to be for her the supreme law of the land. The States have their status in + the Union, and they have no other legal status. If they break from this, + they can only do so against law and by revolution. The Union, and not + themselves separately, procured their independence and their liberty. By + conquest or purchase the Union gave each of them whatever of independence + or liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the States, and, in + fact, it created them as States. Originally some dependent colonies made + the Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off their old dependence for + them, and made them States, such as they are. Not one of them ever had a + State constitution independent of the Union. Of course, it is not + forgotten that all the new States framed their constitutions before they + entered the Union nevertheless, dependent upon and preparatory to coming + into the Union. + </p> + <p> + Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to them in + and by the national Constitution; but among these surely are not included + all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive, but, at most, + such only as were known in the world at the time as governmental powers; + and certainly a power to destroy the government itself had never been + known as a governmental, as a merely administrative power. This relative + matter of national power and State rights, as a principle, is no other + than the principle of generality and locality. Whatever concerns the whole + should be confided to the whole—to the General Government; while + whatever concerns only the State should be left exclusively to the State. + This is all there is of original principle about it. Whether the national + Constitution in defining boundaries between the two has applied the + principle with exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. We are all bound + by that defining, without question. + </p> + <p> + What is now combated is the position that secession is consistent with the + Constitution—is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that there + is any express law for it; and nothing should ever be implied as law which + leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The nation purchased with money + the countries out of which several of these States were formed. Is it just + that they shall go off without leave and without refunding? The nation + paid very large sums (in the aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred + millions) to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she + shall now be off without consent or without making any return? The nation + is now in debt for money applied to the benefit of these so-called + seceding States in common with the rest. Is it just either that creditors + shall go unpaid or the remaining States pay the whole? A part of the + present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. Is it + just that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself? + </p> + <p> + Again, if one State may secede, so may another; and when all shall have + seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just for creditors? + Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed their money? + If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in peace, + it is difficult to see what we can do if others choose to go or to extort + terms upon which they will promise to remain. + </p> + <p> + The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They have + assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which of + necessity they have either discarded or retained the right of secession as + they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, they thereby + admit that on principle it ought not to be in ours. If they have retained + it, by their own construction of ours, they show that to be consistent + they must secede from one another whenever they shall find it the easiest + way of settling their debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust + object. The principle itself is one of disintegration and upon which no + government can possibly endure. + </p> + <p> + If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out + of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder politicians would + at once deny the power and denounce the act as the greatest outrage upon + State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being + called "driving the one out," should be called "the seceding of the others + from that one," it would be exactly what the seceders claim to do, unless, + indeed, they make the point that the one, because it is a minority, may + rightfully do what the others, because they are a majority, may not + rightfully do. These politicians are subtle and profound on the rights of + minorities. They are not partial to that power which made the Constitution + and speaks from the preamble calling itself "We, the People." + </p> + <p> + It may well be questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the + legally qualified voters of any State except perhaps South Carolina in + favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union men are + the majority in many, if not in every other one, of the so-called seceded + States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of them. It is + ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and Tennessee; for the result of + an election held in military camps, where the bayonets are all on one side + of the question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as demonstrating + popular sentiment. At such an election, all that large class who are at + once for the Union and against coercion would be coerced to vote against + the Union. + </p> + <p> + It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institutions we + enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our whole + people beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking and + an impressive illustration. So large an army as the government has now on + foot was never before known without a soldier in it but who has taken his + place there of his own free choice. But more than this, there are many + single regiments whose members, one and another, possess full practical + knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else, + whether useful or elegant, is known in the world; and there is scarcely + one from which there could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a + Congress, and perhaps a court, abundantly competent to administer the + government itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of our + late friends, now adversaries in this contest; but if it is, so much + better the reason why the government which has conferred such benefits on + both them and us should not be broken up. Whoever in any section proposes + to abandon such a government would do well to consider in deference to + what principle it is that he does it; what better he is likely to get in + its stead; whether the substitute will give, or be intended to give, so + much of good to the people. There are some foreshadowings on this subject. + Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of independence in which, + unlike the good old one, penned by Jefferson, they omit the words "all men + are created equal." Why? They have adopted a temporary national + constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one, signed by + Washington, they omit "We, the People," and substitute, "We, the deputies + of the sovereign and independent States." Why? Why this deliberate + pressing out of view the rights of men and the authority of the people? + </p> + <p> + This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a + struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of + government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men to lift + artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of laudable + pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and a fair chance in + the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures, from + necessity; this is the leading object of the government for whose + existence we contend. + </p> + <p> + I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and appreciate + this. It is worthy of note that, while in this the government's hour of + trial large numbers of those in the army and navy who have been favored + with the offices have resigned and proved false to the hand which had + pampered them, not one common soldier or common sailor is known to have + deserted his flag. + </p> + <p> + Great honor is due to those officers who remained true, despite the + example of their treacherous associates; but the greatest honor, and most + important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common soldiers + and common sailors. To the last man, so far as known, they have + successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose commands, but + an hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic + instinct of the plain people. They understand, without an argument, that + the destroying of the government which was made by Washington means no + good to them. + </p> + <p> + Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two points in + it our people have already settled—the successful establishing and + the successful administering of it. One still remains—its successful + maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is + now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry + an election can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are the rightful + and peaceful successors of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly and + constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back to + bullets; that there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots + themselves, at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace: + teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can they + take it by a war; teaching all the folly of being the beginners of a war. + </p> + <p> + Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what is to + be the course of the government toward the Southern States after the + rebellion shall have been suppressed, the executive deems it proper to say + it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Constitution and + the laws; and that he probably will have no different understanding of the + powers and duties of the Federal Government relatively to the rights of + the States and the people, under the Constitution, than that expressed in + the inaugural address. + </p> + <p> + He desires to preserve the government, that it may be administered for all + as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens everywhere + have the right to claim this of their government, and the government has + no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived that in giving it + there is any coercion, any conquest, or any subjugation, in any just sense + of those terms. + </p> + <p> + The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the provision, + that "the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a + republican form of government." But if a State may lawfully go out of the + Union, having done so it may also discard the republican form of + government, so that to prevent its going out is an indispensable means to + the end of maintaining the guarantee mentioned; and when an end is lawful + and obligatory, the indispensable means to it are also lawful and + obligatory. + </p> + <p> + It was with the deepest regret that the executive found the duty of + employing the war power in defense of the government forced upon him. He + could but perform this duty or surrender the existence of the government. + No compromise by public servants could, in this case, be a cure; not that + compromises are not often proper, but that no popular government can long + survive a marked precedent that those who carry an election can only save + the government from immediate destruction by giving up the main point upon + which the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not their + servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions. + </p> + <p> + As a private citizen the executive could not have consented that these + institutions shall perish; much less could he in betrayal of so vast and + so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him. He felt that + he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the chances of his own + life, in what might follow. In full view of his great responsibility he + has, so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to + your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and + your action may so accord with his as to assure all faithful citizens who + have been disturbed in their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to + them, under the Constitution and the laws. + </p> + <p> + And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure purpose, + let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly + hearts. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN, + </p> + <p> + July 4, 1861 + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0188" id="link2H_4_0188"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, July 6, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Please ask the Comr. of Indian Affairs, and of the + Gen'l Land Office to come with you, and see me at once. I want the + assistance of all of you in overhauling the list of appointments a little + before I send them to the Senate. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0189" id="link2H_4_0189"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th + instant, requesting a copy of correspondence upon the subject of the + incorporation of the Dominican republic with the Spanish monarchy, I + transmit a report from the Secretary of State; to whom the resolution was + referred. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, July 11, 1861. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0190" id="link2H_4_0190"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </h3> + <p> + I transmit to Congress a copy of correspondence between the Secretary of + State and her Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister + plenipotentiary accredited to this government, relative to the exhibition + of the products of industry of all nations, which is to take place at + London in the course of next year. As citizens of the United States may + justly pride themselves upon their proficiency in industrial arts, it is + desirable that they should have proper facilities toward taking part in + the exhibition. With this view I recommend such legislation by Congress at + this session as may be necessary for that purpose. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, July 16, 1861 + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0191" id="link2H_4_0191"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </h3> + <p> + As the United States have, in common with Great Britain and France, a deep + interest in the preservation and development of the fisheries adjacent to + the northeastern coast and islands of this continent, it seems proper that + we should concert with the governments of those countries such measures as + may be conducive to those important objects. With this view I transmit to + Congress a copy of a correspondence between the Secretary of State and the + British minister here, in which the latter proposes, on behalf of his + government, the appointment of a joint commission to inquire into the + matter, in order that such ulterior measures may be adopted as may be + advisable for the objects proposed. Such legislation recommended as may be + necessary to enable the executive to provide for a commissioner on behalf + of the United States: + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861. A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0192" + id="link2H_4_0192"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + ADJUTANT-GENERAL: + </p> + <p> + I have agreed, and do agree, that the two Indian regiments named within + shall be accepted if the act of Congress shall admit it. Let there be no + further question about it. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0193" id="link2H_4_0193"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MEMORANDA OF MILITARY POLICY SUGGESTED BY THE BULL RUN DEFEAT. JULY 23, + </h2> + <p> + 1861 + </p> + <p> + 1. Let the plan for making the blockade effective be pushed forward with + all possible despatch. + </p> + <p> + 2. Let the volunteer forces at Fort Monroe and vicinity under General + Butler be constantly drilled, disciplined, and instructed without more for + the present. + </p> + <p> + 3. Let Baltimore be held as now, with a gentle but firm and certain hand. + </p> + <p> + 4. Let the force now under Patterson or Banks be strengthened and made + secure in its position. + </p> + <p> + 5. Let the forces in Western Virginia act till further orders according to + instructions or orders from General McClellan. + </p> + <p> + 6. [Let] General Fremont push forward his organization and operations in + the West as rapidly as possible, giving rather special attention to + Missouri. + </p> + <p> + 7. Let the forces late before Manassas, except the three-months men, be + reorganized as rapidly as possible in their camps here and about + Arlington. + </p> + <p> + 8. Let the three-months forces who decline to enter the longer service be + discharged as rapidly as circumstances will permit. + </p> + <p> + 9. Let the new volunteer forces be brought forward as fast as possible, + and especially into the camps on the two sides of the river here. + </p> + <p> + When the foregoing shall be substantially attended to: + </p> + <p> + 1. Let Manassas Junction (or some point on one or other of the railroads + near it) and Strasburg be seized, and permanently held, with an open line + from Washington to Manassas, and an open line from Harper's Ferry to + Strasburg the military men to find the way of doing these. + </p> + <p> + 2. This done, a joint movement from Cairo on Memphis; and from Cincinnati + on East Tennessee. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0194" id="link2H_4_0194"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., July 24, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—Together with the regiments of three years' volunteers which + the government already has in service in your State, enough to make eight + in all, if tendered in a reasonable time, will be accepted, the new + regiments to be taken, as far as convenient, from the three months' men + and officers just discharged, and to be organized, equipped, and sent + forward as fast as single regiments are ready, On the same terms as were + those already in the service from that State. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + [Indorsement.] + </p> + <p> + This order is entered in the War Department, and the Governor of New + Jersey is authorized to furnish the regiments with wagons and horses. + </p> + <p> + S. CAMERON, Secretary of War. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0195" id="link2H_4_0195"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 22d + instant; requesting a copy of the correspondence between this, government + and foreign powers with reference to maritime right, I transmit a report + from the Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861 + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0196" id="link2H_4_0196"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 15th + instant, requesting a copy of the correspondence between this government + and foreign powers on the subject of the existing insurrection in the + United States, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0197" id="link2H_4_0197"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY CHASE. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 16, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MR CHASE:—The bearer, Mr. ———, wants ——— + in the custom house at Baltimore. If his recommendations are satisfactory, + and I recollect them to have been so, the fact that he is urged by the + Methodists should be in his favor, as they complain of us some. + </p> + <p> + LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0198" id="link2H_4_0198"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 24th + instant, asking the grounds, reasons, and evidence upon which the police + Commissioners of Baltimore were arrested and are now detained as prisoners + at Port McHenry, I have to state that it is judged to be incompatible with + the public interest at this time to furnish the information called for by + the resolution. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. WASHINGTON, JULY 27, 1861 <a name="link2H_4_0199" + id="link2H_4_0199"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 19th instant requesting + information concerning the quasi armistice alluded to in my message of the + 4th instant, I transmit a report from the Secretary of the Navy. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. JULY 30, 1861 <a name="link2H_4_0200" id="link2H_4_0200"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 23d instant requesting + information concerning the imprisonment of Lieutenant John J. Worden (John + L. Worden) of the United States navy, I transmit a report from the + Secretary of the Navy. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + July 30, 1861 + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0201" id="link2H_4_0201"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER TO UNITED STATES MARSHALS. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C., JULY 31, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + The Marshals of the United States in the vicinity of forts where political + prisoners are held will supply decent lodging and sustenance for such + prisoners unless they shall prefer to provide in those respects for + themselves, in which case they will be allowed to do so by the commanding + officer in charge. + </p> + <p> + Approved, and the Secretary of the State will transmit the order to the + Marshals, to the Lieutenant-General, and the Secretary of the Interior. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0202" id="link2H_4_0202"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of yesterday, + requesting information regarding the imprisonment of loyal citizens of the + United States by the forces now in rebellion against this government, I + transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and the copy of a + telegraphic despatch by which it was accompanied. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, August 2, 1861. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0203" id="link2H_4_0203"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of your honorable body of date July 31, 1861, + requesting the President to inform the Senate whether the Hon. James H. + Lane, a member of that body from Kansas, has been appointed a + brigadier-general in the army of the United States, and if so, whether he + has accepted such appointment, I have the honor to transmit herewith + certain papers, numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, which, taken together, + explain themselves, and which contain all the information I possess upon + the questions propounded. + </p> + <p> + It was my intention, as shown by my letter of June 20, 1861, to appoint + Hon. James H. Lane, of Kansas, a brigadier-general of United States + volunteers in anticipation of the act of Congress, since passed, for + raising such volunteers; and I have no further knowledge upon the subject, + except as derived from the papers herewith enclosed. + </p> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 5, 1861 + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0204" id="link2H_4_0204"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, AUGUST 7, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—The within paper, as you see, is by HON. John S. Phelps + and HON. Frank P. Blair, Jr., both members of the present Congress from + Missouri. The object is to get up an efficient force of Missourians in the + southwestern part of the State. It ought to be done, and Mr. Phelps ought + to have general superintendence of it. I see by a private report to me + from the department that eighteen regiments are already accepted from + Missouri. Can it not be arranged that part of them (not yet organized, as + I understand) may be taken from the locality mentioned and put under the + control of Mr. Phelps, and let him have discretion to accept them for a + shorter term than three years—or the war—understanding, + however, that he will get them for the full term if he can? I hope this + can be done, because Mr. Phelps is too zealous and efficient and + understands his ground too well for us to lose his service. Of course + provision for arming, equipping, etc., must be made. Mr. Phelps is here, + and wishes to carry home with him authority for this matter. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0205" id="link2H_4_0205"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION OF A NATIONAL FAST-DAY, AUGUST 12, 1861. + </h2> + <h3> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA + </h3> + <p> + A Proclamation. + </p> + <p> + Whereas a joint committee of both houses of Congress has waited on the + President of the United States and requested him to "recommend a day of + public humiliation, prayer, and fasting to be observed by the people of + the United States with religious solemnities and the offering of fervent + supplications to Almighty God for the safety and welfare of these States, + His blessings on their arms, and a speedy restoration of peace"; and + </p> + <p> + Whereas it is fit and becoming in all people at all times to acknowledge + and revere the supreme government of God, to bow in humble submission to + His chastisements, to confess and deplore their sins and transgressions in + the full conviction that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom, + and to pray with all fervency and contrition for the pardon of their past + offences and for a blessing upon their present and prospective action; and + </p> + <p> + Whereas when our own beloved country, once, by the blessing of God, + united, prosperous, and happy, is now afflicted with faction and civil + war, it is peculiarly fit for us to recognize the hand of God in this + terrible visitation, and in sorrowful remembrance of our own faults and + crimes as a nation and as individuals to humble ourselves before Him and + to pray for His mercy-to pray that we may be spared further punishment, + though most justly deserved, that our arms may be blessed and made + effectual for the re-establishment of order, law, and peace throughout the + wide extent of our country, and that the inestimable boon of civil and + religious liberty, earned under His guidance and blessing by the labors + and sufferings of our fathers, may be restored in all its original + excellence. + </p> + <p> + Therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do appoint + the last Thursday in September next as a day of humiliation, prayer, and + fasting for all the people of the nation. And I do earnestly recommend to + all the people, and especially to all ministers and teachers of religion + of all denominations and to all heads of families, to observe and keep + that day according to their several creeds and modes of worship in all + humility and with all religious solemnity, to the end that the united + prayer of the nation may ascend to the Throne of Grace and bring down + plentiful blessings upon our country. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand + and caused the seal of the United States to + [SEAL.] + be affixed, this twelfth day of August, A. D. + 1861, and of the independence of the United + States of America the eighty-sixth. +</pre> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, + Secretary of State. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0206" id="link2H_4_0206"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JAMES POLLOCK. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, AUGUST 15, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. JAMES POLLOCK. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—You must make a job for the bearer of this—make a + job of it with the collector and have it done. You can do it for me and + you must. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0207" id="link2H_4_0207"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 15, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + GOVERNOR MORTON, Indiana: Start your four regiments to St. Louis at the + earliest moment possible. Get such harness as may be necessary for your + rifled gums. Do not delay a single regiment, but hasten everything forward + as soon as any one regiment is ready. Have your three additional regiments + organized at once. We shall endeavor to send you the arms this week. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0208" id="link2H_4_0208"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FREMONT, + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, August 15, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + TO MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + </p> + <p> + Been answering your messages since day before yesterday. Do you receive + the answers? The War Department has notified all the governors you + designate to forward all available force. So telegraphed you. Have you + received these messages? Answer immediately. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0209" id="link2H_4_0209"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION FORBIDDING INTERCOURSE WITH REBEL STATES, AUGUST 16, 1861. + </h2> + <h3> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + </h3> + <p> + A Proclamation. + </p> + <p> + Whereas on the fifteenth day of April, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, the + President of the United States, in view of an insurrection against the + laws, Constitution, and government of the United States which had broken + out within the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, + Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and in pursuance of the provisions of + the act entitled "An act to provide for calling forth the militia to + execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel + invasions, and to repeal the act now in force for that purpose," approved + February twenty-eighth, seventeen hundred and ninety-five, did call forth + the militia to suppress said insurrection, and to cause the laws of the + Union to be duly executed, and the insurgents have failed to disperse by + the time directed by the President; and whereas such insurrection has + since broken out and yet exists within the States of Virginia, North + Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas; and whereas the insurgents in all the + said States claim to act under the authority thereof, and such claim is + not disclaimed or repudiated by the persons exercising the functions of + government in such State or States, or in the part or parts thereof in + which such combinations exist, nor has such insurrection been suppressed + by said States: + </p> + <p> + Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in + pursuance of an act of Congress approved July thirteen, eighteen hundred + and sixty-one, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the said States + of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, + Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Florida (except the + inhabitants of that part of the State of Virginia lying west of the + Allegheny Mountains, and of such other parts of that State, and the other + States hereinbefore named, as may maintain a loyal adhesion to the Union + and the Constitution, or may be time to time occupied and controlled by + forces of the United States engaged in the dispersion of said insurgents), + are in a state of insurrection against the United States, and that all + commercial intercourse between the same and the inhabitants thereof, with + the exceptions aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and other parts + of the United States, is unlawful, and will remain unlawful until such + insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed; that all goods and + chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of said States, with the + exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, without the + special license and permission of the President, through the Secretary of + the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said States, with the exceptions + aforesaid, by land or water, together with the vessel or vehicle conveying + the same, or conveying persons to or from said States, with said + exceptions, will be forfeited to the United States; and that from and + after fifteen days from the issuing of this proclamation all ships and + vessels belonging in whole or in part to any citizen or inhabitant of any + of said States, with said exceptions, found at sea, or in any port of the + United States, will be forfeited to the United States; and I hereby enjoin + upon all district attorneys, marshals, and officers of the revenue and of + the military and naval forces of the United States to be vigilant in the + execution of said act, and in the enforcement of the penalties and + forfeitures imposed or declared by it; leaving any party who may think + himself aggrieved thereby to his application to the Secretary of the + Treasury for the remission of any penalty or forfeiture, which the said + Secretary is authorized by law to grant if, in his judgment, the special + circumstances of any case shall require such remission. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand,.... + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of Sate. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0210" id="link2H_4_0210"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 17, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Unless there be reason to the contrary, not known to + me, make out a commission for Simon B. Buckner, of Kentucky, as a + brigadier-general of volunteers. It is to be put into the hands of General + Anderson, and delivered to General Buckner or not, at the discretion of + General Anderson. Of course it is to remain a secret unless and until the + commission is delivered. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, A. LINCOLN + </p> + <p> + Same day made. + </p> + <p> + [Indorsement.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0211" id="link2H_4_0211"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN, + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 24, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + To HIS EXCELLENCY B. MAGOFFIN, Governor of the State of Kentucky. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—Your letter of the 19th instant, in which you urge the "removal + from the limits of Kentucky of the military force now organized and in + camp within that State," is received. + </p> + <p> + I may not possess full and precisely accurate knowledge upon this subject; + but I believe it is true that there is a military force in camp within + Kentucky, acting by authority of the United States, which force is not + very large, and is not now being augmented. + </p> + <p> + I also believe that some arms have been furnished to this force by the + United States. + </p> + <p> + I also believe this force consists exclusively of Kentuckians, having + their camp in the immediate vicinity of their own homes, and not assailing + or menacing any of the good people of Kentucky. + </p> + <p> + In all I have done in the premises I have acted upon the urgent + solicitation of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with what I believed, + and still believe, to be the wish of a majority of all the Union-loving + people of Kentucky. + </p> + <p> + While I have conversed on this subject with many eminent men of Kentucky, + including a large majority of her members of Congress, I do not remember + that any one of them, or any other person, except your Excellency and the + bearers of your Excellency's letter, has urged me to remove the military + force from Kentucky or to disband it. One other very worthy citizen of + Kentucky did solicit me to have the augmenting of the force suspended for + a time. + </p> + <p> + Taking all the means within my reach to form a judgment, I do not believe + it is the popular wish of Kentucky that this force shall be removed beyond + her limits; and, with this impression, I must respectfully decline to so + remove it. + </p> + <p> + I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in the wish to preserve + the peace of my own native State, Kentucky. It is with regret I search, + and cannot find, in your not very short letter, any declaration or + intimation that you entertain any desire for the preservation of the + Federal Union. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0212" id="link2H_4_0212"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL FREMONT. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 2, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Two points in your proclamation of August 30 give me + some anxiety. + </p> + <p> + First. Should you shoot a man, according to the proclamation, the + Confederates would very certainly shoot our best men in their hands in + retaliation; and so, man for man, indefinitely. It is, therefore, my order + that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation without first + having my approbation or consent. + </p> + <p> + Second. I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in + relation to the confiscation of property and the liberating slaves of + traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends and turn them + against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky. Allow me, + therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion, modify that + paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth sections of the act of + Congress entitled "An act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary + purposes," approved August 6, 1861, and a copy of which act I herewith + send you. + </p> + <p> + This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure. I send + it by special messenger, in order that it may certainly and speedily reach + you. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0213" id="link2H_4_0213"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GOVERNORS + </h2> + <p> + WASHBURN OF MAINE, FAIRBANKS OF VERMONT, BERRY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, ANDREW OF + MASSACHUSETTS, BUCKINGHAM OF CONNECTICUT, AND SPRAGUE OF RHODE ISLAND. + </p> + <p> + WAR DEPARTMENT, September 11, 1861. + </p> + <p> + General Butler proposes raising in New England six regiments, to be + recruited and commanded by himself, and to go on special service. + </p> + <p> + I shall be glad if you, as governor of ———, will answer + by telegraph if you consent. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0214" id="link2H_4_0214"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL FREMONT. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 11, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN C. FREMONT. + </p> + <p> + SIR:-Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just + received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the + necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing your + proclamation of August 30 I perceived no general objection to it. The + particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of property + and the liberation of slaves appeared to me to be objectionable in its + nonconformity to the act of Congress passed the 6th of last August upon + the same subjects; and hence I wrote you, expressing my wish that that + clause should be modified accordingly. Your answer, just received, + expresses the preference on your part that I should make an open order for + the modification, which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that + the said clause of said proclamation be so modified, held, and construed + as to conform to, and not to transcend, the provisions on the same subject + contained in the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate property + used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, and that said + act be published at length with this order. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0215" id="link2H_4_0215"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO MRS. FREMONT. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., September 12, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + Mrs. GENERAL FREMONT. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR MADAM:—Your two notes of to-day are before me. I answered + the letter you bore me from General Fremont on yesterday, and not hearing + from you during the day, I sent the answer to him by mail. It is not + exactly correct, as you say you were told by the elder Mr. Blair, to say + that I sent Postmaster-General Blair to St. Louis to examine into that + department and report. Postmaster-General Blair did go, with my + approbation, to see and converse with General Fremont as a friend. I do + not feel authorized to furnish you with copies of letters in my possession + without the consent of the writers. No impression has been made on my mind + against the honor or integrity of General Fremont, and I now enter my + protest against being understood as acting in any hostility toward him. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0216" id="link2H_4_0216"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JOSEPH HOLT, + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. JOSEPH HOLT. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of this day in relation to the late proclamation of + General Fremont is received yesterday I addressed a letter to him, by + mail, on the same subject, and which is to be made public when he receives + it. I herewith send you a copy of that letter, which perhaps shows my + position as distinctly as any new one I could write. I will thank you not + to make it public until General Fremont shall have had time to receive the + original. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0217" id="link2H_4_0217"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL SCOTT + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., September 16, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Since conversing with you I have concluded to request you + to frame an order for recruiting North Carolinians at Fort Hatteras. I + suggest it to be so framed as for us to accept a smaller force—even + a company—if we cannot get a regiment or more. What is necessary to + now say about officers you will judge. Governor Seward says he has a + nephew (Clarence A. Seward, I believe) who would be willing to go and play + colonel and assist in raising the force. Still it is to be considered + whether the North Carolinians will not prefer officers of their own. I + should expect they would. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0218" id="link2H_4_0218"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 18, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:—To guard against + misunderstanding, I think fit to say that the joint expedition of the army + and navy agreed upon some time since, and in which General T. W. Sherman + was and is to bear a conspicuous part, is in no wise to be abandoned, but + must be ready to move by the 1st of, or very early in, October. Let all + preparations go forward accordingly. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0219" id="link2H_4_0219"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL FREMONT, + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + </p> + <p> + Governor Morton telegraphs as follows: "Colonel Lane, just arrived by + special train, represents Owensborough, forty miles above Evansville, in + possession of secessionists. Green River is navigable. Owensborough must + be seized. We want a gunboat sent up from Paducah for that purpose." Send + up the gunboat if, in your discretion, you think it right. Perhaps you had + better order those in charge of the Ohio River to guard it vigilantly at + all points. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0220" id="link2H_4_0220"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + To O. H. BROWNING. + </h2> + <h3> + (Private and Confidential) + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON SEPTEMBER 22, 1861 HON. O. H. BROWNING. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 17th is just received; and coming from + you, I confess it astonishes me. That you should object to my adhering to + a law which you had assisted in making and presenting to me less than a + month before is odd enough. But this is a very small part. General + Fremont's proclamation as to confiscation of property and the liberation + of slaves is purely political and not within the range of military law or + necessity. If a commanding general finds a necessity to seize the farm of + a private owner for a pasture, an encampment, or a fortification, he has + the right to do so, and to so hold it as long as the necessity lasts; and + this is within military law, because within military necessity. But to say + the farm shall no longer belong to the owner, or his heirs forever, and + this as well when the farm is not needed for military purposes as when it + is, is purely political, without the savor of military law about it. And + the same is true of slaves. If the general needs them, he can seize them + and use them; but when the need is past, it is not for him to fix their + permanent future condition. That must be settled according to laws made by + law-makers, and not by military proclamations. The proclamation in the + point in question is simply "dictatorship." It assumes that the general + may do anything he pleases confiscate the lands and free the slaves of + loyal people, as well as of disloyal ones. And going the whole figure, I + have no doubt, would be more popular with some thoughtless people than + that which has been done, But I cannot assume this reckless position, nor + allow others to assume it on my responsibility. + </p> + <p> + You speak of it as being the only means of saving the government. On the + contrary, it is itself the surrender of the government. Can it be + pretended that it is any longer the Government of the United States—any + government of constitution and laws wherein a general or a president may + make permanent rules of property by proclamation? I do not say Congress + might not with propriety pass a law on the point, just such as General + Fremont proclaimed. + </p> + <p> + I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote for it. What I + object to is, that I, as President, shall expressly or impliedly seize and + exercise the permanent legislative functions of the government. + </p> + <p> + So much as to principle. Now as to policy. No doubt the thing was popular + in some quarters, and would have been more so if it had been a general + declaration of emancipation. The Kentucky Legislature would not budge till + that proclamation was modified; and General Anderson telegraphed me that + on the news of General Fremont having actually issued deeds of + manumission, a whole company of our volunteers threw down their arms and + disbanded. I was so assured as to think it probable that the very arms we + had furnished Kentucky would be turned against us. I think to lose + Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game. Kentucky gone, we + cannot hold Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all against us, and + the job on our hands is too large for us. We would as well consent to + separation at once, including the surrender of this Capital. On the + contrary, if you will give up your restlessness for new positions, and + back me manfully on the grounds upon which you and other kind friends gave + me the election and have approved in my public documents, we shall go + through triumphantly. You must not understand I took my course on the + proclamation because of Kentucky. I took the same ground in a private + letter to General Fremont before I heard from Kentucky. + </p> + <p> + You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid General Fremont + to shoot men under the proclamation. I understand that part to be within + military law, but I also think, and so privately wrote General Fremont, + that it is impolitic in this, that our adversaries have the power, and + will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many of our men as we shoot of + theirs. I did not say this in the public letter, because it is a subject I + prefer not to discuss in the hearing of our enemies. + </p> + <p> + There has been no thought of removing General Fremont on any ground + connected with his proclamation, and if there has been any wish for his + removal on any ground, our mutual friend Sam. Glover can probably tell you + what it was. I hope no real necessity for it exists on any ground. + </p> + <p> + Your friend, as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0221" id="link2H_4_0221"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MEMORANDUM FOR A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN + </h2> + <h3> + [OCTOBER 1?] 1861 + </h3> + <p> + On or about the 5th of October (the exact date to be determined hereafter) + I wish a movement made to seize and hold a point on the railroad + connecting Virginia and Tennessee near the mountain-pass called Cumberland + Gap. That point is now guarded against us by Zollicoffer, with 6000 or + 8000 rebels at Barboursville Ky.,—say twenty-five miles from the + Gap, toward Lexington. We have a force of 5000 or 6000 under General + Thomas, at Camp Dick Robinson, about twenty-five miles from Lexington and + seventy-five from Zollicoffer's camp, On the road between the two. There + is not a railroad anywhere between Lexington and the point to be seized, + and along the whole length of which the Union sentiment among the people + largely predominates. We have military possession of the railroad from + Cincinnati to Lexington, and from Louisville to Lexington, and some home + guards, under General Crittenden, are on the latter line. We have + possession of the railroad from Louisville to Nashville, Tenn., so far as + Muldraugh's Hill, about forty miles, and the rebels have possession of + that road all south of there. At the Hill we have a force of 8000, under + General Sherman, and about an equal force of rebels is a very short + distance south, under General Buckner. + </p> + <p> + We have a large force at Paducah, and a smaller at Port Holt, both on the + Kentucky side, with some at Bird's Point, Cairo, Mound City, Evansville, + and New Albany, all on the other side, and all which, with the gunboats on + the river, are perhaps sufficient to guard the Ohio from Louisville to its + mouth. + </p> + <p> + About supplies of troops, my general idea is that all from Wisconsin, + Minnesota, Iowa, Illinois, Missouri, and Kansas, not now elsewhere, be + left to Fremont. All from Indiana and Michigan, not now elsewhere, be sent + to Anderson at Louisville. All from Ohio needed in western Virginia be + sent there, and any remainder be sent to Mitchell at Cincinnati, for + Anderson. All east of the mountains be appropriated to McClellan and to + the coast. + </p> + <p> + As to movements, my idea is that the one for the coast and that on + Cumberland Gap be simultaneous, and that in the meantime preparation, + vigilant watching, and the defensive only be acted upon; this, however, + not to apply to Fremont's operations in northern and middle Missouri. That + before these movements Thomas and Sherman shall respectively watch but not + attack Zollicoffer and Buckner. That when the coast and Gap movements + shall be ready Sherman is merely to stand fast, while all at Cincinnati + and all at Louisville, with all on the line, concentrate rapidly at + Lexington, and thence to Thomas's camp, joining him, and the whole thence + upon the Gap. It is for the military men to decide whether they can find a + pass through the mountains at or near the Gap which cannot be defended by + the enemy with a greatly inferior force, and what is to be done in regard + to this. + </p> + <p> + The coast and Gap movements made, Generals McClellan and Fremont, in their + respective departments, will avail themselves of any advantages the + diversions may present. + </p> + <p> + [He was entirely unable to get this started, Sherman would have taken an + active part if given him, the others were too busy getting lines of + communication guarded—and discovering many "critical" supply items + that had not been sent them. Also the commanding general did not like it. + D.W.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0222" id="link2H_4_0222"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 4, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HONORABLE SECRETARY OF STATE. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Please see Mr. Walker, well vouched as a Union man and + son-in-law of Governor Morehead, and pleading for his release. I + understand the Kentucky arrests were not made by special direction from + here, and I am willing if you are that any of the parties may be released + when James Guthrie and James Speed think they should be. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0223" id="link2H_4_0223"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE VICEROY OF EGYPT. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, October 11, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND:—I have received from Mr. Thayer, + Consul-General of the United States at Alexandria, a full account of the + liberal, enlightened, and energetic proceedings which, on his complaint, + you have adopted in bringing to speedy and condign punishment the parties, + subjects of your Highness in Upper Egypt, who were concerned in an act of + criminal persecution against Faris, an agent of certain Christian + missionaries in Upper Egypt. I pray your Highness to be assured that these + proceedings, at once so prompt and so just, will be regarded as a new and + unmistakable proof equally of your Highness's friendship for the United + States and of the firmness, integrity and wisdom, with which the + government of your Highness is conducted. Wishing you great prosperity and + success, I am your friend, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + HIS HIGHNESS MOHAMMED SAID PACHA, Viceroy of Egypt and its Dependencies, + etc. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0224" id="link2H_4_0224"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER AUTHORIZING SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS. + </h2> + <h3> + October 14 1861 + </h3> + <p> + LIEUTENANT-GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT: + </p> + <p> + The military line of the United States for the suppression of the + insurrection may be extended so far as Bangor, in Maine. You and any + officer acting under your authority are hereby authorized to suspend the + writ of habeas corpus in any place between that place and the city of + Washington. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0225" id="link2H_4_0225"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY OF INTERIOR. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 14, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—How is this? I supposed I was appointing for register of + wills a citizen of this District. Now the commission comes to me "Moses + Kelly, of New Hampshire." I do not like this. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0226" id="link2H_4_0226"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TWO SONS WHO WANT TO WORK + </h2> + <h3> + TO MAJOR RAMSEY. + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 17, 1861 + </p> + <p> + MAJOR RAMSEY. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—The lady bearer of this says she has two sons who want + to work. Set them at it if possible. Wanting to work is so rare a want + that it should be encouraged. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0227" id="link2H_4_0227"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL THOMAS W. SHERMAN. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, October 18, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + GENERAL THOMAS SHERMAN, Annapolis, Md.: + </p> + <p> + Your despatch of yesterday received and shown to General McClellan. I have + promised him not to direct his army here without his consent. I do not + think I shall come to Annapolis. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0228" id="link2H_4_0228"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL CURTIS, WITH INCLOSURES. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Herewith is a document—half letter, half order—which, + wishing you to see, but not to make public, I send unsealed. Please read + it and then inclose it to the officer who may be in command of the + Department of the West at the time it reaches him. I cannot now know + whether Fremont or Hunter will then be in command. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0229" id="link2H_4_0229"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + </h2> + <h3> + BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—On receipt of this, with the accompanying inclosures, you + will take safe, certain, and suitable measures to have the inclosure + addressed to Major-General Fremont delivered to him with all reasonable + despatch, subject to these conditions only: that if, when General Fremont + shall be reached by the messenger—yourself or any one sent by you—he + shall then have, in personal command, fought and won a battle, or shall + then be actually in a battle, or shall then be in the immediate presence + of the enemy in expectation of a battle, it is not to be delivered, but + held for further orders. After, and not till after, the delivery to + General Fremont, let the inclosure addressed to General Hunter be + delivered to him. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + (General Orders No. 18.) HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + </p> + <p> + Major-General Fremont, of the United States Army, the present commander of + the Western Department of the same, will, on the receipt of this order, + call Major-General Hunter, of the United States Volunteers, to relieve him + temporarily in that command, when he (Major-General Fremont) will report + to general headquarters by letter for further orders. + </p> + <p> + WINFIELD SCOTT. By command: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0230" id="link2H_4_0230"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE COMMANDER OF THE DEPARTMENT OF THE WEST. + </h3> + <p> + SIR:—The command of the Department of the West having devolved upon + you, I propose to offer you a few suggestions. Knowing how hazardous it is + to bind down a distant commander in the field to specific lines and + operations, as so much always depends on a knowledge of localities and + passing events, it is intended, therefore, to leave a considerable margin + for the exercise of your judgment and discretion. + </p> + <p> + The main rebel army (Price's) west of the Mississippi is believed to have + passed Dade County in full retreat upon northwestern Arkansas, leaving + Missouri almost freed from the enemy, excepting in the southeast of the + State. Assuming this basis of fact, it seems desirable, as you are not + likely to overtake Price, and are in danger of making too long a line from + your own base of supplies and reinforcements, that you should give up the + pursuit, halt your main army, divide it into two corps of observation, one + occupying Sedalia and the other Rolla, the present termini of railroads; + then recruit the condition of both corps by re-establishing and improving + their discipline and instructions, perfecting their clothing and + equipments, and providing less uncomfortable quarters. Of course, both + railroads must be guarded and kept open, judiciously employing just so + much force as is necessary for this. From these two points, Sedalia and + Rolla, and especially in judicious cooperation with Lane on the Kansas + border, it would be so easy to concentrate and repel any army of the enemy + returning on Missouri from the southwest, that it is not probable any such + attempt will be made before or during the approaching cold weather. Before + spring the people of Missouri will probably be in no favorable mood to + renew for next year the troubles which have so much afflicted and + impoverished them during this. If you adopt this line of policy, and if, + as I anticipate, you will see no enemy in great force approaching, you + will have a surplus of force which you can withdraw from these points and + direct to others as may be needed, the railroads furnishing ready means of + reinforcing these main points if occasion requires. Doubtless local + uprisings will for a time continue to occur, but these can be met by + detachments and local forces of our own, and will ere long tire out of + themselves. + </p> + <p> + While, as stated in the beginning of the letter, a large discretion must + be and is left with yourself, I feel sure that an indefinite pursuit of + Price or an attempt by this long and circuitous route to reach Memphis + will be exhaustive beyond endurance, and will end in the loss of the whole + force engaged in it. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0231" id="link2H_4_0231"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER RETIRING GENERAL SCOTT AND APPOINTING + </h2> + <h3> + GENERAL McCLELLAN HIS SUCCESSOR. (General Orders, No.94.) + </h3> + <p> + WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, November 1, 1861 + </p> + <p> + The following order from the President of the United States, announcing + the retirement from active command of the honored veteran Lieutenant + general Winfield Scott, will be read by the army with profound regret: + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0232" id="link2H_4_0232"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. + </h2> + <h3> + November 1, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + On the 1st day of November, A.D. 1861, upon his own application to the + President of the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott + is ordered to be placed, and hereby is placed, upon the list of retired + officers of the army of the United States, without reduction in his + current pay, subsistence, or allowances. + </p> + <p> + The American people will hear with sadness and deep emotion that General + Scott has withdrawn from the active control of the army, while the + President and a unanimous Cabinet express their own and the nation's + sympathy in his personal affliction and their profound sense of the + important public services rendered by him to his country during his long + and brilliant career, among which will ever be gratefully distinguished + his faithful devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the flag when + assailed by parricidal rebellion. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN + </p> + <p> + The President is pleased to direct that Major general George B. McClellan + assume the command of the army of the United States. The headquarters of + the army will be established in the city of Washington. All communications + intended for the commanding general will hereafter be addressed direct to + the adjutant-general. The duplicate returns, orders, and other papers + heretofore sent to the assistant adjutant-general, headquarters of the + army, will be discontinued. + </p> + <p> + By order of the Secretary of War: L. THOMAS, Adjutant General. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0233" id="link2H_4_0233"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER APPROVING THE PLAN OF GOVERNOR GAMBLE OF MISSOURI. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + </h3> + <p> + November 5, 1861. + </p> + <p> + The Governor of the State of Missouri, acting under the direction of the + convention of that State, proposes to the Government of the United States + that he will raise a military force to serve within the State as State + militia during the war there, to cooperate with the troops in the service + of the United States in repelling the invasion of the State and + suppressing rebellion therein; the said State militia to be embodied and + to be held in the camp and in the field, drilled, disciplined, and + governed according to the Army Regulations and subject to the Articles of + War; the said State militia not to be ordered out of the State except for + the immediate defense of the State of Missouri, but to co-operate with the + troops in the service of the United States in military operations within + the State or necessary to its defense, and when officers of the State + militia act with officers in the service of the United States of the same + grade the officers of the United States service shall command the combined + force; the State militia to be armed, equipped, clothed, subsisted, + transported, and paid by the United States during such time as they shall + be actually engaged as an embodied military force in service in accordance + with regulations of the United States Army or general orders as issued + from time to time. + </p> + <p> + In order that the Treasury of the United States may not be burdened with + the pay of unnecessary officers, the governor proposes that, although the + State law requires him to appoint upon the general staff an + adjutant-general, a commissary-general, an inspector-general, a + quartermaster-general, a paymaster-general, and a surgeon-general, each + with the rank of colonel of cavalry, yet he proposes that the Government + of the United States pay only the adjutant-general, the + quartermaster-general, and inspector-general, their services being + necessary in the relations which would exist between the State militia and + the United States. The governor further proposes that while he is allowed + by the State law to appoint aides-de-camp to the governor at his + discretion, with the rank of colonel, three only shall be reported to the + United States for payment. He also proposes that the State militia shall + be commanded by a single major-general and by such number of + brigadier-generals as shall allow one for a brigade of not less than four + regiments, and that no greater number of staff officers shall be appointed + for regimental, brigade, and division duties than as provided for in the + act of Congress of the 22d July, 1861; and that, whatever be the rank of + such officers as fixed by the law of the State, the compensation that they + shall receive from the United States shall only be that which belongs to + the rank given by said act of Congress to officers in the United States + service performing the same duties. + </p> + <p> + The field officers of a regiment in the State militia are one colonel, one + lieutenant-colonel, and one major, and the company officers are a captain, + a first lieutenant, and a second lieutenant. The governor proposes that, + as the money to be disbursed is the money of the United States, such staff + officers in the service of the United States as may be necessary to act as + disbursing officers for the State militia shall be assigned by the War + Department for that duty; or, if such cannot be spared from their present + duty, he will appoint such persons disbursing officers for the State + militia as the President of the United States may designate. Such + regulations as may be required, in the judgment of the President, to + insure regularity of returns and to protect the United States from any + fraudulent practices shall be observed and obeyed by all in office in the + State militia. + </p> + <p> + The above propositions are accepted on the part of the United States, and + the Secretary of War is directed to make the necessary orders upon the + Ordnance, Quartermaster's, Commissary, Pay, and Medical departments to + carry this agreement into effect. He will cause the necessary staff + officers in the United States service to be detailed for duty in + connection with the Missouri State militia, and will order them to make + the necessary provision in their respective offices for fulfilling this + agreement. All requisitions upon the different officers of the United + States under this agreement to be made in substance in the same mode for + the Missouri State militia as similar requisitions are made for troops in + the service of the United States; and the Secretary of War will cause any + additional regulations that may be necessary to insure regularity and + economy in carrying this agreement into effect to be adopted and + communicated to the Governor of Missouri for the government of the + Missouri State militia. + </p> + <p> + [Indorsement.] + </p> + <p> + November 6, 1861. + </p> + <p> + This plan approved, with the modification that the governor stipulates + that when he commissions a major-general of militia it shall be the same + person at the time in command of the United States Department of the West; + and in case the United States shall change such commander of the + department, he (the governor) will revoke the State commission given to + the person relieved and give one to the person substituted to the United + States command of said department. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0234" id="link2H_4_0234"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO THE MINISTER FROM SWEDEN. + </h2> + <h3> + November 8, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + SIR:—I receive with great pleasure a Minister from Sweden. That + pleasure is enhanced by the information which preceded your arrival here, + that his Majesty, your sovereign, had selected you to fill the mission + upon the grounds of your derivation from an ancestral stock identified + with the most glorious era of your country's noble history, and your own + eminent social and political standing in Sweden. This country, sir, + maintains, and means to maintain, the rights of human nature, and the + capacity of men for self-government. The history of Sweden proves that + this is the faith of the people of Sweden, and we know that it is the + faith and practice of their respected sovereign. Rest assured, therefore, + that we shall be found always just and paternal in our transactions with + your government, and that nothing will be omitted on my part to make your + residence in this capital agreeable to yourself and satisfactory to your + government. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0235" id="link2H_4_0235"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + INDORSEMENT AUTHORIZING MARTIAL LAW IN SAINT LOUIS. + </h2> + <h3> + St. Louis, November 20, 1861. (Received Nov. 20th.) + </h3> + <p> + GENERAL McCLELLAN, + </p> + <p> + For the President of the United States. + </p> + <p> + No written authority is found here to declare and enforce martial law in + this department. Please send me such written authority and telegraph me + that it has been sent by mail. + </p> + <p> + H. W. HALLECK, Major-General. + </p> + <p> + [Indorsement.] November 21, 1861. + </p> + <p> + If General McClellan and General Halleck deem it necessary to declare and + maintain martial law in Saint Louis, the same is hereby authorized. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0236" id="link2H_4_0236"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + OFFER TO COOPERATE AND GIVE SPECIAL LINE OF INFORMATION TO HORACE GREELEY + </h2> + <h3> + TO GOVERNOR WALKER. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, November 21, 1861 + </p> + <p> + DEAR GOVERNOR:—I have thought over the interview which Mr. Gilmore + has had with Mr. Greeley, and the proposal that Greeley has made to + Gilmore, namely, that he [Gilmore] shall communicate to him [Greeley] all + that he learns from you of the inner workings of the administration, in + return for his [Greeley's] giving such aid as he can to the new magazine, + and allowing you [Walker] from time to time the use of his [Greeley's] + columns when it is desirable to feel of, or forestall, public opinion on + important subjects. The arrangement meets my unqualified approval, and I + shall further it to the extent of my ability, by opening to you—as I + do now—fully the policy of the Government,—its present views + and future intentions when formed, giving you permission to communicate + them to Gilmore for Greeley; and in case you go to Europe I will give + these things direct to Gilmore. But all this must be on the express and + explicit understanding that the fact of these communications coming from + me shall be absolutely confidential,—not to be disclosed by Greeley + to his nearest friend, or any of his subordinates. He will be, in effect, + my mouthpiece, but I must not be known to be the speaker. + </p> + <p> + I need not tell you that I have the highest confidence in Mr. Greeley. He + is a great power. Having him firmly behind me will be as helpful to me as + an army of one hundred thousand men. + </p> + <p> + This was to be most severely regretted, when Greeley became a traitor to + the cause, editorialized for compromise and separation—and promoted + McClellan as Democratic candidate for the Presidency. + </p> + <p> + That he has ever kicked the traces has been owing to his not being fully + informed. Tell Gilmore to say to him that, if he ever objects to my + policy, I shall be glad to have him state to me his views frankly and + fully. I shall adopt his if I can. If I cannot, I will at least tell him + why. He and I should stand together, and let no minor differences come + between us; for we both seek one end, which is the saving of our country. + Now, Governor, this is a longer letter than I have written in a month,—longer + than I would have written for any other man than Horace Greeley. + </p> + <p> + Your friend, truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + P. S.—The sooner Gilmore sees Greeley the better, as you may before + long think it wise to ventilate our policy on the Trent affair. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0237" id="link2H_4_0237"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL HALLECK TO SUSPEND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, + </h2> + <h3> + DECEMBER 2, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, Commanding in the Department of Missouri. + </p> + <p> + GENERAL:—As an insurrection exists in the United States, and is in + arms in the State of Missouri, you are hereby authorized and empowered to + suspend the writ of habeas corpus within the limits of the military + division under your command, and to exercise martial law as you find it + necessary in your discretion to secure the public safety and the authority + of the United States. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the + United States to be affixed at Washington, this second day of December, + A.D. 1861. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0238" id="link2H_4_0238"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, December 3, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:—In the + midst of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great gratitude + to God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests. + </p> + <p> + You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of the + times our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with profound + solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs. + </p> + <p> + A disloyal portion of the American people have during the whole year been + engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation which + endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect abroad, and + one party, if not both, is sure sooner or later to invoke foreign + intervention. + </p> + <p> + Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the + counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although measures + adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious + to those adopting them. + </p> + <p> + The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of + our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked + abroad have received less patronage and encouragement than they probably + expected. If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have seemed to + assume, that foreign nations in this case, discarding all moral, social, + and treaty obligations, would act solely and selfishly for the most speedy + restoration of commerce, including especially the acquisition of cotton, + those nations appear as yet not to have seen their way to their object + more directly or clearly through the destruction than through the + preservation of the Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign + nations are actuated by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a + sound argument could be made to show them that they can reach their aim + more readily and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion than by giving + encouragement to it. + </p> + <p> + The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign + nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the + embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably saw from + the first that it was the Union which made as well our foreign as our + domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that the + effort for disunion produces the existing difficulty, and that one strong + nation promises more durable peace and a more extensive, valuable, and + reliable commerce than can the same nation broken into hostile fragments. + </p> + <p> + It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states, + because, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the integrity of + our country and the stability of our government mainly depend not upon + them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the + American people. The correspondence itself, with the usual reservations, + is herewith submitted. + </p> + <p> + I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and + liberality toward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation and with + firmness maintaining our own rights and honor. + </p> + <p> + Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state, foreign + dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recommend that + adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the public defenses + on every side. While under this general recommendation provision for + defending our seacoast line readily occurs to the mind, I also in the same + connection ask the attention of Congress to our great lakes and rivers. It + is believed that some fortifications and depots of arms and munitions, + with harbor and navigation improvements, all at well-selected points upon + these, would be of great importance to the national defense and + preservation I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War, + expressed in his report, upon the same general subject. + </p> + <p> + I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of east Tennessee and + western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky and other + faithful parts of the Union by rail-road. I therefore recommend, as a + military measure, that Congress provide for the construction of such + rail-road as speedily as possible. Kentucky will no doubt co-operate, and + through her Legislature make the most judicious selection of a line. The + northern terminus must connect with some existing railroad, and whether + the route shall be from Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, + or from Lebanon to the Tennessee line, in the direction of Knoxville, or + on some still different line, can easily be determined. Kentucky and the + General Government co-operating, the work can be completed in a very short + time, and when done it will be not only of vast present usefulness but + also a valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost in all the future. + </p> + <p> + Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and having + no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and will be submitted + to the Senate for their consideration. + </p> + <p> + Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers to adopt a + desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we have removed all + obstructions from the way of this humane reform except such as are merely + of temporary and accidental occurrence. + </p> + <p> + I invite your attention to the correspondence between her Britannic + Majesty's minister accredited to this government and the Secretary of + State relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire in June + last by the United States steamer Massachusetts for a supposed breach of + the blockade. As this detention was occasioned by an obvious + misapprehension of the facts, and as justice requires that we should + commit no belligerent act not founded in strict right as sanctioned by + public law, I recommend that an appropriation be made to satisfy the + reasonable demand of the owners of the vessel for her detention. + </p> + <p> + I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor in his annual message to + Congress in December last in regard to the disposition of the surplus + which will probably remain after satisfying the claims of American + citizens against China, pursuant to the awards of the commissioners under + the act of the 3d of March, 1859. If, however, it should not be deemed + advisable to carry that recommendation into effect, I would suggest that + authority be given for investing the principal, or the proceeds of the + surplus referred to, in good securities, with a view to the satisfaction + of such other just claims of our citizens against China as are not + unlikely to arise hereafter in the course of our extensive trade with that + empire. + </p> + <p> + By the act of the 5th of August last Congress authorized the President to + instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend themselves against + and to capture pirates. His authority has been exercised in a single + instance only. For the more effectual protection of our extensive and + valuable commerce in the Eastern seas especially, it seems to me that it + would also be advisable to authorize the commanders of sailing vessels to + recapture any prizes which pirates may make of United States vessels and + their cargoes, and the consular courts now established by law in Eastern + countries to adjudicate the cases in the event that this should not be + objected to by the local authorities. + </p> + <p> + If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in withholding + our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Haiti and Liberia, + I am unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to inaugurate a novel + policy in regard to them without the approbation of Congress, I submit for + your consideration the expediency of an appropriation for maintaining a + charge d'affaires near each of those new States. It does not admit of + doubt that important commercial advantages might be secured by favorable + treaties with them. + </p> + <p> + The operations of the treasury during the period which has elapsed since + your adjournment have been conducted with signal success. The patriotism + of the people has placed at the disposal of the government the large means + demanded by the public exigencies. Much of the national loan has been + taken by citizens of the industrial classes, whose confidence in their + country's faith and zeal for their country's deliverance from present + peril have induced them to contribute to the support of the government the + whole of their limited acquisitions. This fact imposes peculiar + obligations to economy in disbursement and energy in action. + </p> + <p> + The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial year + ending on the 30th of June, 1861, was $86,835,900.27, and the expenditures + for the same period, including payments on account of the public debt, + were $84,578,834.47, leaving a balance in the treasury on the 1st of July + of $2,257,065.80. For the first quarter of the financial year ending on + the 30th of September, 1861, the receipts from all sources, including the + balance of the 1st of July, were $102,532,509.27, and the expenses + $98,239733.09, leaving a balance on the 1st of October, 1861, of + $4,292,776.18. + </p> + <p> + Estimates for the remaining three quarters of the year and for the + financial year 1863, together with his views of ways and means for meeting + the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to Congress by the + Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know that the expenditures + made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the resources of the loyal + people, and to believe that the same patriotism which has thus far + sustained the government will continue to sustain it till peace and union + shall again bless the land. + </p> + <p> + I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War for information + respecting the numerical strength of the army and for recommendations + having in view an increase of its efficiency and the well-being of the + various branches of the service intrusted to his care. It is gratifying to + know that the patriotism of the people has proved equal to the occasion, + and that the number of troops tendered greatly exceeds the force which + Congress authorized me to call into the field. + </p> + <p> + I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make allusion + to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by our troops and + to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire army. + </p> + <p> + The recommendation of the Secretary for an organization of the militia + upon a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to the future safety + of the country, and is commended to the serious attention of Congress. + </p> + <p> + The large addition to the regular army, in connection with the defection + that has so considerably diminished the number of its officers, gives + peculiar importance to his recommendation for increasing the corps of + cadets to the greatest capacity of the Military Academy. + </p> + <p> + By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chaplains for + hospitals occupied by volunteers. This subject was brought to my notice, + and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy of which, + properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the persons, and at the + dates respectively named and stated in a schedule, containing also the + form of the letter, marked A, and herewith transmitted. + </p> + <p> + These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated at the + times respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored faithfully + therein ever since. I therefore recommend that they be compensated at the + same rate as chaplains in the army. I further suggest that general + provision be made for chaplains to serve at hospitals, as well as with + regiments. + </p> + <p> + The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the operations + of that branch of the service, the activity and energy which have + characterized its administration, and the results of measures to increase + its efficiency and power such have been the additions, by construction and + purchase, that it may almost be said a navy has been created and brought + into service since our difficulties commenced. + </p> + <p> + Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than ever before + assembled under our flag have been put afloat and performed deeds which + have increased our naval renown. + </p> + <p> + I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the Secretary + for a more perfect organization of the navy by introducing additional + grades in the service. + </p> + <p> + The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the + suggestions submitted by the department will, it is believed, if adopted, + obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote harmony, and increase the + efficiency of the navy. + </p> + <p> + There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court—two by + the decease of Justices Daniel and McLean and one by the resignation of + Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne making nominations to fill these + vacancies for reasons which I will now state. Two of the outgoing judges + resided within the States now overrun by revolt, so that if successors + were appointed in the same localities they could not now serve upon their + circuits; and many of the most competent men there probably would not take + the personal hazard of accepting to serve, even here, upon the Supreme + bench. I have been unwilling to throw all the appointments north-ward, + thus disabling myself from doing justice to the South on the return of + peace; although I may remark that to transfer to the North one which has + heretofore been in the South would not, with reference to territory and + population, be unjust. + </p> + <p> + During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean his circuit + grew into an empire-altogether too large for any one judge to give the + courts therein more than a nominal attendance—rising in population + from 1,470,018 in 1830 to 6,151,405 in 1860. + </p> + <p> + Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present judicial + system. If uniformity was at all intended, the system requires that all + the States shall be accommodated with circuit courts, attended by Supreme + judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Florida, + Texas, California, and Oregon have never had any such courts. Nor can this + well be remedied without a change in the system, because the adding of + judges to the Supreme Court, enough for the accommodation of all parts of + the country with circuit courts, would create a court altogether too + numerous for a judicial body of any sort. And the evil, if it be one, will + increase as new States come into the Union. Circuit courts are useful or + they are not useful. If useful, no State should be denied them; if not + useful, no State should have them. Let them be provided for all or + abolished as to all. + </p> + <p> + Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would be an + improvement upon our present system. Let the Supreme Court be of + convenient number in every event; then, first, let the whole country be + divided into circuits of convenient size, the Supreme judges to serve in a + number of them corresponding to their own number, and independent circuit + judges be provided for all the rest; or, secondly, let the Supreme judges + be relieved from circuit duties and circuit judges provided for all the + circuits; or, thirdly, dispense with circuit courts altogether, leaving + the judicial functions wholly to the district courts and an independent + Supreme Court. + </p> + <p> + I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the present + condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be able to + find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils which + constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical administration of + them. Since the Organization of the government, Congress has enacted some + 5000 acts and joint resolutions, which fill more than 6000 closely printed + pages and are scattered through many volumes. Many of these acts have been + drawn in haste and without sufficient caution, so that their provisions + are often obscure in themselves or in conflict with each other, or at + least so doubtful as to render it very difficult for even the + best-informed persons to ascertain precisely what the statute law really + is. + </p> + <p> + It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be made as + plain and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a compass + as may consist with the fullness and precision of the will of the + Legislature and the perspicuity of its language. This well done would, I + think, greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty it is to assist + in the administration of the laws, and would be a lasting benefit to the + people, by placing before them in a more accessible and intelligible form + the laws which so deeply concern their interests and their duties. + </p> + <p> + I am informed by some whose opinions I respect that all the acts of + Congress now in force and of a permanent and general nature might be + revised and rewritten so as to be embraced in one volume (or at most two + volumes) of ordinary and convenient size; and I respectfully recommend to + Congress to consider of the subject, and if my suggestion be approved to + devise such plan as to their wisdom shall seem most proper for the + attainment of the end proposed. + </p> + <p> + One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is the + entire suppression in many places of all the ordinary means of + administering civil justice by the officers and in the forms of existing + law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the insurgent States; + and as our armies advance upon and take possession of parts of those + States the practical evil becomes more apparent. There are no courts or + officers to whom the citizens of other States may apply for the + enforcement of their lawful claims against citizens of the insurgent + States, and there is a vast amount of debt constituting such claims. Some + have estimated it as high as $200,000,000, due in large part from + insurgents in open rebellion to loyal citizens who are even now making + great sacrifices in the discharge of their patriotic duty to support the + government. + </p> + <p> + Under these circumstances I have been urgently solicited to establish, by + military power, courts to administer summary justice in such cases. I have + thus far declined to do it, not because I had any doubt that the end + proposed—the collection of the debts—was just and right in + itself, but because I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of + necessity in the unusual exercise of power. But the powers of Congress, I + suppose, are equal to the anomalous occasion, and therefore I refer the + whole matter to Congress, with the hope that a plan maybe devised for the + administration of justice in all such parts of the insurgent States and + Territories as may be under the control of this government, whether by a + voluntary return to allegiance and order or by the power of our arms; + this, however, not to be a permanent institution, but a temporary + substitute, and to cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be + reestablished in peace. + </p> + <p> + It is important that some more convenient means should be provided, if + possible, for the adjustment of claims against the government, especially + in view of their increased number by reason of the war. It is as much the + duty of government to render prompt justice against itself in favor of + citizens as it is to administer the same between private individuals. The + investigation and adjudication of claims in their nature belong to the + judicial department. Besides, it is apparent that the attention of + Congress will be more than usually engaged for some time to come with + great national questions. It was intended by the organization of the Court + of Claims mainly to remove this branch of business from the halls of + Congress; but, while the court has proved to be an effective and valuable + means of investigation, it in great degree fails to effect the object of + its creation for want of power to make its judgments final. + </p> + <p> + Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger of the subject, I + commend to your careful consideration whether this power of making + judgments final may not properly be given to the court, reserving the + right of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such other + provisions as experience may have shown to be necessary. + </p> + <p> + I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster general, the following + being a summary statement of the condition of the department: + </p> + <p> + The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1861, + including the annual permanent appropriation of $700,000 for the + transportation of "free mail matter," was $9,049,296.40, being about 2 per + cent. less than the revenue for 1860. + </p> + <p> + The expenditures were $13,606,759.11, showing a decrease of more than 8 + per cent. as compared with those of the previous year and leaving an + excess of expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal year of + $4,557,462.71. + </p> + <p> + The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated at an + increase of 4 per cent. on that of 1861, making $8,683,000, to which + should be added the earnings of the department in carrying free matter, + viz., $700,000, making $9,383,000. + </p> + <p> + The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,528,000, leaving an + estimated deficiency of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the treasury in + addition to the permanent appropriation. + </p> + <p> + The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this + District across the Potomac River at the time of establishing the capital + here was eminently wise, and consequently that the relinquishment of that + portion of it which lies within the State of Virginia was unwise and + dangerous. I submit for your consideration the expediency of regaining + that part of the District and the restoration of the original boundaries + thereof through negotiations with the State of Virginia. + </p> + <p> + The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompanying + documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the public + business pertaining to that department. The depressing influences of the + insurrection have been specially felt in the operations of the Patent and + General Land Offices. The cash receipts from the sales of public lands + during the past year have exceeded the expenses of our land system only + about $200,000. The sales have been entirely suspended in the Southern + States, while the interruptions to the business of the country and the + diversion of large numbers of men from labor to military service have + obstructed settlements in the new States and Territories of the Northwest. + </p> + <p> + The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months about + $100,000.00 rendering a large reduction of the force employed necessary to + make it self-sustaining. + </p> + <p> + The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by the + insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the + casualties of the existing war, have already been made. There is reason to + believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls and in receipt of the + bounty of the government are in the ranks of the insurgent army or giving + them aid and comfort. The Secretary of the Interior has directed a + suspension of the payment of the pensions of such persons upon proof of + their disloyalty. I recommend that Congress authorize that officer to + cause the names of such persons to be stricken from the pension rolls. + </p> + <p> + The relations of the government with the Indian tribes have been greatly + disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the southern superintendency + and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south of Kansas is in the + possession of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. The agents of the United + States appointed since the 4th of March for this superintendency have been + unable to reach their posts, while the most of those who were in office + before that time have espoused the insurrectionary cause, and assume to + exercise the powers of agents by virtue of commissions from the + insurrectionists. It has been stated in the public press that a portion of + those Indians have been organized as a military force and are attached to + the army of the insurgents. Although the government has no official + information upon this subject, letters have been written to the + Commissioner of Indian Affairs by several prominent chiefs giving + assurance of their loyalty to the United States and expressing a wish for + the presence of Federal troops to protect them. It is believed that upon + the repossession of the country by the Federal forces the Indians will + readily cease all hostile demonstrations and resume their former relations + to the government. + </p> + <p> + Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not a + department nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in the + government. While it is fortunate that this great interest is so + independent in its nature as not to have demanded and extorted more from + the government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether something + more cannot be given voluntarily with general advantage. + </p> + <p> + Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture, commerce, and + manufactures would present a fund of information of great practical value + to the country. While I make no suggestion as to details, I venture the + opinion that an agricultural and statistical bureau might profitably be + organized. + </p> + <p> + The execution of the laws for the suppression of the African slave trade + has been confided to the Department of the Interior. It is a subject of + gratulation that the efforts which have been made for the suppression of + this inhuman traffic have been recently attended with unusual success. + Five vessels being fitted out for the slave trade have been seized and + condemned. Two mates of vessels engaged in the trade and one person in + equipping a vessel as a slaver have been convicted and subjected to the + penalty of fine and imprisonment, and one captain, taken with a cargo of + Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted of the highest grade of + offense under our laws, the punishment of which is death. + </p> + <p> + The Territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada, created by the last + Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been + inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying when it is + considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of these + new countries when the Federal officers arrived there. + </p> + <p> + The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the security and + protection afforded by organized government, will doubtless invite to them + a large immigration when peace shall restore the business of the country + to its accustomed channels. I submit the resolutions of the Legislature of + Colorado, which evidence the patriotic spirit of the people of the + Territory. So far the authority of the United States has been upheld in + all the Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the future. I commend + their interests and defense to the enlightened and generous care of + Congress. + </p> + <p> + I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the interests of + the District of Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause of much + suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants, and as they have no + representative in Congress that body should not overlook their just claims + upon the government. + </p> + <p> + At your late session a joint resolution was adopted authorizing the + President to take measures for facilitating a proper representation of the + industrial interests of the United States at the exhibition of the + industry of all nations to be holden at London in the year 1862. I regret + to say I have been unable to give personal attention to this subject—a + subject at once so interesting in itself and so extensively and intimately + connected with the material prosperity of the world. Through the + Secretaries of State and of the Interior a plan or system has been devised + and partly matured, and which will be laid before you. + </p> + <p> + Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate + property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, the + legal claims of certain persons to the labor and service of certain other + persons have become forfeited, and numbers of the latter thus liberated + are already dependent on the United States, and must be provided for in + some way. Besides this, it is not impossible that some of the States will + pass similar enactments for their own benefit respectively, and by + operation of which persons of the same class will be thrown upon them for + disposal. In such case I recommend that Congress provide for accepting + such persons from such States, according to some mode of valuation, in + lieu, pro tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed on + with such States respectively; that such persons, on such acceptance by + the General Government, be at once deemed free, and that in any event + steps be taken for colonizing both classes (or the one first mentioned if + the other shall not be brought into existence) at some place or places in + a climate congenial to them. It might be well to consider, too, whether + the free colored people already in the United States could not, so far as + individuals may desire, be included in such colonization. + </p> + <p> + To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of + territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be expended + in the territorial acquisition. Having practised the acquisition of + territory for nearly sixty years, the question of constitutional power to + do so is no longer an open one with us. The power was questioned at first + by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the purchase of Louisiana, yielded his + scruples on the plea of great expediency. If it be said that the only + legitimate object of acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white + men, this measure effects that object, for emigration of colored men + leaves additional room for white men remaining or coming here. Mr. + Jefferson, however, placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on + political and commercial grounds than on providing room for population. + </p> + <p> + On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with the + acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to absolute + necessity—that without which the government itself cannot be + perpetuated? + </p> + <p> + The war continues. In considering the policy to be adopted for suppressing + the insurrection I have been anxious and careful that the inevitable + conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a violent and + remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have therefore in every case thought + it proper to keep the integrity of the Union prominent as the primary + object of the contest on our part, leaving all questions which are not of + vital military importance to the more deliberate action of the + Legislature. + </p> + <p> + In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the blockade of + the ports held by the insurgents, instead of putting in force by + proclamation the law of Congress enacted at the late session for closing + those ports. + </p> + <p> + So also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well as the obligations of + law, instead of transcending I have adhered to the act of Congress to + confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new law upon + the same subject shall be proposed, its propriety will be duly considered. + The Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be + employed. We should not be in haste to determine that radical and extreme + measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the disloyal, are + indispensable. + </p> + <p> + The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration and the + message to Congress at the late special session were both mainly devoted + to topics domestic controversy out of which the insurrection and + consequent war have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add or subtract to or + from the principles or general purposes stated and expressed in those + documents. + </p> + <p> + The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expired at the + assault upon Fort Sumter, and a general review of what has occurred since + may not be unprofitable. What was painfully uncertain then is much better + defined and more distinct now, and the progress of events is plainly in + the right direction. The insurgents confidently claimed a strong support + from north of Mason and Dixon's line, and the friends of the Union were + not free from apprehension on the point. This, however, was soon settled + definitely, and on the right side. South of the line noble little Delaware + led off right from the first. Maryland was made to seem against the Union. + Our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and railroads torn up + within her limits, and we were many days at one time without the ability + to bring a single regiment over her soil to the capital. Now her bridges + and railroads are repaired and open to the government; she already gives + seven regiments to the cause of the Union, and none to the enemy; and her + people, at a regular election, have sustained the Union by a larger + majority and a larger aggregate vote than they ever before gave to any + candidate or any question. Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now + decidedly and, I think, unchangeably ranged on the side of the Union. + Missouri is comparatively quiet, and, I believe, can, not again be overrun + by the insurrectionists. These three States of Maryland, Kentucky, and + Missouri, neither of which would promise a single soldier at first, have + now an aggregate of not less than forty thousand in the field for the + Union, while of their citizens certainly not more than a third of that + number, and they of doubtful whereabouts and doubtful existence, are in + arms against us. After a somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter closes + on the Union people of western Virginia, leaving them masters of their own + country. + </p> + <p> + An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months dominating the + narrow peninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac and + Northampton, and known as Eastern Shore of Virginia, together with some + contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms, and the people + there have renewed their allegiance to and accepted the protection of the + old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist north of the Potomac or + east of the Chesapeake. + </p> + <p> + Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points on the + southern coast of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island (near Savannah), and + Ship Island; and we likewise have some general accounts of popular + movements in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and Tennessee. + </p> + <p> + These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing steadily + and certainly southward. + </p> + <p> + Since your last adjournment Lieutenant-General Scott has retired from the + head of the army. During his long life the nation has not been unmindful + of his merit; yet on calling to mind how faithfully, ably, and brilliantly + he has served the country, from a time far back in our history, when few + of the now living had been born, and thenceforward continually, I cannot + but think we are still his debtors. I submit, therefore, for your + consideration what further mark of recognition is due to him, and to + ourselves as a grateful people. + </p> + <p> + With the retirement of General Scott came the Executive duty of appointing + in his stead a general-in-chief of the army. It is a fortunate + circumstance that neither in council nor country was there, so far as I + know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person to be selected. + The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment in favor of General + McClellan for the position, and in this the nation seemed to give a + unanimous concurrence. The designation of General McClellan is therefore + in considerable degree the selection of the country as well as of the + Executive, and hence there is better reason to hope there will be given + him the confidence and cordial support thus by fair implication promised, + and without which he cannot with so full efficiency serve the country. + </p> + <p> + It has been said that one bad general is better than two good ones, and + the saying is true if taken to mean no more than that an army is better + directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two superior ones at + variance and cross-purposes with each other. + </p> + <p> + And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged can + have none but a common end in view and can differ only as to the choice of + means. In a storm at sea no one on hoard can wish the ship to sink, and + yet not unfrequently all go down together because too many will direct and + no single mind can be allowed to control. + </p> + <p> + It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not + exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government—the + rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most + grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the general + tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the abridgment of the + existing right of suffrage and the denial to the people of all right to + participate in the selection of public officers except the legislative + boldly advocated, with labored arguments to prove that large control of + the people in government is the source of all political evil. Monarchy + itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the + people. + </p> + <p> + In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit + raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. It + is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made in + favor of popular institutions, but there is one point, with its + connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief + attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if + not above, labor in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor + is available only in connection with capital; that nobody labors unless + somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the use of it induces him to + labor. This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capital + shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own consent, or + buy them and drive them to it without their consent. Having proceeded so + far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers + or what we call slaves. And further, it is assumed that whoever is once a + hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life. + </p> + <p> + Now there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed, nor is + there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the condition + of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all inferences + from them are groundless. + </p> + <p> + Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of + labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor + is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration. + Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any other + rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always will be, a + relation between labor and capital producing mutual benefits. The error is + in assuming that the whole labor of community exists within that relation. + A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and with their + capital hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong + to neither class—neither work for others nor have others working for + them. In most of the Southern States a majority of the whole people of all + colors are neither slaves nor masters, while in the Northern a large + majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men, with their families—wives, + sons, and daughters,—work for themselves on their farms, in their + houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and + asking no favors of capital on the one hand nor of hired laborers or + slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number of + persons mingle their own labor with capital; that is, they labor with + their own hands and also buy or hire others to labor for them; but this is + only a mixed and not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by + the existence of this mixed class. + </p> + <p> + Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such thing + as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life. Many + independent men everywhere in these States a few years back in their lives + were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world labors + for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for + himself, then labors on his own account another while, and at length hires + another new beginner to help him. This is the just and generous and + prosperous system which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and + consequent energy and progress and improvement of condition to all. No men + living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty; + none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have not honestly + earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they + already possess, and which if surrendered will surely be used to close the + door of advancement against such as they and to fix new disabilities and + burdens upon them till all of liberty shall be lost. + </p> + <p> + From the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy + years, and we find our population at the end of the period eight times as + great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those other things which + men deem desirable has been even greater. We thus have at one view what + the popular principle, applied to government through the machinery of the + States and the Union, has produced in a given time, and also what if + firmly maintained it promises for the future. There are already among us + those who if the Union be preserved will live to see it contain + 200,000,000. The struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-day; it is + for a vast future also. With a reliance on Providence all the more firm + and earnest, let us proceed in the great task which events have devolved + upon us. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0239" id="link2H_4_0239"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, December 20, 1861. + </h3> + <p> + TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </p> + <p> + I transmit to Congress a letter from the secretary of the executive + committee of the commission appointed to represent the interests of those + American citizens who may desire to become exhibitors at the industrial + exhibition to be held in London in 1862, and a memorial of that + commission, with a report of the executive committee thereof and copies of + circulars announcing the decisions of Her Majesty's commissioners in + London, giving directions to be observed in regard to articles intended + for exhibition, and also of circular forms of application, demands for + space, approvals, etc., according to the rules prescribed by the British + commissioners. + </p> + <p> + As these papers fully set forth the requirements necessary to enable those + citizens of the United States who may wish to become exhibitors to avail + themselves of the privileges of the exhibition, I commend them to your + early consideration, especially in view of the near approach of the time + when the exhibition will begin. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0240" id="link2H_4_0240"> + <!-- --> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER OF REPRIMAND TO GENERAL HUNTER + </h2> + <h3> + TO GENERAL HUNTER. + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + </p> + <p> + Dec.31, 1861 + </p> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 23d is received, and I am constrained to say + it is difficult to answer so ugly a letter in good temper. I am, as you + intimate, losing much of the great confidence I placed in you, not from + any act or omission of yours touching the public service, up to the time + you were sent to Leavenworth, but from the flood of grumbling despatches + and letters I have seen from you since. I knew you were being ordered to + Leavenworth at the time it was done; and I aver that with as tender a + regard for your honor and your sensibilities as I had for my own, it never + occurred to me that you were being "humiliated, insulted, and disgraced"; + nor have I, up to this day, heard an intimation that you have been + wronged, coming from any one but yourself. No one has blamed you for the + retrograde movement from Springfield, nor for the information you gave + General Cameron; and this you could readily understand, if it were not for + your unwarranted assumption that the ordering you to Leavenworth must + necessarily have been done as a punishment for some fault. I thought then, + and think yet, the position assigned to you is as responsible, and as + honorable, as that assigned to Buell—I know that General McClellan + expected more important results from it. My impression is that at the time + you were assigned to the new Western Department, it had not been + determined to replace General Sherman in Kentucky; but of this I am not + certain, because the idea that a command in Kentucky was very desirable, + and one in the farther West undesirable, had never occurred to me. You + constantly speak of being placed in command of only 3000. Now, tell me, is + this not mere impatience? Have you not known all the while that you are to + command four or five times that many. + </p> + <p> + I have been, and am sincerely your friend; and if, as such, I dare to make + a suggestion, I would say you are adopting the best possible way to ruin + yourself. "Act well your part, there all the honor lies." He who does + something at the head of one regiment, will eclipse him who does nothing + at the head of a hundred. + </p> + <p> + Your friend, as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0241" id="link2H_4_0241"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HALLECK. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D.C., December 31, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + </p> + <p> + General McClellan is sick. Are General Buell and yourself in concert? When + he moves on Bowling Green, what hinders it being reinforced from Columbus? + A simultaneous movement by you on Columbus might prevent it. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + [Similar despatch to Buell same date.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0242" id="link2H_4_0242"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1862 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0243" id="link2H_4_0243"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON CITY, January 1, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL, Louisville: + </p> + <p> + General McClellan should not yet be disturbed with business. I think you + better get in concert with General Halleck at once. I write you to-night. + I also telegraph and write Halleck. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0244" id="link2H_4_0244"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, January 1, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR GENERAL HALLECK: + </p> + <p> + General McClellan is not dangerously ill, as I hope, but would better not + be disturbed with business. I am very anxious that, in case of General + Buell's moving toward Nashville, the enemy shall not be greatly + reinforced, and I think there is danger he will be from Columbus. It seems + to me that a real or feigned attack upon Columbus from up the river at the + same time would either prevent this or compensate for it by throwing + Columbus into our hands. I wrote General Buell a letter similar to this, + meaning that he and you shall communicate and act in concert, unless it be + your judgment and his that there is no necessity for it. You and he will + understand much better than I how to do it. Please do not lose time in + this matter. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0245" id="link2H_4_0245"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND, + </h2> + <p> + In view of the recent declaration of the people of Maryland of their + adhesion to the Union, so distinctly made in their recent election, the + President directs that all the prisoners who having heretofore been + arrested in that State are now detained in military custody by the + President's authority, be released from their imprisonment on the + following conditions, namely: that if they were holding any civil or + military offices when arrested, the terms of which have expired, they + shall not resume or reclaim such office; and secondly, all persons + availing themselves of this proclamation shall engage by oath or parole of + honor to maintain the Union and the Constitution of the United States, and + in no way to aid or abet by arms, counsel, conversation, or information of + any kind the existing insurrection against the Government of the United + States. + </p> + <p> + To guard against misapprehension it is proper to state that this + proclamation does not apply to prisoners of war. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0246" id="link2H_4_0246"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, January 2, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + To THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES + </p> + <p> + I transmit to Congress a copy of a letter to the Secretary of State from + James R. Partridge, secretary to the executive committee to the in + exhibition to be held in London in the course present year, and a copy of + the correspond which it refers, relative to a vessel for the of taking + such articles as persons in this country may wish to exhibit on that + occasion. As it appears no naval vessel can be spared for the purpose, I + recommend that authority be given to charter a suitable merchant vessel, + in order that facilities similar to those afforded by the government + exhibition of 1851 may also be extended to citizens of the United States + who may desire to contribute to the exhibition of this year. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0247" id="link2H_4_0247"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGES OF DISAPPOINTMENT WITH HIS GENERALS + </h2> + <h3> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, January 4, 1862. + </p> + <p> + GENERAL BUELL: + </p> + <p> + Have arms gone forward for East Tennessee? Please tell me the progress and + condition of the movement in that direction. Answer. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0248" id="link2H_4_0248"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + </h3> + <p> + January 6, 1862. + </p> + <p> + BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your despatch of yesterday has been received, and it + disappoints and distresses me. I have shown it to General McClellan, who + says he will write you to-day. I am not competent to criticize your views, + and therefore what I offer is in justification of myself. Of the two, I + would rather have a point on the railroad south of Cumberland Gap than + Nashville. First, because it cuts a great artery of the enemy's + communication, which Nashville does not; and secondly, because it is in + the midst of loyal people who would rally around it, while Nashville is + not. Again, I cannot see why the movement on East Tennessee would not be a + diversion in your favor rather than a disadvantage, assuming that a + movement toward Nashville is the main object. But my distress is that our + friends in East Tennessee are being hanged and driven to despair, and even + now, I fear, are thinking of taking rebel arms for the sake of personal + protection. In this we lose the most valuable stake we have in the South. + My despatch, to which yours is an answer, was sent with the knowledge of + Senator Johnson and Representative Maynard of East Tennessee, and they + will be upon me to know the answer, which I cannot safely show them. They + would despair, possibly resign to go and save their families somehow, or + die with them. I do not intend this to be an order in any sense, but + merely, as intimated before, to show you the grounds of my anxiety. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0249" id="link2H_4_0249"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUELL. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, January 7, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + BRIGADIER-GENERAL D.C. BUELL, Louisville: + </p> + <p> + Please name as early a day as you safely can on or before which you can be + ready to move southward in concert with Major-General Halleck. Delay is + ruining us, and it is indispensable for me to have something definite. I + send a like despatch to Major-General Halleck. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0250" id="link2H_4_0250"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, January 10, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </p> + <p> + I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the minister of + his Majesty the Emperor of Austria accredited to this government, and a + copy of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State relative to + the questions involved in the taking from the British steamer Trent of + certain citizens of the United States by order of Captain Wilkes of the + United States Navy. This correspondence may be considered as a sequel to + that previously communicated to Congress relating to the same subject. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0251" id="link2H_4_0251"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GENERAL HALLECK, + </h2> + <h3> + JANUARY 10, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSOURI ST. Louis, January 6, 1862. + </p> + <p> + To His EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT: + </p> + <p> + In reply to your Excellency's letter of the 1st instant, I have to state + that on receiving your telegram I immediately communicated with General + Buell and have since sent him all the information I could obtain of the + enemy's movements about Columbus and Camp Beauregard. No considerable + force has been sent from those places to Bowling Green. They have about + 22,000 men at Columbus, and the place is strongly fortified. I have at + Cairo, Port Holt, and Paducah only about 15,000, which, after leaving + guards at these places, would give me but little over 10,000 men with + which to assist General Buell. It would be madness to attempt anything + serious with such a force, and I cannot at the present time withdraw any + from Missouri without risking the loss of this State. The troops recently + raised in other States of this department have, without my knowledge, been + sent to Kentucky and Kansas. + </p> + <p> + I am satisfied that the authorities at Washington do not appreciate the + difficulties with which we have to contend here. The operations of Lane, + Jennison, and others have so enraged the people of Missouri that it is + estimated that there is a majority of 80,000 against the government. We + are virtually in an enemy's country. Price and others have a considerable + army in the southwest, against which I am operating with all my available + force. + </p> + <p> + This city and most of the middle and northern counties are + insurrectionary,—burning bridges, destroying telegraph lines, etc.,—and + can be kept down only by the presence of troops. A large portion of the + foreign troops organized by General Fremont are unreliable; indeed, many + of them are already mutinous. They have been tampered with by politicians, + and made to believe that if they get up a mutiny and demand Fremont's + return the government will be forced to restore him to duty here. It is + believed that some high officers are in the plot I have already been + obliged to disarm several of these organizations, and I am daily expecting + more serious outbreaks. Another grave difficulty is the want of proper + general officers to command the troops and enforce order and discipline, + and especially to protect public property from robbery and plunder. Some + of the brigadier-generals assigned to this department are entirely + ignorant of their duties and unfit for any command. I assure you, Mr. + President, it is very difficult to accomplish much with such means. I am + in the condition of a carpenter who is required to build a bridge with a + dull axe, a broken saw, and rotten timber. It is true that I have some + very good green timber, which will answer the purpose as soon as I can get + it into shape and season it a little. + </p> + <p> + I know nothing of General Buell's intended operations, never having + received any information in regard to the general plan of campaign. If it + be intended that his column shall move on Bowling Green while another + moves from Cairo or Paducah on Columbus or Camp Beauregard, it will be a + repetition of the same strategic error which produced the disaster of Bull + Run. To operate on exterior lines against an enemy occupying a central + position will fail, as it always has failed, in ninety-nine cases out of a + hundred. It is condemned by every military authority I have ever read. + </p> + <p> + General Buell's army and the forces at Paducah occupy precisely the same + position in relation to each other and to the enemy as did the armies of + McDowell and Patterson before the battle of Bull Run. + </p> + <p> + Very respectfully, your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + H. W. HALLECK, Major-General + </p> + <p> + [Indorsement] + </p> + <p> + The within is a copy of a letter just received from General Halleck. It is + exceedingly discouraging. As everywhere else, nothing can be done. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0252" id="link2H_4_0252"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR ANDREW. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D. C., January 11, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + GOVERNOR JOHN A. ANDREW, Boston: + </p> + <p> + I will be greatly obliged if you will arrange; somehow with General Butler + to officer his two un-officered regiments. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0253" id="link2H_4_0253"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 13, 1861 + </h3> + <p> + BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR—Your despatch of yesterday is received, in which you + say, "I received your letter and General McClellan's, and will at once + devote my efforts to your views and his." In the midst of my many cares I + have not seen, nor asked to see, General McClellan's letter to you. For my + own views, I have not offered and do not now offer them as orders; and + while I am glad to have them respectfully considered, I would blame you to + follow them contrary to your own clear judgment, unless I should put them + in the form of orders. As to General McClellan's views, you understand + your duty in regard to them better than I do. + </p> + <p> + With this preliminary I state my general idea of this war to be, that we + have the greater numbers and the enemy has the greater facility of + concentrating forces upon points of collision; that we must fail unless we + can find some way of making our advantage an overmatch for his; and that + this can only be done by menacing him with superior forces at different + points at the same time, so that we can safely attack one or both if he + makes no change; and if he weakens one to strengthen the other, forbear to + attack the strengthened one, but seize and hold the weakened one, gaining + so much. + </p> + <p> + To illustrate: Suppose last summer, when Winchester ran away to reinforce + Manassas, we had forborne to attack Manassas, but had seized and held + Winchester. I mention this to illustrate and not to criticise. I did not + lose confidence in McDowell, and I think less harshly of Patterson than + some others seem to.... Applying the principle to your case, my idea is + that Halleck shall menace Columbus and "down river" generally, while you + menace Bowling Green and East Tennessee. If the enemy shall concentrate at + Bowling Green, do not retire from his front, yet do not fight him there + either, but seize Columbus and East Tennessee, one or both, left exposed + by the concentration at Bowling Green. It is a matter of no small anxiety + to me, and which I am sure you will not overlook, that the East Tennessee + line is so long and over so bad a road. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + (Indorsement.) + </p> + <p> + Having to-day written General Buell a letter, it occurs to me to send + General Halleck a copy of it. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0254" id="link2H_4_0254"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 1, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—The Germans are true and patriotic and so far as they + have got cross in Missouri it is upon mistake and misunderstanding. + Without a knowledge of its contents, Governor Koerner, of Illinois, will + hand you this letter. He is an educated and talented German gentleman, as + true a man as lives. With his assistance you can set everything right with + the Germans.... My clear judgment is that, with reference to the German + element in your command, you should have Governor Koerner with you; and if + agreeable to you and him, I will make him a brigadier-general, so that he + can afford to give his time. He does not wish to command in the field, + though he has more military knowledge than some who do. If he goes into + the place, he will simply be an efficient, zealous, and unselfish + assistant to you. I say all this upon intimate personal acquaintance with + Governor Koerner. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0255" id="link2H_4_0255"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, January 17, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </p> + <p> + I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the minister of + his Majesty the King of Prussia accredited to this government, and a copy + of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State relating to the + capture and detention of certain citizens of the United States, passengers + on board the British steamer Trent, by order of Captain Wilkes of the + United States Navy. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0256" id="link2H_4_0256"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + </h2> + <h3> + DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. + </h3> + <p> + January 20, 1862. + </p> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, + </p> + <p> + Commanding Armies of the United States: + </p> + <p> + You or any officer you may designate will in your discretion suspend the + writ of habeas corpus so far as may relate to Major Chase, lately of the + Engineer Corps of the Army of the United States, now alleged to be guilty + of treasonable practices against this government. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0257" id="link2H_4_0257"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO. 1 + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 27, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + Ordered, That the 22d day of February, 1862, be the day for a general + movement of the land and the naval forces of the United States against the + insurgent forces. + </p> + <p> + That especially the army at and about Fortress Monroe, the Army of the + Potomac, the Army of Western Virginia, the army near Munfordville, + Kentucky, the army and flotilla at Cairo, and a naval force in the Gulf of + Mexico, be ready for a movement on that day. + </p> + <p> + That all other forces, both land and naval, with their respective + commanders, obey existing orders for the time, and be ready to obey + additional orders when duly given. + </p> + <p> + That the heads of departments, and especially the Secretaries of War and + of the Navy, with all their subordinates, and the General-in-chief, with + all other commanders and subordinates of land and naval forces, will + severally be held to their strict and full responsibilities for the prompt + execution of this order. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0258" id="link2H_4_0258"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO SECRETARY STANTON, + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—It is my wish that the expedition commonly called the + "Lane Expedition" shall be, as much as has been promised at the + adjutant-general's office, under the supervision of General McClellan, and + not any more. I have not intended, and do not now intend, that it shall be + a great, exhausting affair, but a snug, sober column of 10,000 or 15,000. + General Lane has been told by me many times that he is under the command + of General Hunter, and assented to it as often as told. It was the + distinct agreement between him and me, when I appointed him, that he was + to be under Hunter. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0259" id="link2H_4_0259"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO. 1. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + Ordered, That all the disposable force of the Army of the Potomac, after + providing safely for the defence of Washington, be formed into an + expedition for the immediate object of seizing and occupying a point upon + the railroad southwestward of what is known as Manassas Junction, all + details to be in the discretion of the commander-in-chief, and the + expedition to move before or on the 22d day of February next. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0260" id="link2H_4_0260"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + OPPOSITION TO McCLELLAN'S PLANS + </h2> + <h3> + TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN, + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1862. + </p> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL MCCLELLAN. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR—You and I have distinct and different plans for a movement + of the Army of the Potomac—yours to be down the Chesapeake, up the + Rappahannock to Urbana, and across land to the terminus of the railroad on + the York River; mine to move directly to a point on the railroad southwest + of Manassas. + </p> + <p> + If you will give me satisfactory answers to the following questions, I + shall gladly yield my plan to yours. + </p> + <p> + First. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of time and + money than mine? + </p> + <p> + Second. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan than mine? + </p> + <p> + Third. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine? + </p> + <p> + Fourth. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it would + break no great line of the enemy's communications, while mine would? + </p> + <p> + Fifth. In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult by your + plan than mine? + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0261" id="link2H_4_0261"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Memorandum accompanying Letter of President Lincoln to General McClellan, + </h2> + <h3> + dated February 3,1862. + </h3> + <p> + First. Suppose the enemy should attack us in force before we reach the + Occoquan, what? + </p> + <p> + Second. Suppose the enemy in force shall dispute the crossing of the + Occoquan, what? In view of this, might it not be safest for us to cross + the Occoquan at Coichester, rather than at the village of Occoquan? This + would cost the enemy two miles of travel to meet us, but would, on the + contrary, leave us two miles farther from our ultimate destination. + </p> + <p> + Third. Suppose we reach Maple Valley without an attack, will we not be + attacked there in force by the enemy marching by the several roads from + Manassas; and if so, what? + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0262" id="link2H_4_0262"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO WM. H. HERNDON. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAM:—Yours of January 30th just received. Do just as you + say about the money matter. + </p> + <p> + As you well know, I have not time to write a letter of respectable length. + God bless you, says + </p> + <p> + Your friend, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0263" id="link2H_4_0263"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RESPITE FOR NATHANIEL GORDON + </h2> + <h3> + February 4, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + A. LINCOLN, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, + </p> + <p> + To all to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting: + </p> + <p> + Whereas it appears that at a term of the Circuit Court of the United + States of America for the Southern District of New York held in the month + of November, A.D. 1861, Nathaniel Gordon was indicted and convicted for + being engaged in the slave trade, and was by the said court sentenced to + be put to death by hanging by the neck, on Friday the 7th day of February, + AD. 1862: + </p> + <p> + And whereas a large number of respectable citizens have earnestly besought + me to commute the said sentence of the said Nathaniel Gordon to a term of + imprisonment for life, which application I have felt it to be my duty to + refuse: + </p> + <p> + And whereas it has seemed to me probable that the unsuccessful application + made for the commutation of his sentence may have prevented the said + Nathaniel Gordon from making the necessary preparation for the awful + change which awaits him; + </p> + <p> + Now, therefore, be it known, that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the + United States of America, have granted and do hereby grant unto him, the + said Nathaniel Gordon, a respite of the above recited sentence, until + Friday the twenty-first day of February, A.D. 1862, between the hours of + twelve o'clock at noon and three o'clock in the afternoon of the said day, + when the said sentence shall be executed. + </p> + <p> + In granting this respite, it becomes my painful duty to admonish the + prisoner that, relinquishing all expectation of pardon by human authority, + he refer himself alone to the mercy of the common God and Father of all + men. + </p> + <p> + In testimony whereof I have hereunto signed my name and caused the seal of + the United States to be affixed. + </p> + <p> + Done at the City of Washington, this fourth day of February, A.D. 1862, + and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0264" id="link2H_4_0264"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON CITY, February 4. 1862 + </h3> + <p> + To THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + </p> + <p> + The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the + Navy," approved December 21, 1862, provides: + </p> + <p> + "That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and + consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired + list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such + officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to be + thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation + of the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks + of Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, + be restored to the active list, and not otherwise." + </p> + <p> + In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, was + nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command of + the squadron which recently rendered such important service to the Union + in the expedition to the coast of South Carolina. + </p> + <p> + Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond + with the intention of the law, or be more pregnant with happy influence as + an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Samuel F. Du Pont receive a + vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry displayed in the + capture of Forts Walker and Beauregard, commanding the entrance of Port + Royal Harbor, on the 7th of November, 1861. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0265" id="link2H_4_0265"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERALS D. HUNTER AND J. H. LANE. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, FEBRUARY 4, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER AND BRIGADIER-GENERAL LANE, Leavenworth, Kansas: + </p> + <p> + My wish has been and is to avail the government of the services of both + General Hunter and General Lane, and, so far as possible, to personally + oblige both. General Hunter is the senior officer, and must command when + they serve together; though in so far as he can consistently with the + public service and his own honor oblige General Lane, he will also oblige + me. If they cannot come to an amicable understanding, General Lane must + report to General Hunter for duty, according to the rules, or decline the + service. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0266" id="link2H_4_0266"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 1, RELATING TO POLITICAL PRISONERS. + </h2> + <h3> + WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, February 14,1862. + </h3> + <p> + The breaking out of a formidable insurrection based on a conflict of + political ideas, being an event without precedent in the United States, + was necessarily attended by great confusion and perplexity of the public + mind. Disloyalty before unsuspected suddenly became bold, and treason + astonished the world by bringing at once into the field military forces + superior in number to the standing army of the United States. + </p> + <p> + Every department of the government was paralyzed by treason. Defection + appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in the Cabinet, + in the Federal courts; ministers and consuls returned from foreign + countries to enter the insurrectionary councils of land or naval forces; + commanding and other officers of the army and in the navy betrayed our + councils or deserted their posts for commands in the insurgent forces. + Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the post-office service, as + well as in the Territorial governments and in the Indian reserves. + </p> + <p> + Not only governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in the + States, but even whole States rushed one after another with apparent + unanimity into rebellion. The capital was besieged and its connection with + all the States cut off. Even in the portions of the country which were + most loyal, political combinations and secret societies were formed + furthering the work of disunion, while, from motives of disloyalty or + cupidity or from excited passions or perverted sympathies, individuals + were found furnishing men, money, and materials of war and supplies to the + insurgents' military and naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications, navy + yards, arsenals, military posts, and garrisons one after another were + betrayed or abandoned to the insurgents. + </p> + <p> + Congress had not anticipated, and so had not provided for, the emergency. + The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. The judicial + machinery seemed as if it had been designed, not to sustain the + government, but to embarrass and betray it. + </p> + <p> + Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by the + abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has only been prevented + by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the most perfect + moderation, in our intercourse with nations. + </p> + <p> + The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately not + distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the Federal + Government, which one year before had been thought a model worthy of + universal acceptance, had indeed the ability to defend and maintain + itself. + </p> + <p> + Some reverses, which, perhaps, were unavoidable, suffered by newly levied + and inefficient forces, discouraged the loyal and gave new hopes to the + insurgents. Voluntary enlistments seemed about to cease and desertions + commenced. Parties speculated upon the question whether conscription had + not become necessary to fill up the armies of the United States. + </p> + <p> + In this emergency the President felt it his duty to employ with energy the + extraordinary powers which the Constitution confides to him in cases of + insurrection. He called into the field such military and naval forces, + unauthorized by the existing laws, as seemed necessary. He directed + measures to prevent the use of the post-office for treasonable + correspondence. He subjected passengers to and from foreign countries to + new passport regulations, and he instituted a blockade, suspended the writ + of habeas corpus in various places, and caused persons who were + represented to him as being or about to engage in disloyal and treasonable + practices to be arrested by special civil as well as military agencies and + detained in military custody when necessary to prevent them and deter + others from such practices. Examinations of such cases were instituted, + and some of the persons so arrested have been discharged from time to time + under circumstances or upon conditions compatible, as was thought, with + the public safety. + </p> + <p> + Meantime a favorable change of public opinion has occurred. The line + between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly defined. The whole structure of + the government is firm and stable. Apprehension of public danger and + facilities for treasonable practices have diminished with the passions + which prompted heedless persons to adopt them. The insurrection is + believed to have culminated and to be declining. + </p> + <p> + The President, in view of these facts, and anxious to favor a return to + the normal course of the administration as far as regard for the public + welfare will allow, directs that all political prisoners or state + prisoners now held in military custody be released on their subscribing to + a parole engaging them to render no aid or comfort to the enemies in + hostility to the United States. + </p> + <p> + The Secretary of War will, however, in his discretion, except from the + effect of this order any persons detained as spies in the service of the + insurgents, or others whose release at the present moment may be deemed + incompatible with the public safety. + </p> + <p> + To all persons who shall be so released, and who shall keep their parole, + the President grants an amnesty for any past offences of treason or + disloyalty which they may have comminuted. + </p> + <p> + Extraordinary arrests will hereafter be made under the direction of the + military authorities alone. + </p> + <p> + By order of the President EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0267" id="link2H_4_0267"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. WASHINGTON CITY, February 15, 1862 + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES: + </h3> + <p> + The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the + Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides + </p> + <p> + "That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and + consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired + list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such + officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to be + thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation + of the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks + of Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, + be restored to the active list, and not otherwise." + </p> + <p> + In conformity with this law, Captain Louis M. Goldsborough, of the navy, + was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command + of the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron, which recently rendered such + important service to the Union in the expedition to the coast of North + Carolina. + </p> + <p> + Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond + with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with happy influence as + an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Louis M. Goldsborough + receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry + displayed in the combined attack of the forces commanded by him and + Brigadier-General Burnside in the capture of Roanoke Island and the + destruction of rebel gunboats On the 7th, 8th, and 10th of February, 1862. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0268" id="link2H_4_0268"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FIRST WRITTEN NOTICE OF GRANT + </h2> + <h3> + TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + </p> + <p> + February 16, 1862. + </p> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + </p> + <p> + You have Fort Donelson safe, unless Grant shall be overwhelmed from + outside; to prevent which latter will, I think, require all the vigilance, + energy, and skill of yourself and Buell, acting in full co-operation. + Columbus will not get at Grant, but the force from Bowling Green will. + They hold the railroad from Bowling Green to within a few miles of Fort + Donelson, with the bridge at Clarksville undisturbed. It is unsafe to rely + that they will not dare to expose Nashville to Buell. A small part of + their force can retire slowly toward Nashville, breaking up the railroad + as they go, and keep Buell out of that city twenty days. Meanwhile + Nashville will be abundantly defended by forces from all South and perhaps + from hers at Manassas. Could not a cavalry force from General Thomas on + the upper Cumberland dash across, almost unresisted, and cut the railroad + at or near Knoxville, Tennessee? In the midst of a bombardment at Fort + Donelson, why could not a gunboat run up and destroy the bridge at + Clarksville? Our success or failure at Fort Donelson is vastly important, + and I beg you to put your soul in the effort. I send a copy of this to + Buell. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0269" id="link2H_4_0269"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 2.—IN RELATION TO STATE PRISONERS. + </h2> + <h3> + WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, FEBRUARY 27, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + It is ordered: + </p> + <p> + First. That a special commission of two persons, one of military rank and + the other in civil life, be appointed to examine the cases of the state + prisoners remaining in the military custody of the United States, and to + determine whether in view of the public Safety and the existing rebellion + they should be discharged, or remain in military custody, or be remitted + to the civil tribunals for trial. + </p> + <p> + Second. That Major-General John A. Dix, commanding in Baltimore, and the + HON. Edwards Pierrepont, of New York, be, and they are hereby, appointed + commissioners for the purpose above mentioned; and they are authorized to + examine, hear, and determine the cases aforesaid ex parte and in a summary + manner, at such times and places as in their discretion they may appoint, + and make full report to the War Department. + </p> + <p> + By order of the President EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0270" id="link2H_4_0270"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ORDER RELATING TO COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE. + </h2> + <p> + Considering that the existing circumstances of the country allow a partial + restoration of commercial intercourse between the inhabitants of those + parts of the United States heretofore declared to be in insurrection and + the citizens of the loyal States of the Union, and exercising the + authority and discretion confided to me by the act of Congress, approved + July 13, 1861, entitled "An act further to provide for the collection of + duties on imports, and for other purposes," I hereby license and permit + such commercial intercourse in all cases within the rules and regulations + which have been or may be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury for + conducting and carrying on the same on the inland waters and ways of the + United States. + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, February 28, 1862. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0271" id="link2H_4_0271"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH TO THE PERUVIAN MINISTER, + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, D. C., MARCH 4, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + The United States have no enmities, animosities, or rivalries, and no + interests which conflict with the welfare, safety, and rights or interests + of any other nation. Their own prosperity, happiness, and aggrandizement + are sought most safely and advantageously through the preservation not + only of peace on their own part, but peace among all other nations. But + while the United States are thus a friend to all other nations, they do + not seek to conceal the fact that they cherish especial sentiments of + friendship for, and sympathies with, those who, like themselves, have + founded their institutions on the principle of the equal rights of men; + and such nations being more prominently neighbors of the United States, + the latter are co-operating with them in establishing civilization and + culture on the American continent. Such being the general principles which + govern the United States in their foreign relations, you may be assured, + sir, that in all things this government will deal justly, frankly, and, if + it be possible, even liberally with Peru, whose liberal sentiments toward + us you have so kindly expressed. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0272" id="link2H_4_0272"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS RECOMMENDING COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION. + </h2> + <h3> + March 6, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:—I + recommend the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable bodies + which shall be substantially as follows: + </p> + <p> + "Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which + may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State pecuniary + aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to compensate for the + inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system." + </p> + <p> + If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the approval + of Congress and the country, there is the end; but if it does command such + approval, I deem it of importance that the States and people immediately + interested should be at once distinctly notified of the fact, so that they + may begin to consider whether to accept or reject it. The Federal + Government would find its highest interest in such a measure, as one of + the most efficient means of self-preservation. The leaders of the existing + insurrection entertain the hope that this government will ultimately be + forced to acknowledge the independence of some part of the disaffected + region, and that all the slave States north of such part will then say, + "The Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we now choose + to go with the Southern section." To deprive them of this hope + substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipation + completely deprives them of it as to all the States initiating it. The + point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would very soon, if at + all, initiate emancipation; but that, while the offer is equally made to + all, the more northern shall by such initiation make it certain to the + more southern that in no event will the former ever join the latter in + their proposed confederacy. I say "initiation" because, in my judgment, + gradual and not sudden emancipation is better for all. In the mere + financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress with the census tables + and treasury reports before him can readily see for himself how very soon + the current expenditures of this war would purchase, at fair valuation, + all the slaves in any named State. Such a proposition on the part of the + General Government sets up no claim of a right by Federal authority to + interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as it does, the + absolute control of the subject in each case to the State and its people + immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of perfectly free + choice with them. + </p> + <p> + In the annual message last December, I thought fit to say, "The Union must + be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed." I said + this not hastily, but deliberately. War has been made and continues to be + an indispensable means to this end. A practical reacknowledgment of the + national authority would render the war unnecessary, and it would at once + cease. If, however, resistance continues, the war must also continue; and + it is impossible to foresee all the incidents which may attend and all the + ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem indispensable or may obviously + promise great efficiency toward ending the struggle must and will come. + </p> + <p> + The proposition now made (though an offer only), I hope it may be esteemed + no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered would not + be of more value to the States and private persons concerned than are the + institution and property in it in the present aspect of affairs. + </p> + <p> + While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would be + merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it is + recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important practical + results. In full view of my great responsibility to my God and to my + country, I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the people to the + subject. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0273" id="link2H_4_0273"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GOVERNOR YATES. + </h2> + <h3> + STATE OF ILLINOIS, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, SPRINGFIELD, ILL., March 1, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + HON. EDWIN M. STANTON, SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington, D. C. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—The government at my special request a few months since + contracted for fourteen batteries of the James rifled gun, 6-pounder + calibre, and a limited quantity of the James projectiles, weighing about + fourteen pounds each. The reports showing the superiority of this gun and + projectile, both as regards range, accuracy, and execution, for field + service over that of all others at the battle of Fort Donelson, leads me + to request that there be furnished to the State of Illinois in the + shortest time practicable seven batteries of 12-pounder calibre James + rifled guns, with carriages, harness, implements, etc., complete and ready + for field service, together with the following fixed ammunition to each + gun, viz., 225 shells, 225 canister, and 50 solid projectiles, weighing + about 24 pounds each, and also 200 shells, 100 canister, and 100 solid + projectiles for each of the guns of the fourteen batteries named above, + weighing about 14 pounds each, all to be of the James model. + </p> + <p> + Very respectfully, + </p> + <p> + RICHARD YATES, Governor of Illinois. + </p> + <p> + [Indorsement.] + </p> + <p> + March 8, 1862. + </p> + <p> + The within is from the Governor of Illinois. I understand the seven + additional batteries now sought are to be 6-gun batteries, and the object + is to mix them with the fourteen batteries they already have so as to make + each battery consist of four 6-pounders and two 12-pounders. I shall be + very glad to have the requisition filled if it can be without detriment to + the service. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0274" id="link2H_4_0274"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.2. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON + </h3> + <p> + March 8, 1862. + </p> + <p> + Ordered: 1. That the major-general commanding the Army of the Potomac + proceed forthwith to organize that part of the said army destined to enter + upon active operations (including the reserve, but excluding the troops to + be left in the fortifications about Washington) into four army corps, to + be commanded according to seniority of rank, as follows: + </p> + <p> + First Corps to consist of four divisions, and to be commanded by + Major-General I. McDowell. Second Corps to consist of three divisions, and + to be commanded by Brigadier-General E. V. Sumner. Third Corps to consist + of three divisions, and to be commanded by Brigadier-General S. P. + Heintzelman. Fourth Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be + commanded by Brigadier-General E. D. Keyes. + </p> + <p> + 2. That the divisions now commanded by the officers above assigned to the + commands of army corps shall be embraced in and form part of their + respective corps. + </p> + <p> + 3. The forces left for the defense of Washington will be placed in command + of Brigadier-General James S. Wadsworth, who shall also be military + governor of the District of Columbia. + </p> + <p> + 4. That this order be executed with such promptness and dispatch as not to + delay the commencement of the operations already directed to be + underwritten by the Army of the Potomac. + </p> + <p> + 5. A fifth army corps, to be commanded by Major general N. P. Banks, will + be formed from his own and General Shields's (late General Lander's) + divisions. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0275" id="link2H_4_0275"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 8,1862 + </h3> + <p> + Ordered: That no change of the base of operations of the Army of the + Potomac shall be made without leaving in and about Washington such a force + as in the opinion of the general-in-chief and the commanders of all the + army corps shall leave said city entirely secure. + </p> + <p> + That no more than two army corps (about 50,000 troops) of said Army of the + Potomac shall be moved en route for a new base of operations until the + navigation of the Potomac from Washington to the Chesapeake Bay shall be + freed from enemy's batteries and other obstructions, or until the + President shall hereafter give express permission. + </p> + <p> + That any movements as aforesaid en route for a new base of operations + which may be ordered by the general-in-chief, and which may be intended to + move upon the Chesapeake Bay, shall begin to move upon the bay as early as + the 18th day of March instant, and the general-in-chief shall be + responsible that it so move as early as that day. + </p> + <p> + Ordered, That the army and navy co-operate in an immediate effort to + capture the enemy's batteries upon the Potomac between Washington and the + Chesapeake Bay. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0276" id="link2H_4_0276"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME BORDER SLAVE STATE + </h2> + <h3> + REPRESENTATIVES, BY HON. J. W. CRISFIELD. + </h3> + <p> + MEMORANDUM + </p> + <p> + "DEAR SIR:—I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to + come to the White House tomorrow morning, at nine o'clock, and bring such + of your colleagues as are in town." + </p> + <p> + WASHINGTON, March 10, 1862. + </p> + <p> + Yesterday, on my return from church, I found Mr. Postmaster-General Blair + in my room, writing the above note, which he immediately suspended, and + verbally communicated the President's invitation, and stated that the + President's purpose was to have some conversation with the delegations of + Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Virginia, and Delaware, in explanation of + his message of the 6th instant. + </p> + <p> + This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town, assembled + at the White House at the appointed time, and after some little delay were + admitted to an audience. Mr. Leary and myself were the only members from + Maryland present, and, I think, were the only members of the delegation at + that time in the city. I know that Mr. Pearoe, of the Senate, and Messrs. + Webster and Calvert, of the House, were absent. + </p> + <p> + After the usual salutations, and we were seated, the President said, in + substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some conversation + with us in explanation of his message of the 6th; that since he had sent + it in several of the gentlemen then present had visited him, but had + avoided any allusion to the message, and he therefore inferred that the + import of the message had been misunderstood, and was regarded as inimical + to the interests we represented; and he had resolved he would talk with + us, and disabuse our minds of that erroneous opinion. + </p> + <p> + The President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests or wound + the sensibilities of the slave States. On the contrary, his purpose was to + protect the one and respect the other; that we were engaged in a terrible, + wasting, and tedious war; immense armies were in the field, and must + continue in the field as long as the war lasts; that these armies must, of + necessity, be brought into contact with slaves in the States we + represented and in other States as they advanced; that slaves would come + to the camps, and continual irritation was kept up; that he was constantly + annoyed by conflicting and antagonistic complaints: on the one side a + certain class complained if the slave was not protected by the army; + persons were frequently found who, participating in these views, acted in + a way unfriendly to the slaveholder; on the other hand, slaveholders + complained that their rights were interfered with, their slaves induced to + abscond and protected within the lines; these complaints were numerous, + loud and deep; were a serious annoyance to him and embarrassing to the + progress of the war; that it kept alive a spirit hostile to the government + in the States we represented; strengthened the hopes of the Confederates + that at some day the border States would unite with them, and thus tend to + prolong the war; and he was of opinion, if this resolution should be + adopted by Congress and accepted by our States, these causes of irritation + and these hopes would be removed, and more would be accomplished toward + shortening the war than could be hoped from the greatest victory achieved + by Union armies; that he made this proposition in good faith, and desired + it to be accepted, if at all, voluntarily, and in the same patriotic + spirit in which it was made; that emancipation was a subject exclusively + under the control of the States, and must be adopted or rejected by each + for itself; that he did not claim nor had this government any right to + coerce them for that purpose; that such was no part of his purpose in + making this proposition, and he wished it to be clearly understood; that + he did not expect us there to be prepared to give him an answer, but he + hoped we would take the subject into serious consideration, confer with + one another, and then take such course as we felt our duty and the + interests of our constituents required of us. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State slavery was not considered + a permanent institution; that natural causes were there in operation which + would at no distant day extinguish it, and he did not think that this + proposition was necessary for that; and, besides that, he and his friends + felt solicitous as to the message on account of the different + constructions which the resolution and message had received. The New York + Tribune was for it, and understood it to mean that we must accept gradual + emancipation according to the plan suggested, or get something worse. + </p> + <p> + The President replied that he must not be expected to quarrel with the New + York Tribune before the right time; he hoped never to have to do it; he + would not anticipate events. In respect to emancipation in Missouri, he + said that what had been observed by Mr. Noell was probably true, but the + operation of these natural causes had not prevented the irritating conduct + to which he had referred, or destroyed the hopes of the Confederates that + Missouri would at some time merge herself alongside of them, which, in his + judgment, the passage of this resolution by Congress and its acceptance by + Missouri would accomplish. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Crisfield, of Maryland, asked what would be the effect of the refusal + of the State to accept this proposal, and he desired to know if the + President looked to any policy beyond the acceptance or rejection of this + scheme. + </p> + <p> + The President replied that he had no designs beyond the actions of the + States on this particular subject. He should lament their refusal to + accept it, but he had no designs beyond their refusal of it. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Menzies, of Kentucky, inquired if the President thought there was any + power except in the States themselves to carry out his scheme of + emancipation. + </p> + <p> + The President replied that he thought there could not be. He then went off + into a course of remarks not qualifying the foregoing declaration nor + material to be repeated to a just understanding of his meaning. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Crisfield said he did not think the people of Maryland looked upon + slavery as a permanent institution; and he did not know that they would be + very reluctant to give it up if provision was made to meet the loss and + they could be rid of the race; but they did not like to be coerced into + emancipation, either by the direct action of the government or by + indirection, as through the emancipation of slaves in this District, or + the confiscation of Southern property as now threatened; and he thought + before they would consent to consider this proposition they would require + to be informed on these points. The President replied that, unless he was + expelled by the act of God or the Confederate armies he should occupy that + house for three years; and as long as he remained there Maryland had + nothing to fear either for her institutions or her interests on the points + referred to. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Crisfield immediately added: "Mr. President, if what you now say could + be heard by the people of Maryland, they would consider your proposition + with a much better feeling than I fear without it they will be inclined to + do." + </p> + <p> + The President: "That [meaning a publication of what he said] will not do; + it would force me into a quarrel before the proper time "; and, again + intimating, as he had before done, that a quarrel with the "Greeley + faction" was impending, he said he did not wish to encounter it before the + proper time, nor at all if it could be avoided. + </p> + <p> + [The Greely faction wanted an immediate Emancipation Proclamation. D.W.] + </p> + <p> + Governor Wickliffe, of Kentucky, then asked him respecting the + constitutionality of his scheme. + </p> + <p> + The President replied: "As you may suppose, I have considered that; and + the proposition now submitted does not encounter any constitutional + difficulty. It proposes simply to co-operate with any State by giving such + State pecuniary aid"; and he thought that the resolution, as proposed by + him, would be considered rather as the expression of a sentiment than as + involving any constitutional question. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Hall, of Missouri, thought that if this proposition was adopted at all + it should be by the votes of the free States, and come as a proposition + from them to the slave States, affording them an inducement to put aside + this subject of discord; that it ought not to be expected that members + representing slaveholding constituencies should declare at once, and in + advance of any proposition to them, for the emancipation of slavery. + </p> + <p> + The President said he saw and felt the force of the objection; it was a + fearful responsibility, and every gentleman must do as he thought best; + that he did not know how this scheme was received by the members from the + free States; some of them had spoken to him and received it kindly; but + for the most part they were as reserved and chary as we had been, and he + could not tell how they would vote. And in reply to some expression of Mr. + Hall as to his own opinion regarding slavery, he said he did not pretend + to disguise his anti-slavery feeling; that he thought it was wrong, and + should continue to think so; but that was not the question we had to deal + with now. Slavery existed, and that, too, as well by the act of the North + as of the South; and in any scheme to get rid of it the North as well as + the South was morally bound to do its full and equal share. He thought the + institution wrong and ought never to have existed; but yet he recognized + the rights of property which had grown out of it, and would respect those + rights as fully as similar rights in any other property; that property can + exist and does legally exist. He thought such a law wrong, but the rights + of property resulting must be respected; he would get rid of the odious + law, not by violating the rights, but by encouraging the proposition and + offering inducements to give it up. + </p> + <p> + Here the interview, so far as this subject is concerned, terminated by Mr. + Crittenden's assuring the President that, whatever might be our final + action, we all thought him solely moved by a high patriotism and sincere + devotion to the happiness and glory of his country; and with that + conviction we should consider respectfully the important suggestions he + had made. + </p> + <p> + After some conversation on the current war news, we retired, and I + immediately proceeded to my room and wrote out this paper. J. W. + CRISFIELD. + </p> + <p> + We were present at the interview described in the foregoing paper of Mr. + Crisfield, and we certify that the substance of what passed on the + occasion is in this paper faithfully and fully given. + </p> + <p> + J. W. MENZIES, J. J. CRITTENDEN, R. MALLORY. + </p> + <p> + March 10, 1862. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0277" id="link2H_4_0277"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 11, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + Major-General McClellan having personally taken the field at the head of + the Army of the Potomac, until otherwise ordered he is relieved from the + command of the other military departments, he retaining command of the + Department of the Potomac. + </p> + <p> + Ordered further, That the departments now under the respective commands of + Generals Halleck and Hunter, together with so much of that under General + Buell as lies west of a north and south line indefinitely drawn through + Knoxville, Tenn., be consolidated and designated the Department of the + Mississippi, and that until otherwise ordered Major General Halleck have + command of said department. + </p> + <p> + Ordered also, That the country west of the Department of the Potomac and + east of the Department of the Mississippi be a military department, to be + called the Mountain Department, and that the same be commanded by + Major-General Fremont. + </p> + <p> + That all the commanders of departments, after the receipt of this order by + them, respectively report severally and directly to the Secretary of War, + and that prompt, full, and frequent reports will be expected of all and + each of them. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0278" id="link2H_4_0278"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL MCCLELLAN. + </h2> + <h3> + WAR DEPARTMENT, March 13, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN: + </p> + <p> + The President, having considered the plan of operations agreed upon by + yourself and the commanders of army corps, makes no objection to the same + but gives the following directions as to its execution: + </p> + <p> + 1. Leave such force at Manassas Junction as shall make it entirely certain + that the enemy shall no repossess himself of that position and line of + communication. + </p> + <p> + 2. Leave Washington entirely secure. + </p> + <p> + 3. Move the remainder of the force down the Potomac, choosing a new base + at Fortress Monroe or anywhere between here and there, or, at all events, + move such remainder of the army at once in pursuit of the enemy by some + route. + </p> + <p> + EDWARD M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0279" id="link2H_4_0279"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH TO A PARTY OF MASSACHUSETTS GENTLEMAN + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, MARCH 13, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + I thank you, Mr. Train, for your kindness in presenting me with this truly + elegant and highly creditable specimen of the handiwork of the mechanics + of your State of Massachusetts, and I beg of you to express my hearty + thanks to the donors. It displays a perfection of workmanship which I + really wish I had time to acknowledge in more fitting words, and I might + then follow your idea that it is suggestive, for it is evidently expected + that a good deal of whipping is to be done. But as we meet here socially + let us not think only of whipping rebels, or of those who seem to think + only of whipping negroes, but of those pleasant days, which it is to be + hoped are in store for us, when seated behind a good pair of horses we can + crack our whips and drive through a peaceful, happy, and prosperous land. + With this idea, gentlemen, I must leave you for my business duties. [It + was likely a Buggy-Whip D.W.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0280" id="link2H_4_0280"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON CITY, March 20, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + </p> + <p> + The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the + Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides: + </p> + <p> + "That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and + consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired + list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such + officers as he may believe the good of the service requires to be thus + placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation of + the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks cf + Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, be + restored to the active list, and not otherwise." + </p> + <p> + In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, was + nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command of + the squadron which recently rendered such important service to the Union + in the expedition to the coasts of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. + </p> + <p> + Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond + with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with happy influence as + an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Samuel F. Du Pont receive a + vote of thanks of Congress for his service and gallantry displayed in the + capture since the 21st December, 1861, of various ports on the coasts of + Georgia and Florida, particularly Brunswick, Cumberland Island and Sound, + Amelia Island, the towns of St. Mary's, St. Augustine, and Jacksonville + and Fernandina. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0281" id="link2H_4_0281"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 31, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:-This morning I felt constrained to order Blenker's division + to Fremont, and I write this to assure you I did so with great pain, + understanding that you would wish it otherwise. If you could know the full + pressure of the case, I am confident that you would justify it, even + beyond a mere acknowledgment that the commander-in-chief may order what he + pleases. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0282" id="link2H_4_0282"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + GIFT OF SOME RABBITS + </h2> + <h3> + TO MICHAEL CROCK. 360 N. Fourth St., Philadelphia. + </h3> + <p> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 2, 1862. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:-Allow me to thank you in behalf of my little son for your + present of white rabbits. He is very much pleased with them. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0283" id="link2H_4_0283"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + INSTRUCTION TO SECRETARY STANTON. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 3, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + The Secretary of War will order that one or the other of the corps of + General McDowell and General Sumner remain in front of Washington until + further orders from the department, to operate at or in the direction of + Manassas Junction, or otherwise, as occasion may require; that the other + Corps not so ordered to remain go forward to General McClellan as speedily + as possible; that General McClellan commence his forward movements from + his new base at once, and that such incidental modifications as the + foregoing may render proper be also made. A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0284" id="link2H_4_0284"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, April 6, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN: + </p> + <p> + Yours of 11 A. M. today received. Secretary of War informs me that the + forwarding of transportation, ammunition, and Woodbury's brigade, under + your orders, is not, and will not be, interfered with. You now have over + one hundred thousand troops with you, independent of General Wool's + command. I think you better break the enemy's line from Yorktown to + Warwick River at once. This will probably use time as advantageously as + you can. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN, President + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0285" id="link2H_4_0285"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR+—Your despatches, complaining that you are not properly + sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very much. + </p> + <p> + Blenker's division was withdrawn from you before you left here, and you + knew the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought, acquiesced in + it certainly not without reluctance. + </p> + <p> + After you left I ascertained that less than 20,000 unorganized men, + without a single field battery, were all you designed to be left for the + defense of Washington and Manassas Junction, and part of this even to go + to General Hooker's old position; General Banks's corps, once designed for + Manassas Junction, was divided and tied up on the line of Winchester and + Strasburg, and could not leave it without again exposing the upper Potomac + and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. This presented (or would present when + McDowell and Sumner should be gone) a great temptation to the enemy to + turn back from the Rappahannock and sack Washington. My explicit order + that Washington should, by the judgment of all the Commanders of corps, be + left entirely secure, had been neglected. It was precisely this that drove + me to detain McDowell. + </p> + <p> + I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave Banks + at Manassas Junction; but when that arrangement was broken up and nothing + substituted for it, of course I was not satisfied. I was constrained to + substitute something for it myself. + </p> + <p> + And now allow me to ask, do you really think I should permit the line from + Richmond via Manaasas Junction to this city to be entirely open, except + what resistance could be presented by less than 20,000 unorganized troops? + This is a question which the country will not allow me to evade. + </p> + <p> + There is a curious mystery about the number of the troops now with you. + When I telegraphed you on the 6th, saying you had over 100,000 with you, I + had just obtained from the Secretary of War a statement, taken as he said + from your own returns, making 108,000 then with you and en route to you. + You now say you will have but 85,000 when all enroute to you shall have + reached you. How can this discrepancy of 23,000 be accounted for? + </p> + <p> + As to General Wool's command, I understand it is doing for you precisely + what a like number of your own would have to do if that command was away. + I suppose the whole force which has gone forward to you is with you by + this time; and if so, I think it is the precise time for you to strike a + blow. By delay the enemy will relatively gain upon you—that is, he + will gain faster by fortifications and reinforcements than you can by + reinforcements alone. + </p> + <p> + And once more let me tell you it is indispensable to you that you strike a + blow. I am powerless to help this. You will do me the justice to remember + I always insisted that going down the bay in search of a field, instead of + fighting at or near Manassas, was only shifting and not surmounting a + difficulty; that we would find the same enemy and the same or equal + entrenchments at either place. The country will not fail to note—is + noting now—that the present hesitation to move upon an entrenched + enemy is but the story of Manassas repeated. + </p> + <p> + I beg to assure you that I have never written you or spoken to you in + greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller purpose to sustain + you, so far as in my most anxious judgment I consistently can; but you + must act. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0286" id="link2H_4_0286"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Saint Louis, Mo.: If the rigor of the confinement + of Magoffin (Governor of Kentucky) at Alton is endangering his life, or + materially impairing his health, I wish it mitigated as far as it can be + consistently with his safe detention. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + Please send above, by order of the President. JOHN HAY. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0287" id="link2H_4_0287"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION RECOMMENDING THANKSGIVING FOR VICTORIES, + </h2> + <h3> + APRIL 10, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + </p> + <p> + A Proclamation + </p> + <p> + It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal victories to the land and + naval forces engaged in suppressing, an internal rebellion, and at the + same time to avert from our country the dangers of foreign intervention + and invasion. + </p> + <p> + It is therefore recommended to the people of the United States that at + their next weekly assemblages in their accustomed places of public worship + which shall occur after notice of this proclamation shall have been + received, they especially acknowledge and render thanks to our Heavenly + Father for these inestimable blessings, that they then and there implore + spiritual consolation in behalf of all who have been brought into + affliction by the casualties and calamities of sedition and civil war, and + that they reverently invoke the divine guidance for our national counsels, + to the end that they may speedily result in the restoration of peace, + harmony, and unity throughout our borders and hasten the establishment of + fraternal relations among all the countries of the earth. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the + United States to be affixed. + </p> + <p> + Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of April, A.D. 1862, and of + the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0288" id="link2H_4_0288"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN WASHINGTON, D.C. + </h2> + <h3> + MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. April 16, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: The act + entitled "An act for the relief of certain persons held to service or + labor in the District of Columbia" has this day been approved and signed. + </p> + <p> + I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Congress to abolish + slavery in this District, and I have ever desired to see the national + capital freed from the institution in some satisfactory way. Hence there + has never been in my mind any question on the subject except the one of + expediency, arising in view of all the circumstances. If there be matters + within and about this act which might have taken a course or shape more + satisfactory to my judgment, I do not attempt to specify them. I am + gratified that the two principles of compensation and colonization are + both recognized and practically applied in the act. + </p> + <p> + In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be presented + within ninety days from the passage of the act, "but not thereafter"; and + there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane or absent persons. I + presume this is an omission by mere oversight, and I recommend that it be + supplied by an amendatory or supplemental act. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0289" id="link2H_4_0289"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, April 21, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + </p> + <p> + Your despatch of the 19th was received that day. Fredericksburg is + evacuated and the bridges destroyed by the enemy, and a small part of + McDowell's command occupies this side of the Rappahannock, opposite the + town. He purposes moving his whole force to that point. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0290" id="link2H_4_0290"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL + </h2> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 24, 1862. + </p> + <p> + Hon. POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—The member of Congress from the district including + Tiffin, O., calls on me about the postmaster at that place. I believe I + turned over a despatch to you from some persons there, asking a + suspension, so as for them to be heard, or something of the sort. If + nothing, or nothing amounting to anything, has been done, I think the + suspension might now be suspended, and the commission go forward. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0291" id="link2H_4_0291"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, April 29, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + </p> + <p> + Would it derange or embarrass your operations if I were to appoint Captain + Charles Griffin a brigadier-general of volunteers? Please answer. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0292" id="link2H_4_0292"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MESSAGE TO THE SENATE, MAY 1, 1862. + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + </h3> + <p> + In answer to the resolution of the Senate [of April 22] in relation to + Brigadier-General Stone, I have the honor to state that he was arrested + and imprisoned under my general authority, and upon evidence which whether + he be guilty or innocent, required, as appears to me, such proceedings to + be had against him for the public safety. I deem it incompatible with the + public interest, as also, perhaps, unjust to General Stone, to make a more + particular statement of the evidence. + </p> + <p> + He has not been tried because, in the state of military operations at the + time of his arrest and since, the officers to constitute a court martial + and for witnesses could not be withdrawn from duty without serious injury + to the service. He will be allowed a trial without any unnecessary delay; + the charges and specifications will be furnished him in due season, and + every facility for his defense will be afforded him by the War Department. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN, WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 <a name="link2H_4_0293" + id="link2H_4_0293"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN + </h2> + <h3> + EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + </p> + <p> + Your call for Parrott guns from Washington alarms me, chiefly because it + argues indefinite procrastination. Is anything to be done? + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0294" id="link2H_4_0294"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + </h2> + <h3> + WAR DEPARTMENT, MAY 1, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Pittsburgh Landing, Tennessee: + </p> + <p> + I am pressed by the Missouri members of Congress to give General Schofield + independent command in Missouri. They insist that for want of this their + local troubles gradually grow worse. I have forborne, so far, for fear of + interfering with and embarrassing your operations. Please answer telling + me whether anything, and what, I can do for them without injuriously + interfering with you. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0295" id="link2H_4_0295"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RESPONSE TO EVANGELICAL LUTHERANS, MAY 6, 1862 + </h2> + <p> + GENTLEMEN:—I welcome here the representatives of the Evangelical + Lutherans of the United States. I accept with gratitude their assurances + of the sympathy and support of that enlightened, influential, and loyal + class of my fellow citizens in an important crisis which involves, in my + judgment, not only the civil and religious liberties of our own dear land, + but in a large degree the civil and religious liberties of mankind in many + countries and through many ages. You well know, gentlemen, and the world + knows, how reluctantly I accepted this issue of battle forced upon me on + my advent to this place by the internal enemies of our country. You all + know, the world knows, the forces and the resources the public agents have + brought into employment to sustain a government against which there has + been brought not one complaint of real injury committed against society at + home or abroad. You all may recollect that in taking up the sword thus + forced into our hands this government appealed to the prayers of the pious + and the good, and declared that it placed its whole dependence on the + favor of God. I now humbly and reverently, in your presence, reiterate the + acknowledgment of that dependence, not doubting that, if it shall please + the Divine Being who determines the destinies of nations, this shall + remain a united people, and that they will, humbly seeking the divine + guidance, make their prolonged national existence a source of new benefits + to themselves and their successors, and to all classes and conditions of + mankind. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0296" id="link2H_4_0296"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TELEGRAM TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH. + </h2> + <h3> + FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, MAY 7, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—Major-General McClellan telegraphs that he has ascertained by a + reconnaissance that the battery at Jamestown has been abandoned, and he + again requests that gunboats may be sent up the James River. + </p> + <p> + If you have tolerable confidence that you can successfully contend with + the Merrimac without the help of the Galena and two accompanying gunboats, + send the Galena and two gunboats up the James River at once. Please report + your action on this to me at once. I shall be found either at General + Wool's headquarters or on board the Miami. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0297" id="link2H_4_0297"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FURTHER REPRIMAND OF McCLELLAN + </h2> + <h3> + TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + </h3> + <p> + FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 9, 1862 + </p> + <p> + MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I have just assisted the Secretary of War in framing + part of a despatch to you relating to army corps, which despatch, of + course, will have reached you long before this will. I wish to say a few + words to you privately on this subject. I ordered the army corps + organization not only on the unanimous opinion of the twelve generals whom + you had selected and assigned as generals of divisions, but also on the + unanimous opinion of every military man I could get an opinion from, and + every modern military book, yourself only excepted. Of course, I did not + on my own judgment pretend to understand the subject. I now think it + indispensable for you to know how your struggle against it is received in + quarters which we cannot entirely disregard. It is looked upon as merely + an effort to pamper one or two pets, and to persecute and degrade their + supposed rivals. I have had no word from Sumner, Heintzleman, or Keyes the + commanders of these corps are, of course, the three highest officers with + you; but I am constantly told that you have no consultation or + communication with them; that you consult and communicate with nobody but + General Fitz John Porter, and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say these + complaints are true or just; but at all events, it is proper you should + know of their existence. Do the commanders of corps disobey your orders in + anything? + </p> + <p> + When you relieved General Hamilton of his command the other day, you + thereby lost the confidence of at least one of your best friends in the + Senate. And here let me say, not as applicable to you personally, that + Senators and Representatives speak of me in their places without question, + and that officers of the army must cease addressing insulting letters to + them for taking no greater liberty with them. + </p> + <p> + But to return. Are you strong enough—are you strong enough even with + my help—to set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, Heintzelman, and + Keyes all at once? This is a practical and very serious question to you? + </p> + <p> + The success of your army and the cause of the country are the same, and, + of course, I only desire the good of the cause. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0298" id="link2H_4_0298"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH, + </h2> + <h3> + FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 10, 1862 + </h3> + <p> + FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—I send you this copy of your report of yesterday for + the purpose of saying to you in writing that you are quite right in + supposing the movement made by you and therein reported was made in + accordance with my wishes verbally expressed to you in advance. I avail + myself of the occasion to thank you for your courtesy and all your + conduct, so far as known to me, during my brief visit here. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0299" id="link2H_4_0299"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PROCLAMATION RAISING THE BLOCKADE OF CERTAIN PORTS. + </h2> + <h3> + May 12, 1862. + </h3> + <p> + BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + </p> + <p> + A Proclamation. + </p> + <p> + Whereas, by my proclamation of the 19th of April, one thousand eight + hundred and sixty-one, it was declared that the ports of certain States, + including those of Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina, Port Royal, + in the State of South Carolina, and New Orleans, in the State of + Louisiana, were, for reasons therein set forth, intended to be placed + under blockade; and whereas the said ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and + New Orleans have since been blockaded; but as the blockade of the same + ports may now be safely relaxed with advantage to the interests of + commerce: + </p> + <p> + Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the + United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth section + of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July last, entitled "An act + further to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for other + purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade of the said ports of + Beaufort, Port Royal, and New Orleans shall so far cease and determine, + from and after the first day of June next, that commercial intercourse + with those ports, except as to persons, things, and information contraband + of war, may from that time be carried on, subject to the laws of the + United States, and to the limitations and in pursuance of the regulations + which are prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury in his order of this + date, which is appended to this proclamation. + </p> + <p> + In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the + United States to be affixed. + </p> + <p> + Done at the city of Washington, this twelfth day of May, in the year of + our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence + of the United States the eighty-sixth. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Papers And Writings Of Abraham +Lincoln, Volume Five, by Abraham Lincoln + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LINCOLN'S PAPERS *** + +***** This file should be named 2657-h.htm or 2657-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/6/5/2657/ + +Produced by David Widger + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +http://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at http://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit http://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. +To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + http://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + + +</pre> + </body> +</html> diff --git a/2657.txt b/2657.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a499b46 --- /dev/null +++ b/2657.txt @@ -0,0 +1,14603 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, +Volume Five, by Abraham Lincoln + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Five + Constitutional Edition + +Author: Abraham Lincoln + +Commentator: Theodore Roosevelt, Carl Schurz, and Joseph Choate + +Editor: Arthur Brooks Lapsley + +Release Date: June, 2001 [Etext #2657] +Posting Date: July 5, 2009 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LINCOLN'S PAPERS *** + + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + +THE PAPERS AND WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN + +VOLUME FIVE + +CONSTITUTIONAL EDITION + +By Abraham Lincoln + + +Edited by Arthur Brooks Lapsley + + + + + +THE WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Volume Five, 1858-1862 + + + + +TO SYDNEY SPRING, GRAYVILLE, ILL. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 19, 1858. + +SYDNEY SPRING, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your letter introducing Mr. Faree was duly received. There +was no opening to nominate him for Superintendent of Public Instruction, +but through him Egypt made a most valuable contribution to the convention. +I think it may be fairly said that he came off the lion of the day--or +rather of the night. Can you not elect him to the Legislature? It seems to +me he would be hard to beat. What objection could be made to him? What is +your Senator Martin saying and doing? What is Webb about? + +Please write me. Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 24, 1858 + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +DEAR SIR:--Your letter enclosing the attack of the Times upon me was +received this morning. Give yourself no concern about my voting against +the supplies. Unless you are without faith that a lie can be successfully +contradicted, there is not a word of truth in the charge, and I am just +considering a little as to the best shape to put a contradiction in. Show +this to whomever you please, but do not publish it in the paper. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. W. SOMERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 25, 1858. + +JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 22nd, inclosing a draft of two hundred dollars, +was duly received. I have paid it on the judgment, and herewith you +have the receipt. I do not wish to say anything as to who shall be the +Republican candidate for the Legislature in your district, further than +that I have full confidence in Dr. Hull. Have you ever got in the way of +consulting with McKinley in political matters? He is true as steel, and +his judgment is very good. The last I heard from him, he rather thought +Weldon, of De Witt, was our best timber for representative, all things +considered. But you there must settle it among yourselves. It may well +puzzle older heads than yours to understand how, as the Dred Scott +decision holds, Congress can authorize a Territorial Legislature to do +everything else, and cannot authorize them to prohibit slavery. That is +one of the things the court can decide, but can never give an intelligible +reason for. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. CAMPBELL. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 28, 1858. + +A. CAMPBELL, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--In 1856 you gave me authority to draw on you for any sum not +exceeding five hundred dollars. I see clearly that such a privilege would +be more available now than it was then. I am aware that times are tighter +now than they were then. Please write me at all events, and whether you +can now do anything or not I shall continue grateful for the past. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. GILLESPIE. + +SPRINGFIELD, July 16, 1858. + +HON. JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I write this to say that from the specimens of Douglas +Democracy we occasionally see here from Madison, we learn that they are +making very confident calculation of beating you and your friends for the +lower house, in that county. They offer to bet upon it. Billings and Job, +respectively, have been up here, and were each as I learn, talking largely +about it. If they do so, it can only be done by carrying the Fillmore men +of 1856 very differently from what they seem to [be] going in the other +party. Below is the vote of 1856, in your district: + +Counties. + + Counties. Buchanan. Fremont. Fillmore. + Bond............ 607 153 659 + Madison......... 1451 1111 1658 + Montgomery...... 992 162 686 + ---- ---- ---- + 3050 1426 3003 + +By this you will see, if you go through the calculation, that if they get +one quarter of the Fillmore votes, and you three quarters, they will beat +you 125 votes. If they get one fifth, and you four fifths, you beat them +179. In Madison, alone, if our friends get 1000 of the Fillmore votes, and +their opponents the remainder, 658, we win by just two votes. + +This shows the whole field, on the basis of the election of 1856. + +Whether, since then, any Buchanan, or Fremonters, have shifted ground, and +how the majority of new votes will go, you can judge better than I. + +Of course you, on the ground, can better determine your line of tactics +than any one off the ground; but it behooves you to be wide awake and +actively working. + +Don't neglect it; and write me at your first leisure. Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOHN MATHERS, JACKSONVILLE, ILL. + +SPRINGFIELD, JULY 20, 1858. + +JNO. MATHERS, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your kind and interesting letter of the 19th was duly +received. Your suggestions as to placing one's self on the offensive +rather than the defensive are certainly correct. That is a point which I +shall not disregard. I spoke here on Saturday night. The speech, not very +well reported, appears in the State journal of this morning. You doubtless +will see it; and I hope that you will perceive in it that I am already +improving. I would mail you a copy now, but have not one [at] hand. I +thank you for your letter and shall be pleased to hear from you again. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + +SPRINGFIELD, JULY 25, 1858. + +HON. J. GILLESPIE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your doleful letter of the 8th was received on my return +from Chicago last night. I do hope you are worse scared than hurt, though +you ought to know best. We must not lose the district. We must make a job +of it, and save it. Lay hold of the proper agencies, and secure all the +Americans you can, at once. I do hope, on closer inspection, you will find +they are not half gone. Make a little test. Run down one of the poll-books +of the Edwardsville precinct, and take the first hundred known American +names. Then quietly ascertain how many of them are actually going for +Douglas. I think you will find less than fifty. But even if you find +fifty, make sure of the other fifty, that is, make sure of all you can, at +all events. We will set other agencies to work which shall compensate for +the loss of a good many Americans. Don't fail to check the stampede at +once. Trumbull, I think, will be with you before long. + +There is much he cannot do, and some he can. I have reason to hope there +will be other help of an appropriate kind. Write me again. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO B. C. COOK. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 2, 1858. + +Hon. B. C. COOK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have a letter from a very true and intelligent man +insisting that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and Bureau to run +Douglas Republicans for Congress and for the Legislature in those +counties, if they can only get the encouragement of our folks nominating +pretty extreme abolitionists. + +It is thought they will do nothing if our folks nominate men who are not +very obnoxious to the charge of abolitionism. Please have your eye upon +this. Signs are looking pretty fair. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HON. J. M. PALMER. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 5, 1858. + +HON. J. M. PALMER. + +DEAR SIR:--Since we parted last evening no new thought has occurred to +[me] on the subject of which we talked most yesterday. + +I have concluded, however, to speak at your town on Tuesday, August 31st, +and have promised to have it so appear in the papers of to-morrow. Judge +Trumbull has not yet reached here. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO ALEXANDER SYMPSON. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 11, 1858. + +ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 6th received. If life and health continue I shall +pretty likely be at Augusta on the 25th. + +Things look reasonably well. Will tell you more fully when I see you. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. O. CUNNINGHAM. + +OTTAWA, August 22, 1858. + +J. O. CUNNINGHAM, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 18th, signed as secretary of the Republican +club, is received. In the matter of making speeches I am a good deal +pressed by invitations from almost all quarters, and while I hope to be +at Urbana some time during the canvass, I cannot yet say when. Can you not +see me at Monticello on the 6th of September? + +Douglas and I, for the first time this canvass, crossed swords here +yesterday; the fire flew some, and I am glad to know I am yet alive. There +was a vast concourse of people--more than could get near enough to hear. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON SLAVERY IN A DEMOCRACY. + +August??, 1858 + +As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses +my idea of democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the +difference, is no democracy. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO B. C. COOK. + +SPRINGFIELD, August 2, 1858 + +HON. B. C. COOK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have a letter from a very true friend, and intelligent +man, writing that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and Bureau, to run +Douglas Republican for Congress and for the Legislature in those counties, +if they can only get the encouragement of our folks nominating pretty +extreme abolitionists. It is thought they will do nothing if our folks +nominate men who are not very [undecipherable word looks like "obnoxious"] +to the charge of abolitionism. Please have your eye upon this. Signs are +looking pretty fair. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO DR. WILLIAM FITHIAN, DANVILLE, ILL. + +BLOOMINGTON, Sept. 3, 1858 + +DEAR DOCTOR:--Yours of the 1st was received this morning, as also one from +Mr. Harmon, and one from Hiram Beckwith on the same subject. You will see +by the Journal that I have been appointed to speak at Danville on the 22d +of Sept.,--the day after Douglas speaks there. My recent experience +shows that speaking at the same place the next day after D. is the very +thing,--it is, in fact, a concluding speech on him. Please show this +to Messrs. Harmon and Beckwith; and tell them they must excuse me from +writing separate letters to them. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN + +P. S.--Give full notice to all surrounding country. A.L. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT PARIS, ILL., + +SEPT. 8, 1858. + +Let us inquire what Judge Douglas really invented when he introduced the +Nebraska Bill? He called it Popular Sovereignty. What does that mean? +It means the sovereignty of the people over their own affairs--in other +words, the right of the people to govern themselves. Did Judge Douglas +invent this? Not quite. The idea of popular sovereignty was floating about +several ages before the author of the Nebraska Bill was born--indeed, +before Columbus set foot on this continent. In the year 1776 it took form +in the noble words which you are all familiar with: "We hold these truths +to be self-evident, that all men are created equal," etc. Was not this the +origin of popular sovereignty as applied to the American people? Here we +are told that governments are instituted among men deriving their +just powers from the consent of the governed. If that is not popular +sovereignty, then I have no conception of the meaning of words. If Judge +Douglas did not invent this kind of popular sovereignty, let us pursue +the inquiry and find out what kind he did invent. Was it the right of +emigrants to Kansas and Nebraska to govern themselves, and a lot of +"niggers," too, if they wanted them? Clearly this was no invention of his +because General Cass put forth the same doctrine in 1848 in his so called +Nicholson letter, six years before Douglas thought of such a thing. Then +what was it that the "Little Giant" invented? It never occurred to General +Cass to call his discovery by the odd name of popular sovereignty. He had +not the face to say that the right of the people to govern "niggers" was +the right of the people to govern themselves. His notions of the fitness +of things were not moulded to the brazenness of calling the right to put +a hundred "niggers" through under the lash in Nebraska a "sacred" right of +self-government. And here I submit to you was Judge Douglas's discovery, +and the whole of it: He discovered that the right to breed and flog +negroes in Nebraska was popular sovereignty. + + + + +SPEECH AT CLINTON, ILLINOIS, + +SEPTEMBER 8, 1858. + +The questions are sometimes asked "What is all this fuss that is being +made about negroes? What does it amount to? And where will it end?" These +questions imply that those who ask them consider the slavery question a +very insignificant matter they think that it amounts to little or nothing +and that those who agitate it are extremely foolish. Now it must be +admitted that if the great question which has caused so much trouble is +insignificant, we are very foolish to have anything to do with it--if it +is of no importance we had better throw it aside and busy ourselves +with something else. But let us inquire a little into this insignificant +matter, as it is called by some, and see if it is not important enough to +demand the close attention of every well-wisher of the Union. In one of +Douglas's recent speeches, I find a reference to one which was made by +me in Springfield some time ago. The judge makes one quotation from that +speech that requires some little notice from me at this time. I regret +that I have not my Springfield speech before me, but the judge has quoted +one particular part of it so often that I think I can recollect it. It +runs I think as follows: + +"We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with +the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery +agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only +not ceased but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease +until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. + +"A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government +cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the +Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect +it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the +other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of +it and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it +is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it +forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well +as new, North as well as South." + +Judge Douglas makes use of the above quotation, and finds a great deal of +fault with it. He deals unfairly with me, and tries to make the people of +this State believe that I advocated dangerous doctrines in my Springfield +speech. Let us see if that portion of my Springfield speech of which Judge +Douglas complains so bitterly, is as objectionable to others as it is +to him. We are, certainly, far into the fifth year since a policy was +initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end +to slavery agitation. On the fourth day of January, 1854, Judge Douglas +introduced the Kansas-Nebraska bill. He initiated a new policy, and that +policy, so he says, was to put an end to the agitation of the slavery +question. Whether that was his object or not I will not stop to discuss, +but at all events some kind of a policy was initiated; and what has been +the result? Instead of the quiet and good feeling which were promised us +by the self-styled author of Popular Sovereignty, we have had nothing but +ill-feeling and agitation. According to Judge Douglas, the passage of the +Nebraska bill would tranquilize the whole country--there would be no more +slavery agitation in or out of Congress, and the vexed question would be +left entirely to the people of the Territories. Such was the opinion +of Judge Douglas, and such were the opinions of the leading men of the +Democratic Party. Even as late as the spring of 1856 Mr. Buchanan said, a +short time subsequent to his nomination by the Cincinnati convention, that +the territory of Kansas would be tranquil in less than six weeks. Perhaps +he thought so, but Kansas has not been and is not tranquil, and it may be +a long time before she may be so. + +We all know how fierce the agitation was in Congress last winter, and +what a narrow escape Kansas had from being admitted into the Union with a +constitution that was detested by ninety-nine hundredths of her citizens. +Did the angry debates which took place at Washington during the last +season of Congress lead you to suppose that the slavery agitation was +settled? + +An election was held in Kansas in the month of August, and the +constitution which was submitted to the people was voted down by a large +majority. So Kansas is still out of the Union, and there is a probability +that she will remain out for some time. But Judge Douglas says the slavery +question is settled. He says the bill he introduced into the Senate of +the United States on the 4th day of January, 1854, settled the slavery +question forever! Perhaps he can tell us how that bill settled the slavery +question, for if he is able to settle a question of such great magnitude +he ought to be able to explain the manner in which he does it. He knows +and you know that the question is not settled, and that his ill-timed +experiment to settle it has made it worse than it ever was before. + +And now let me say a few words in regard to Douglas's great hobby of negro +equality. He thinks--he says at least--that the Republican party is in +favor of allowing whites and blacks to intermarry, and that a man can't be +a good Republican unless he is willing to elevate black men to office +and to associate with them on terms of perfect equality. He knows that +we advocate no such doctrines as these, but he cares not how much he +misrepresents us if he can gain a few votes by so doing. To show you what +my opinion of negro equality was in times past, and to prove to you that +I stand on that question where I always stood, I will read you a few +extracts from a speech that was made by me in Peoria in 1854. It was made +in reply to one of Judge Douglas's speeches. + +(Mr. Lincoln then read a number of extracts which had the ring of the true +metal. We have rarely heard anything with which we have been more pleased. +And the audience after hearing the extracts read, and comparing their +conservative sentiments with those now advocated by Mr. Lincoln, testified +their approval by loud applause. How any reasonable man can hear one +of Mr. Lincoln's speeches without being converted to Republicanism is +something that we can't account for. Ed.) + +Slavery, continued Mr. Lincoln, is not a matter of little importance, +it overshadows every other question in which we are interested. It has +divided the Methodist and Presbyterian churches, and has sown discord in +the American Tract Society. The churches have split and the society will +follow their example before long. So it will be seen that slavery is +agitated in the religious as well as in the political world. Judge Douglas +is very much afraid in the triumph that the Republican party will lead +to a general mixture of the white and black races. Perhaps I am wrong +in saying that he is afraid, so I will correct myself by saying that +he pretends to fear that the success of our party will result in the +amalgamation of the blacks and whites. I think I can show plainly, from +documents now before me, that Judge Douglas's fears are groundless. The +census of 1800 tells us that in that year there were over four hundred +thousand mulattoes in the United States. Now let us take what is called +an Abolition State--the Republican, slavery-hating State of New +Hampshire--and see how many mulattoes we can find within her borders. +The number amounts to just one hundred and eighty-four. In the Old +Dominion--in the Democratic and aristocratic State of Virginia--there were +a few more mulattoes than the Census-takers found in New Hampshire. How +many do you suppose there were? Seventy-nine thousand, seven hundred and +seventy-five--twenty-three thousand more than there were in all the +free States! In the slave States there were in 1800, three hundred and +forty-eight thousand mulattoes all of home production; and in the free +States there were less than sixty thousand mulattoes--and a large number +of them were imported from the South. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT EDWARDSVILLE, ILL., + +SEPT. 13, 1858. + +I have been requested to give a concise statement of the difference, as +I understand it, between the Democratic and Republican parties, on the +leading issues of the campaign. This question has been put to me by a +gentleman whom I do not know. I do not even know whether he is a friend of +mine or a supporter of Judge Douglas in this contest, nor does that make +any difference. His question is a proper one. Lest I should forget it, I +will give you my answer before proceeding with the line of argument I have +marked out for this discussion. + +The difference between the Republican and the Democratic parties on the +leading issues of this contest, as I understand it, is that the former +consider slavery a moral, social and political wrong, while the latter +do not consider it either a moral, a social or a political wrong; and the +action of each, as respects the growth of the country and the expansion of +our population, is squared to meet these views. I will not affirm that the +Democratic party consider slavery morally, socially and politically right, +though their tendency to that view has, in my opinion, been constant and +unmistakable for the past five years. I prefer to take, as the accepted +maxim of the party, the idea put forth by Judge Douglas, that he "don't +care whether slavery is voted down or voted up." I am quite willing to +believe that many Democrats would prefer that slavery should be always +voted down, and I know that some prefer that it be always voted up; but +I have a right to insist that their action, especially if it be their +constant action, shall determine their ideas and preferences on this +subject. Every measure of the Democratic party of late years, bearing +directly or indirectly on the slavery question, has corresponded with this +notion of utter indifference whether slavery or freedom shall outrun in +the race of empire across to the Pacific--every measure, I say, up to the +Dred Scott decision, where, it seems to me, the idea is boldly suggested +that slavery is better than freedom. The Republican party, on the +contrary, hold that this government was instituted to secure the blessings +of freedom, and that slavery is an unqualified evil to the negro, to the +white man, to the soil, and to the State. Regarding it as an evil, they +will not molest it in the States where it exists, they will not overlook +the constitutional guards which our fathers placed around it; they will +do nothing that can give proper offence to those who hold slaves by legal +sanction; but they will use every constitutional method to prevent the +evil from becoming larger and involving more negroes, more white men, +more soil, and more States in its deplorable consequences. They will, if +possible, place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it +is in course of ultimate peaceable extinction in God's own good time. And +to this end they will, if possible, restore the government to the policy +of the fathers, the policy of preserving the new Territories from the +baneful influence of human bondage, as the Northwestern Territories were +sought to be preserved by the Ordinance of 1787, and the Compromise Act +of 1820. They will oppose, in all its length and breadth, the modern +Democratic idea, that slavery is as good as freedom, and ought to have +room for expansion all over the continent, if people can be found to carry +it. All, or nearly all, of Judge Douglas's arguments are logical, if you +admit that slavery is as good and as right as freedom, and not one of them +is worth a rush if you deny it. This is the difference, as I understand +it, between the Republican and Democratic parties. + +My friends, I have endeavored to show you the logical consequences of the +Dred Scott decision, which holds that the people of a Territory cannot +prevent the establishment of slavery in their midst. I have stated what +cannot be gainsaid, that the grounds upon which this decision is made are +equally applicable to the free States as to the free Territories, and +that the peculiar reasons put forth by Judge Douglas for indorsing this +decision commit him, in advance, to the next decision and to all other +decisions corning from the same source. And when, by all these means, you +have succeeded in dehumanizing the negro; when you have put him down and +made it impossible for him to be but as the beasts of the field; when you +have extinguished his soul in this world and placed him where the ray of +hope is blown out as in the darkness of the damned, are you quite +sure that the demon you have roused will not turn and rend you? What +constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and independence? It is not +our frowning battlements, our bristling sea coasts, our army and our navy. +These are not our reliance against tyranny All of those may be turned +against us without making us weaker for the struggle. Our reliance is in +the love of liberty which God has planted in us. Our defense is in the +spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands +everywhere. Destroy this spirit and you have planted the seeds of +despotism at your own doors. Familiarize yourselves with the chains of +bondage and you prepare your own limbs to wear them. Accustomed to trample +on the rights of others, you have lost the genius of your own independence +and become the fit subjects of the first cunning tyrant who rises among +you. And let me tell you, that all these things are prepared for you by +the teachings of history, if the elections shall promise that the next +Dred Scott decision and all future decisions will be quietly acquiesced in +by the people. + + + + +VERSE TO "LINNIE" + +September 30,? 1858. + +TO "LINNIE": + + A sweet plaintive song did I hear + And I fancied that she was the singer. + May emotions as pure as that song set astir + Be the wont that the future shall bring her. + + + + +NEGROES ARE MEN + +TO J. U. BROWN. + +SPRINGFIELD, OCT 18, 1858 + +HON. J. U. BROWN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I do not perceive how I can express myself more plainly +than I have in the fore-going extracts. In four of them I have expressly +disclaimed all intention to bring about social and political equality +between the white and black races and in all the rest I have done the same +thing by clear implication. + +I have made it equally plain that I think the negro is included in the +word "men" used in the Declaration of Independence. + +I believe the declaration that "all men are created equal" is the great +fundamental principle upon which our free institutions rest; that +negro slavery is violative of that principle; but that, by our frame of +government, that principle has not been made one of legal obligation; that +by our frame of government, States which have slavery are to retain it, or +surrender it at their own pleasure; and that all others--individuals, free +States and national Government--are constitutionally bound to leave them +alone about it. + +I believe our Government was thus framed because of the necessity +springing from the actual presence of slavery, when it was framed. + +That such necessity does not exist in the Territories when slavery is not +present. + +In his Mendenhall speech Mr. Clay says: "Now as an abstract principle +there is no doubt of the truth of that declaration (all men created +equal), and it is desirable, in the original construction of society, to +keep it in view as a great fundamental principle." + +Again, in the same speech Mr. Clay says: "If a state of nature existed +and we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man would be more +strongly opposed than I should to incorporate the institution of slavery +among its elements." + +Exactly so. In our new free Territories, a state of nature does exist. +In them Congress lays the foundations of society; and in laying those +foundations, I say, with Mr. Clay, it is desirable that the declaration +of the equality of all men shall be kept in view as a great fundamental +principle, and that Congress, which lays the foundations of society, +should, like Mr. Clay, be strongly opposed to the incorporation of slavery +and its elements. + +But it does not follow that social and political equality between whites +and blacks must be incorporated because slavery must not. The declaration +does not so require. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN + +[Newspaper cuttings of Lincoln's speeches at Peoria, in 1854, at +Springfield, Ottawa, Chicago, and Charleston, in 1858. They were pasted in +a little book in which the above letter was also written.] + + + + +TO A. SYMPSON. + +BLANDINSVILLE, Oct 26, 1858 + +A. SYMPSON, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Since parting with you this morning I heard some things which +make me believe that Edmunds and Morrill will spend this week among the +National Democrats, trying to induce them to content themselves by voting +for Jake Davis, and then to vote for the Douglas candidates for senator +and representative. Have this headed off, if you can. Call Wagley's +attention to it and have him and the National Democrat for Rep. to +counteract it as far as they can. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SENATORIAL ELECTION LOST AND OUT OF MONEY + +TO N. B. JUDD. + +SPRINGFIELD, NOVEMBER 16, 1858 + +HON. N. B. JUDD + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th is just received. I wrote you the same day. +As to the pecuniary matter, I am willing to pay according to my ability; +but I am the poorest hand living to get others to pay. I have been on +expenses so long without earning anything that I am absolutely without +money now for even household purposes. Still, if you can put in two +hundred and fifty dollars for me toward discharging the debt of the +committee, I will allow it when you and I settle the private matter +between us. This, with what I have already paid, and with an outstanding +note of mine, will exceed my subscription of five hundred dollars. This, +too, is exclusive of my ordinary expenses during the campaign, all of +which, being added to my loss of time and business, bears pretty heavily +upon one no better off in [this] world's goods than I; but as I had +the post of honor, it is not for me to be over nice. You are feeling +badly,--"And this too shall pass away," never fear. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +THE FIGHT MUST GO ON + +TO H. ASBURY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November 19, 1858. + +HENRY ASBURY, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 13th was received some days ago. The fight must go +on. The cause of civil liberty must not be surrendered at the end of one +or even one hundred defeats. Douglas had the ingenuity to be supported in +the late contest both as the best means to break down and to uphold the +slave interest. No ingenuity can keep these antagonistic elements in +harmony long. Another explosion will soon come. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REALIZATION THAT DEBATES MUST BE SAVED + +TO C. H. RAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, Nov.20, 1858 + +DR. C. H. RAY + +MY DEAR SIR:--I wish to preserve a set of the late debates (if they may be +called so), between Douglas and myself. To enable me to do so, please get +two copies of each number of your paper containing the whole, and send +them to me by express; and I will pay you for the papers and for +your trouble. I wish the two sets in order to lay one away in the +[undecipherable word] and to put the other in a scrapbook. Remember, if +part of any debate is on both sides of the sheet it will take two sets to +make one scrap-book. + +I believe, according to a letter of yours to Hatch, you are "feeling like +h-ll yet." Quit that--you will soon feel better. Another "blow up" is +coming; and we shall have fun again. Douglas managed to be supported +both as the best instrument to down and to uphold the slave power; but no +ingenuity can long keep the antagonism in harmony. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November 30, 1858 + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Being desirous of preserving in some permanent form the late +joint discussion between Douglas and myself, ten days ago I wrote to Dr. +Ray, requesting him to forward to me by express two sets of the numbers of +the Tribune which contain the reports of those discussions. Up to date I +have no word from him on the subject. Will you, if in your power, procure +them and forward them to me by express? If you will, I will pay all +charges, and be greatly obliged, to boot. Hoping to visit you before long, +I remain + +As ever your friend, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. D. SHARPE. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 8, 1858. + +H. D. SHARPE, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of Nov. 9th was duly received. I do +not know that you expected or desired an answer; but glancing over the +contents of yours again, I am prompted to say that, while I desired the +result of the late canvass to have been different, I still regard it as +an exceeding small matter. I think we have fairly entered upon a durable +struggle as to whether this nation is to ultimately become all slave or +all free, and though I fall early in the contest, it is nothing if I shall +have contributed, in the least degree, to the final rightful result. + +Respectfully yours, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. SYMPSON. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec.12, 1858. + +ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I expect the result of the election went hard with you. So +it did with me, too, perhaps not quite so hard as you may have supposed. +I have an abiding faith that we shall beat them in the long run. Step by +step the objects of the leaders will become too plain for the people to +stand them. I write merely to let you know that I am neither dead nor +dying. Please give my respects to your good family, and all inquiring +friends. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON BANKRUPTCY + + +NOTES OF AN ARGUMENT. + +December [?], 1858. + +Legislation and adjudication must follow and conform to the progress of +society. + +The progress of society now begins to produce cases of the transfer for +debts of the entire property of railroad corporations; and to enable +transferees to use and enjoy the transferred property, legislation and +adjudication begin to be necessary. + +Shall this class of legislation just now beginning with us be general or +special? + + +Section Ten of our Constitution requires that it should be general, + +if possible. (Read the section.) + +Special legislation always trenches upon the judicial department; and in +so far violates Section Two of the Constitution. (Read it.) + +Just reasoning--policy--is in favor of general legislation--else the +Legislature will be loaded down with the investigation of smaller +cases--a work which the courts ought to perform, and can perform much more +perfectly. How can the Legislature rightly decide the facts between P. & +B. and S.C. + +It is said that under a general law, whenever a R. R. Co. gets tired +of its debts, it may transfer fraudulently to get rid of them. So they +may--so may individuals; and which--the Legislature or the courts--is best +suited to try the question of fraud in either case? + +It is said, if a purchaser have acquired legal rights, let him not be +robbed of them, but if he needs legislation let him submit to just terms +to obtain it. + +Let him, say we, have general law in advance (guarded in every possible +way against fraud), so that, when he acquires a legal right, he will have +no occasion to wait for additional legislation; and if he has practiced +fraud let the courts so decide. + + + + +A LEGAL OPINION BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +The 11th Section of the Act of Congress, approved Feb. 11, 1805, +prescribing rules for the subdivision of sections of land within the +United States system of surveys, standing unrepealed, in my opinion, +is binding on the respective purchasers of different parts of the same +section, and furnishes the true rule for surveyors in establishing +lines between them. That law, being in force at the time each became a +purchaser, becomes a condition of the purchase. + +And, by that law, I think the true rule for dividing into quarters any +interior section or sections, which is not fractional, is to run straight +lines through the section from the opposite quarter section corners, +fixing the point where such straight lines cross, or intersect each other, +as the middle or centre of the section. + +Nearly, perhaps quite, all the original surveys are to some extent +erroneous, and in some of the sections, greatly so. In each of the latter, +it is obvious that a more equitable mode of division than the above might +be adopted; but as error is infinitely various perhaps no better single +rules can be prescribed. + +At all events I think the above has been prescribed by the competent +authority. + +SPRINGFIELD, Jany. 6, 1859. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO M. W. DELAHAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 4, 1859. + +M. W. DELAHAY, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR: Your second letter in relation to my being with you at your +Republican convention was duly received. It is not at hand just now, but I +have the impression from it that the convention was to be at Leavenworth; +but day before yesterday a friend handed me a letter from Judge M. F. +Caraway, in which he also expresses a wish for me to come, and he fixes +the place at Ossawatomie. This I believe is off of the river, and will +require more time and labor to get to it. It will push me hard to get +there without injury to my own business; but I shall try to do it, though +I am not yet quite certain I shall succeed. + +I should like to know before coming, that while some of you wish me to +come, there may not be others who would quite as lief I would stay away. +Write me again. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. M. MORRIS. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 28, 1859. + +W. M. MORRIS, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Your kind note inviting me to deliver a lecture at Galesburg is +received. I regret to say I cannot do so now; I must stick to the courts +awhile. I read a sort of lecture to three different audiences during the +last month and this; but I did so under circumstances which made it a +waste of no time whatever. + +Yours very truly, + + + + +TO H. L. PIERCE AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, April 6, 1859. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your kind note inviting me to attend a festival in Boston, on +the 28th instant, in honor of the birthday of Thomas Jefferson, was duly +received. My engagements are such that I cannot attend. + +Bearing in mind that about seventy years ago two great political parties +were first formed in this country, that Thomas Jefferson was the head of +one of them and Boston the headquarters of the other, it is both curious +and interesting that those supposed to descend politically from the party +opposed to Jefferson should now be celebrating his birthday in their own +original seat of empire, while those claiming political descent from him +have nearly ceased to breathe his name everywhere. + +Remembering, too, that the Jefferson party was formed upon its supposed +superior devotion to the personal rights of men, holding the rights of +property to be secondary only, and greatly inferior, and assuming that the +so-called Democracy of to-day are the Jefferson, and their opponents +the anti-Jefferson, party, it will be equally interesting to note how +completely the two have changed hands as to the principle upon which they +were originally supposed to be divided. The Democracy of to-day hold the +liberty of one man to be absolutely nothing, when in conflict with another +man's right of property; Republicans, on the contrary, are for both the +man and the dollar, but in case of conflict the man before the dollar. + +I remember being once much amused at seeing two partially intoxicated men +engaged in a fight with their great-coats on, which fight, after a long +and rather harmless contest, ended in each having fought himself out of +his own coat and into that of the other. If the two leading parties of +this day are really identical with the two in the days of Jefferson and +Adams, they have performed the same feat as the two drunken men. + +But soberly, it is now no child's play to save the principles of Jefferson +from total overthrow in this nation. One would state with great confidence +that he could convince any sane child that the simpler propositions of +Euclid are true; but nevertheless he would fail, utterly, with one who +should deny the definitions and axioms. The principles of Jefferson are +the definitions and axioms of free society. And yet they are denied +and evaded, with no small show of success. One dashingly calls them +"glittering generalities." Another bluntly calls them "self-evident lies." +And others insidiously argue that they apply to "superior races." These +expressions, differing in form, are identical in object and effect--the +supplanting the principles of free government, and restoring those of +classification, caste, and legitimacy. They would delight a convocation +of crowned heads plotting against the people. They are the vanguard, the +miners and sappers, of returning despotism. We must repulse them, or they +will subjugate us. This is a world of compensation; and he who would be +no slave must consent to have no slave. Those who deny freedom to others +deserve it not for themselves, and, under a just God, cannot long retain +it. All honor to Jefferson to the man who, in the concrete pressure of a +struggle for national independence by a single people, had the coolness, +forecast, and capacity to introduce into a mere revolutionary document an +abstract truth, applicable to all men and all times, and so to embalm +it there that to-day and in all coming days it shall be a rebuke and +a stumbling-block to the very harbingers of reappearing tyranny and +oppression. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO T. CANISIUS. + +SPRINGFIELD, May 17, 1859. + +DR. THEODORE CANISIUS. + +DEAR SIR:--Your note asking, in behalf of yourself and other German +citizens, whether I am for or against the constitutional provision in +regard to naturalized citizens, lately adopted by Massachusetts, and +whether I am for or against a fusion of the Republicans and other +opposition elements for the canvass of 1860, is received. + +Massachusetts is a sovereign and independent State; and it is no privilege +of mine to scold her for what she does. Still, if from what she has done +an inference is sought to be drawn as to what I would do, I may +without impropriety speak out. I say, then, that, as I understand the +Massachusetts provision, I am against its adoption in Illinois, or in any +other place where I have a right to oppose it. Understanding the spirit of +our institutions to aim at the elevation of men, I am opposed to whatever +tends to degrade them. I have some little notoriety for commiserating the +oppressed negro; and I should be strangely inconsistent if I could favor +any project for curtailing the existing rights of white men, even though +born in different lands, and speaking different languages from myself. +As to the matter of fusion, I am for it if it can be had on Republican +grounds; and I am not for it on any other terms. A fusion on any other +terms would be as foolish as unprincipled. It would lose the whole North, +while the common enemy would still carry the whole South. The question of +men is a different one. There are good, patriotic men and able statesmen +in the South whom I would cheerfully support, if they would now place +themselves on Republican ground, but I am against letting down the +Republican standard a hairsbreadth. + +I have written this hastily, but I believe it answers your questions +substantially. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE GOVERNOR, AUDITOR, AND TREASURER OF THE STATE OF ILLINOIS. + +GENTLEMEN: + +In reply to your inquiry; requesting our written opinion as to what your +duty requires you to do in executing the latter clause of the Seventh +Section of "An Act in relation to the payment of the principal and +interest of the State debt," approved Feb'y 22, 1859, we reply that +said last clause of said section is certainly indefinite, general, and +ambiguous in its description of the bonds to be issued by you; giving no +time at which the bonds are to be made payable, no place at which either +principal or interest are to be paid, and no rate of interest which the +bonds are to bear; nor any other description except that they are to be +coupon bonds, which in commercial usage means interest-paying bonds +with obligations or orders attached to them for the payment of annual or +semiannual interest; there is we suppose no difficulty in ascertaining, +if this act stood alone, what ought to be the construction of the terms +"coupon bonds" and that it, would mean bonds bearing interest from the +time of issuing the same. And under this act considered by itself the +creditors would have a right to require such bonds. But your inquiry in +regard to a class of bonds on which no interest is to be paid or shall +begin to run until January 1, 1860, is whether the Act of February 18, +1857, would not authorize you to refuse to give bonds with any coupons +attached payable before the first day of July, 1860. We have very maturely +considered this question and have arrived at the conclusion that you have +a right to use such measures as will secure the State against the loss of +six months' interest on these bonds by the indefiniteness of the Act of +1859. While it cannot be denied that the letter of the laws favor the +construction claimed by some of the creditors that interest-bearing bonds +were required to be issued to them, inasmuch as the restriction that no +interest is to run on said bonds until 1st January, 1860, relates solely +to the bonds issued under the Act of 1857. And the Act of 1859 directing +you to issue new bonds does not contain this restriction, but directs you +to issue coupon bonds. Nevertheless the very indefiniteness and generality +of the Act of 1859, giving no rate of interest, no time due, no place of +payment, no postponement of the time when interest commences, necessarily +implies that the Legislature intended to invest you with a discretion to +impose such terms and restrictions as would protect the interest of the +State; and we think you have a right and that it is your duty to see that +the State Bonds are so issued that the State shall not lose six months' +interest. Two plans present themselves either of which will secure the +State. 1st. If in literal compliance with the law you issue bonds bearing +interest from 1st July, 1859, you may deduct from the bonds presented +three thousand from every $100,000 of bonds and issue $97,000 of +coupon bonds; by this plan $3000 out of $100,000 of principal would be +extinguished in consideration of paying $2910 interest on the first of +January, 1860--and the interest on the $3000 would forever cease; this +would be no doubt most advantageous to the State. But if the Auditor +will not consent to this, then, 2nd. Cut off of each bond all the coupons +payable before 1st July, 1860. + +One of these plans would undoubtedly have been prescribed by the +Legislature if its attention had been directed to this question. + +May 28, 1859. + + + + +ON LINCOLN'S SCRAP BOOK + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, December 25, 1858. + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have just received yours of the 23rd inquiring whether I +received the newspapers you sent me by express. I did receive them, and +am very much obliged. There is some probability that my scrap-book will be +reprinted, and if it shall, I will save you a copy. + +Your friend as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +1859 + + + + +FIRST SUGGESTION OF A PRESIDENTIAL OFFER. + + + + +TO S. GALLOWAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., July 28, 1859. + +HON. SAMUEL GALLOWAY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very complimentary, not to say flattering, letter of +the 23d inst. is received. Dr. Reynolds had induced me to expect you here; +and I was disappointed not a little by your failure to come. And yet I +fear you have formed an estimate of me which can scarcely be sustained on +a personal acquaintance. + +Two things done by the Ohio Republican convention--the repudiation of +Judge Swan, and the "plank" for a repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law--I very +much regretted. These two things are of a piece; and they are viewed by +many good men, sincerely opposed to slavery, as a struggle against, and in +disregard of, the Constitution itself. And it is the very thing that +will greatly endanger our cause, if it be not kept out of our national +convention. There is another thing our friends are doing which gives me +some uneasiness. It is their leaning toward "popular sovereignty." There +are three substantial objections to this: First, no party can command +respect which sustains this year what it opposed last. Secondly, Douglas +(who is the most dangerous enemy of liberty, because the most insidious +one) would have little support in the North, and by consequence, no +capital to trade on in the South, if it were not for his friends thus +magnifying him and his humbug. But lastly, and chiefly, Douglas's popular +sovereignty, accepted by the public mind as a just principle, nationalizes +slavery, and revives the African slave trade inevitably. + +Taking slaves into new Territories, and buying slaves in Africa, are +identical things, identical rights or identical wrongs, and the argument +which establishes one will establish the other. Try a thousand years for +a sound reason why Congress shall not hinder the people of Kansas from +having slaves, and, when you have found it, it will be an equally good one +why Congress should not hinder the people of Georgia from importing slaves +from Africa. + +As to Governor Chase, I have a kind side for him. He was one of the few +distinguished men of the nation who gave us, in Illinois, their sympathy +last year. I never saw him, but suppose him to be able and right-minded; +but still he may not be the most suitable as a candidate for the +Presidency. + +I must say I do not think myself fit for the Presidency. As you propose a +correspondence with me, I shall look for your letters anxiously. + +I have not met Dr. Reynolds since receiving your letter; but when I shall, +I will present your respects as requested. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +IT IS BAD TO BE POOR. + +TO HAWKINS TAYLOR + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. Sept. 6, 1859. + +HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 3d is just received. There is some mistake about +my expected attendance of the U.S. Court in your city on the 3d Tuesday of +this month. I have had no thought of being there. + +It is bad to be poor. I shall go to the wall for bread and meat if I +neglect my business this year as well as last. It would please me much +to see the city and good people of Keokuk, but for this year it is little +less than an impossibility. I am constantly receiving invitations which I +am compelled to decline. I was pressingly urged to go to Minnesota; and I +now have two invitations to go to Ohio. These last are prompted by Douglas +going there; and I am really tempted to make a flying trip to Columbus and +Cincinnati. + +I do hope you will have no serious trouble in Iowa. What thinks Grimes +about it? I have not known him to be mistaken about an election in Iowa. +Present my respects to Col. Carter, and any other friends, and believe me + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SPEECH AT COLUMBUS, OHIO. + +SEPTEMBER 16, 1859. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF OHIO: I cannot fail to remember that I +appear for the first time before an audience in this now great State,--an +audience that is accustomed to hear such speakers as Corwin, and Chase, +and Wade, and many other renowned men; and, remembering this, I feel +that it will be well for you, as for me, that you should not raise your +expectations to that standard to which you would have been justified in +raising them had one of these distinguished men appeared before you. You +would perhaps be only preparing a disappointment for yourselves, and, as +a consequence of your disappointment, mortification to me. I hope, +therefore, that you will commence with very moderate expectations; and +perhaps, if you will give me your attention, I shall be able to interest +you to a moderate degree. + +Appearing here for the first time in my life, I have been somewhat +embarrassed for a topic by way of introduction to my speech; but I have +been relieved from that embarrassment by an introduction which the Ohio +Statesman newspaper gave me this morning. In this paper I have read an +article, in which, among other statements, I find the following: + +"In debating with Senator Douglas during the memorable contest of last +fall, Mr. Lincoln declared in favor of negro suffrage, and attempted to +defend that vile conception against the Little Giant." + +I mention this now, at the opening of my remarks, for the purpose of +making three comments upon it. The first I have already announced,--it +furnishes me an introductory topic; the second is to show that the +gentleman is mistaken; thirdly, to give him an opportunity to correct it. + +In the first place, in regard to this matter being a mistake. I have found +that it is not entirely safe, when one is misrepresented under his very +nose, to allow the misrepresentation to go uncontradicted. I +therefore propose, here at the outset, not only to say that this is a +misrepresentation, but to show conclusively that it is so; and you will +bear with me while I read a couple of extracts from that very "memorable" +debate with Judge Douglas last year, to which this newspaper refers. In +the first pitched battle which Senator Douglas and myself had, at the +town of Ottawa, I used the language which I will now read. Having been +previously reading an extract, I continued as follows: + +"Now, gentlemen, I don't want to read at any greater length, but this is +the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to the institution +of slavery and the black race. This is the whole of it; and anything that +argues me into his idea of perfect social and political equality with the +negro, is but a specious and fantastic arrangement of words, by which a +man can prove a horse-chestnut to be a chestnut horse. I will say here, +while upon this subject, that I have no purpose directly or indirectly to +interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. +I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do +so. I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between +the white and the black races. There is a physical difference between the +two which, in my judgment, will probably forbid their ever living together +upon the footing of perfect equality; and inasmuch as it becomes a +necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, +am in favor of the race to which I belong having the superior position. I +have never said anything to the contrary, but I hold that, notwithstanding +all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to +all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence,--the +right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as +much entitled to these as the white man. I agree with judge Douglas, he +is not my equal in many respects,--certainly not in color, perhaps not +in moral or intellectual endowments. But in the right to eat the bread, +without leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal, +and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man." + +Upon a subsequent occasion, when the reason for making a statement like +this occurred, I said: + +"While I was at the hotel to-day an elderly gentleman called upon me to +know whether I was really in favor of producing perfect equality between +the negroes and white people. While I had not proposed to myself on this +occasion to say much on that subject, yet, as the question was asked me, I +thought I would occupy perhaps five minutes in saying something in regard +to it. I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of +bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white +and black races; that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making +voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, or +intermarry with the white people; and I will say in addition to this that +there is a physical difference between the white and black races which +I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of +social and political equality. And inasmuch as they can not so live, +while they do remain together there must be the position of superior +and inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the +superior position assigned to the white race. I say upon this occasion +I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the superior +position, the negro should be denied everything. I do not understand that +because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I must necessarily want +her for a wife. My understanding is that I can just let her alone. I am +now in my fiftieth year, and I certainly never have had a black woman for +either a slave or a wife. So it seems to me quite possible for us to get +along without making either slaves or wives of negroes. I will add to this +that I have never seen, to my knowledge, a man, woman, or child, who was +in favor of producing perfect equality, social and political, between +negroes and white men. I recollect of but one distinguished instance that +I ever heard of so frequently as to be satisfied of its correctness, and +that is the case of Judge Douglas's old friend Colonel Richard M. Johnson. +I will also add to the remarks I have made (for I am not going to enter +at large upon this subject), that I have never had the least apprehension +that I or my friends would marry negroes, if there was no law to keep +them from it; but as judge Douglas and his friends seem to be in great +apprehension that they might, if there were no law to keep them from it, I +give him the most solemn pledge that I will to the very last stand by the +law of the State which forbids the marrying of white people with negroes." + +There, my friends, you have briefly what I have, upon former occasions, +said upon this subject to which this newspaper, to the extent of its +ability, has drawn the public attention. In it you not only perceive, as a +probability, that in that contest I did not at any time say I was in favor +of negro suffrage, but the absolute proof that twice--once substantially, +and once expressly--I declared against it. Having shown you this, there +remains but a word of comment upon that newspaper article. It is this, +that I presume the editor of that paper is an honest and truth-loving man, +and that he will be greatly obliged to me for furnishing him thus early +an opportunity to correct the misrepresentation he has made, before it has +run so long that malicious people can call him a liar. + +The Giant himself has been here recently. I have seen a brief report of +his speech. If it were otherwise unpleasant to me to introduce the subject +of the negro as a topic for discussion, I might be somewhat relieved by +the fact that he dealt exclusively in that subject while he was here. I +shall, therefore, without much hesitation or diffidence, enter upon this +subject. + +The American people, on the first day of January, 1854, found the African +slave trade prohibited by a law of Congress. In a majority of the States +of this Union, they found African slavery, or any other sort of slavery, +prohibited by State constitutions. They also found a law existing, +supposed to be valid, by which slavery was excluded from almost all the +territory the United States then owned. This was the condition of the +country, with reference to the institution of slavery, on the first of +January, 1854. A few days after that, a bill was introduced into Congress, +which ran through its regular course in the two branches of the national +legislature, and finally passed into a law in the month of May, by which +the Act of Congress prohibiting slavery from going into the Territories of +the United States was repealed. In connection with the law itself, and, in +fact, in the terms of the law, the then existing prohibition was not only +repealed, but there was a declaration of a purpose on the part of Congress +never thereafter to exercise any power that they might have, real or +supposed, to prohibit the extension or spread of slavery. This was a very +great change; for the law thus repealed was of more than thirty years' +standing. Following rapidly upon the heels of this action of Congress, +a decision of the Supreme Court is made, by which it is declared that +Congress, if it desires to prohibit the spread of slavery into the +Territories, has no constitutional power to do so. Not only so, but +that decision lays down principles which, if pushed to their logical +conclusion,--I say pushed to their logical conclusion,--would decide +that the constitutions of free States, forbidding slavery, are themselves +unconstitutional. Mark me, I do not say the judges said this, and let +no man say I affirm the judges used these words; but I only say it is my +opinion that what they did say, if pressed to its logical conclusion, will +inevitably result thus. + +Looking at these things, the Republican party, as I understand its +principles and policy, believes that there is great danger of the +institution of slavery being spread out and extended until it is +ultimately made alike lawful in all the States of this Union; so +believing, to prevent that incidental and ultimate consummation is the +original and chief purpose of the Republican organization. I say "chief +purpose" of the Republican organization; for it is certainly true that if +the National House shall fall into the hands of the Republicans, they will +have to attend to all the other matters of national house-keeping, as well +as this. The chief and real purpose of the Republican party is eminently +conservative. It proposes nothing save and except to restore this +government to its original tone in regard to this element of slavery, and +there to maintain it, looking for no further change in reference to it +than that which the original framers of the Government themselves expected +and looked forward to. + +The chief danger to this purpose of the Republican party is not just now +the revival of the African slave trade, or the passage of a Congressional +slave code, or the declaring of a second Dred Scott decision, making +slavery lawful in all the States. These are not pressing us just now. They +are not quite ready yet. The authors of these measures know that we are +too strong for them; but they will be upon us in due time, and we will be +grappling with them hand to hand, if they are not now headed off. They are +not now the chief danger to the purpose of the Republican organization; +but the most imminent danger that now threatens that purpose is that +insidious Douglas popular sovereignty. This is the miner and sapper. While +it does not propose to revive the African slave trade, nor to pass a slave +code, nor to make a second Dred Scott decision, it is preparing us for the +onslaught and charge of these ultimate enemies when they shall be ready to +come on, and the word of command for them to advance shall be given. I say +this "Douglas popular sovereignty"; for there is a broad distinction, as I +now understand it, between that article and a genuine popular sovereignty. + +I believe there is a genuine popular sovereignty. I think a definition of +"genuine popular sovereignty," in the abstract, would be about this: That +each man shall do precisely as he pleases with himself, and with all +those things which exclusively concern him. Applied to government, this +principle would be, that a general government shall do all those things +which pertain to it, and all the local governments shall do precisely as +they please in respect to those matters which exclusively concern them. I +understand that this government of the United States, under which we live, +is based upon this principle; and I am misunderstood if it is supposed +that I have any war to make upon that principle. + +Now, what is judge Douglas's popular sovereignty? It is, as a principle, +no other than that if one man chooses to make a slave of another man +neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to object. Applied in +government, as he seeks to apply it, it is this: If, in a new Territory +into which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose of making +their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their limits or to +establish it there, however one or the other may affect the persons to be +enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons who are afterwards +to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of the families of +communities, of which they are but an incipient member, or the general +head of the family of States as parent of all, however their action may +affect one or the other of these, there is no power or right to interfere. +That is Douglas's popular sovereignty applied. + +He has a good deal of trouble with popular sovereignty. His explanations +explanatory of explanations explained are interminable. The most lengthy, +and, as I suppose, the most maturely considered of this long series of +explanations is his great essay in Harper's Magazine. I will not attempt +to enter on any very thorough investigation of his argument as there made +and presented. I will nevertheless occupy a good portion of your time here +in drawing your attention to certain points in it. Such of you as may +have read this document will have perceived that the judge early in the +document quotes from two persons as belonging to the Republican party, +without naming them, but who can readily be recognized as being Governor +Seward of New York and myself. It is true that exactly fifteen months ago +this day, I believe, I for the first time expressed a sentiment upon this +subject, and in such a manner that it should get into print, that the +public might see it beyond the circle of my hearers; and my expression of +it at that time is the quotation that Judge Douglas makes. He has not made +the quotation with accuracy, but justice to him requires me to say that it +is sufficiently accurate not to change the sense. + +The sense of that quotation condensed is this: that this slavery element +is a durable element of discord among us, and that we shall probably not +have perfect peace in this country with it until it either masters the +free principle in our government, or is so far mastered by the free +principle as for the public mind to rest in the belief that it is going to +its end. This sentiment, which I now express in this way, was, at no great +distance of time, perhaps in different language, and in connection with +some collateral ideas, expressed by Governor Seward. Judge Douglas has +been so much annoyed by the expression of that sentiment that he has +constantly, I believe, in almost all his speeches since it was uttered, +been referring to it. I find he alluded to it in his speech here, as well +as in the copyright essay. I do not now enter upon this for the purpose of +making an elaborate argument to show that we were right in the expression +of that sentiment. In other words, I shall not stop to say all that might +properly be said upon this point, but I only ask your attention to it for +the purpose of making one or two points upon it. + +If you will read the copyright essay, you will discover that judge +Douglas himself says a controversy between the American Colonies and the +Government of Great Britain began on the slavery question in 1699, and +continued from that time until the Revolution; and, while he did not say +so, we all know that it has continued with more or less violence ever +since the Revolution. + +Then we need not appeal to history, to the declarations of the framers of +the government, but we know from judge Douglas himself that slavery began +to be an element of discord among the white people of this country as far +back as 1699, or one hundred and sixty years ago, or five generations of +men,--counting thirty years to a generation. Now, it would seem to me that +it might have occurred to Judge Douglas, or anybody who had turned his +attention to these facts, that there was something in the nature of that +thing, slavery, somewhat durable for mischief and discord. + +There is another point I desire to make in regard to this matter, before +I leave it. From the adoption of the Constitution down to 1820 is the +precise period of our history when we had comparative peace upon this +question,--the precise period of time when we came nearer to having peace +about it than any other time of that entire one hundred and sixty years +in which he says it began, or of the eighty years of our own Constitution. +Then it would be worth our while to stop and examine into the probable +reason of our coming nearer to having peace then than at any other time. +This was the precise period of time in which our fathers adopted, and +during which they followed, a policy restricting the spread of slavery, +and the whole Union was acquiescing in it. The whole country looked +forward to the ultimate extinction of the institution. It was when a +policy had been adopted, and was prevailing, which led all just and +right-minded men to suppose that slavery was gradually coming to an end, +and that they might be quiet about it, watching it as it expired. I think +Judge Douglas might have perceived that too; and whether he did or not, it +is worth the attention of fair-minded men, here and elsewhere, to consider +whether that is not the truth of the case. If he had looked at these two +facts,--that this matter has been an element of discord for one hundred +and sixty years among this people, and that the only comparative peace we +have had about it was when that policy prevailed in this government which +he now wars upon, he might then, perhaps, have been brought to a more just +appreciation of what I said fifteen months ago,--that "a house divided +against itself cannot stand. I believe that this government cannot endure +permanently, half slave and half free. I do not expect the house to fall, +I do not expect the Union to dissolve; but I do expect it will cease to +be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the +opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it +where the public mind will rest in the belief that it is in the course of +ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward until it shall +become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well +as South." That was my sentiment at that time. In connection with it, I +said: "We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was inaugurated +with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery +agitation. Under the operation of the policy that agitation has not only +not ceased, but has constantly augmented." I now say to you here that we +are advanced still farther into the sixth year since that policy of +Judge Douglas--that popular sovereignty of his--for quieting the slavery +question was made the national policy. Fifteen months more have been +added since I uttered that sentiment; and I call upon you and all other +right-minded men to say whether that fifteen months have belied or +corroborated my words. + +While I am here upon this subject, I cannot but express gratitude that +this true view of this element of discord among us--as I believe it is--is +attracting more and more attention. I do not believe that Governor Seward +uttered that sentiment because I had done so before, but because he +reflected upon this subject and saw the truth of it. Nor do I believe +because Governor Seward or I uttered it that Mr. Hickman of Pennsylvania, +in, different language, since that time, has declared his belief in +the utter antagonism which exists between the principles of liberty and +slavery. You see we are multiplying. Now, while I am speaking of Hickman, +let me say, I know but little about him. I have never seen him, and know +scarcely anything about the man; but I will say this much of him: Of all +the anti-Lecompton Democracy that have been brought to my notice, he +alone has the true, genuine ring of the metal. And now, without indorsing +anything else he has said, I will ask this audience to give three cheers +for Hickman. [The audience responded with three rousing cheers for +Hickman.] + +Another point in the copyright essay to which I would ask your attention +is rather a feature to be extracted from the whole thing, than from any +express declaration of it at any point. It is a general feature of that +document, and, indeed, of all of Judge Douglas's discussions of this +question, that the Territories of the United States and the States of this +Union are exactly alike; that there is no difference between them at all; +that the Constitution applies to the Territories precisely as it does to +the States; and that the United States Government, under the Constitution, +may not do in a State what it may not do in a Territory, and what it must +do in a State it must do in a Territory. Gentlemen, is that a true view of +the case? It is necessary for this squatter sovereignty, but is it true? + +Let us consider. What does it depend upon? It depends altogether upon the +proposition that the States must, without the interference of the +General Government, do all those things that pertain exclusively to +themselves,--that are local in their nature, that have no connection +with the General Government. After Judge Douglas has established this +proposition, which nobody disputes or ever has disputed, he proceeds +to assume, without proving it, that slavery is one of those little, +unimportant, trivial matters which are of just about as much consequence +as the question would be to me whether my neighbor should raise horned +cattle or plant tobacco; that there is no moral question about it, but +that it is altogether a matter of dollars and cents; that when a new +Territory is opened for settlement, the first man who goes into it may +plant there a thing which, like the Canada thistle or some other of those +pests of the soil, cannot be dug out by the millions of men who will come +thereafter; that it is one of those little things that is so trivial in +its nature that it has nor effect upon anybody save the few men who first +plant upon the soil; that it is not a thing which in any way affects the +family of communities composing these States, nor any way endangers the +General Government. Judge Douglas ignores altogether the very well known +fact that we have never had a serious menace to our political existence, +except it sprang from this thing, which he chooses to regard as only upon +a par with onions and potatoes. + +Turn it, and contemplate it in another view. He says that, according +to his popular sovereignty, the General Government may give to the +Territories governors, judges, marshals, secretaries, and all the other +chief men to govern them, but they, must not touch upon this other +question. Why? The question of who shall be governor of a Territory for a +year or two, and pass away, without his track being left upon the soil, or +an act which he did for good or for evil being left behind, is a question +of vast national magnitude; it is so much opposed in its nature to +locality that the nation itself must decide it: while this other matter +of planting slavery upon a soil,--a thing which, once planted, cannot be +eradicated by the succeeding millions who have as much right there as the +first comers, or, if eradicated, not without infinite difficulty and +a long struggle, he considers the power to prohibit it as one of these +little local, trivial things that the nation ought not to say a word +about; that it affects nobody save the few men who are there. + +Take these two things and consider them together, present the question of +planting a State with the institution of slavery by the side of a question +who shall be Governor of Kansas for a year or two, and is there a man +here, is there a man on earth, who would not say the governor question +is the little one, and the slavery question is the great one? I ask any +honest Democrat if the small, the local, and the trivial and temporary +question is not, Who shall be governor? while the durable, the important, +and the mischievous one is, Shall this soil be planted with slavery? + +This is an idea, I suppose, which has arisen in Judge Douglas's mind from +his peculiar structure. I suppose the institution of slavery really looks +small to him. He is so put up by nature that a lash upon his back would +hurt him, but a lash upon anybody else's back does not hurt him. That is +the build of the man, and consequently he looks upon the matter of slavery +in this unimportant light. + +Judge Douglas ought to remember, when he is endeavoring to force this +policy upon the American people, that while he is put up in that way, +a good many are not. He ought to remember that there was once in +this country a man by the name of Thomas Jefferson, supposed to be a +Democrat,--a man whose principles and policy are not very prevalent +amongst Democrats to-day, it is true; but that man did not take exactly +this view of the insignificance of the element of slavery which our friend +judge Douglas does. In contemplation of this thing, we all know he was led +to exclaim, "I tremble for my country when I remember that God is just!" +We know how he looked upon it when he thus expressed himself. There was +danger to this country,--danger of the avenging justice of God, in that +little unimportant popular sovereignty question of judge Douglas. He +supposed there was a question of God's eternal justice wrapped up in the +enslaving of any race of men, or any man, and that those who did so braved +the arm of Jehovah; that when a nation thus dared the Almighty, every +friend of that nation had cause to dread his wrath. Choose ye between +Jefferson and Douglas as to what is the true view of this element among +us. + +There is another little difficulty about this matter of treating the +Territories and States alike in all things, to which I ask your attention, +and I shall leave this branch of the case. If there is no difference +between them, why not make the Territories States at once? What is +the reason that Kansas was not fit to come into the Union when it was +organized into a Territory, in Judge Douglas's view? Can any of you tell +any reason why it should not have come into the Union at once? They are +fit, as he thinks, to decide upon the slavery question,--the largest and +most important with which they could possibly deal: what could they do by +coming into the Union that they are not fit to do, according to his view, +by staying out of it? Oh, they are not fit to sit in Congress and decide +upon the rates of postage, or questions of ad valorem or specific duties +on foreign goods, or live-oak timber contracts, they are not fit to decide +these vastly important matters, which are national in their import, but +they are fit, "from the jump," to decide this little negro question. But, +gentlemen, the case is too plain; I occupy too much time on this head, and +I pass on. + +Near the close of the copyright essay, the judge, I think, comes very near +kicking his own fat into the fire. I did not think, when I commenced these +remarks, that I would read that article, but I now believe I will: + +"This exposition of the history of these measures shows conclusively that +the authors of the Compromise measures of 1850 and of the Kansas-Nebraska +Act of 1854, as well as the members of the Continental Congress of 1774., +and the founders of our system of government subsequent to the Revolution, +regarded the people of the Territories and Colonies as political +communities which were entitled to a free and exclusive power of +legislation in their provisional legislatures, where their representation +could alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity." + +When the judge saw that putting in the word "slavery" would contradict +his own history, he put in what he knew would pass synonymous with it, +"internal polity." Whenever we find that in one of his speeches, the +substitute is used in this manner; and I can tell you the reason. It would +be too bald a contradiction to say slavery; but "internal polity" is a +general phrase, which would pass in some quarters, and which he hopes will +pass with the reading community for the same thing. + +"This right pertains to the people collectively, as a law-abiding and +peaceful community, and not in the isolated individuals who may wander +upon the public domain in violation of the law. It can only be exercised +where there are inhabitants sufficient to constitute a government, and +capable of performing its various functions and duties,--a fact to be +ascertained and determined by" who do you think? Judge Douglas says "by +Congress!" "Whether the number shall be fixed at ten, fifteen or twenty +thousand inhabitants, does not affect the principle." + +Now, I have only a few comments to make. Popular sovereignty, by his own +words, does not pertain to the few persons who wander upon the public +domain in violation of law. We have his words for that. When it does +pertain to them, is when they are sufficient to be formed into an +organized political community, and he fixes the minimum for that at ten +thousand, and the maximum at twenty thousand. Now, I would like to know +what is to be done with the nine thousand? Are they all to be treated, +until they are large enough to be organized into a political community, as +wanderers upon the public land, in violation of law? And if so treated +and driven out, at what point of time would there ever be ten thousand? +If they were not driven out, but remained there as trespassers upon the +public land in violation of the law, can they establish slavery there? No; +the judge says popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. Can they +exclude it then? No; popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. I +would like to know, in the case covered by the essay, what condition +the people of the Territory are in before they reach the number of ten +thousand? + +But the main point I wish to ask attention to is, that the question as +to when they shall have reached a sufficient number to be formed into a +regular organized community is to be decided "by Congress." Judge Douglas +says so. Well, gentlemen, that is about all we want. No, that is all the +Southerners want. That is what all those who are for slavery want. They +do not want Congress to prohibit slavery from coming into the new +Territories, and they do not want popular sovereignty to hinder it; and as +Congress is to say when they are ready to be organized, all that the South +has to do is to get Congress to hold off. Let Congress hold off until they +are ready to be admitted as a State, and the South has all it wants in +taking slavery into and planting it in all the Territories that we now +have or hereafter may have. In a word, the whole thing, at a dash of the +pen, is at last put in the power of Congress; for if they do not have this +popular sovereignty until Congress organizes them, I ask if it at last +does not come from Congress? If, at last, it amounts to anything at all, +Congress gives it to them. I submit this rather for your reflection +than for comment. After all that is said, at last, by a dash of the pen, +everything that has gone before is undone, and he puts the whole question +under the control of Congress. After fighting through more than three +hours, if you undertake to read it, he at last places the whole matter +under the control of that power which he has been contending against, and +arrives at a result directly contrary to what he had been laboring to do. +He at last leaves the whole matter to the control of Congress. + +There are two main objects, as I understand it, of this Harper's Magazine +essay. One was to show, if possible, that the men of our Revolutionary +times were in favor of his popular sovereignty, and the other was to show +that the Dred Scott decision had not entirely squelched out this popular +sovereignty. I do not propose, in regard to this argument drawn from +the history of former times, to enter into a detailed examination of the +historical statements he has made. I have the impression that they are +inaccurate in a great many instances,--sometimes in positive statement, +but very much more inaccurate by the suppression of statements that really +belong to the history. But I do not propose to affirm that this is so to +any very great extent, or to enter into a very minute examination of his +historical statements. I avoid doing so upon this principle,--that if it +were important for me to pass out of this lot in the least period of time +possible, and I came to that fence, and saw by a calculation of my known +strength and agility that I could clear it at a bound, it would be folly +for me to stop and consider whether I could or not crawl through a crack. +So I say of the whole history contained in his essay where he endeavored +to link the men of the Revolution to popular sovereignty. It only requires +an effort to leap out of it, a single bound to be entirely successful. +If you read it over, you will find that he quotes here and there from +documents of the Revolutionary times, tending to show that the people of +the colonies were desirous of regulating their own concerns in their own +way, that the British Government should not interfere; that at one time +they struggled with the British Government to be permitted to exclude +the African slave trade,--if not directly, to be permitted to exclude +it indirectly, by taxation sufficient to discourage and destroy it. From +these and many things of this sort, judge Douglas argues that they were +in favor of the people of our own Territories excluding slavery if they +wanted to, or planting it there if they wanted to, doing just as they +pleased from the time they settled upon the Territory. Now, however his +history may apply and whatever of his argument there may be that is sound +and accurate or unsound and inaccurate, if we can find out what these men +did themselves do upon this very question of slavery in the Territories, +does it not end the whole thing? If, after all this labor and effort +to show that the men of the Revolution were in favor of his popular +sovereignty and his mode of dealing with slavery in the Territories, we +can show that these very men took hold of that subject, and dealt with +it, we can see for ourselves how they dealt with it. It is not a matter of +argument or inference, but we know what they thought about it. + +It is precisely upon that part of the history of the country that one +important omission is made by Judge Douglas. He selects parts of the +history of the United States upon the subject of slavery, and treats it as +the whole, omitting from his historical sketch the legislation of Congress +in regard to the admission of Missouri, by which the Missouri Compromise +was established and slavery excluded from a country half as large as the +present United States. All this is left out of his history, and in nowise +alluded to by him, so far as I can remember, save once, when he makes +a remark, that upon his principle the Supreme Court were authorized to +pronounce a decision that the act called the Missouri Compromise was +unconstitutional. All that history has been left out. But this part of the +history of the country was not made by the men of the Revolution. + +There was another part of our political history, made by the very men +who were the actors in the Revolution, which has taken the name of the +Ordinance of '87. Let me bring that history to your attention. In 1784, I +believe, this same Mr. Jefferson drew up an ordinance for the government +of the country upon which we now stand, or, rather, a frame or draft of an +ordinance for the government of this country, here in Ohio, our neighbors +in Indiana, us who live in Illinois, our neighbors in Wisconsin and +Michigan. In that ordinance, drawn up not only for the government of that +Territory, but for the Territories south of the Ohio River, Mr. Jefferson +expressly provided for the prohibition of slavery. Judge Douglas says, +and perhaps is right, that that provision was lost from that ordinance. I +believe that is true. When the vote was taken upon it, a majority of all +present in the Congress of the Confederation voted for it; but there were +so many absentees that those voting for it did not make the clear majority +necessary, and it was lost. But three years after that, the Congress of +the Confederation were together again, and they adopted a new ordinance +for the government of this Northwest Territory, not contemplating +territory south of the river, for the States owning that territory had +hitherto refrained from giving it to the General Government; hence they +made the ordinance to apply only to what the Government owned. In fact, +the provision excluding slavery was inserted aside, passed unanimously, or +at any rate it passed and became a part of the law of the land. Under +that ordinance we live. First here in Ohio you were a Territory; then an +enabling act was passed, authorizing you to form a constitution and +State Government, provided it was republican and not in conflict with the +Ordinance of '87. When you framed your constitution and presented it for +admission, I think you will find the legislation upon the subject will +show that, whereas you had formed a constitution that was republican, and +not in conflict with the Ordinance of '87, therefore you were admitted +upon equal footing with the original States. The same process in a few +years was gone through with in Indiana, and so with Illinois, and the same +substantially with Michigan and Wisconsin. + +Not only did that Ordinance prevail, but it was constantly looked to +whenever a step was taken by a new Territory to become a State. Congress +always turned their attention to it, and in all their movements upon +this subject they traced their course by that Ordinance of '87. When they +admitted new States, they advertised them of this Ordinance, as a part of +the legislation of the country. They did so because they had traced the +Ordinance of '87 throughout the history of this country. Begin with the +men of the Revolution, and go down for sixty entire years, and until the +last scrap of that Territory comes into the Union in the form of the State +of Wisconsin, everything was made to conform with the Ordinance of '87, +excluding slavery from that vast extent of country. + +I omitted to mention in the right place that the Constitution of the +United States was in process of being framed when that Ordinance was +made by the Congress of the Confederation; and one of the first Acts of +Congress itself, under the new Constitution itself, was to give force to +that Ordinance by putting power to carry it out in the hands of the new +officers under the Constitution, in the place of the old ones, who had +been legislated out of existence by the change in the Government from the +Confederation to the Constitution. Not only so, but I believe Indiana once +or twice, if not Ohio, petitioned the General Government for the privilege +of suspending that provision and allowing them to have slaves. A report +made by Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, himself a slaveholder, was directly +against it, and the action was to refuse them the privilege of violating +the Ordinance of '87. + +This period of history, which I have run over briefly, is, I presume, as +familiar to most of this assembly as any other part of the history of our +country. I suppose that few of my hearers are not as familiar with that +part of history as I am, and I only mention it to recall your attention +to it at this time. And hence I ask how extraordinary a thing it is that a +man who has occupied a position upon the floor of the Senate of the United +States, who is now in his third term, and who looks to see the government +of this whole country fall into his own hands, pretending to give a +truthful and accurate history o the slavery question in this country, +should so entirely ignore the whole of that portion of our history--the +most important of all. Is it not a most extraordinary spectacle that a man +should stand up and ask for any confidence in his statements who sets out +as he does with portions of history, calling upon the people to believe +that it is a true and fair representation, when the leading part and +controlling feature of the whole history is carefully suppressed? + +But the mere leaving out is not the most remarkable feature of this most +remarkable essay. His proposition is to establish that the leading men +of the Revolution were for his great principle of nonintervention by the +government in the question of slavery in the Territories, while history +shows that they decided, in the cases actually brought before them, in +exactly the contrary way, and he knows it. Not only did they so decide +at that time, but they stuck to it during sixty years, through thick and +thin, as long as there was one of the Revolutionary heroes upon the stage +of political action. Through their whole course, from first to last, they +clung to freedom. And now he asks the community to believe that the men +of the Revolution were in favor of his great principle, when we have the +naked history that they themselves dealt with this very subject matter +of his principle, and utterly repudiated his principle, acting upon +a precisely contrary ground. It is as impudent and absurd as if a +prosecuting attorney should stand up before a jury and ask them to convict +A as the murderer of B, while B was walking alive before them. + +I say, again, if judge Douglas asserts that the men of the Revolution +acted upon principles by which, to be consistent with themselves, they +ought to have adopted his popular sovereignty, then, upon a consideration +of his own argument, he had a right to make you believe that they +understood the principles of government, but misapplied them, that he +has arisen to enlighten the world as to the just application of this +principle. He has a right to try to persuade you that he understands their +principles better than they did, and, therefore, he will apply them now, +not as they did, but as they ought to have done. He has a right to go +before the community and try to convince them of this, but he has no right +to attempt to impose upon any one the belief that these men themselves +approved of his great principle. There are two ways of establishing a +proposition. One is by trying to demonstrate it upon reason, and the other +is, to show that great men in former times have thought so and so, and +thus to pass it by the weight of pure authority. Now, if Judge Douglas +will demonstrate somehow that this is popular sovereignty,--the right of +one man to make a slave of another, without any right in that other or +any one else to object,--demonstrate it as Euclid demonstrated +propositions,--there is no objection. But when he comes forward, seeking +to carry a principle by bringing to it the authority of men who themselves +utterly repudiate that principle, I ask that he shall not be permitted to +do it. + +I see, in the judge's speech here, a short sentence in these words: "Our +fathers, when they formed this government under which we live, understood +this question just as well, and even better than, we do now." That is +true; I stick to that. I will stand by Judge Douglas in that to the bitter +end. And now, Judge Douglas, come and stand by me, and truthfully show how +they acted, understanding it better than we do. All I ask of you, Judge +Douglas, is to stick to the proposition that the men of the Revolution +understood this subject better than we do now, and with that better +understanding they acted better than you are trying to act now. + +I wish to say something now in regard to the Dred Scott decision, as dealt +with by Judge Douglas. In that "memorable debate" between Judge Douglas +and myself, last year, the judge thought fit to commence a process of +catechising me, and at Freeport I answered his questions, and propounded +some to him. Among others propounded to him was one that I have here now. +The substance, as I remember it, is, "Can the people of a United States +Territory, under the Dred Scott decision, in any lawful way, against the +wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits, +prior to the formation of a State constitution?" He answered that they +could lawfully exclude slavery from the United States Territories, +notwithstanding the Dred Scot decision. There was something about that +answer that has probably been a trouble to the judge ever since. + +The Dred Scott decision expressly gives every citizen of the United States +a right to carry his slaves into the United States Territories. And now +there was some inconsistency in saying that the decision was right, and +saying, too, that the people of the Territory could lawfully drive slavery +out again. When all the trash, the words, the collateral matter, was +cleared away from it, all the chaff was fanned out of it, it was a bare +absurdity,--no less than that a thing may be lawfully driven away from +where it has a lawful right to be. Clear it of all the verbiage, and +that is the naked truth of his proposition,--that a thing may be lawfully +driven from the place where it has a lawful right to stay. Well, it was +because the judge could n't help seeing this that he has had so much +trouble with it; and what I want to ask your especial attention to, just +now, is to remind you, if you have not noticed the fact, that the judge +does not any longer say that the people can exclude slavery. He does not +say so in the copyright essay; he did not say so in the speech that he +made here; and, so far as I know, since his re-election to the Senate he +has never said, as he did at Freeport, that the people of the Territories +can exclude slavery. He desires that you, who wish the Territories to +remain free, should believe that he stands by that position; but he does +not say it himself. He escapes to some extent the absurd position I have +stated, by changing his language entirely. What he says now is something +different in language, and we will consider whether it is not different +in sense too. It is now that the Dred Scott decision, or rather the +Constitution under that decision, does not carry slavery into the +Territories beyond the power of the people of the Territories to control +it as other property. He does not say the people can drive it out, but +they can control it as other property. The language is different; we +should consider whether the sense is different. Driving a horse out of +this lot is too plain a proposition to be mistaken about; it is putting +him on the other side of the fence. Or it might be a sort of exclusion of +him from the lot if you were to kill him and let the worms devour him; +but neither of these things is the same as "controlling him as other +property." That would be to feed him, to pamper him, to ride him, to use +and abuse him, to make the most money out of him, "as other property"; +but, please you, what do the men who are in favor of slavery want more +than this? What do they really want, other than that slavery, being in the +Territories, shall be controlled as other property? If they want anything +else, I do not comprehend it. I ask your attention to this, first, for the +purpose of pointing out the change of ground the judge has made; and, in +the second place, the importance of the change,--that that change is not +such as to give you gentlemen who want his popular sovereignty the power +to exclude the institution or drive it out at all. I know the judge +sometimes squints at the argument that in controlling it as other property +by unfriendly legislation they may control it to death; as you might, in +the case of a horse, perhaps, feed him so lightly and ride him so much +that he would die. But when you come to legislative control, there is +something more to be attended to. I have no doubt, myself, that if the +Territories should undertake to control slave property as other property +that is, control it in such a way that it would be the most valuable as +property, and make it bear its just proportion in the way of burdens +as property, really deal with it as property,--the Supreme Court of the +United States will say, "God speed you, and amen." But I undertake to +give the opinion, at least, that if the Territories attempt by any direct +legislation to drive the man with his slave out of the Territory, or to +decide that his slave is free because of his being taken in there, or to +tax him to such an extent that he cannot keep him there, the Supreme Court +will unhesitatingly decide all such legislation unconstitutional, as long +as that Supreme Court is constructed as the Dred Scott Supreme Court is. +The first two things they have already decided, except that there is a +little quibble among lawyers between the words "dicta" and "decision." +They have already decided a negro cannot be made free by Territorial +legislation. + +What is the Dred Scott decision? Judge Douglas labors to show that it is +one thing, while I think it is altogether different. It is a long opinion, +but it is all embodied in this short statement: "The Constitution of the +United States forbids Congress to deprive a man of his property, without +due process of law; the right of property in slaves is distinctly and +expressly affirmed in that Constitution: therefore, if Congress shall +undertake to say that a man's slave is no longer his slave when he crosses +a certain line into a Territory, that is depriving him of his property +without due process of law, and is unconstitutional." There is the whole +Dred Scott decision. They add that if Congress cannot do so itself, +Congress cannot confer any power to do so; and hence any effort by the +Territorial Legislature to do either of these things is absolutely decided +against. It is a foregone conclusion by that court. + +Now, as to this indirect mode by "unfriendly legislation," all lawyers +here will readily understand that such a proposition cannot be tolerated +for a moment, because a legislature cannot indirectly do that which it +cannot accomplish directly. Then I say any legislation to control this +property, as property, for its benefit as property, would be hailed by +this Dred Scott Supreme Court, and fully sustained; but any legislation +driving slave property out, or destroying it as property, directly or +indirectly, will most assuredly, by that court, be held unconstitutional. + +Judge Douglas says if the Constitution carries slavery into the +Territories, beyond the power of the people of the Territories to control +it as other property; then it follows logically that every one who swears +to support the Constitution of the United States must give that support +to that property which it needs. And, if the Constitution carries slavery +into the Territories, beyond the power of the people, to control it as +other property, then it also carries it into the States, because the +Constitution is the supreme law of the land. Now, gentlemen, if it were +not for my excessive modesty, I would say that I told that very thing to +Judge Douglas quite a year ago. This argument is here in print, and if it +were not for my modesty, as I said, I might call your attention to it. If +you read it, you will find that I not only made that argument, but made it +better than he has made it since. + +There is, however, this difference: I say now, and said then, there is no +sort of question that the Supreme Court has decided that it is the right +of the slave holder to take his slave and hold him in the Territory; and +saying this, judge Douglas himself admits the conclusion. He says if that +is so, this consequence will follow; and because this consequence +would follow, his argument is, the decision cannot, therefore, be that +way,--"that would spoil my popular sovereignty; and it cannot be possible +that this great principle has been squelched out in this extraordinary +way. It might be, if it were not for the extraordinary consequences of +spoiling my humbug." + +Another feature of the judge's argument about the Dred Scott case is, +an effort to show that that decision deals altogether in declarations of +negatives; that the Constitution does not affirm anything as expounded +by the Dred Scott decision, but it only declares a want of power a total +absence of power, in reference to the Territories. It seems to be his +purpose to make the whole of that decision to result in a mere negative +declaration of a want of power in Congress to do anything in relation to +this matter in the Territories. I know the opinion of the Judges states +that there is a total absence of power; but that is, unfortunately; not +all it states: for the judges add that the right of property in a slave is +distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution. It does not stop +at saying that the right of property in a slave is recognized in the +Constitution, is declared to exist somewhere in the Constitution, but says +it is affirmed in the Constitution. Its language is equivalent to saying +that it is embodied and so woven in that instrument that it cannot be +detached without breaking the Constitution itself. In a word, it is part +of the Constitution. + +Douglas is singularly unfortunate in his effort to make out that decision +to be altogether negative, when the express language at the vital part is +that this is distinctly affirmed in the Constitution. I think myself, and +I repeat it here, that this decision does not merely carry slavery into +the Territories, but by its logical conclusion it carries it into the +States in which we live. One provision of that Constitution is, that it +shall be the supreme law of the land,--I do not quote the language,--any +constitution or law of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. This +Dred Scott decision says that the right of property in a slave is affirmed +in that Constitution which is the supreme law of the land, any State +constitution or law notwithstanding. Then I say that to destroy a thing +which is distinctly affirmed and supported by the supreme law of the land, +even by a State constitution or law, is a violation of that supreme law, +and there is no escape from it. In my judgment there is no avoiding that +result, save that the American people shall see that constitutions are +better construed than our Constitution is construed in that decision. They +must take care that it is more faithfully and truly carried out than it is +there expounded. + +I must hasten to a conclusion. Near the beginning of my remarks I said +that this insidious Douglas popular sovereignty is the measure that now +threatens the purpose of the Republican party to prevent slavery from +being nationalized in the United States. I propose to ask your attention +for a little while to some propositions in affirmance of that statement. +Take it just as it stands, and apply it as a principle; extend and apply +that principle elsewhere; and consider where it will lead you. I now put +this proposition, that Judge Douglas's popular sovereignty applied will +reopen the African slave trade; and I will demonstrate it by any variety +of ways in which you can turn the subject or look at it. + +The Judge says that the people of the Territories have the right, by his +principle, to have slaves, if they want them. Then I say that the people +in Georgia have the right to buy slaves in Africa, if they want them; +and I defy any man on earth to show any distinction between the two +things,--to show that the one is either more wicked or more unlawful; to +show, on original principles, that one is better or worse than the other; +or to show, by the Constitution, that one differs a whit from the other. +He will tell me, doubtless, that there is no constitutional provision +against people taking slaves into the new Territories, and I tell him +that there is equally no constitutional provision against buying slaves +in Africa. He will tell you that a people, in the exercise of popular +sovereignty, ought to do as they please about that thing, and have slaves +if they want them; and I tell you that the people of Georgia are as much +entitled to popular sovereignty and to buy slaves in Africa, if they want +them, as the people of the Territory are to have slaves if they want them. +I ask any man, dealing honestly with himself, to point out a distinction. + +I have recently seen a letter of Judge Douglas's in which, without stating +that to be the object, he doubtless endeavors to make a distinction +between the two. He says he is unalterably opposed to the repeal of the +laws against the African slave trade. And why? He then seeks to give a +reason that would not apply to his popular sovereignty in the Territories. +What is that reason? "The abolition of the African slave trade is a +compromise of the Constitution!" I deny it. There is no truth in the +proposition that the abolition of the African slave trade is a compromise +of the Constitution. No man can put his finger on anything in the +Constitution, or on the line of history, which shows it. It is a mere +barren assertion, made simply for the purpose of getting up a distinction +between the revival of the African slave trade and his "great principle." + +At the time the Constitution of the United States was adopted, it was +expected that the slave trade would be abolished. I should assert and +insist upon that, if judge Douglas denied it. But I know that it was +equally expected that slavery would be excluded from the Territories, and +I can show by history that in regard to these two things public opinion +was exactly alike, while in regard to positive action, there was more done +in the Ordinance of '87 to resist the spread of slavery than was ever done +to abolish the foreign slave trade. Lest I be misunderstood, I say again +that at the time of the formation of the Constitution, public expectation +was that the slave trade would be abolished, but no more so than the +spread of slavery in the Territories should be restrained. They stand +alike, except that in the Ordinance of '87 there was a mark left by public +opinion, showing that it was more committed against the spread of slavery +in the Territories than against the foreign slave trade. + +Compromise! What word of compromise was there about it? Why, the public +sense was then in favor of the abolition of the slave trade; but there was +at the time a very great commercial interest involved in it, and extensive +capital in that branch of trade. There were doubtless the incipient stages +of improvement in the South in the way of farming, dependent on the slave +trade, and they made a proposition to Congress to abolish the trade after +allowing it twenty years,--a sufficient time for the capital and commerce +engaged in it to be transferred to other channel. They made no provision +that it should be abolished in twenty years; I do not doubt that they +expected it would be, but they made no bargain about it. The public +sentiment left no doubt in the minds of any that it would be done away. +I repeat, there is nothing in the history of those times in favor of +that matter being a compromise of the constitution. It was the public +expectation at the time, manifested in a thousand ways, that the spread of +slavery should also be restricted. + +Then I say, if this principle is established, that there is no wrong +in slavery, and whoever wants it has a right to have it, is a matter +of dollars and cents, a sort of question as to how they shall deal with +brutes, that between us and the negro here there is no sort of question, +but that at the South the question is between the negro and the crocodile, +that is all, it is a mere matter of policy, there is a perfect right, +according to interest, to do just as you please,--when this is done, where +this doctrine prevails, the miners and sappers will have formed public +opinion for the slave trade. They will be ready for Jeff. Davis and +Stephens and other leaders of that company to sound the bugle for the +revival of the slave trade, for the second Dred Scott decision, for the +flood of slavery to be poured over the free States, while we shall be here +tied down and helpless and run over like sheep. + +It is to be a part and parcel of this same idea to say to men who want to +adhere to the Democratic party, who have always belonged to that +party, and are only looking about for some excuse to stick to it, but +nevertheless hate slavery, that Douglas's popular sovereignty is as good +a way as any to oppose slavery. They allow themselves to be persuaded +easily, in accordance with their previous dispositions, into this belief, +that it is about as good a way of opposing slavery as any, and we can do +that without straining our old party ties or breaking up old political +associations. We can do so without being called negro-worshipers. We +can do that without being subjected to the jibes and sneers that are so +readily thrown out in place of argument where no argument can be found. +So let us stick to this popular sovereignty,--this insidious popular +sovereignty. + +Now let me call your attention to one thing that has really happened, +which shows this gradual and steady debauching of public opinion, +this course of preparation for the revival of the slave trade, for the +Territorial slave code, and the new Dred Scott decision that is to carry +slavery into the Free States. Did you ever, five years ago, hear of +anybody in the world saying that the negro had no share in the Declaration +of National Independence; that it does not mean negroes at all; and when +"all men" were spoken of, negroes were not included? + +I am satisfied that five years ago that proposition was not put upon paper +by any living being anywhere. I have been unable at any time to find a man +in an audience who would declare that he had ever known of anybody saying +so five years ago. But last year there was not a Douglas popular sovereign +in Illinois who did not say it. Is there one in Ohio but declares his firm +belief that the Declaration of Independence did not mean negroes at all? I +do not know how this is; I have not been here much; but I presume you are +very much alike everywhere. Then I suppose that all now express the belief +that the Declaration of Independence never did mean negroes. I call upon +one of them to say that he said it five years ago. + +If you think that now, and did not think it then, the next thing that +strikes me is to remark that there has been a change wrought in you,--and +a very significant change it is, being no less than changing the negro, +in your estimation, from the rank of a man to that of a brute. They +are taking him down and placing him, when spoken of, among reptiles and +crocodiles, as Judge Douglas himself expresses it. + +Is not this change wrought in your minds a very important change? Public +opinion in this country is everything. In a nation like ours, this popular +sovereignty and squatter sovereignty have already wrought a change in the +public mind to the extent I have stated. There is no man in this crowd who +can contradict it. + +Now, if you are opposed to slavery honestly, as much as anybody, I ask you +to note that fact, and the like of which is to follow, to be plastered on, +layer after layer, until very soon you are prepared to deal with the negro +every where as with the brute. If public sentiment has not been debauched +already to this point, a new turn of the screw in that direction is all +that is wanting; and this is constantly being done by the teachers of +this insidious popular sovereignty. You need but one or two turns further, +until your minds, now ripening under these teachings, will be ready for +all these things, and you will receive and support, or submit to, the +slave trade, revived with all its horrors, a slave code enforced in our +Territories, and a new Dred Scott decision to bring slavery up into the +very heart of the free North. This, I must say, is but carrying out those +words prophetically spoken by Mr. Clay,--many, many years ago,--I believe +more than thirty years, when he told an audience that if they would +repress all tendencies to liberty and ultimate emancipation they must go +back to the era of our independence, and muzzle the cannon which thundered +its annual joyous return on the Fourth of July; they must blow out the +moral lights around us; they must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate +the love of liberty: but until they did these things, and others +eloquently enumerated by him, they could not repress all tendencies to +ultimate emancipation. + +I ask attention to the fact that in a pre-eminent degree these popular +sovereigns are at this work: blowing out the moral lights around us; +teaching that the negro is no longer a man, but a brute; that the +Declaration has nothing to do with him; that he ranks with the crocodile +and the reptile; that man, with body and soul, is a matter of dollars and +cents. I suggest to this portion of the Ohio Republicans, or Democrats, if +there be any present, the serious consideration of this fact that there +is now going on among you a steady process of debauching public opinion on +this subject. With this, my friends, I bid you adieu. + + + + +SPEECH AT CINCINNATI OHIO, SEPTEMBER 17, 1859 + +My Fellow-Citizens of the State of Ohio: This is the first time in my +life that I have appeared before an audience in so great a city as this: +I therefore--though I am no longer a young man--make this appearance +under some degree of embarrassment. But I have found that when one is +embarrassed, usually the shortest way to get through with it is to quit +talking or thinking about it, and go at something else. + +I understand that you have had recently with you my very distinguished +friend Judge Douglas, of Illinois; and I understand, without having had +an opportunity (not greatly sought, to be sure) of seeing a report of the +speech that he made here, that he did me the honor to mention my humble +name. I suppose that he did so for the purpose of making some objection to +some sentiment at some time expressed by me. I should expect, it is true, +that judge Douglas had reminded you, or informed you, if you had never +before heard it, that I had once in my life declared it as my opinion that +this government cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free; that +a house divided against itself cannot stand, and, as I had expressed it, +I did not expect the house to fall, that I did not expect the Union to be +dissolved, but that I did expect that it would cease to be divided, that +it would become all one thing, or all the other; that either the opponents +of slavery would arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the +public mind would rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate +extinction, or the friends of slavery will push it forward until it +becomes alike lawful in all the States, old or new, free as well as slave. +I did, fifteen months ago, express that opinion, and upon many occasions +Judge Douglas has denounced it, and has greatly, intentionally or +unintentionally, misrepresented my purpose in the expression of that +opinion. + +I presume, without having seen a report of his speech, that he did +so here. I presume that he alluded also to that opinion, in different +language, having been expressed at a subsequent time by Governor Seward of +New York, and that he took the two in a lump and denounced them; that he +tried to point out that there was something couched in this opinion which +led to the making of an entire uniformity of the local institutions of the +various States of the Union, in utter disregard of the different States, +which in their nature would seem to require a variety of institutions +and a variety of laws, conforming to the differences in the nature of the +different States. + +Not only so: I presume he insisted that this was a declaration of war +between the free and slave States, that it was the sounding to the onset +of continual war between the different States, the slave and free States. + +This charge, in this form, was made by Judge Douglas on, I believe, the +9th of July, 1858, in Chicago, in my hearing. On the next evening, I made +some reply to it. I informed him that many of the inferences he drew from +that expression of mine were altogether foreign to any purpose entertained +by me, and in so far as he should ascribe these inferences to me, as my +purpose, he was entirely mistaken; and in so far as he might argue that, +whatever might be my purpose, actions conforming to my views would lead +to these results, he might argue and establish if he could; but, so far as +purposes were concerned, he was totally mistaken as to me. + +When I made that reply to him, I told him, on the question of declaring +war between the different States of the Union, that I had not said that +I did not expect any peace upon this question until slavery was +exterminated; that I had only said I expected peace when that institution +was put where the public mind should rest in the belief that it was in +course of ultimate extinction; that I believed, from the organization of +our government until a very recent period of time, the institution had +been placed and continued upon such a basis; that we had had comparative +peace upon that question through a portion of that period of time, only +because the public mind rested in that belief in regard to it, and that +when we returned to that position in relation to that matter, I supposed +we should again have peace as we previously had. I assured him, as I now, +assure you, that I neither then had, nor have, or ever had, any purpose in +any way of interfering with the institution of slavery, where it exists. I +believe we have no power, under the Constitution of the United States, or +rather under the form of government under which we live, to interfere with +the institution of slavery, or any other of the institutions of our +sister States, be they free or slave States. I declared then, and I +now re-declare, that I have as little inclination to interfere with the +institution of slavery where it now exists, through the instrumentality of +the General Government, or any other instrumentality, as I believe we have +no power to do so. I accidentally used this expression: I had no purpose +of entering into the slave States to disturb the institution of slavery. +So, upon the first occasion that Judge Douglas got an opportunity to reply +to me, he passed by the whole body of what I had said upon that subject, +and seized upon the particular expression of mine that I had no purpose of +entering into the slave States to disturb the institution of slavery. "Oh, +no," said he, "he [Lincoln] won't enter into the slave States to disturb +the institution of slavery, he is too prudent a man to do such a thing as +that; he only means that he will go on to the line between the free and +slave States, and shoot over at them. This is all he means to do. He means +to do them all the harm he can, to disturb them all he can, in such a way +as to keep his own hide in perfect safety." + +Well, now, I did not think, at that time, that that was either a very +dignified or very logical argument but so it was, I had to get along with +it as well as I could. + +It has occurred to-me here to-night that if I ever do shoot over the +line at the people on the other side of the line into a slave State, and +purpose to do so, keeping my skin safe, that I have now about the +best chance I shall ever have. I should not wonder if there are some +Kentuckians about this audience--we are close to Kentucky; and whether +that be so or not, we are on elevated ground, and, by speaking distinctly, +I should not wonder if some of the Kentuckians would hear me on the other +side of the river. For that reason I propose to address a portion of what +I have to say to the Kentuckians. + +I say, then, in the first place, to the Kentuckians, that I am what they +call, as I understand it, a "Black Republican." I think slavery is wrong, +morally and politically. I desire that it should be no further spread +in--these United States, and I should not object if it should gradually +terminate in the whole Union. While I say this for myself, I say to you +Kentuckians that I understand you differ radically with me upon this +proposition; that you believe slavery is a good thing; that slavery is +right; that it ought to be extended and perpetuated in this Union. +Now, there being this broad difference between us, I do not pretend, in +addressing myself to you Kentuckians, to attempt proselyting you; that +would be a vain effort. I do not enter upon it. I only propose to try +to show you that you ought to nominate for the next Presidency, at +Charleston, my distinguished friend Judge Douglas. In all that there is a +difference between you and him, I understand he is sincerely for you, and +more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. I will try to demonstrate +that proposition. Understand, now, I say that I believe he is as sincerely +for you, and more wisely for you, than you are for yourselves. + +What do you want more than anything else to make successful your views of +slavery,--to advance the outspread of it, and to secure and perpetuate +the nationality of it? What do you want more than anything else? What--is +needed absolutely? What is indispensable to you? Why, if I may, be allowed +to answer the question, it is to retain a hold upon the North, it is to +retain support and strength from the free States. If you can get this +support and strength from the free States, you can succeed. If you do not +get this support and this strength from the free States, you are in the +minority, and you are beaten at once. + +If that proposition be admitted,--and it is undeniable,--then the next +thing I say to you is, that Douglas, of all the men in this nation, is the +only man that affords you any hold upon the free States; that no other man +can give you any strength in the free States. This being so, if you doubt +the other branch of the proposition, whether he is for you--whether he is +really for you, as I have expressed it,--I propose asking your attention +for a while to a few facts. + +The issue between you and me, understand, is, that I think slavery is +wrong, and ought not to be outspread; and you think it is right, and +ought to be extended and perpetuated. [A voice, "Oh, Lord!"] That is my +Kentuckian I am talking to now. + +I now proceed to try to show you that Douglas is as sincerely for you and +more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. + +In the first place, we know that in a government like this, in a +government of the people, where the voice of all the men of the country, +substantially, enters into the execution--or administration, rather--of +the government, in such a government, what lies at the bottom of all of it +is public opinion. I lay down the proposition, that Judge Douglas is +not only the man that promises you in advance a hold upon the North, and +support in the North, but he constantly moulds public opinion to your +ends; that in every possible way he can he constantly moulds the public +opinion of the North to your ends; and if there are a few things in which +he seems to be against you,--a few things which he says that appear to +be against you, and a few that he forbears to say which you would like +to have him say you ought to remember that the saying of the one, or the +forbearing to say the other, would lose his hold upon the North, and, by +consequence, would lose his capacity to serve you. + +Upon this subject of moulding public opinion I call your attention to the +fact--for a well established fact it is--that the Judge never says your +institution of slavery is wrong. There is not a public man in the United +States, I believe, with the exception of Senator Douglas, who has not, at +some time in his life, declared his opinion whether the thing is right or +wrong; but Senator Douglas never declares it is wrong. He leaves himself +at perfect liberty to do all in your favor which he would be hindered from +doing if he were to declare the thing to be wrong. On the contrary, he +takes all the chances that he has for inveigling the sentiment of the +North, opposed to slavery, into your support, by never saying it is right. +This you ought to set down to his credit: You ought to give him full +credit for this much; little though it be, in comparison to the whole +which he does for you. + +Some other, things I will ask your attention to. He said upon the floor of +the United States Senate, and he has repeated it, as I understand, a great +many times, that he does not care whether slavery is "voted up or voted +down." This again shows you, or ought to show you, if you would reason +upon it, that he does not believe it to be wrong; for a man may say when +he sees nothing wrong in a thing; that he, dues not care whether it be +voted up or voted down but no man can logically say that he cares not +whether a thing goes up or goes down which to him appears to be wrong. You +therefore have a demonstration in this that to Judge Douglas's mind your +favorite institution, which you would have spread out and made perpetual, +is no wrong. + +Another thing he tells you, in a speech made at Memphis in Tennessee, +shortly after the canvass in Illinois, last year. He there distinctly +told the people that there was a "line drawn by the Almighty across this +continent, on the one side of which the soil must always be cultivated by +slaves"; that he did not pretend to know exactly where that line was, +but that there was such a line. I want to ask your attention to that +proposition again; that there is one portion of this continent where the +Almighty has signed the soil shall always be cultivated by slaves; that +its being cultivated by slaves at that place is right; that it has the +direct sympathy and authority of the Almighty. Whenever you can get these +Northern audiences to adopt the opinion that slavery is right on the other +side of the Ohio, whenever you can get them, in pursuance of Douglas's +views, to adopt that sentiment, they will very readily make the other +argument, which is perfectly logical, that that which is right on that +side of the Ohio cannot be wrong on this, and that if you have that +property on that side of the Ohio, under the seal and stamp of the +Almighty, when by any means it escapes over here it is wrong to have +constitutions and laws "to devil" you about it. So Douglas is moulding the +public opinion of the North, first to say that the thing is right in your +State over the Ohio River, and hence to say that that which is right there +is not wrong here, and that all laws and constitutions here recognizing +it as being wrong are themselves wrong, and ought to be repealed and +abrogated. He will tell you, men of Ohio, that if you choose here to have +laws against slavery, it is in conformity to the idea that your climate +is not suited to it, that your climate is not suited to slave labor, and +therefore you have constitutions and laws against it. + +Let us attend to that argument for a little while and see if it be sound. +You do not raise sugar-cane (except the new-fashioned sugar-cane, and you +won't raise that long), but they do raise it in Louisiana. You don't raise +it in Ohio, because you can't raise it profitably, because the climate +don't suit it. They do raise it in Louisiana, because there it is +profitable. Now, Douglas will tell you that is precisely the slavery +question: that they do have slaves there because they are profitable, and +you don't have them here because they are not profitable. If that is so, +then it leads to dealing with the one precisely as with the other. Is +there, then, anything in the constitution or laws of Ohio against raising +sugar-cane? Have you found it necessary to put any such provision in your +law? Surely not! No man desires to raise sugar-cane in Ohio, but if +any man did desire to do so, you would say it was a tyrannical law that +forbids his doing so; and whenever you shall agree with Douglas, whenever +your minds are brought to adopt his argument, as surely you will have +reached the conclusion that although it is not profitable in Ohio, if any +man wants it, is wrong to him not to let him have it. + +In this matter Judge Douglas is preparing the public mind for you of +Kentucky to make perpetual that good thing in your estimation, about which +you and I differ. + +In this connection, let me ask your attention to another thing. I believe +it is safe to assert that five years ago no living man had expressed the +opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration of Independence. +Let me state that again: five years ago no living man had expressed the +opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration of Independence. +If there is in this large audience any man who ever knew of that opinion +being put upon paper as much as five years ago, I will be obliged to him +now or at a subsequent time to show it. + +If that be true I wish you then to note the next fact: that within the +space of five years Senator Douglas, in the argument of this question, has +got his entire party, so far as I know, without exception, in saying that +the negro has no share in the Declaration of Independence. If there be now +in all these United States one Douglas man that does not say this, I have +been unable upon any occasion to scare him up. Now, if none of you said +this five years ago, and all of you say it now, that is a matter that you +Kentuckians ought to note. That is a vast change in the Northern public +sentiment upon that question. + +Of what tendency is that change? The tendency of that change is to bring +the public mind to the conclusion that when men are spoken of, the +negro is not meant; that when negroes are spoken of, brutes alone are +contemplated. That change in public sentiment has already degraded +the black man in the estimation of Douglas and his followers from the +condition of a man of some sort, and assigned him to the condition of a +brute. Now, you Kentuckians ought to give Douglas credit for this. That is +the largest possible stride that can be made in regard to the perpetuation +of your thing of slavery. + +A voice: Speak to Ohio men, and not to Kentuckians! + +Mr. LINCOLN: I beg permission to speak as I please. + +In Kentucky perhaps, in many of the slave States certainly, you are trying +to establish the rightfulness of slavery by reference to the Bible. You +are trying to show that slavery existed in the Bible times by divine +ordinance. Now, Douglas is wiser than you, for your own benefit, upon that +subject. Douglas knows that whenever you establish that slavery was--right +by the Bible, it will occur that that slavery was the slavery of the white +man, of men without reference to color; and he knows very well that you +may entertain that idea in Kentucky as much as you please, but you will +never win any Northern support upon it. He makes a wiser argument for you: +he makes the argument that the slavery of the black man; the slavery of +the man who has a skin of a different color from your own, is right. He +thereby brings to your support Northern voters who could not for a moment +be brought by your own argument of the Bible right of slavery. Will you +give him credit for that? Will you not say that in this matter he is more +wisely for you than you are for yourselves? + +Now, having established with his entire party this doctrine, having been +entirely successful in that branch of his efforts in your behalf, he is +ready for another. + +At this same meeting at Memphis he declared that in all contests between +the negro and the white man he was for the white man, but that in all +questions between the negro and the crocodile he was for the negro. He did +not make that declaration accidentally at Memphis. He made it a great many +times in the canvass in Illinois last year (though I don't know that it +was reported in any of his speeches there, but he frequently made it). I +believe he repeated it at Columbus, and I should not wonder if he repeated +it here. It is, then, a deliberate way of expressing himself upon that +subject. It is a matter of mature deliberation with him thus to express +himself upon that point of his case. It therefore requires deliberate +attention. + +The first inference seems to be that if you do not enslave the negro, +you are wronging the white man in some way or other, and that whoever is +opposed to the negro being enslaved, is, in some way or other, against +the white man. Is not that a falsehood? If there was a necessary conflict +between the white man and the negro, I should be for the white man as much +as Judge Douglas; but I say there is no such necessary conflict. I say +that there is room enough for us all to be free, and that it not only does +not wrong the white man that the negro should be free, but it positively +wrongs the mass of the white men that the negro should be enslaved; that +the mass of white men are really injured by the effects of slave labor in +the vicinity of the fields of their own labor. + +But I do not desire to dwell upon this branch of the question more than to +say that this assumption of his is false, and I do hope that that fallacy +will not long prevail in the minds of intelligent white men. At all +events, you ought to thank Judge Douglas for it; it is for your benefit it +is made. + +The other branch of it is, that in the struggle between the negro and +the crocodile; he is for the negro. Well, I don't know that there is any +struggle between the negro and the crocodile, either. I suppose that if a +crocodile (or, as we old Ohio River boatmen used to call them, alligators) +should come across a white man, he would kill him if he could; and so he +would a negro. But what, at last, is this proposition? I believe it is a +sort of proposition in proportion, which may be stated thus: "As the negro +is to the white man, so is the crocodile to the negro; and as the negro +may rightfully treat the crocodile as a beast or reptile, so the white man +may rightfully treat the negro as a beast or a reptile." That is really +the "knip" of all that argument of his. + +Now, my brother Kentuckians, who believe in this, you ought to thank +Judge Douglas for having put that in a much more taking way than any of +yourselves have done. + +Again, Douglas's great principle, "popular sovereignty," as he calls it, +gives you, by natural consequence, the revival of the slave trade whenever +you want it. If you question this, listen awhile, consider awhile what I +shall advance in support of that proposition. + +He says that it is the sacred right of the man who goes into the +Territories to have slavery if he wants it. Grant that for argument's +sake. Is it not the sacred right of the man who don't go there equally to +buy slaves in Africa, if he wants them? Can you point out the difference? +The man who goes into the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, or any other +new Territory, with the sacred right of taking a slave there which belongs +to him, would certainly have no more right to take one there than I would, +who own no slave, but who would desire to buy one and take him there. You +will not say you, the friends of Judge Douglas but that the man who +does not own a slave has an equal right to buy one and take him to the +Territory as the other does. + +A voice: I want to ask a question. Don't foreign nations interfere with +the slave trade? + +Mr. LINCOLN: Well! I understand it to be a principle of Democracy to whip +foreign nations whenever, they interfere with us. + +Voice: I only asked for information. I am a Republican myself. + +Mr. LINCOLN: You and I will be on the best terms in the world, but I do +not wish to be diverted from the point I was trying to press. + +I say that Douglas's popular sovereignty, establishing his sacred right +in the people, if you please, if carried to its logical conclusion gives +equally the sacred right to the people of the States or the Territories +themselves to buy slaves wherever they can buy them cheapest; and if any +man can show a distinction, I should like to hear him try it. If any man +can show how the people of Kansas have a better right to slaves, because +they want them, than the people of Georgia have to buy them in Africa, +I want him to do it. I think it cannot be done. If it is "popular +sovereignty" for the people to have slaves because they want them, it is +popular sovereignty for them to buy them in Africa because they desire to +do so. + +I know that Douglas has recently made a little effort, not seeming to +notice that he had a different theory, has made an effort to get rid +of that. He has written a letter, addressed to somebody, I believe, who +resides in Iowa, declaring his opposition to the repeal of the laws that +prohibit the Africa slave trade. He bases his opposition to such repeal +upon the ground that these laws are themselves one of the compromises of +the Constitution of the United States. Now, it would be very interesting +to see Judge Douglas or any of his friends turn, to the Constitution of +the United States and point out that compromise, to show where there is +any compromise in the Constitution, or provision in the Constitution; +express or implied, by which the administrators of that Constitution are +under any obligation to repeal the African slave trade. I know, or at +least I think I know, that the framers of that Constitution did expect +the African slave trade would be abolished at the end of twenty years, to +which time their prohibition against its being abolished extended there +is abundant contemporaneous history to show that the framers of the +Constitution expected it to be abolished. But while they so expected, +they gave nothing for that expectation, and they put no provision in +the Constitution requiring it should be so abolished. The migration or +importation of such persons as the States shall see fit to admit shall not +be prohibited, but a certain tax might be levied upon such importation. +But what was to be done after that time? The Constitution is as silent +about that as it is silent, personally, about myself. There is absolutely +nothing in it about that subject; there is only the expectation of the +framers of the Constitution that the slave trade would be abolished at the +end of that time; and they expected it would be abolished, owing to public +sentiment, before that time; and the put that provision in, in order that +it should not be abolished before that time, for reasons which I suppose +they thought to be sound ones, but which I will not now try to enumerate +before you. + +But while, they expected the slave trade would be abolished at that time, +they expected that the spread of slavery into the new Territories should +also be restricted. It is as easy to prove that the framers of the +Constitution of the United States expected that slavery should be +prohibited from extending into the new Territories, as it is to prove +that it was expected that the slave trade should be abolished. Both these +things were expected. One was no more expected than the other, and one was +no more a compromise of the Constitution than the other. There was nothing +said in the Constitution in regard to the spread of slavery into the +Territory. I grant that; but there was something very important said about +it by the same generation of men in the adoption of the old Ordinance of +'87, through the influence of which you here in Ohio, our neighbors in +Indiana, we in Illinois, our neighbors in Michigan and Wisconsin, are +happy, prosperous, teeming millions of free men. That generation of men, +though not to the full extent members of the convention that framed the +Constitution, were to some extent members of that convention, holding +seats at the same time in one body and the other, so that if there was any +compromise on either of these subjects, the strong evidence is that +that compromise was in favor of the restriction of slavery from the new +Territories. + +But Douglas says that he is unalterably opposed to the repeal of those +laws because, in his view, it is a compromise of the Constitution. You +Kentuckians, no doubt, are somewhat offended with that. You ought not to +be! You ought to be patient! You ought to know that if he said less than +that, he would lose the power of "lugging" the Northern States to your +support. Really, what you would push him to do would take from him +his entire power to serve you. And you ought to remember how long, by +precedent, Judge Douglas holds himself obliged to stick by compromises. +You ought to remember that by the time you yourselves think you are ready +to inaugurate measures for the revival of the African slave trade, that +sufficient time will have arrived, by precedent, for Judge Douglas to +break through, that compromise. He says now nothing more strong than +he said in 1849 when he declared in favor of Missouri Compromise,--and +precisely four years and a quarter after he declared that Compromise to +be a sacred thing, which "no ruthless hand would ever daze to touch," he +himself brought forward the measure ruthlessly to destroy it. By a mere +calculation of time it will only be four years more until he is ready to +take back his profession about the sacredness of the Compromise abolishing +the slave trade. Precisely as soon as you are ready to have his services +in that direction, by fair calculation, you may be sure of having them. + +But you remember and set down to Judge Douglas's debt, or discredit, that +he, last year, said the people of Territories can, in spite of the Dred +Scott decision, exclude your slaves from those Territories; that he +declared, by "unfriendly legislation" the extension of your property into +the new Territories may be cut off, in the teeth of the decision of the +Supreme Court of the United States. + +He assumed that position at Freeport on the 27th of August, 1858. He said +that the people of the Territories can exclude slavery, in so many words: +You ought, however, to bear in mind that he has never said it since. You +may hunt in every speech that he has since made, and he has never used +that expression once. He has never seemed to notice that he is stating his +views differently from what he did then; but by some sort of accident, he +has always really stated it differently. He has always since then declared +that "the Constitution does not carry slavery into the Territories of the +United States beyond the power of the people legally to control it, as +other property." Now, there is a difference in the language used upon +that former occasion and in this latter day. There may or may not be a +difference in the meaning, but it is worth while considering whether there +is not also a difference in meaning. + +What is it to exclude? Why, it is to drive it out. It is in some way to +put it out of the Territory. It is to force it across the line, or change +its character so that, as property, it is out of existence. But what is +the controlling of it "as other property"? Is controlling it as other +property the same thing as destroying it, or driving it away? I should +think not. I should think the controlling of it as other property would be +just about what you in Kentucky should want. I understand the controlling +of property means the controlling of it for the benefit of the owner of +it. While I have no doubt the Supreme Court of the United States would +say "God speed" to any of the Territorial Legislatures that should thus +control slave property, they would sing quite a different tune if, by +the pretence of controlling it, they were to undertake to pass laws which +virtually excluded it,--and that upon a very well known principle to +all lawyers, that what a Legislature cannot directly do, it cannot do by +indirection; that as the Legislature has not the power to drive slaves +out, they have no power, by indirection, by tax, or by imposing burdens in +any way on that property, to effect the same end, and that any attempt to +do so would be held by the Dred Scott court unconstitutional. + +Douglas is not willing to stand by his first proposition that they can +exclude it, because we have seen that that proposition amounts to nothing +more nor less than the naked absurdity that you may lawfully drive out +that which has a lawful right to remain. He admitted at first that the +slave might be lawfully taken into the Territories under the Constitution +of the United States, and yet asserted that he might be lawfully driven +out. That being the proposition, it is the absurdity I have stated. He +is not willing to stand in the face of that direct, naked, and impudent +absurdity; he has, therefore, modified his language into that of being +"controlled as other property." + +The Kentuckians don't like this in Douglas! I will tell you where it will +go. He now swears by the court. He was once a leading man in Illinois to +break down a court, because it had made a decision he did not like. But +he now not only swears by the court, the courts having got to working +for you, but he denounces all men that do not swear by the courts, +as unpatriotic, as bad citizens. When one of these acts of unfriendly +legislation shall impose such heavy burdens as to, in effect, destroy +property in slaves in a Territory, and show plainly enough that there +can be no mistake in the purpose of the Legislature to make them +so burdensome, this same Supreme Court will decide that law to be +unconstitutional, and he will be ready to say for your benefit "I swear by +the court; I give it up"; and while that is going on he has been getting +all his men to swear by the courts, and to give it up with him. In this +again he serves you faithfully, and, as I say, more wisely than you serve +yourselves. + +Again: I have alluded in the beginning of these remarks to the fact that +Judge Douglas has made great complaint of my having expressed the opinion +that this government "cannot endure permanently, half slave and half +free." He has complained of Seward for using different language, and +declaring that there is an "irrepressible conflict" between the principles +of free and slave labor. [A voice: "He says it is not original with +Seward. That it is original with Lincoln."] I will attend to that +immediately, sir. Since that time, Hickman of Pennsylvania expressed the +same sentiment. He has never denounced Mr. Hickman: why? There is a little +chance, notwithstanding that opinion in the mouth of Hickman, that he may +yet be a Douglas man. That is the difference! It is not unpatriotic to +hold that opinion if a man is a Douglas man. + +But neither I, nor Seward, nor Hickman is entitled to the enviable or +unenviable distinction of having first expressed that idea. That same idea +was expressed by the Richmond Enquirer, in Virginia, in 1856,--quite two +years before it was expressed by the first of us. And while Douglas was +pluming himself that in his conflict with my humble self, last year, he +had "squelched out" that fatal heresy, as he delighted to call it, and +had suggested that if he only had had a chance to be in New York and meet +Seward he would have "squelched" it there also, it never occurred to him +to breathe a word against Pryor. I don't think that you can discover that +Douglas ever talked of going to Virginia to "squelch" out that idea there. +No. More than that. That same Roger A. Pryor was brought to Washington +City and made the editor of the par excellence Douglas paper, after making +use of that expression, which, in us, is so unpatriotic and heretical. +From all this, my Kentucky friends may see that this opinion is heretical +in his view only when it is expressed by men suspected of a desire that +the country shall all become free, and not when expressed by those fairly +known to entertain the desire that the whole country shall become slave. +When expressed by that class of men, it is in nowise offensive to him. In +this again, my friends of Kentucky, you have Judge Douglas with you. + +There is another reason why you Southern people ought to nominate Douglas +at your convention at Charleston. That reason is the wonderful capacity of +the man,--the power he has of doing what would seem to be impossible. Let +me call your attention to one of these apparently impossible things: + +Douglas had three or four very distinguished men of the most extreme +anti-slavery views of any men in the Republican party expressing their +desire for his re-election to the Senate last year. That would, of itself, +have seemed to be a little wonderful; but that wonder is heightened when +we see that Wise of Virginia, a man exactly opposed to them, a man who +believes in the divine right of slavery, was also expressing his desire +that Douglas should be reelected; that another man that may be said to +be kindred to Wise, Mr. Breckinridge, the Vice-President, and of your +own State, was also agreeing with the anti-slavery men in the North that +Douglas ought to be re-elected. Still to heighten the wonder, a senator +from Kentucky, whom I have always loved with an affection as tender +and endearing as I have ever loved any man, who was opposed to the +anti-slavery men for reasons which seemed sufficient to him, and equally +opposed to Wise and Breckinridge, was writing letters into Illinois to +secure the reelection of Douglas. Now, that all these conflicting elements +should be brought, while at daggers' points with one another, to support +him, is a feat that is worthy for you to note and consider. It is quite +probable that each of these classes of men thought, by the re-election of +Douglas, their peculiar views would gain something: it is probable that +the anti-slavery men thought their views would gain something; that Wise +and Breckinridge thought so too, as regards their opinions; that Mr. +Crittenden thought that his views would gain something, although he was +opposed to both these other men. It is probable that each and all of them +thought that they were using Douglas; and it is yet an unsolved problem +whether he was not using them all. If he was, then it is for you to +consider whether that power to perform wonders is one for you lightly to +throw away. + +There is one other thing that I will say to you, in this relation. It is +but my opinion, I give it to you without a fee. It is my opinion that it +is for you to take him or be defeated; and that if you do take him you +may be beaten. You will surely be beaten if you do not take him. We, the +Republicans and others forming the opposition of the country, intend to +"stand by our guns," to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat +you, whether you take him or not. We know that before we fairly beat +you we have to beat you both together. We know that you are "all of a +feather," and that we have to beat you all together, and we expect to +do it. We don't intend to be very impatient about it. We mean to be as +deliberate and calm about it as it is possible to be, but as firm and +resolved as it is possible for men to be. When we do as we say,--beat +you,--you perhaps want to know what we will do with you. + +I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition, +what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as we possibly +can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean to leave +you alone, and in no way interfere with your institution; to abide by all +and every compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to +the original proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we +have degenerated) may, according to the examples of those noble fathers, +Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are +as good as we; that there is no difference between us other than the +difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and bear in mind always +that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we +claim to have, and treat you accordingly. We mean to marry your girls when +we have a chance, the white ones I mean; and I have the honor to inform +you that I once did have a chance in that way. + +I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, now, when that thing +takes place, what do you mean to do? I often hear it intimated that you +mean to divide the Union whenever a Republican, or anything like it, is +elected President of the United States. [A voice: "That is so."] "That is +so," one of them says; I wonder if he is a Kentuckian? [A voice: "He is +a Douglas man."] Well, then, I want to know what you are going to do with +your half of it? Are you going to split the Ohio down through, and push +your half off a piece? Or are you going to keep it right alongside of us +outrageous fellows? Or are you going to build up a wall some way between +your country and ours, by which that movable property of yours can't come +over here any more, to the danger of your losing it? Do you think you can +better yourselves, on that subject, by leaving us here under no obligation +whatever to return those specimens of your movable property that come +hither? You have divided the Union because we would not do right with you, +as you think, upon that subject; when we cease to be under obligations to +do anything for you, how much better off do you think you will be? Will +you make war upon us and kill us all? Why, gentlemen, I think you are as +gallant and as brave men as live; that you can fight as bravely in a +good cause, man for man, as any other people living; that you have shown +yourselves capable of this upon various occasions: but, man for man, you +are not better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are +of us. You will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were fewer +in numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were equal, it +would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, you will +make nothing by attempting to master us. + +But perhaps I have addressed myself as long, or longer, to the Kentuckians +than I ought to have done, inasmuch as I have said that whatever course +you take we intend in the end to beat you. I propose to address a few +remarks to our friends, by way of discussing with them the best means of +keeping that promise that I have in good faith made. + +It may appear a little episodical for me to mention the topic of which +I will speak now. It is a favorite position of Douglas's that the +interference of the General Government, through the Ordinance of '87, or +through any other act of the General Government never has made or ever can +make a free State; the Ordinance of '87 did not make free States of +Ohio, Indiana, or Illinois; that these States are free upon his "great +principle" of popular sovereignty, because the people of those several +States have chosen to make them so. At Columbus, and probably here, he +undertook to compliment the people that they themselves have made the +State of Ohio free, and that the Ordinance of '87 was not entitled in any +degree to divide the honor with them. I have no doubt that the people +of the State of Ohio did make her free according to their own will and +judgment, but let the facts be remembered. + +In 1802, I believe, it was you who made your first constitution, with +the clause prohibiting slavery, and you did it, I suppose, very nearly +unanimously; but you should bear in mind that you--speaking of you as +one people--that you did so unembarrassed by the actual presence of +the institution amongst you; that you made it a free State not with the +embarrassment upon you of already having among you many slaves, which if +they had been here, and you had sought to make a free State, you would +not know what to do with. If they had been among you, embarrassing +difficulties, most probably, would have induced you to tolerate a slave +constitution instead of a free one, as indeed these very difficulties have +constrained every people on this continent who have adopted slavery. + +Pray what was it that made you free? What kept you free? Did you not +find your country free when you came to decide that Ohio should be a free +State? It is important to inquire by what reason you found it so. Let us +take an illustration between the States of Ohio and Kentucky. Kentucky is +separated by this River Ohio, not a mile wide. A portion of Kentucky, by +reason of the course of the Ohio, is farther north than this portion of +Ohio, in which we now stand. Kentucky is entirely covered with slavery; +Ohio is entirely free from it: What made that difference? Was it climate? +No. A portion of Kentucky was farther north than this portion of Ohio. +Was it soil? No. There is nothing in the soil of the one more favorable +to slave than the other. It was not climate or soil that mused one side of +the line to be entirely covered with slavery, and the other side free of +it. What was it? Study over it. Tell us, if you can, in all the range +of conjecture, if there be anything you can conceive of that made that +difference, other than that there was no law of any sort keeping it out of +Kentucky, while the Ordinance of '87 kept it out of Ohio. If there is any +other reason than this, I confess that it is wholly beyond my power to +conceive of it. This, then, I offer to combat the idea that that Ordinance +has never made any State free. + +I don't stop at this illustration. I come to the State of Indiana; and +what I have said as between Kentucky and Ohio, I repeat as between +Indiana and Kentucky: it is equally applicable. One additional argument +is applicable also to Indiana. In her Territorial condition she more than +once petitioned Congress to abrogate the Ordinance entirely, or at least +so far as to suspend its operation for a time, in order that they should +exercise the "popular sovereignty" of having slaves if they wanted them. +The men then controlling the General Government, imitating the men of the +Revolution, refused Indiana that privilege. And so we have the evidence +that Indiana supposed she could have slaves, if it were not for that +Ordinance; that she besought Congress to put that barrier out of the way; +that Congress refused to do so; and it all ended at last in Indiana being +a free State. Tell me not then that the Ordinance of '87 had nothing to do +with making Indiana a free State, when we find some men chafing against, +and only restrained by, that barrier. + +Come down again to our State of Illinois. The great Northwest Territory, +including Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, was acquired +first, I believe, by the British Government, in part at least, from the +French. Before the establishment of our independence it became a part +of Virginia, enabling Virginia afterward to transfer it to the General +Government. There were French settlements in what is now Illinois, and at +the same time there were French settlements in what is now Missouri, in +the tract of country that was not purchased till about 1803. In these +French settlements negro slavery had existed for many years, perhaps more +than a hundred; if not as much as two hundred years,--at Kaskaskia, in +Illinois, and at St. Genevieve, or Cape Girardeau, perhaps, in Missouri. +The number of slaves was not very great, but there was about the same +number in each place. They were there when we acquired the Territory. +There was no effort made to break up the relation of master and slave, and +even the Ordinance of 1787 was not so enforced as to destroy that slavery +in Illinois; nor did the Ordinance apply to Missouri at all. + +What I want to ask your attention to; at this point, is that Illinois and +Missouri came into the Union about the same time, Illinois in the latter +part of 1818, and Missouri, after a struggle, I believe sometime in 1820. +They had been filling up with American people about the same period of +time; their progress enabling them to come into the Union about the same +time. At the end of that ten years, in which they had been so preparing +(for it was about that period of time), the number of slaves in Illinois +had actually decreased; while in Missouri, beginning with very few, at the +end of that ten years there were about ten thousand. This being so, and it +being remembered that Missouri and Illinois are, to a certain extent, in +the same parallel of latitude, that the northern half of Missouri and the +southern half of Illinois are in the same parallel of latitude, so that +climate would have the same effect upon one as upon the other, and that in +the soil there is no material difference so far as bears upon the question +of slavery being settled upon one or the other,--there being none of those +natural causes to produce a difference in filling them, and yet there +being a broad difference to their filling up, we are led again to inquire +what was the cause of that difference. + +It is most natural to say that in Missouri there was no law to keep that +country from filling up with slaves, while in Illinois there was the +Ordinance of The Ordinance being there, slavery decreased during that ten +years; the Ordinance not being in the other, it increased from a few to +ten thousand. Can anybody doubt the reason of the difference? + +I think all these facts most abundantly prove that my friend Judge +Douglas's proposition, that the Ordinance of '87, or the national +restriction of slavery, never had a tendency to make a free State, is a +fallacy,--a proposition without the shadow or substance of truth about it. + +Douglas sometimes says that all the States (and it is part of this same +proposition I have been discussing) that have become free have become so +upon his "great principle"; that the State of Illinois itself came +into the Union as a slave State, and that the people, upon the "great +principle" of popular sovereignty, have since made it a free State. Allow +me but a little while to state to you what facts there are to justify him +in saying that Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. + +I have mentioned to you that there were a few old French slaves there. +They numbered, I think, one or two hundred. Besides that, there had been +a Territorial law for indenturing black persons. Under that law, in +violation of the Ordinance of '87, but without any enforcement of the +Ordinance to overthrow the system, there had been a small number of +slaves introduced as indentured persons. Owing to this, the clause for +the prohibition of slavery was slightly modified. Instead of running like +yours, that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for crime, +of which the party shall have been duly convicted, should exist in the +State, they said that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should +thereafter be introduced; and that the children of indentured servants +should be born free; and nothing was said about the few old French slaves. +Out of this fact, that the clause for prohibiting slavery was modified +because of the actual presence of it, Douglas asserts again and again that +Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. How far the facts sustain +the conclusion that he draws, it is for intelligent and impartial men +to decide. I leave it with you, with these remarks, worthy of being +remembered, that that little thing, those few indentured servants being +there, was of itself sufficient to modify a constitution made by a people +ardently desiring to have a free constitution; showing the power of the +actual presence of the institution of slavery to prevent any people, +however anxious to make a free State, from making it perfectly so. + +I have been detaining you longer, perhaps, than I ought to do. + +I am in some doubt whether to introduce another topic upon which I could +talk a while. [Cries of "Go on," and "Give us it."] It is this, then: +Douglas's Popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply this: If one man +chooses to make a slave of another man, neither that man nor anybody else +has a right to object. Apply it to government, as he seeks to apply +it, and it is this: If, in a new Territory into which a few people are +beginning to enter for the purpose of making their homes, they choose +to either exclude slavery from their limits, or to establish it there, +however one or the other may affect the persons to be enslaved, or the +infinitely greater number of persons who are afterward to inhabit that +Territory, or the other members of the family of communities of which they +are but an incipient member, or the general head of the family of States +as parent of all, however their action may affect one or the other of +these, there is no power or right to interfere. That is Douglas's popular +sovereignty applied. Now, I think that there is a real popular sovereignty +in the world. I think the definition of popular sovereignty, in the +abstract, would be about this: that each man shall do precisely as he +pleases with himself, and with all those things which exclusively concern +him. Applied in government, this principle would be that a general +government shall do all those things which pertain to it, and all the +local governments shall do precisely as they please in respect to those +matters which exclusively concern them. + +Douglas looks upon slavery as so insignificant that the people must decide +that question for themselves; and yet they are not fit to decide who +shall be their governor, judge, or secretary, or who shall be any of +their officers. These are vast national matters in his estimation; but the +little matter in his estimation is that of planting slavery there. That +is purely of local interest, which nobody should be allowed to say a word +about. + +Labor is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human +comforts and necessities are drawn. There is a difference in opinion about +the elements of labor in society. Some men assume that there is necessary +connection between capital and labor, and that connection draws within +it the whole of the labor of the community. They assume that nobody works +unless capital excites them to work. They begin next to consider what is +the best way. They say there are but two ways: one is to hire men, and to +allure them to labor by their consent; the other is to buy the men, and +drive them, to it, and that is slavery. Having assumed that, they proceed +to discuss the question of whether the laborers themselves are better off +in the condition of slaves or of hired laborers, and they usually decide +that they are better off in the condition of slaves. + +In the first place, I say that the whole thing is a mistake. That there is +a certain relation between capital and labor, I admit. That it does exist, +and rightfully exists, I think is true. That men who are industrious, and +sober, and honest in the pursuit of their own interests should after a +while accumulate capital, and after that should be allowed to enjoy it in +peace, and also, if they should choose, when they have accumulated it, +to use it to save themselves from actual labor, and hire other people +to labor for them, is right. In doing so they do not wrong the man they +employ, for they find men who have not of their own land to work upon, +or shops to work in, and who are benefited by working for others, hired +laborers, receiving their capital for it. Thus a few men, that own +capital, hire a few others, and these establish the relation of capital +and labor rightfully, a relation of which I make no complaint. But I +insist that that relation, after all, does not embrace more than one +eighth of the labor of the country. + +[The speaker proceeded to argue that the hired laborer, with his ability +to become an employer, must have every precedence over him who labors +under the inducement of force. He continued:] + +I have taken upon myself in the name of some of you to say that we expect +upon these principles to ultimately beat them. In order to do so, I think +we want and must have a national policy in regard to the institution of +slavery that acknowledges and deals with that institution as being +wrong. Whoever desires the prevention of the spread of slavery and the +nationalization of that institution yields all when he yields to any +policy that either recognizes slavery as being right or as being an +indifferent thing. Nothing will make you successful but setting up a +policy which shall treat the thing as being wrong: When I say this, I do +not mean to say that this General Government is charged with the duty of +redressing or preventing all the wrongs in the world, but I do think that +it is charged with preventing and redressing all wrongs which are wrongs +to itself. This Government is expressly charged with the duty of providing +for the general welfare. We believe that the spreading out and +perpetuity of the institution of slavery impairs the general welfare. +We believe--nay, we know--that that is the only thing that has ever +threatened the perpetuity of the Union itself. The only thing which has +ever menaced the destruction of the government under which we live is this +very thing. To repress this thing, we think, is, Providing for the general +welfare. Our friends in Kentucky differ from us. We need not make our +argument for them, but we who think it is wrong in all its relations, or +in some of them at least, must decide as to our own actions and our own +course, upon our own judgment. + +I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in the +States where it exists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the +general welfare does not require us to do so. We must not withhold an +efficient Fugitive Slave law, because the Constitution requires us, as +I understand it, not to withhold such a law. But we must prevent the +outspreading of the institution, because neither the Constitution nor +general welfare requires us to extend it. We must prevent the revival of +the African slave trade, and the enacting by Congress of a Territorial +slave code. We must prevent each of these things being done by either +Congresses or courts. The people of these United States are the rightful +masters of both Congresses and courts, not to overthrow the Constitution, +but to overthrow the men who pervert the Constitution. + +To do these things we must employ instrumentalities. We must hold +conventions; we must adopt platforms, if we conform to ordinary custom; +we must nominate candidates; and we must carry elections. In all these +things, I think that we ought to keep in view our real purpose, and in +none do anything that stands adverse to our purpose. If we shall adopt a +platform that fails to recognize or express our purpose, or elect a man +that declares himself inimical to our purpose, we not only take nothing by +our success, but we tacitly admit that we act upon no other principle +than a desire to have "the loaves and fishes," by which, in the end, our +apparent success is really an injury to us. + +I know that this is very desirable with me, as with everybody else, that +all the elements of the opposition shall unite in the next Presidential +election and in all future time. I am anxious that that should be; but +there are things seriously to be considered in relation to that matter. +If the terms can be arranged, I am in favor of the union. But suppose +we shall take up some man, and put him upon one end or the other of the +ticket, who declares himself against us in regard to the prevention of the +spread of slavery, who turns up his nose and says he is tired of hearing +anything more about it, who is more against us than against the enemy, +what will be the issue? Why, he will get no slave States, after all,--he +has tried that already until being beat is the rule for him. If we +nominate him upon that ground, he will not carry a slave State; and +not only so, but that portion of our men who are high-strung upon the +principle we really fight for will not go for him, and he won't get a +single electoral vote anywhere, except, perhaps, in the State of Maryland. +There is no use in saying to us that we are stubborn and obstinate because +we won't do some such thing as this. We cannot do it. We cannot get our +men to vote it. I speak by the card, that we cannot give the State of +Illinois in such case by fifty thousand. We would be flatter down than the +"Negro Democracy" themselves have the heart to wish to see us. + +After saying this much let me say a little on the other side. There are +plenty of men in the slave States that are altogether good enough for me +to be either President or Vice-President, provided they will profess their +sympathy with our purpose, and will place themselves on the ground that +our men, upon principle, can vote for them. There are scores of them, good +men in their character for intelligence and talent and integrity. If such +a one will place himself upon the right ground, I am for his occupying one +place upon the next Republican or opposition ticket. I will heartily +go for him. But unless he does so place himself, I think it a matter of +perfect nonsense to attempt to bring about a union upon any other basis; +that if a union be made, the elements will scatter so that there can be no +success for such a ticket, nor anything like success. The good old maxims +of the Bible axe applicable, and truly applicable, to human affairs, and +in this, as in other things, we may say here that he who is not for us is +against us; he who gathereth not with us, scattereth. I should be glad to +have some of the many good and able and noble men of the South to place +themselves where we can confer upon them the high honor of an election +upon one or the other end of our ticket. It would do my soul good to do +that thing. It would enable us to teach them that, inasmuch as we select +one of their own number to carry out our principles, we are free from the +charge that we mean more than we say. + +But, my friends, I have detained you much longer than I expected to do. +I believe I may do myself the compliment to say that you have stayed +and heard me with great patience, for which I return you my most sincere +thanks. + + + + +ON PROTECTIVE TARIFFS + +TO EDWARD WALLACE. + +CLINTON, October 11, 1859 + +Dr. EDWARD WALLACE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am here just now attending court. Yesterday, before I left +Springfield, your brother, Dr. William S. Wallace, showed me a letter of +yours, in which you kindly mention my name, inquiring for my tariff views, +and suggest the propriety of my writing a letter upon the subject. I was +an old Henry-Clay-Tariff Whig. In old times I made more speeches on that +subject than any other. + +I have not since changed my views. I believe yet, if we could have a +moderate, carefully adjusted protective tariff, so far acquiesced in as +not to be a perpetual subject of political strife, squabbles changes, and +uncertainties, it would be better for us. Still it is my opinion that just +now the revival of that question will not advance the cause itself, or the +man who revives it. + +I have not thought much on the subject recently, but my general impression +is that the necessity for a protective tariff will ere long force its +old opponents to take it up; and then its old friends can join in and +establish it on a more firm and durable basis. We, the Old Whigs, have +been entirely beaten out on the tariff question, and we shall not be able +to re-establish the policy until the absence of it shall have demonstrated +the necessity for it in the minds of men heretofore opposed to it. +With this view, I should prefer to not now write a public letter on the +subject. I therefore wish this to be considered confidential. I shall be +very glad to receive a letter from you. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON MORTGAGES + +TO W. DUNGY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November, 2, 1859. + +WM. DUNGY, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of October 27 is received. When a mortgage is given +to secure two notes, and one of the notes is sold and assigned, if the +mortgaged premises are only sufficient to pay one note, the one assigned +will take it all. Also, an execution from a judgment on the assigned note +may take it all; it being the same thing in substance. There is redemption +on execution sales from the United States Court just as from any other +court. + +You did not mention the name of the plaintiff or defendant in the suit, +and so I can tell nothing about it as to sales, bids, etc. Write again. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS, + +DECEMBER, 1859. + +............. But you Democrats are for the Union; and you greatly fear +the success of the Republicans would destroy the Union. Why? Do the +Republicans declare against the Union? Nothing like it. Your own statement +of it is that if the Black Republicans elect a President, you "won't stand +it." You will break up the Union. If we shall constitutionally elect a +President, it will be our duty to see that you submit. Old John Brown has +been executed for treason against a State. We cannot object, even though +he agreed with us in thinking slavery wrong. That cannot excuse violence, +bloodshed and treason. It could avail him nothing that he might think +himself right. So, if we constitutionally elect a President, and therefore +you undertake to destroy the Union, it will be our duty to deal with you +as old John Brown has been dealt with. We shall try to do our duty. We +hope and believe that in no section will a majority so act as to render +such extreme measures necessary. + + + + +TO G. W. DOLE, G. S. HUBBARD, AND W. H. BROWN. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 14, 1859 + +MESSRS. DOLE, HUBBARD & BROWN. + +GENT.:--Your favor of the 12th is at hand, and it gives me pleasure to +be able to answer it. It is not my intention to take part in any of +the rivalries for the gubernatorial nomination; but the fear of being +misunderstood upon that subject ought not to deter me from doing justice +to Mr. Judd, and preventing a wrong being done to him by the use of nay +name in connection with alleged wrongs to me. + +In answer to your first question, as to whether Mr. Judd was guilty of +any unfairness to me at the time of Senator Trumbull's election, I answer +unhesitatingly in the negative; Mr. Judd owed no political allegiance +to any party whose candidate I was. He was in the Senate, holding over, +having been elected by a Democratic Constituency. He never was in any +caucus of the friends who sought to make me U. S. Senator, never gave me +any promises or pledges to support me, and subsequent events have greatly +tended to prove the wisdom, politically, of Mr. Judd's course. The +election of Judge Trumbull strongly tended to sustain and preserve the +position of that lion of the Democrats who condemned the repeal of the +Missouri Compromise, and left them in a position of joining with us in +forming the Republican party, as was done at the Bloomington convention in +1856. + +During the canvass of 1858 for the senatorship my belief was, and +still is, that I had no more sincere and faithful friend than Mr. +Judd--certainly none whom I trusted more. His position as chairman of the +State Central Committee led to my greater intercourse with him, and to +my giving him a larger share of my confidence, than with or to almost any +other friend; and I have never suspected that that confidence was, to any +degree, misplaced. + +My relations with Mr. Judo since the organization of the Republican +party, in, our State, in 1856, and especially since the adjournment of the +Legislature in Feb., 1857, have been so very intimate that I deem it an +impossibility that he could have been dealing treacherously with me. He +has also, at all times, appeared equally true and faithful to the party. +In his position as chairman of the committee, I believe he did all that +any man could have done. The best of us are liable to commit errors, which +become apparent by subsequent developments; but I do not know of a single +error, even, committed by Mr. Judd, since he and I have acted together +politically. + +I, had occasionally heard these insinuations against Mr. Judd, before the +receipt of your letter; and in no instance have I hesitated to pronounce +them wholly unjust, to the full extent of my knowledge and belief. I have +been, and still am, very anxious to take no part between the many friends, +all good and true, who are mentioned as candidates for a Republican +gubernatorial nomination; but I can not feel that my own honor is quite +clear if I remain silent when I hear any one of them assailed about +matters of which I believe I know more than his assailants. + +I take pleasure in adding that, of all the avowed friends I had in the +canvass of last year, I do not suspect any of having acted treacherously +to me, or to our cause; and that there is not one of them in whose +honesty, honor, and integrity I, today, have greater confidence than I +have in those of Mr. Judd. + +I dislike to appear before the public in this matter; but you are at +liberty to make such use of this letter as you may think justice requires. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 19, 1859. + +MESSRS. G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS, CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, ETC. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your letter of the 7th instant, accompanied by a similar one +from the governor-elect, the Republican State officers, and the Republican +members of the State Board of Equalization of Ohio, both requesting of me, +for publication in permanent form, copies of the political debates between +Senator Douglas and myself last year, has been received. With my grateful +acknowledgments to both you and them for the very flattering terms in +which the request is communicated, I transmit you the copies. The copies I +send you are as reported and printed by the respective friends of Senator +Douglas and myself, at the time--that is, his by his friends, and mine by +mine. It would be an unwarrantable liberty for us to change a word or +a letter in his, and the changes I have made in mine, you perceive, are +verbal only, and very few in number. I wish the reprint to be precisely as +the copies I send, without any comment whatever. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH + +TO J. W. FELL, + +SPRINGFIELD, December 20, 1859. + +J. W. FELL, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is a little sketch, as you requested. There is not +much of it, for the reason, I suppose, that there is not much of me. If +anything be made out of it, I wish it to be modest, and not to go beyond +the material. If it were thought necessary to incorporate anything from +any of my speeches I suppose there would be no objection. Of course it +must not appear to have been written by myself. + +Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN + +------ + +I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. My parents +were both born in Virginia, of undistinguished families--second families, +perhaps I should say. My mother, who died in my tenth year, was of a +family of the name of Hanks, some of whom now reside in Adams, and others +in Macon County, Illinois. My paternal grandfather, Abraham Lincoln, +emigrated from Rockingham County, Virginia, to Kentucky about 1781 or +1782, where a year or two later he was killed by the Indians, not in +battle, but by stealth, when he was laboring to open a farm in the forest. +His ancestors, who were Quakers, went to Virginia from Berks County, +Pennsylvania. An effort to identify them with the New England family +of the same name ended in nothing more definite than a similarity of +Christian names in both families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, Solomon, +Abraham, and the like. + +My father, at the death of his father, was but six years of age, and he +grew up literally without education. He removed from Kentucky to what is +now Spencer County, Indiana, in my eighth year. We reached our new home +about the time that State came into the Union. It was a wild region, with +many bears and other wild animals still in the woods. There I grew up. +There were some schools, so called, but no qualification was ever required +of a teacher beyond "readin', writin', and cipherin"' to the Rule of +Three. If a straggler supposed to understand Latin happened to sojourn +in the neighborhood he was looked upon as a wizard. There was absolutely +nothing to excite ambition for education. Of course, when I came of age I +did not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, and cipher to +the Rule of Three, but that was all. I have not been to school since. The +little advance I now have upon this store of education I have picked up +from time to time under the pressure of necessity. + +I was raised to farm work, which I continued till I was twenty-two. At +twenty-one I came to Illinois, Macon County. Then I got to New Salem, at +that time in Sangamon, now in Menard County, where I remained a year as a +sort of clerk in a store. Then came the Black Hawk war; and I was elected +a captain of volunteers, a success which gave me more pleasure than any I +have had since. I went the campaign, was elected, ran for the Legislature +the same year (1832), and was beaten--the only time I ever have been +beaten by the people. The next and three succeeding biennial elections I +was elected to the Legislature. I was not a candidate afterward. During +this legislative period I had studied law, and removed to Springfield to +practice it. In 1846 I was once elected to the lower House of Congress. +Was not a candidate for re-election. From 1849 to 1854, both inclusive, +practiced law more assiduously than ever before. Always a Whig in +politics; and generally on the Whig electoral tickets, making active +canvasses. I was losing interest in politics when the repeal of the +Missouri Compromise aroused me again. What I have done since then is +pretty well known. + +If any personal description of me is thought desirable, it may be said I +am, in height, six feet four inches, nearly; lean in flesh, weighing on an +average one hundred and eighty pounds; dark complexion, with coarse black +hair and gray eyes. No other marks or brands recollected. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON NOMINATION TO THE NATIONAL TICKET + +To N. B. JUDD. + +SPRINGFIELD, FEBRUARY 9, 1859 + +HON. N. B. JUDD. + +DEAR Sir:--I am not in a position where it would hurt much for me to not +be nominated on the national ticket; but I am where it would hurt some +for me to not get the Illinois delegates. What I expected when I wrote +the letter to Messrs. Dole and others is now happening. Your discomfited +assailants are most bitter against me; and they will, for revenge upon me, +lay to the Bates egg in the South, and to the Seward egg in the North, and +go far toward squeezing me out in the middle with nothing. Can you help +me a little in this matter in your end of the vineyard. I mean this to be +private. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +1860 + + +SPEECH AT THE COOPER INSTITUTE, NEW YORK FEBRUARY 27, 1860 + +MR. PRESIDENT AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW YORK:--The facts with which I +shall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar; nor is there anything +new in the general use I shall make of them. If there shall be any +novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and the +inferences and observations following that presentation. + +In his speech last autumn at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in the New York +Times, Senator Douglas said: + +"Our fathers, when they framed the Government under which we live, +understood this question just as well, and even better than we do now." + +I fully indorse this, and I adopt it as a text for this discourse. I so +adopt it because it furnishes a precise and an agreed starting-point for +a discussion between Republicans and that wing of the Democracy headed by +Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry: What was the understanding +those fathers had of the question mentioned? + +What is the frame of Government under which we live? + +The answer must be--the Constitution of the United States. That +Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787 (and under which +the present Government first went into operation), and twelve subsequently +framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed in 1789. + +Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? I suppose the +"thirty-nine" who signed the original instrument may be fairly called +our fathers who framed that part of the present Government. It is almost +exactly true to say they framed it, and it is altogether true to say they +fairly represented the opinion and sentiment of the whole nation at that +time. + +Their names, being familiar to nearly all, and accessible to quite all, +need not now be repeated. + +I take these "thirty-nine," for the present, as being our "fathers who +framed the Government under which we live." + +What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers +understood "just as well, and even better than we do now"? + +It is this: Does the proper division of local from Federal authority, or +anything in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Government to control as +to slavery in our Federal Territories? + +Upon this Senator Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans the +negative. This affirmation and denial form an issue, and this issue--this +question is precisely what the text declares our fathers understood +"better than we." + +Let us now inquire whether the "thirty-nine," or any of them, acted upon +this question; and if they did, how they acted upon it--how they expressed +that better understanding. + +In 1784, three years before the Constitution--the United States then +owning the Northwestern Territory, and no other--the Congress of the +Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery in +that Territory; and four of the "thirty nine" who afterward framed the +Constitution were in that Congress and voted on that question. Of +these, Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin, and Hugh Williamson voted for the +prohibition, thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing +local from Federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbade the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. The +other of the four--James McHenry voted against the prohibition, showing +that, for some cause, he thought it improper to vote for it. + +In 1787, still before the Constitution, but while the convention was in +session framing it, and while the Northwestern Territory still was +the only Territory owned by the United States, the same question of +prohibiting slavery in the Territory again came before the Congress of the +Confederation; and two more of the "thirty-nine" who afterward signed the +Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on the question. They were +William Blount and William Few; and they both voted for the prohibition +thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from +Federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbade the Federal +Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. This time the +prohibition became a law, being part of what is now well known as the +Ordinance of '87. + +The question of Federal control of slavery in the Territories seems not +to have been directly before the convention which framed the original +Constitution; and hence it is not recorded that the "thirty-nine," or any +of them, while engaged on that instrument, expressed any opinion on that +precise question. + +In 1789, by the first Congress which sat under the Constitution, an act +was passed to enforce the Ordinance of '87, including the prohibition of +slavery in the Northwestern Territory. The bill for this act was reported +by one of the "thirty-nine," Thomas Fitzsimmons, then a member of the +House of Representatives from Pennsylvania. It went through all its stages +without a word of opposition, and finally passed both branches without +yeas and nays, which is equivalent to a unanimous passage. In this +Congress there were sixteen of the thirty-nine fathers who framed the +original Constitution. They were John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman, Wm. S. +Johnnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thos. Fitzsimmons, William Few, +Abraham Baldwin, Rufus King, William Paterson, George Claimer, Richard +Bassett, George Read, Pierce Butler, Daniel Carroll, James Madison. + +This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from +Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, properly forbade +Congress to prohibit slavery in the Federal territory; else both their +fidelity to correct principles and their oath to support the Constitution +would have constrained them to oppose the prohibition. + +Again: George Washington, another of the "thirty nine," was then President +of the United States, and, as such, approved and signed the bill; +thus completing its validity as a law, and thus showing that, in his +understanding, no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything +in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to +slavery in Federal territory. + +No great while after the adoption of the original Constitution, North +Carolina ceded to the Federal Government the country now constituting the +State of Tennessee; and, a few years later, Georgia ceded that which +now constitutes the States of Mississippi and Alabama. In both deeds of +cession it was made a condition by the ceding States that the Federal +Government should not prohibit slavery in the ceded country. Besides this, +slavery was then actually in the ceded country. Under these circumstances, +Congress, on taking charge of these countries, did not absolutely prohibit +slavery within them. But they did interfere with it--take control of +it--even there, to a certain extent. In 1798, Congress organized the +Territory of Mississippi: In the act of organization they prohibited the +bringing of slaves into the Territory from any place without the United +States, by fine and giving freedom to slaves so brought. This act passed +both branches of Congress without yeas and nays. In that Congress were +three of the "thirty-nine" who framed the original Constitution. They were +John Langdon, George Read, and Abraham Baldwin. They all, probably, voted +for it. Certainly they would have placed their opposition to it upon +record, if, in their understanding, any line dividing local from Federal +authority, or anything in the Constitution, properly forbade the Federal +Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. + +In 1803, the Federal Government purchased the Louisiana country. Our +former territorial acquisitions came from certain of our own States; +but this Louisiana country was acquired from a foreign nation. In 1804, +Congress gave a territorial organization to that part of it which now +constitutes the State of Lousiana. New Orleans, lying within that part, +was an old and comparatively large city. There were other considerable +towns and settlements, and slavery was extensively and thoroughly +intermingled with the people. Congress did not, in the Territorial Act, +prohibit slavery; but they did interfere with it take control of it--in +a more marked and extensive way than they did in the case of Mississippi. +The substance of the provision therein made in relation to slaves was: + +First. That no slave should be imported into the Territory from foreign +parts. + +Second. That no slave should be carried into it who had been imported into +the United States since the first day of May, 1798. + +Third. That no slave should be carried into it except by the owner, and +for his own use as a settler; the penalty in all the cases being a fine +upon the violator of the law, and freedom to the slave. + +This act also was passed without yeas and nays. In the Congress which +passed it there were two of the "thirty-nine." They were Abraham Baldwin +and Jonathan Dayton. As stated in the case of Mississippi, it is probable +they both voted for it. They would not have allowed it to pass without +recording their opposition to it, if, in their understanding, it violated +either the line properly dividing local from Federal authority, or any +provision of the Constitution. + +In 1819-20 came and passed the Missouri question. Many votes were taken, +by yeas and nays, in both branches of Congress, upon the various phases +of the general question. Two of the "thirty-nine"--Rufus King and Charles +Pinckney were members of that Congress. Mr. King steadily voted for +slavery prohibition and against all compromises, while Mr. Pinckney as +steadily voted against slavery prohibition, and against all compromises. +By this, Mr. King showed that, in his understanding, no line dividing +local from Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, was +violated by Congress prohibiting slavery in Federal territory; while Mr. +Pinckney, by his vote, showed that in his understanding there was some +sufficient reason for opposing such prohibition in that case. + +The cases I have mentioned are the only acts of the "thirty-nine," or of +any of them, upon the direct issue, which I have been able to discover. + +To enumerate the persons who thus acted, as being four in 1784, two +in 1787, seventeen in 1789, three in 1798, two in 1804, and two in +1819-20--there would be thirty of them. But this would be counting, John +Langdon, Roger Sherman, William Few, Rufus King, and George Read, each +twice, and Abraham Baldwin three times. The true number of those of the +"thirty-nine" whom I have shown to have acted upon the question which, by +the text, they understood better than we, is twenty-three, leaving sixteen +not shown to have acted upon it in any way. + +Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our thirty-nine fathers "who +framed the Government under which we live," who have, upon their official +responsibility and their corporal oaths, acted upon the very question +which the text affirms they "understood just as well, and even better +than we do now"; and twenty-one of them--a clear majority of the whole +"thirty-nine"--so acting upon it as to make them guilty of gross political +impropriety and wilful perjury, if, in their understanding, any proper +division between local and Federal authority, or anything in the +Constitution they had made themselves, and sworn to support, forbade the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. +Thus the twenty-one acted; and, as actions speak louder than words, so +actions under such responsibilities speak still louder. + +Two of the twenty-three voted against Congressional prohibition of slavery +in the Federal Territories, in the instances in which they acted upon the +question. But for what reasons they so voted is not known. They may have +done so because they thought a proper division of local from Federal +authority, or some provision or principle of the Constitution, stood in +the way; or they may, without any such question, have voted against +the prohibition on what appeared to them to be sufficient grounds +of expediency. No one who has sworn to support the Constitution can +conscientiously vote for what he understands to be an unconstitutional +measure, however expedient he may think it; but one may and ought to vote +against a measure which he deems constitutional, if, at the same time, he +deems it inexpedient. It therefore would be unsafe to set down even the +two who voted against the prohibition as having done so because, in their +understanding, any proper division of local from Federal authority, or +anything in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as +to slavery in Federal territory. + +The remaining sixteen of the "thirty-nine," so far as I have discovered, +have left no record of their understanding upon the direct question of +Federal control on slavery in the Federal Territories. But there is much +reason to believe that their understanding upon that question would not +have appeared different from that of their twenty-three compeers, had it +been manifested at all. + +For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have purposely omitted +whatever understanding may have been manifested by any person, however +distinguished, other than the thirty-nine fathers who framed the original +Constitution; and, for the same reason, I have also omitted whatever +understanding may have been manifested by any of the "thirty tine" even on +any other phase of the general question of slavery. If we should look into +their acts and declarations on those other phases, as the foreign slave +trade, and the morality and policy of slavery generally, it would appear +to us that on the direct question of Federal control of slavery in Federal +Territories, the sixteen, if they had acted at all, would probably have +acted just as the twenty-three did. Among that sixteen were several of +the most noted anti-slavery men of those times--as Dr. Franklin, Alexander +Hamilton, and Gouverneur Morris while there was not one now known to have +been otherwise, unless it may be John Rutledge, of South Carolina. + +The sum of the whole is, that of our thirty-nine fathers who framed +the original Constitution, twenty-one--a clear majority of the +whole--certainly understood that no proper division of local from +Federal authority, nor any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal +Government to control slavery in the Federal Territories; whilst all the +rest probably had the same understanding. Such, unquestionably, was the +understanding of our fathers who framed the original Constitution; and the +text affirms that they understood the question "better than we." + +But, so far, I have been considering the understanding of the question +manifested by the framers of the original Constitution. In and by the +original instrument, a mode was provided for amending it; and, as I have +already stated, the present frame of "the Government under which we live" +consists of that original, and twelve amendatory articles framed and +adopted since. Those who now insist that Federal control of slavery in +Federal Territories violates the Constitution, point us to the provisions +which they suppose it thus violates; and, as I understand, they all fix +upon provisions in these amendatory articles, and not in the original +instrument. The Supreme Court, in the Dred Scott case, plant themselves +upon the fifth amendment, which provides that no person shall be deprived +of "life, liberty, or property without due process of law"; while Senator +Douglas and his peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth +amendment, providing that "the powers not delegated to the United States +by the Constitution" "are reserved to the States respectively, or to the +people." + +Now, it so happens that these amendments were framed by the first Congress +which sat under the Constitution--the identical Congress which passed +the act already mentioned, enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the +Northwestern Territory. Not only was it the same Congress, but they were +the identical same individual men who, at the same session, and at the +same time within the session, had under consideration, and in progress +toward maturity, these Constitutional amendments, and this act prohibiting +slavery in all the territory the nation then owned. The Constitutional +amendments were introduced before and passed after the act enforcing the +Ordinance of '87; so that, during the whole pendency of the act to enforce +the Ordinance, the Constitutional amendments were also pending. + +The seventy-six members of that Congress, including sixteen of the framers +of the original Constitution, as before stated, were pre-eminently our +fathers who framed that part of "the Government under which we live," +which is now claimed as forbidding the Federal Government to control +slavery in the Federal Territories. + +Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day to affirm that +the two things which that Congress deliberately framed, and carried to +maturity at the same time, are absolutely inconsistent with each other? +And does not such affirmation become impudently absurd when coupled with +the other affirmation from the same mouth, that those who did the two +things alleged to be inconsistent understood whether they really were +inconsistent better than we--better than he who affirms that they are +inconsistent? + +It is surely safe to assume that the thirty-nine framers of the original +Constitution, and the seventy-six members of the Congress which framed the +amendments thereto, taken together, do certainly include those who may be +fairly called "our fathers who framed the Government under which we live." +And, so assuming, I defy any man to show that any one of them ever, in his +whole life, declared that, in his understanding, any proper division of +local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. I +go a step further. I defy any one to show that any living man in the +world ever did, prior to the beginning of the present century (and I +might almost say prior to the beginning of the last half of the present +century), declare that, in his understanding, any proper division of +local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. +To those who now so declare, I give not only "our fathers who framed the +Government under which we live," but with them all other living men within +the century in which it was framed, among whom to search, and they shall +not be able to find the evidence of a single man agreeing with them. + +Now and here let me guard a little against being misunderstood. I do not +mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our fathers +did. To do so would be to discard all the lights of current experience to +reject all progress, all improvement. What I do say is that, if we would +supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in any case, we should +do so upon evidence so conclusive, and argument so clear, that even their +great authority, fairly considered and weighed, cannot stand; and most +surely not in a case whereof we ourselves declare they understood the +question better than we. + +If any man at this day sincerely believes that proper division of local +from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbids the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories, he +is right to say so, and to enforce his position by all truthful evidence +and fair argument which he can. But he has no right to mislead others who +have less access to history, and less leisure to study it, into the false +belief that "our fathers who framed the Government under which we live" +were of the same opinion thus substituting falsehood and deception for +truthful evidence and fair argument. If any man at this day sincerely +believes "our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live," +used and applied principles, in other cases, which ought to have led them +to understand that a proper division of local from Federal authority, or +some part of the Constitution, forbids the Federal Government to control +as to slavery in the Federal Territories, he is right to say so. But he +should, at the same time, brave the responsibility of declaring that, +in his opinion, he understands their principles better than they did +themselves; and especially should he not shirk that responsibility by +asserting that they "understood the question just as well, and even better +than we do now." + +But enough! Let all who believe that "our fathers, who framed the +Government under which we live, understood this question just as well, and +even better than we do now," speak as they spoke, and act as they acted +upon it. This is all Republicans ask--all Republicans desire--in relation +to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let it be again marked, as an +evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected only because +of, and so far as, its actual presence among us makes that toleration and +protection a necessity. Let all the guaranties those fathers gave it be +not grudgingly, but fully and fairly maintained. For this Republicans +contend, and with this, so far as I know or believe, they will be content. + +And now, if they would listen--as I suppose they will not--I would address +a few words to the Southern people. + +I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just +people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and justice +you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you speak of us +Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, or, at the +best, as no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing to pirates +or murderers, but nothing like it to "Black Republicans." In all +your contentions with one another, each of you deems an unconditional +condemnation of "Black Republicanism" as the first thing to be attended +to. Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable +prerequisite license, so to speak among you, to be admitted or permitted +to speak at all: Now; can you, or not, be prevailed upon to pause, and to +consider whether this is quite just to us, or even to yourselves? Bring +forward your charges and specifications, and then be patient long enough +to hear us deny or justify. + +You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the burden +of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? Why, that +our party has no existence in your section--gets no votes in your section. +The fact is substantially true; but does it prove the issue? If it does, +then in case we should, without change of principle, begin to get votes in +your section, we should thereby cease to be sectional. You cannot escape +this conclusion; and yet, are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you +will probably soon find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall +get votes in your section this very year. You will then begin to discover, +as the truth plainly is, that your proof, does not touch the issue. The +fact that we get no votes in your section is a fact of your making, and +not of ours. And if there be fault in that fact, that fault is primarily +yours, and remains so until you show that we repel you by, some wrong +principle or practice. If we do repel you by any wrong principle or +practice, the fault is ours; but this brings you to where you ought to +have started to a discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If +our principle, put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit +of ours, or for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are +sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, then, on +the question of whether our principle, put in practice, would wrong your +section; and so meet us as if it were possible that something may be said +on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No! Then you really believe that +the principle which "our fathers who framed the Government under which we +live" thought so clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse it again and +again, upon their official oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand +your condemnation without a moment's consideration. + +Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against sectional +parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less than eight years +before Washington gave that warning, he had, as President of the United +States, approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the prohibition +of slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied the policy of +the Government upon that subject up to, and at, the very moment he penned +that warning; and about one year after he penned it, he wrote La Fayette +that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, expressing in the same +connection his hope that we should at some time have a confederacy of free +States. + +Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon +this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or +in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast +the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon +you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we +commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right +application of it. + +But you say you are conservative--eminently conservative--while we +are revolutionary, destructive, or something, of the sort. What is +conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against a new and +untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the point +in controversy which was adopted by "our fathers who framed the Government +under which we live"; while you with one accord reject, and scout, and +spit upon that old policy and insist upon substituting something new. +True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be. +You are divided on new propositions and plans, but you are unanimous in +rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some of you are +for reviving the foreign slave trade; some for a Congressional slave +code for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the Territories to +prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining slavery in the +Territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reat pur-rinciple" +that "if one man would enslave another, no third man should object," +fantastically called "popular sovereignty"; but never a man among you in +favor of Federal prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, according +to the practice of "our fathers who framed the Government under which +we live." Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an +advocate in the century within which our Government originated. Consider, +then, whether your claim of conservatism for yourselves, and your charge +of destructiveness against us, are based on the most clear and stable +foundations. + +Again: You say we have made the slavery question more prominent than it +formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, but we deny +that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who discarded the old policy +of the fathers. We resisted and still resist your innovation; and thence +comes the greater prominence of the question. Would you have that question +reduced to its former proportions? Go back to that old policy. What has +been will be again, under the same conditions. If you would have the peace +of the old times, readopt the precepts and policy of the old times. + +You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We deny it; +and what is your proof'? Harper's Ferry! John Brown!! John Brown was no +Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single Republican in his +Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our party is guilty in that +matter you know it or you do not know it. If you do know it, you are +inexcusable for not designating the man and proving the fact. If you do +not know it, you are inexcusable for asserting it, and especially for +persisting in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the +proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does not +know to be true is simply malicious slander. + +Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged +the Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that our doctrines and +declarations necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. We +know we hold to no doctrine, and make no declaration, which were not held +to and made by our fathers who framed the Government under which we live. +You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this affair. When it occurred, +some important State elections were near at hand, and you were in evident +glee with the belief that, by charging the blame upon us, you could get +an advantage of us in those elections. The elections came, and your +expectations were not quite fulfilled. Every Republican man knew that, +as to himself at least, your charge was a slander, and he was not much +inclined by it to cast his vote in your favor. Republican doctrines +and declarations are accompanied with a continued protest against any +interference whatever with your slaves, or with you about your slaves. +Surely, this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, in common +with "our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live," declare +our belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not hear us declare +even this. For any thing we say or do, the slaves would scarcely know +there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, in fact, generally +know it but for your misrepresentations of us in their hearing. In your +political contests among yourselves, each faction charges the other with +sympathy with Black Republicanism; and then, to give point to the charge, +defines Black Republicanism to simply be insurrection, blood, and thunder +among the slaves. + +Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the +Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton insurrection, +twenty-eight years ago, in which, at least, three times as many lives +were lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely stretch your very +elastic fancy to the conclusion that Southampton was "got up by Black +Republicanism." In the present state of things in the United States, I +do not think a general or even a very extensive slave insurrection is +possible. The indispensable concert of action cannot be attained. The +slaves have no means of rapid communication; nor can incendiary freemen, +black or white, supply it. The explosive materials are everywhere in +parcels; but there neither are, nor can be supplied the indispensable +connecting trains. + +Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for their +masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true. A plot for an +uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to twenty individuals +before some one of them, to save the life of a favorite master or +mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and the slave revolution +in Hayti was not an exception to it, but a case occurring under peculiar +circumstances. The gunpowder plot of British history, though not connected +with slaves, was more in point. In that case, only about twenty were +admitted to the secret; and yet one of them, in his anxiety to save a +friend, betrayed the plot to that friend, and, by consequence, averted +the calamity. Occasional poisonings from the kitchen, and open or stealthy +assassinations in the field, and local revolts, extending to a score +or so, will continue to occur as the natural results of slavery; but no +general insurrection of slaves, as I think, can happen in this country for +a long time. Whoever much fears or much hopes for such an event will be +alike disappointed. + +In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, "It is still in +our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation peaceably, +and in such slow degrees as that the evil will wear off insensibly, and +their places be, pari passu, filled up by free white laborers. If, on the +contrary, it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at the +prospect held up." + +Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of +emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia; and, as +to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slave holding States +only. The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the power of +restraining the extension of the institution--the power to insure that +a slave insurrection shall never occur on any American soil which is now +free from slavery. + +John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It +was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in which the +slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd that the slaves, +with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not succeed. That +affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the many attempts related in +history at the assassination of kings and emperors. An enthusiast broods +over the oppression of a people till he fancies himself commissioned by +Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the attempt, which ends in little +else than his own execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon and John +Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry were, in their philosophy, precisely the +same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one case, and +on New England in the other, does not disprove the sameness of the two +things. + +And how much would it avail you, if you could, by the use of John Brown, +Helper's Book, and the like, break up the Republican organization? Human +action can be modified to some extent, but human nature cannot be changed. +There is a judgment and a feeling against slavery in this nation, which +cast at least a million and a half of votes. You cannot destroy that +judgment and feeling--that sentiment--by breaking up the political +organization which rallies around it. You can scarcely scatter and +disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of your +heaviest fire; but if you could, how much would you gain by forcing the +sentiment which created it out of the peaceful channel of the ballot-box, +into some other channel? What would that other channel probably be? Would +the number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by the operation? + +But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of your +constitutional rights. + +That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated, if not +fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to +deprive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. But we +are proposing no such thing. + +When you make these declarations, you have a specific and well-understood +allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to take slaves into +the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. But no such +right is specifically written in the Constitution. That instrument is +literally silent about any such right. We, on the contrary, deny that such +a right has any existence in the Constitution, even by implication. + +Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is that you will destroy the +Government unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the Constitution +as you please on all points in dispute between you and us. You will rule +or ruin, in all events. + +This, plainly stated, is your language. Perhaps you will say the Supreme +Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in your favor. +Not quite so. But, waiving the lawyer's distinction between dictum and +decision, the court have decided the question for you in a sort of way. +The court have substantially said it is your constitutional right to take +slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. +When I say, the decision was made in a sort of way, I mean it was made +in a divided court, by a bare majority of the judges, and they not quite +agreeing with one another in the reasons for making it; that it is so made +as that its avowed supporters disagree with one another about its meaning, +and that it was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of fact--the +statement in the opinion that "the right of property in a slave is +distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution." + +An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property in +a slave is not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it. Bear in mind, +the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that such right is +impliedly affirmed in the Constitution; but they pledge their veracity +that it is "distinctly and expressly" affirmed there--"distinctly," that +is, not mingled with anything else; "expressly," that is, in words meaning +just that, without the aid of any inference, and susceptible of no other +meaning. + +If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right is +affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others to +show that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in +the Constitution, nor the word "property" even, in any connection with +language alluding to the things slave or slavery; and that wherever in +that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a "person"; and +wherever his master's legal right in relation to him is alluded to, it +is spoken of as "service or labor which may be due," as a debt payable +in service or labor. Also, it would be open to show, by contemporaneous +history, that this mode of alluding to slaves and slavery, instead of +speaking of them, was employed on purpose to exclude from the Constitution +the idea that there could be property in man. + +To show all this, is easy and certain. + +When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their notice, +is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the mistaken +statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it? + +And then it is to be remembered that "our fathers; who framed +the Government under which we live",--the men who made the +Constitution--decided this same constitutional question in our favor, +long ago; decided it without division among themselves, when making the +decision, without division among themselves about the meaning of it after +it was made, and, so far as any evidence is left, without basing it upon +any mistaken statement of facts. + +Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves justified to +break up this Government unless such a court decision as yours is shall be +at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule of political action? +But you will not abide the election of a Republican President! In that +supposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union; and then, you say, +the great crime of having destroyed it will be upon us! That is cool. A +highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters through his teeth, "stand +and deliver, or I shall kill you, and then you'll be a murderer!" + +To be sure, what the robber demanded of me-my money was my own, and I had +a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my vote is my +own; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the threat of +destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely be distinguished +in principle. + +A few words now to Republicans: It is exceedingly desirable that all +parts of this great confederacy shall be at peace and in harmony one with +another. Let us Republicans do our part to have it so. Even though much +provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill temper. Even though +the Southern people will not so much as listen to us, let us calmly +consider their demands, and yield to them if, in our deliberate view of +our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all they say and do, and by the +subject and nature of their controversy with us, let us determine, if we +can, what will satisfy them. + +Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered +to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaints against +us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insurrections +are the rage now. Will it satisfy them if, in the future, we have nothing +to do with invasions and, insurrections? We know it will not. We so +know because we know we never had anything to do with invasions and +insurrections; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the +charge and the denunciation. + +The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: We must not only +let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do let them +alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so +trying to convince them from the very beginning of our organization, but +with no success. In all our platforms and speeches we have constantly +protested our purpose to let them alone; but this has had no tendency to +convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they +have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them. + +These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will +convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and join +them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly--done in +acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated--we must place +ourselves avowedly with them. Senator Douglas's new sedition law must be +enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong, +whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits; or in private. We must +arrest and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must +pull down our free State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be +disinfected from all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will +cease to believe that all their troubles proceed from us. + +I am quite aware they do not state their case precisely in this way. Most +of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to us, and +say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone have never +disturbed them--so that after all it is what we say which dissatisfies +them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we cease saying. + +I am also aware they have not as yet, in terms, demanded the overthrow of +our free State constitutions. Yet those constitutions declare the wrong of +slavery, with more solemn emphasis than do all other sayings against it; +and when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, the overthrow +of these constitutions will be demanded, and nothing be left to resist the +demand. It is nothing to the contrary, that they do not demand the whole +of this just now. Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, they +can voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. Holding, as they +do, that slavery is morally right, and socially elevating, they cannot +cease to demand a full national recognition of it, as a legal right and a +social blessing. + +Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction +that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and +constitutions against it are themselves wrong, and should be silenced and +swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its nationality +its universality; if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its +extension--its enlargement. All they ask we could readily grant if we +thought slavery right; all we ask they could as readily grant, if they +thought it wrong. Their thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the +precise fact upon which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right, +as they do, they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition, as +being right; but thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? Can we +cast our votes with their view, and against our own? In view of our moral, +social, and political responsibilities, can we do this? Wrong as we think +slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that +much is due to the necessity arising from its actual presence in the +nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread +into the national Territories, and to overrun us here in these free +States? If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our +duty, fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those +sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and +belabored-contrivances such as groping for some middle ground between the +right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who should be neither a +living man nor a dead man-such as a policy of "don't care" on a question +about which all true men do care--such as Union appeals beseeching +true Union men to yield to Disunionists, reversing the divine rule, +and calling, not the sinners, but the righteous to repentance--such as +invocations to Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington said, +and undo what Washington did. + +Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against us, +nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government nor of +dungeons to ourselves. LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT MAKES MIGHT, AND IN +THAT FAITH LET US, TO THE END, DARE TO DO OUR DUTY AS WE UNDERSTAND IT. + + + + +SPEECH AT NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, MARCH 6, 1860 + +MR. PRESIDENT, AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW HAVEN:--If the Republican +party of this nation shall ever have the national House entrusted to its +keeping, it will be the duty of that party to attend to all the affairs +of national housekeeping. Whatever matters of importance may come up, +whatever difficulties may arise in its way of administration of the +Government, that party will then have to attend to. It will then be +compelled to attend to other questions, besides this question which now +assumes an overwhelming importance--the question of slavery. It is true +that in the organization of the Republican party this question of slavery +was more important than any other: indeed, so much more important has +it become that no more national question can even get a hearing just at +present. The old question of tariff--a matter that will remain one of the +chief affairs of national house-keeping to all time; the question of the +management of financial affairs; the question of the disposition of the +public domain how shall it be managed for the purpose of getting it well +settled, and of making there the homes of a free and happy people? these +will remain open and require attention for a great while yet, and these +questions will have to be attended to by whatever party has the control of +the Government. Yet, just now, they cannot even obtain a hearing, and I do +not propose to detain you upon these topics or what sort of hearing they +should have when opportunity shall come. + +For, whether we will or not, the question of slavery is the question, the +all-absorbing topic of the day. It is true that all of us--and by that I +mean, not the Republican party alone, but the whole American people, here +and elsewhere--all of us wish this question settled, wish it out of the +way. It stands in the way, and prevents the adjustment, and the giving +of necessary attention to other questions of national house-keeping. The +people of the whole nation agree that this question ought to be settled, +and yet it is not settled. And the reason is that they are not yet agreed +how it shall be settled. All wish it done, but some wish one way and +some another, and some a third, or fourth, or fifth; different bodies +are pulling in different directions, and none of them, having a decided +majority, are able to accomplish the common object. + +In the beginning of the year 1854, a new policy was inaugurated with the +avowed object and confident promise that it would entirely and forever +put an end to the slavery agitation. It was again and again declared that +under this policy, when once successfully established, the country would +be forever rid of this whole question. Yet under the operation of that +policy this agitation has not only not ceased, but it has been constantly +augmented. And this too, although, from the day of its introduction, its +friends, who promised that it would wholly end all agitation, constantly +insisted, down to the time that the Lecompton Bill was introduced, that it +was working admirably, and that its inevitable tendency was to remove the +question forever from the politics of the country. Can you call to mind +any Democratic speech, made after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, +down to the time of the Lecompton Bill, in which it was not predicted that +the slavery agitation was just at an end, that "the abolition excitement +was played out," "the Kansas question was dead," "they have made the most +they can out of this question and it is now forever settled"? But since +the Lecompton Bill no Democrat, within my experience, has ever pretended +that he could see the end. That cry has been dropped. They themselves do +not pretend, now, that the agitation of this subject has come to an end +yet. + +The truth is that this question is one of national importance, and we +cannot help dealing with it; we must do something about it, whether +we will or not. We cannot avoid it; the subject is one we cannot avoid +considering; we can no more avoid it than a man can live without eating. +It is upon us; it attaches to the body politic as much and closely as the +natural wants attach to our natural bodies. Now I think it important that +this matter should be taken up in earnest, and really settled: And one way +to bring about a true settlement of the question is to understand its true +magnitude. + +There have been many efforts made to settle it. Again and again it has +been fondly hoped that it was settled; but every time it breaks out +afresh, and more violently than ever. It was settled, our fathers +hoped, by the Missouri Compromise, but it did not stay settled. Then the +compromises of 1850 were declared to be a full and final settlement of +the question. The two great parties, each in national convention, adopted +resolutions declaring that the settlement made by the Compromise of 1850 +was a finality that it would last forever. Yet how long before it was +unsettled again? It broke out again in 1854, and blazed higher and raged +more furiously than ever before, and the agitation has not rested since. + +These repeated settlements must have some faults about them. There must +be some inadequacy in their very nature to the purpose to which they were +designed. We can only speculate as to where that fault, that inadequacy, +is, but we may perhaps profit by past experiences. + +I think that one of the causes of these repeated failures is that our best +and greatest men have greatly underestimated the size of this question. +They have constantly brought forward small cures for great sores--plasters +too small to cover the wound. That is one reason that all settlements have +proved temporary--so evanescent. + +Look at the magnitude of this subject: One sixth of our population, in +round numbers--not quite one sixth, and yet more than a seventh,--about +one sixth of the whole population of the United States are slaves. The +owners of these slaves consider them property. The effect upon the minds +of the owners is that of property, and nothing else it induces them to +insist upon all that will favorably affect its value as property, to +demand laws and institutions and a public policy that shall increase and +secure its value, and make it durable, lasting, and universal. The effect +on the minds of the owners is to persuade them that there is no wrong +in it. The slaveholder does not like to be considered a mean fellow for +holding that species of property, and hence, he has to struggle within +himself and sets about arguing himself into the belief that slavery is +right. The property influences his mind. The dissenting minister who +argued some theological point with one of the established church was +always met with the reply, "I can't see it so." He opened a Bible and +pointed him a passage, but the orthodox minister replied, "I can't see +it so." Then he showed him a single word--"Can you see that?" "Yes, I see +it," was the reply. The dissenter laid a guinea over the word and asked, +"Do you see it now?" So here. Whether the owners of this species of +property do really see it as it is, it is not for me to say, but if they +do, they see it as it is through two thousand millions of dollars, and +that is a pretty thick coating. Certain it is that they do not see it +as we see it. Certain it is that this two thousand millions of dollars, +invested in this species of property, all so concentrated that the mind +can grasp it at once--this immense pecuniary interest--has its influence +upon their minds. + +But here in Connecticut and at the North slavery does not exist, and we +see it through no such medium. + +To us it appears natural to think that slaves are human beings; men, +not property; that some of the things, at least, stated about men in +the Declaration of Independence apply to them as well as to us. I say we +think, most of us, that this charter of freedom applies to the slaves as +well as to ourselves; that the class of arguments put forward to batter +down that idea are also calculated to break down the very idea of a free +government, even for white men, and to undermine the very foundations of +free society. We think slavery a great moral wrong, and, while we do not +claim the right to touch it where it exists, we wish to treat it as a +wrong in the Territories, where our votes will reach it. We think that +a respect for ourselves, a regard for future generations and for the God +that made us, require that we put down this wrong where our votes will +properly reach it. We think that species of labor an injury to free white +men--in short, we think slavery a great moral, social, and political +evil, tolerable only because, and so far as, its actual existence makes it +necessary to tolerate it, and that beyond that it ought to be treated as a +wrong. + +Now these two ideas, the property idea that slavery is right, and the +idea that it is wrong, come into collision, and do actually produce that +irrepressible conflict which Mr. Seward has been so roundly abused for +mentioning. The two ideas conflict, and must conflict. + +Again, in its political aspect, does anything in any way endanger the +perpetuity of this Union but that single thing, slavery? Many of our +adversaries are anxious to claim that they are specially devoted to the +Union, and take pains to charge upon us hostility to the Union. Now we +claim that we are the only true Union men, and we put to them this one +proposition: Whatever endangers this Union, save and except slavery? Did +any other thing ever cause a moment's fear? All men must agree that this +thing alone has ever endangered the perpetuity of the Union. But if it +was threatened by any other influence, would not all men say that the +best thing that could be done, if we could not or ought not to destroy it, +would be at least to keep it from growing any larger? Can any man believe, +that the way to save the Union is to extend and increase the only thing +that threatens the Union, and to suffer it to grow bigger and bigger? + +Whenever this question shall be settled, it must be settled on some +philosophical basis. No policy that does not rest upon some philosophical +opinion can be permanently maintained. And hence there are but two +policies in regard to slavery that can be at all maintained. The first, +based on the property view that slavery is right, conforms to that idea +throughout, and demands that we shall do everything for it that we ought +to do if it were right. We must sweep away all opposition, for opposition +to the right is wrong; we must agree that slavery is right, and we must +adopt the idea that property has persuaded the owner to believe +that slavery is morally right and socially elevating. This gives a +philosophical basis for a permanent policy of encouragement. + +The other policy is one that squares with the idea that slavery is wrong, +and it consists in doing everything that we ought to do if it is wrong. +Now, I don't wish to be misunderstood, nor to leave a gap down to be +misrepresented, even. I don't mean that we ought to attack it where it +exists. To me it seems that if we were to form a government anew, in view +of the actual presence of slavery we should find it necessary to frame +just such a government as our fathers did--giving to the slaveholder the +entire control where the system was established, while we possessed the +power to restrain it from going outside those limits. From the necessities +of the case we should be compelled to form just such a government as our +blessed fathers gave us; and, surely, if they have so made it, that adds +another reason why we should let slavery alone where it exists. + +If I saw a venomous snake crawling in the road, any man would say I might +seize the nearest stick and kill it; but if I found that snake in bed with +my children, that would be another question. I might hurt the children +more than the snake, and it might bite them. Much more if I found it +in bed with my neighbor's children, and I had bound myself by a solemn +compact not to meddle with his children under any circumstances, it would +become me to let that particular mode of getting rid of the gentleman +alone. But if there was a bed newly made up, to which the children were to +be taken, and it was proposed to take a batch of young snakes and put them +there with them, I take it no man would say there was any question how I +ought to decide! + +That is just the case. The new Territories are the newly made bed to which +our children are to go, and it lies with the nation to say whether they +shall have snakes mixed up with them or not. It does not seem as if there +could be much hesitation what our policy should be! + +Now I have spoken of a policy based on the idea that slavery is wrong, and +a policy based on the idea that it is right. But an effort has been made +for a policy that shall treat it as neither right nor wrong. It is based +upon utter indifference. Its leading advocate [Douglas] has said, "I don't +care whether it be voted up or down." "It is merely a matter of dollars +and cents." "The Almighty has drawn a line across this continent, on one +side of which all soil must forever be cultivated by slave labor, and on +the other by free." "When the struggle is between the white man and +the negro, I am for the white man; when it is between the negro and the +crocodile, I am for the negro." Its central idea is indifference. It holds +that it makes no more difference to us whether the Territories become +free or slave States than whether my neighbor stocks his farm with horned +cattle or puts in tobacco. All recognize this policy, the plausible +sugar-coated name of which is "popular sovereignty." + +This policy chiefly stands in the way of a permanent settlement of the +question. I believe there is no danger of its becoming the permanent +policy of the country, for it is based on a public indifference. There is +nobody that "don't care." All the people do care one way or the other! I +do not charge that its author, when he says he "don't care," states his +individual opinion; he only expresses his policy for the government. I +understand that he has never said as an individual whether he thought +slavery right or wrong--and he is the only man in the nation that has not! +Now such a policy may have a temporary run; it may spring up as necessary +to the political prospects of some gentleman; but it is utterly baseless: +the people are not indifferent, and it can therefore have no durability or +permanence. + +But suppose it could: Then it could be maintained only by a public opinion +that shall say, "We don't care." There must be a change in public opinion; +the public mind must be so far debauched as to square with this policy +of caring not at all. The people must come to consider this as "merely +a question of dollars and cents," and to believe that in some places the +Almighty has made slavery necessarily eternal. This policy can be brought +to prevail if the people can be brought round to say honestly, "We don't +care"; if not, it can never be maintained. It is for you to say whether +that can be done. + +You are ready to say it cannot, but be not too fast! Remember what a long +stride has been taken since the repeal of the Missouri Compromise! Do you +know of any Democrat, of either branch of the party--do you know one who +declares that he believes that the Declaration of Independence has any +application to the negro? Judge Taney declares that it has not, and Judge +Douglas even vilifies me personally and scolds me roundly for saying that +the Declaration applies to all men, and that negroes are men. Is there a +Democrat here who does not deny that the Declaration applies to the +negro? Do any of you know of one? Well, I have tried before perhaps +fifty audiences, some larger and some smaller than this, to find one such +Democrat, and never yet have I found one who said I did not place him +right in that. I must assume that Democrats hold that, and now, not one +of these Democrats can show that he said that five years ago! I venture to +defy the whole party to produce one man that ever uttered the belief +that the Declaration did not apply to negroes, before the repeal of the +Missouri Compromise! Four or five years ago we all thought negroes were +men, and that when "all men" were named, negroes were included. But the +whole Democratic party has deliberately taken negroes from the class of +men and put them in the class of brutes. Turn it as you will it is simply +the truth! Don't be too hasty, then, in saying that the people cannot be +brought to this new doctrine, but note that long stride. One more as long +completes the journey from where negroes are estimated as men to where +they are estimated as mere brutes--as rightful property! + +That saying "In the struggle between white men and the negro," etc., which +I know came from the same source as this policy--that saying marks another +step. There is a falsehood wrapped up in that statement. "In the struggle +between the white man and the negro" assumes that there is a struggle, +in which either the white man must enslave the negro or the negro must +enslave the white. There is no such struggle! It is merely the ingenious +falsehood to degrade and brutalize the negro. Let each let the other +alone, and there is no struggle about it. If it was like two wrecked +seamen on a narrow plank, when each must push the other off or drown +himself, I would push the negro off or a white man either, but it is not; +the plank is large enough for both. This good earth is plenty broad enough +for white man and negro both, and there is no need of either pushing the +other off. + +So that saying, "In the struggle between the negro and the crocodile," +etc., is made up from the idea that down where the crocodile inhabits, a +white man can't labor; it must be nothing else but crocodile or negro; if +the negro does not the crocodile must possess the earth; in that case he +declares for the negro. The meaning of the whole is just this: As a white +man is to a negro, so is a negro to a crocodile; and as the negro may +rightfully treat the crocodile, so may the white man rightfully treat the +negro. This very dear phrase coined by its author, and so dear that he +deliberately repeats it in many speeches, has a tendency to still further +brutalize the negro, and to bring public opinion to the point of utter +indifference whether men so brutalized are enslaved or not. When that time +shall come, if ever, I think that policy to which I refer may prevail. But +I hope the good freemen of this country will never allow it to come, and +until then the policy can never be maintained. + +Now consider the effect of this policy. We in the States are not to +care whether freedom or slavery gets the better, but the people in the +Territories may care. They are to decide, and they may think what they +please; it is a matter of dollars and cents! But are not the people of the +Territories detailed from the States? If this feeling of indifference this +absence of moral sense about the question prevails in the States, will +it not be carried into the Territories? Will not every man say, "I don't +care, it is nothing to me"? If any one comes that wants slavery, must they +not say, "I don't care whether freedom or slavery be voted up or voted +down"? It results at last in nationalizing the institution of slavery. +Even if fairly carried out, that policy is just as certain to nationalize +slavery as the doctrine of Jeff Davis himself. These are only two roads +to the same goal, and "popular sovereignty" is just as sure and almost as +short as the other. + +What we want, and all we want, is to have with us the men who think +slavery wrong. But those who say they hate slavery, and are opposed to it, +but yet act with the Democratic party--where are they? Let us apply a +few tests. You say that you think slavery is wrong, but you denounce all +attempts to restrain it. Is there anything else that you think wrong that +you are not willing to deal with as wrong? Why are you so careful, so +tender, of this one wrong and no other? You will not let us do a single +thing as if it was wrong; there is no place where you will even allow it +to be called wrong! We must not call it wrong in the free States, because +it is not there, and we must not call it wrong in the slave States, +because it is there; we must not call it wrong in politics because that +is bringing morality into politics, and we must not call it wrong in the +pulpit because that is bringing politics into religion; we must not bring +it into the Tract Society or the other societies, because those are such +unsuitable places--and there is no single place, according to you, where +this wrong thing can properly be called wrong! + +Perhaps you will plead that if the people of the slave States should +themselves set on foot an effort for emancipation, you would wish +them success, and bid them God-speed. Let us test that: In 1858 the +emancipation party of Missouri, with Frank Blair at their head, tried to +get up a movement for that purpose, and having started a party contested +the State. Blair was beaten, apparently if not truly, and when the news +came to Connecticut, you, who knew that Frank Blair was taking hold of +this thing by the right end, and doing the only thing that you say can +properly be done to remove this wrong--did you bow your heads in sorrow +because of that defeat? Do you, any of you, know one single Democrat that +showed sorrow over that result? Not one! On the contrary every man threw +up his hat, and hallooed at the top of his lungs, "Hooray for Democracy!" + +Now, gentlemen, the Republicans desire to place this great question of +slavery on the very basis on which our fathers placed it, and no other. It +is easy to demonstrate that "our fathers, who framed this Government +under which we live," looked on slavery as wrong, and so framed it and +everything about it as to square with the idea that it was wrong, so far +as the necessities arising from its existence permitted. In forming the +Constitution they found the slave trade existing, capital invested in it, +fields depending upon it for labor, and the whole system resting upon +the importation of slave labor. They therefore did not prohibit the slave +trade at once, but they gave the power to prohibit it after twenty years. +Why was this? What other foreign trade did they treat in that way? Would +they have done this if they had not thought slavery wrong? + +Another thing was done by some of the same men who framed the +Constitution, and afterwards adopted as their own the act by the first +Congress held under that Constitution, of which many of the framers were +members, that prohibited the spread of slavery into Territories. Thus +the same men, the framers of the Constitution, cut off the supply and +prohibited the spread of slavery, and both acts show conclusively that +they considered that the thing was wrong. + +If additional proof is wanted it can be found in the phraseology of the +Constitution. When men are framing a supreme law and chart of government, +to secure blessings and prosperity to untold generations yet to come, they +use language as short and direct and plain as can be found, to express +their meaning In all matters but this of slavery the framers of the +Constitution used the very clearest, shortest, and most direct language. +But the Constitution alludes to slavery three times without mentioning it +once The language used becomes ambiguous, roundabout, and mystical. They +speak of the "immigration of persons," and mean the importation of slaves, +but do not say so. In establishing a basis of representation they say "all +other persons," when they mean to say slaves--why did they not use +the shortest phrase? In providing for the return of fugitives they say +"persons held to service or labor." If they had said slaves it would have +been plainer, and less liable to misconstruction. Why did n't they do it? +We cannot doubt that it was done on purpose. Only one reason is possible, +and that is supplied us by one of the framers of the Constitution--and +it is not possible for man to conceive of any other--they expected and +desired that the system would come to an end, and meant that when it did, +the Constitution should not show that there ever had been a slave in this +good free country of ours. + +I will dwell on that no longer. I see the signs of approaching triumph +of the Republicans in the bearing of their political adversaries. A great +deal of their war with us nowadays is mere bushwhacking. At the battle +of Waterloo, when Napoleon's cavalry had charged again and again upon +the unbroken squares of British infantry, at last they were giving up +the attempt, and going off in disorder, when some of the officers in mere +vexation and complete despair fired their pistols at those solid squares. +The Democrats are in that sort of extreme desperation; it is nothing else. +I will take up a few of these arguments. + +There is "the irrepressible conflict." How they rail at Seward for that +saying! They repeat it constantly; and, although the proof has been thrust +under their noses again and again that almost every good man since the +formation of our Government has uttered that same sentiment, from General +Washington, who "trusted that we should yet have a confederacy of free +States," with Jefferson, Jay, Monroe, down to the latest days, yet they +refuse to notice that at all, and persist in railing at Seward for saying +it. Even Roger A. Pryor, editor of the Richmond Enquirer, uttered the same +sentiment in almost the same language, and yet so little offence did +it give the Democrats that he was sent for to Washington to edit the +States--the Douglas organ there--while Douglas goes into hydrophobia and +spasms of rage because Seward dared to repeat it. This is what I call +bushwhacking, a sort of argument that they must know any child can see +through. + +Another is John Brown: "You stir up insurrections, you invade the South; +John Brown! Harper's Ferry!" Why, John Brown was not a Republican! +You have never implicated a single Republican in that Harper's Ferry +enterprise. We tell you that if any member of the Republican party is +guilty in that matter, you know it or you do not know it. If you do know +it, you are inexcusable not to designate the man and prove the fact. If +you do not know it, you are inexcusable to assert it, and especially +to persist in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the +proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does +not know to be true is simply malicious slander. Some of you admit that no +Republican designedly aided or encouraged the Harper's Ferry affair, but +still insist that our doctrines and declarations necessarily lead to such +results. We do not believe it. We know we hold to no doctrines, and make +no declarations, which were not held to and made by our fathers who framed +the Government 'under which we live, and we cannot see how declarations +that were patriotic when they made them are villainous when we make them. +You never dealt fairly by us in relation to that affair--and I will say +frankly that I know of nothing in your character that should lead us to +suppose that you would. You had just been soundly thrashed in elections +in several States, and others were soon to come. You rejoiced at the +occasion, and only were troubled that there were not three times as many +killed in the affair. You were in evident glee; there was no sorrow for +the killed nor for the peace of Virginia disturbed; you were rejoicing +that by charging Republicans with this thing you might get an advantage of +us in New York, and the other States. You pulled that string as tightly as +you could, but your very generous and worthy expectations were not quite +fulfilled. Each Republican knew that the charge was a slander as to +himself at least, and was not inclined by it to cast his vote in your +favor. It was mere bushwhacking, because you had nothing else to do. You +are still on that track, and I say, go on! If you think you can slander +a woman into loving you or a man into voting for you, try it till you are +satisfied! + +Another specimen of this bushwhacking, that "shoe strike." Now be it +understood that I do not pretend to know all about the matter. I am merely +going to speculate a little about some of its phases. And at the outset, I +am glad to see that a system of labor prevails in New England under which +laborers can strike when they want to, where they are not obliged to +work under all circumstances, and are not tied down and obliged to labor +whether you pay them or not! I like the system which lets a man quit when +he wants to, and wish it might prevail everywhere. One of the reasons why +I am opposed to slavery is just here. What is the true condition of the +laborer? I take it that it is best for all to leave each man free to +acquire property as fast as he can. Some will get wealthy. I don't believe +in a law to prevent a man from getting rich; it would do more harm than +good. So, while we do not propose any war upon capital, we do wish to +allow the humblest man an equal chance to get rich with everybody else. +When one starts poor, as most do in the race of life, free society is such +that he knows he can better his condition; he knows that there is no fixed +condition of labor for his whole life. I am not ashamed to confess that +twenty-five years ago I was a hired laborer, mauling rails, at work on a +flatboat--just what might happen to any poor man's son! I want every man +to have a chance--and I believe a Black man is entitled to it--in which he +can better his condition; when he may look forward and hope to be a hired +laborer this year and the next, work for himself afterward, and finally to +hire men to work for him! That is the system. Up here in New England, you +have a soil that scarcely sprouts black-eyed beans, and yet where will you +find wealthy men so wealthy, and poverty so rarely in extremity? There is +not another such place on earth! I desire that if you get too thick here, +and find it hard to better your condition on this soil, you may have a +chance to strike and go somewhere else, where you may not be degraded, nor +have your families corrupted, by forced rivalry with negro slaves. I want +you to have a clean bed and no snakes in it! Then you can better your +condition, and so it may go on and on in one endless round so long as man +exists on the face of the earth! + +Now, to come back to this shoe strike,--if, as the senator from Illinois +asserts, this is caused by withdrawal of Southern votes, consider +briefly how you will meet the difficulty. You have done nothing, and have +protested that you have done nothing, to injure the South. And yet, to get +back the shoe trade, you must leave off doing something which you are +now doing. What is it? You must stop thinking slavery wrong! Let your +institutions be wholly changed; let your State constitutions be subverted; +glorify slavery, and so you will get back the shoe trade--for what? You +have brought owned labor with it, to compete with your own labor, to +underwork you, and to degrade you! Are you ready to get back the trade on +those terms? + +But the statement is not correct. You have not lost that trade; orders +were never better than now! Senator Mason, a Democrat, comes into the +Senate in homespun, a proof that the dissolution of the Union has actually +begun! but orders are the same. Your factories have not struck work, +neither those where they make anything for coats, nor for pants nor +for shirts, nor for ladies' dresses. Mr. Mason has not reached the +manufacturers who ought to have made him a coat and pants! To make his +proof good for anything he should have come into the Senate barefoot! + +Another bushwhacking contrivance; simply that, nothing else! I find a good +many people who are very much concerned about the loss of Southern trade. +Now either these people are sincere or they are not. I will speculate a +little about that. If they are sincere, and are moved by any real danger +of the loss of Southern trade, they will simply get their names on the +white list, and then, instead of persuading Republicans to do likewise, +they will be glad to keep you away! Don't you see that they cut off +competition? They would not be whispering around to Republicans to come +in and share the profits with them. But if they are not sincere, and are +merely trying to fool Republicans out of their votes, they will grow very +anxious about your pecuniary prospects; they are afraid you are going to +get broken up and ruined; they do not care about Democratic votes, oh, no, +no, no! You must judge which class those belong to whom you meet: I leave +it to you to determine from the facts. + +Let us notice some more of the stale charges against Republicans. You say +we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the burden of proof +is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? Why, that our party +has no existence in your section--gets no votes in your section. The fact +is substantially true; but does it prove the issue? If it does, then in +case we should, without change of principle, begin to get votes in your +section, we should thereby cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this +conclusion; and yet, are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you will +probably soon find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get +votes in your section this very year. The fact that we get no votes in +your section is a fact of your making and not of ours. And if there be +fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains so until +you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or practice. If we + ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have started--to a +discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our principle, put +in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of ours, or for any +other object, then our principle, and we with it, are sectional, and are +justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, then, on the question of +whether our principle put in practice would wrong your section; and so +meet it as if it were possible that something may be said on our side. Do +you accept the challenge? No? Then you really believe that the principle +which our fathers who framed the Government under which we live thought so +clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse it again and again, upon their +official oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand our condemnation +without a moment's consideration. Some of you delight to flaunt in our +faces the warning against sectional parties given by Washington in his +Farewell Address. Less than eight years before Washington gave that +warning, he had, as President of the United States, approved and signed an +act of Congress enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern +Territory, which act embodied the policy of government upon that subject, +up to and at the very moment he penned that warning; and about one year +after he penned it he wrote La Fayette that he considered that prohibition +a wise measure, expressing in the same connection his hope that we should +sometime have a confederacy of free States. + +Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon +this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or +in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast +the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon +you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we +commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right +application of it. + +But you say you are conservative--eminently conservative--while we +are revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort. What is +conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against the new +and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the +point in controversy which was adopted by our fathers who framed the +Government under which we live; while you with one accord reject and scout +and spit upon that old policy, and insist upon substituting something new. + +True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be. +You have considerable variety of new propositions and plans, but you are +unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some +of you are for reviving the foreign slave-trade; some for a congressional +slave code for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the +Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining +slavery in the Territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reat +pur-rinciple" that if one man would enslave another, no third man should +object--fantastically called "popular sovereignty." But never a man among +you in favor of prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, according +to the practice of our fathers who framed the Government under which +we live. Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an +advocate in the century within which our Government originated. And yet +you draw yourselves up and say, "We are eminently conservative." + +It is exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great confederacy shall +be at peace, and in harmony one with another. Let us Republicans do our +part to have it so. Even though much provoked, let us do nothing through +passion and ill-temper. Even though the Southern people will not so much +as listen to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and yield to them +if, in our deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all +they say and do, and by the subject and nature of their controversy with +us, let us determine, if we can, what will satisfy them. + +Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered +to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaints against +us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insurrections +are the rage now. Will it satisfy them, in the future, if we have nothing +to do with invasions and insurrections? We know it will not. We so +know because we know we never had anything to do with invasions and +insurrections; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the +charge and the denunciation. + +The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: we must not only +let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do let them +alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so +trying to convince them, from the very beginning of our organization, but +with no success. In all our platforms and speeches, we have constantly +protested our purpose to let them alone; but this had no tendency to +convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they +have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them. + +These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will +convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and join +them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly--done in +acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated--we must place +ourselves avowedly with them. Douglas's new sedition law must be enacted +and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong, whether +made in politics, in presses, in pulpits, or in private. We must arrest +and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must pull down +our free State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be disinfected of +all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will cease to believe +that all their troubles proceed from us. So long as we call slavery wrong, +whenever a slave runs away they will overlook the obvious fact that he ran +away because he was oppressed, and declare he was stolen off. Whenever +a master cuts his slaves with a lash, and they cry out under it, he will +overlook the obvious fact that the negroes cry out because they are hurt, +and insist that they were put up to it by some rascally abolitionist. + +I am quite aware that they do not state their case precisely in this way. +Most of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to us, +and say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone--have +never disturbed them--so that, after all, it is what we say which +dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we +cease saying. + +I am also aware that they have not as yet in terms demanded the overthrow +of our free-State constitutions. Yet those constitutions declare the wrong +of slavery with more solemn emphasis than do all other sayings against it; +and when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, the overthrow +of these constitutions will be demanded. It is nothing to the contrary +that they do not demand the whole of this just now. Demanding what they +do, and for the reason they do, they can voluntarily stop nowhere short of +this consummation. Holding as they do that slavery is morally right, +and socially elevating, they cannot cease to demand a full national +recognition of it, as a legal right, and a social blessing. + +Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction +that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and +constitutions against it are themselves wrong and should be silenced +and swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its +nationality--its universality: if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist +upon its extension--its enlargement. All they ask, we could readily grant, +if we thought slavery right; all we ask, they could as readily grant, if +they thought it wrong. Their thinking it right and our thinking it wrong +is the precise fact on which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it +right as they do, they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition, +as being right; but, thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? +Can we cast our votes with their view, and against our own? In view of our +moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we do this? + +Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where +it is because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual +presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow +it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us here in +these free States? + +If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty, +fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those +sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and +belabored--contrivances such as groping for some middle ground between the +right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who would be neither a +living man nor a dead man--such as a policy of "don't care" on a question +about which all free men do care--such as Union appeals beseeching true +Union men to yield to Disunionists, reversing the divine rule, and caning, +not the sinners, but the righteous to repentance--such as invocations of +Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington did. + +Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against us, +nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government, nor +of dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that right makes might; and in +that faith, let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it. + +[As Mr. Lincoln concluded his address, there was witnessed the wildest +scene of enthusiasm and excitement that has been in New Haven for years. +The Palladium editorially says: "We give up most of our space to-day to +a very full report of the eloquent speech of the HON. Abraham Lincoln, of +Illinois, delivered last night at Union Hall."] + + + + +RESPONSE TO AN ELECTOR'S REQUEST FOR MONEY + +TO ------------ March 16, 1860 + +As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I cannot enter the ring +on the money basis--first, because in the main it is wrong; and secondly, +I have not and cannot get the money. + +I say, in the main, the use of money is wrong; but for certain objects in +a political contest, the use of some is both right and indispensable. With +me, as with yourself, the long struggle has been one of great pecuniary +loss. + +I now distinctly say this--if you shall be appointed a delegate to +Chicago, I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expenses of the +trip. + +Your friend as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Extract from a letter to a Kansas delegate.] + + + + +TO J. W. SOMERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 17, 1860 + +JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Reaching home three days ago, I found your letter of February +26th. Considering your difficulty of hearing, I think you had better +settle in Chicago, if, as you say, a good man already in fair practice +there will take you into partnership. If you had not that difficulty, I +still should think it an even balance whether you would not better remain +in Chicago, with such a chance for copartnership. + +If I went west, I think I would go to Kansas, to Leavenworth or Atchison. +Both of them are and will continue to be fine growing places. + +I believe I have said all I can, and I have said it with the deepest +interest for your welfare. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ACCUSATION OF HAVING BEEN PAID FOR A POLITICAL SPEECH + +TO C. F. McNEIL. + +SPRINGFIELD, April 6, 1860 + +C. F. MCNEIL, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Reaching home yesterday, I found yours of the 23d March, +inclosing a slip from The Middleport Press. It is not true that I ever +charged anything for a political speech in my life; but this much is true: +Last October I was requested by letter to deliver some sort of speech in +Mr. Beecher's church, in Brooklyn--two hundred dollars being offered in +the first letter. I wrote that I could do it in February, provided they +would take a political speech if I could find time to get up no other. +They agreed; and subsequently I informed them the speech would have to +be a political one. When I reached New York, I for the first time learned +that the place was changed to "Cooper Institute." I made the speech, and +left for New Hampshire, where I have a son at school, neither asking for +pay nor having any offered me. Three days after a check for two hundred +dollars was sent to me at New Hampshire; and I took it, and did not know +it was wrong. My understanding now is--though I knew nothing of it at the +time--that they did charge for admittance to the Cooper Institute, and +that they took in more than twice two hundred dollars. + +I have made this explanation to you as a friend; but I wish no explanation +made to our enemies. What they want is a squabble and a fuss, and that +they can have if we explain; and they cannot have it if we don't. + +When I returned through New York from New England, I was told by the +gentlemen who sent me the Check that a drunken vagabond in the club, +having learned something about the two hundred dollars, made the +exhibition out of which The Herald manufactured the article quoted by The +Press of your town. + +My judgment is, and therefore my request is, that you give no denial and +no explanation. + +Thanking you for your kind interest in the matter, I remain, Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. TAYLOR. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., April 21, 1860. + +HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th is just received. It surprises me that you +have written twice, without receiving an answer. I have answered all I +ever received from you; and certainly one since my return from the East. + +Opinions here, as to the prospect of Douglas being nominated, are quite +conflicting--some very confident he will, and others that he will not be. +I think his nomination possible, but that the chances are against him. + +I am glad there is a prospect of your party passing this way to Chicago. +Wishing to make your visit here as pleasant as we can, we wish you to +notify us as soon as possible whether you come this way, how many, and +when you will arrive. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TELEGRAM TO A MEMBER OF THE ILLINOIS DELEGATION + +AT THE CHICAGO CONVENTION. SPRINGFIELD, May 17? 1860. + +I authorize no bargains and will be bound by none. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE COMMITTEE SENT BY THE CHICAGO CONVENTION TO INFORM + +LINCOLN OF HIS NOMINATION, + +MAY 19, 1860. + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:--I tender to you, and through +you to the Republican National Convention, and all the people represented +in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done me, which you +now formally announce. Deeply and even painfully sensible of the great +responsibility which is inseparable from this high honor--a responsibility +which I could almost wish had fallen upon some one of the far more eminent +men and experienced statesmen whose distinguished names were before the +convention--I shall, by your leave, consider more fully the resolutions of +the convention, denominated their platform, and without any unnecessary or +unreasonable delay respond to you, Mr. Chairman, in writing--not +doubting that the platform will be found satisfactory, and the nomination +gratefully accepted. + +And now I will not longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each of +you, by the hand. + + + + +ACCEPTANCE OF NOMINATION AS REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT + +OF THE UNITED STATES + +TO GEORGE ASHMUN AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD ILLINOIS, May 23, 1860 + +HON. GEORGE ASHMUN, President of Republican National Convention. + +SIR:--I accept the nomination tendered me by the convention over which you +presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter of yourself +and others, acting as a committee of the convention for that purpose. + +The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your letter +meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or disregard it +in any part. + +Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to the +views and feelings of all who were represented in the convention, to the +rights of all the States and Territories and people of the nation, to the +inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual union, harmony, and +prosperity of all--I am most happy to co-operate for the practical success +of the principles declared by the convention. + +Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +To C. B. SMITH. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., May 26, 1860. + +HON. C. B. SMITH. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Yours of the 21st was duly received, but have found no time +until now to say a word in the way of answer. I am indeed much indebted +to Indiana; and, as my home friends tell me, much to you personally. Your +saying, you no longer consider it a doubtful State is very gratifying. The +thing starts well everywhere--too well, I almost fear, to last. But we are +in, and stick or go through must be the word. + +Let me hear from Indiana occasionally. + +Your friend, as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FORM OF REPLY PREPARED BY MR. LINCOLN, + +WITH WHICH HIS PRIVATE SECRETARY WAS INSTRUCTED TO ANSWER A NUMEROUS CLASS +OF LETTERS IN THE CAMPAIGN OF 1860. + +(Doctrine.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, ------, 1860 + +DEAR SIR:--Your letter to Mr. Lincoln of and by which you seek to obtain +his opinions on certain political points, has been received by him. He has +received others of a similar character, but he also has a greater number +of the exactly opposite character. The latter class beseech him to write +nothing whatever upon any point of political doctrine. They say his +positions were well known when he was nominated, and that he must not now +embarrass the canvass by undertaking to shift or modify them. He regrets +that he cannot oblige all, but you perceive it is impossible for him to do +so. + +Yours, etc., + +JNO. J. NICOLAY. + + + + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, MAY 26, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have several letters from you written since the +nomination, but till now have found no moment to say a word by way of +answer. Of course I am glad that the nomination is well received by our +friends, and I sincerely thank you for so informing me. So far as I +can learn, the nominations start well everywhere; and, if they get no +back-set, it would seem as if they are going through. I hope you will +write often; and as you write more rapidly than I do, don't make your +letters so short as mine. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO S. HAYCRAFT. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 4, 1860. + +HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Like yourself I belonged to the old Whig party from its +origin to its close. I never belonged to the American party organization, +nor ever to a party called a Union party; though I hope I neither am +or ever have been less devoted to the Union than yourself or any other +patriotic man. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ABRAHAM OR "ABRAM" + +TO G. ASHMUN. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. June 4, 1860 + +HON. GEORGE ASHMUN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--It seems as if the question whether my first name is +"Abraham" or "Abram" will never be settled. It is "Abraham," and if the +letter of acceptance is not yet in print, you may, if you think fit, have +my signature thereto printed "Abraham Lincoln." Exercise your judgment +about this. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +UNAUTHORIZED BIOGRAPHY + +TO S. GALLOWAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 19, 1860 + +HON. SAM'L GALLOWAY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 15th is received. Messrs. +Follett, Foster, & Co.'s Life of me is not by my authority; and I +have scarcely been so much astounded by anything, as by their public +announcement that it is authorized by me. They have fallen into some +strange misunderstanding. I certainly knew they contemplated publishing +a biography, and I certainly did not object to their doing so, upon their +own responsibility. I even took pains to facilitate them. But, at the same +time, I made myself tiresome, if not hoarse, with repeating to Mr. Howard, +their only agent seen by me, my protest that I authorized nothing--would +be responsible for nothing. How they could so misunderstand me, passes +comprehension. As a matter wholly my own, I would authorize no biography, +without time and opportunity [sic] to carefully examine and consider every +word of it and, in this case, in the nature of things, I can have no such +time and Opportunity [sic]. But, in my present position, when, by the +lessons of the past, and the united voice of all discreet friends, I can +neither write nor speak a word for the public, how dare I to send forth, +by my authority, a volume of hundreds of pages, for adversaries to make +points upon without end? Were I to do so, the convention would have a +right to re-assemble and substitute another name for mine. + +For these reasons, I would not look at the proof sheets--I am determined +to maintain the position of [sic] truly saying I never saw the proof +sheets, or any part of their work, before its publication. + +Now, do not mistake me--I feel great kindness for Messrs. F., F., & +Co.--do not think they have intentionally done wrong. There may be nothing +wrong in their proposed book--I sincerely hope there will not. I barely +suggest that you, or any of the friends there, on the party account, look +it over, and exclude what you may think would embarrass the party bearing +in mind, at all times, that I authorize nothing--will be responsible for +nothing. + +Your friend, as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + +[The custom then, and it may have been a good one, was for the +Presidential candidate to do no personal canvassing or speaking--or as we +have it now "running for election." He stayed at home and kept his mouth +shut. Ed.] + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, July 18, 1860. + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. MY DEAR SIR:--It appears to me that you and I ought +to be acquainted, and accordingly I write this as a sort of introduction +of myself to you. You first entered the Senate during the single term I +was a member of the House of Representatives, but I have no recollection +that we were introduced. I shall be pleased to receive a line from you. + +The prospect of Republican success now appears very flattering, so far as +I can perceive. Do you see anything to the contrary? + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. JONAS. + +(Confidential.) SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, JULY 21, 1860. + +HON. A. JONAS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 20th is received. I suppose as good or even +better men than I may have been in American or Know-Nothing lodges; but in +point of fact, I never was in one at Quincy or elsewhere. I was never +in Quincy but one day and two nights while Know-Nothing lodges were in +existence, and you were with me that day and both those nights. I had +never been there before in my life, and never afterward, till the joint +debate with Douglas in 1858. It was in 1854 when I spoke in some +hall there, and after the speaking, you, with others, took me to an +oyster-saloon, passed an hour there, and you walked with me to, and parted +with me at, the Quincy House, quite late at night. I left by stage for +Naples before daylight in the morning, having come in by the same route +after dark the evening, previous to the speaking, when I found you waiting +at the Quincy House to meet me. A few days after I was there, Richardson, +as I understood, started this same story about my having been in a +Know-Nothing lodge. When I heard of the charge, as I did soon after; I +taxed my recollection for some incident which could have suggested it; and +I remembered that on parting with you the last night I went to the office +of the hotel to take my stage-passage for the morning, was told that no +stage-office for that line was kept there, and that I must see the driver +before retiring, to insure his calling for me in the morning; and a +servant was sent with me to find the driver, who, after taking me a square +or two, stopped me, and stepped perhaps a dozen steps farther, and in my +hearing called to some one, who answered him, apparently from the upper +part of a building, and promised to call with the stage for me at the +Quincy House. I returned, and went to bed, and before day the stage called +and took me. This is all. + +That I never was in a Know-Nothing lodge in Quincy, I should expect could +be easily proved by respectable men who were always in the lodges and +never saw me there. An affidavit of one or two such would put the matter +at rest. + +And now a word of caution. Our adversaries think they can gain a point +if they could force me to openly deny the charge, by which some degree +of offence would be given to the Americans. For this reason it must not +publicly appear that I am paying any attention to the charge. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOHN B. FRY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, August 15, 1860. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th, inclosing the letter of HON. John Minor +Botts, was duly received. The latter is herewith returned according to +your request. It contains one of the many assurances I receive from the +South, that in no probable event will there be any very formidable effort +to break up the Union. The people of the South have too much of good sense +and good temper to attempt the ruin of the government rather than see it +administered as it was administered by the men who made it. At least so I +hope and believe. I thank you both for your own letter and a sight of that +of Mr. Botts. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. August 17 1860. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 13th was received this morning. Douglas +is managing the Bell element with great adroitness. He had his men in +Kentucky to vote for the Bell candidate, producing a result which has +badly alarmed and damaged Breckenridge, and at the same time has induced +the Bell men to suppose that Bell will certainly be President, if they +can keep a few of the Northern States away from us by throwing them to +Douglas. But you, better than I, understand all this. + +I think there will be the most extraordinary effort ever made to carry New +York for Douglas. You and all others who write me from your State think +the effort cannot succeed, and I hope you are right. Still, it will +require close watching and great efforts on the other side. + +Herewith I send you a copy of a letter written at New York, which +sufficiently explains itself, and which may or may not give you a valuable +hint. You have seen that Bell tickets have been put on the track both here +and in Indiana. In both cases the object has been, I think, the same as +the Hunt movement in New York--to throw States to Douglas. In our State, +we know the thing is engineered by Douglas men, and we do not believe they +can make a great deal out of it. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SLOW TO LISTEN TO CRIMINATIONS + +TO HON. JOHN ------------ + +(Private.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Aug. 31, 1860 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 27th is duly received. It consists almost +exclusively of a historical detail of some local troubles, among some +of our friends in Pennsylvania; and I suppose its object is to guard me +against forming a prejudice against Mr. McC------____, I have not heard +near so much upon that subject as you probably suppose; and I am slow to +listen to criminations among friends, and never expose their quarrels on +either side. My sincere wish is that both sides will allow bygones to be +bygones, and look to the present and future only. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 4, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am annoyed some by a letter from a friend in Chicago, in +which the following passage occurs: "Hamlin has written Colfax that two +members of Congress will, he fears, be lost in Maine, the first and sixth +districts; and that Washburne's majority for governor will not exceed six +thousand." + +I had heard something like this six weeks ago, but had been assured since +that it was not so. Your secretary of state,--Mr. Smith, I think,--whom +you introduced to me by letter, gave this assurance; more recently, Mr. +Fessenden, our candidate for Congress in one of those districts, wrote a +relative here that his election was sure by at least five thousand, and +that Washburne's majority would be from 14,000 to 17,000; and still +later, Mr. Fogg, of New Hampshire, now at New York serving on a national +committee, wrote me that we were having a desperate fight in Maine, which +would end in a splendid victory for us. + +Such a result as you seem to have predicted in Maine, in your letter to +Colfax, would, I fear, put us on the down-hill track, lose us the State +elections in Pennsylvania and Indiana, and probably ruin us on the main +turn in November. + +You must not allow it. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 9, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR: Yours of the 5th was received last evening. I was right +glad to see it. It contains the freshest "posting" which I now have. It +relieved me some from a little anxiety I had about Maine. Jo Medill, on +August 30th, wrote me that Colfax had a letter from Mr. Hamlin saying we +were in great danger of losing two members of Congress in Maine, and that +your brother would not have exceeding six thousand majority for Governor. +I addressed you at once, at Galena, asking for your latest information. +As you are at Washington, that letter you will receive some time after the +Maine election. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. H. HERNDON. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., OCTOBER 10, 1860 + +DEAR WILLIAM:--I cannot give you details, but it is entirely certain that +Pennsylvania and Indiana have gone Republican very largely. Pennsylvania +25,000, and Indiana 5000 to 10,000. Ohio of course is safe. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO L. M. BOND. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 15, 1860 + +L. MONTGOMERY BOND, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR: I certainly am in no temper and have no purpose to embitter +the feelings of the South, but whether I am inclined to such a course as +would in fact embitter their feelings you can better judge by my published +speeches than by anything I would say in a short letter if I were inclined +now, as I am not, to define my position anew. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER SUGGESTING A BEARD + +TO MISS GRACE BEDELL, RIPLEY N.Y. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 19, 1860 + +MISS GRACE BEDELL. + +MY DEAR LITTLE MISS:--Your very agreeable letter of the 15th is received. +I regret the necessity of saying I have no daughter. I have three +sons--one seventeen, one nine, and one seven. They with their mother +constitute my whole family. As to the whiskers, as I have never worn any, +do you not think that people would call it a piece of silly affectation +were I to begin wearing them now? + +I am your true friend and sincere well-wisher, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EARLY INFORMATION ON ARMY DEFECTION IN SOUTH + +TO D. HUNTER. + +(Private and Confidential.) SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, October 26, 1860 + +MAJOR DAVID HUNTER + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 20th was duly received, for +which please accept my thanks. I have another letter, from a writer +unknown to me, saying the officers of the army at Fort Kearny have +determined in case of Republican success at the approaching Presidential +election, to take themselves, and the arms at that point, south, for the +purpose of resistance to the government. While I think there are many +chances to one that this is a humbug, it occurs to me that any real +movement of this sort in the Army would leak out and become known to you. +In such case, if it would not be unprofessional or dishonorable (of which +you are to be judge), I shall be much obliged if you will apprise me of +it. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +(Confidential.) SPRINGFIELD. ILLINOIS, November 8, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am anxious for a personal interview with you at as early a +day as possible. Can you, without much inconvenience, meet me at Chicago? +If you can, please name as early a day as you conveniently can, and +telegraph me, unless there be sufficient time before the day named to +communicate by mail. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +(Private and Confidential.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Nov.13, 1860 + +HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th is just received. I can only answer +briefly. Rest fully assured that the good people of the South who will put +themselves in the same temper and mood towards me which you do will find +no cause to complain of me. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + +CELEBRATION OF LINCOLN'S ELECTION, + +REMARKS AT THE MEETING AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS + + +NOVEMBER 20, 1860 + +FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:--Please excuse me on this occasion from +making a speech. I thank you in common with all those who have thought fit +by their votes to indorse the Republican cause. I rejoice with you in the +success which has thus far attended that cause. Yet in all our rejoicings +let us neither express nor cherish any hard feelings toward any citizen +who by his vote has differed with us. Let us at all times remember that +all American citizens are brothers of a common country, and should dwell +together in the bonds of fraternal feeling. Let me again beg you to accept +my thanks, and to excuse me from further speaking at this time. + + + + +TO ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. NOV. 30, 1860 + +HON. A. H. STEPHENS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have read in the newspapers your speech recently delivered +(I think) before the Georgia Legislature, or its assembled members. If you +have revised it, as is probable, I shall be much obliged if you will send +me a copy. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +(Private) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 8, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 4th was duly received. The inclosed to Governor +Seward covers two notes to him, copies of which you find open for your +inspection. Consult with Judge Trumbull; and if you and he see no reason +to the contrary, deliver the letter to Governor Seward at once. If you see +reason to the contrary write me at once. + +I have an intimation that Governor Banks would yet accept a place in the +Cabinet. Please ascertain and write me how this is, + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +BLOCKING "COMPROMISE" ON SLAVERY ISSUE + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE + +(Private and Confidential.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., December 13, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your long letter received. Prevent, as far as possible, any +of our friends from demoralizing themselves and our cause by entertaining +propositions for compromise of any sort on "slavery extension." There is +no possible compromise upon it but which puts us under again, and leaves +all our work to do over again. Whether it be a Missouri line or Eli +Thayer's popular sovereignty, it is all the same. Let either be done, and +immediately filibustering and extending slavery recommences. On that point +hold firm, as with a chain of steel. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +OPINION ON SECESSION + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 17, 1860 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 11th was received two days ago. Should the +convocation of governors of which you speak seem desirous to know my views +on the present aspect of things, tell them you judge from my speeches that +I will be inflexible on the territorial question; but I probably think +either the Missouri line extended, or Douglas's and Eli Thayer's popular +sovereignty would lose us everything we gain by the election; that +filibustering for all south of us and making slave States of it would +follow in spite of us, in either case; also that I probably think all +opposition, real and apparent, to the fugitive slave clause of the +Constitution ought to be withdrawn. + +I believe you can pretend to find but little, if anything, in my speeches, +about secession. But my opinion is that no State can in any way lawfully +get out of the Union without the consent of the others; and that it is +the duty of the President and other government functionaries to run the +machine as it is. + +Truly yours, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SOME FORTS SURRENDERED TO THE SOUTH + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE + +(Confidential) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 21, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Last night I received your letter giving an account of your +interview with General Scott, and for which I thank you. Please present my +respects to the General, and tell him, confidentially, I shall be obliged +to him to be as well prepared as he can to either hold or retake the +forts, as the case may require, at and after the inauguration. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. H. STEPHENS. + +(For your own eye only) SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 22, 1860 + +HON. ALEXANDER STEVENS + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your obliging answer to my short note is just received, and +for which please accept my thanks. I fully appreciate the present peril +the country is in, and the weight of responsibility on me. Do the people +of the South really entertain fear that a Republican administration would, +directly or indirectly, interfere with the slaves, or with them about the +slaves? If they do, I wish to assure you, as once a friend, and still, I +hope, not an enemy, that there is no cause for such fears. The South +would be in no more danger in this respect than it was in the days of +Washington. I suppose, however, this does not meet the case. You think +slavery is right and ought to be extended, while we think it is wrong and +ought to be restricted. That, I suppose, is the rub. It certainly is the +only substantial difference between us. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SUPPORT OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE CLAUSE + +MEMORANDUM + +December [22?], 1860 + +Resolved: That the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution ought to be +enforced by a law of Congress, with efficient provisions for that object, +not obliging private persons to assist in its execution, but punishing all +who resist it, and with the usual safeguards to liberty, securing free men +against being surrendered as slaves. + +That all State laws, if there be such, really or apparently in conflict +with such law of Congress, ought to be repealed; and no opposition to the +execution of such law of Congress ought to be made. + +That the Federal Union must be preserved. + +Prepared for the consideration of the Republican members of the Senate +Committee of Thirteen. + + + + +TO D. HUNTER. + +(Confidential.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS December 22, 1860 + +MAJOR DAVID HUNTER. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am much obliged by the receipt of yours of the 18th. The +most we can do now is to watch events, and be as well prepared as possible +for any turn things may take. If the forts fall, my judgment is that they +are to be retaken. When I shall determine definitely my time of starting +to Washington, I will notify you. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO I. N. MORRIS + +(Confidential.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Dec 24, 1860 + +HON. I. N. MORRIS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Without supposing that you and I are any nearer together, +politically, than heretofore, allow me to tender you my sincere thanks for +your Union resolution, expressive of views upon which we never were, and, +I trust, never will be at variance. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ATTEMPT TO FORM A COALITION CABINET + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 14, 1860. + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I need a man of Democratic antecedents from New England. I +cannot get a fair share of that element in without. This stands in the way +of Mr. Adams. I think of Governor Banks, Mr. Welles, and Mr. Tuck. Which +of them do the New England delegation prefer? Or shall I decide for +myself? + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + + + +1861 + + +TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + +(Private.) + +SPRINGFIELD. ILL., January 3, 1861. + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours without signature was received last night. I have been +considering your suggestions as to my reaching Washington somewhat earlier +than is usual. It seems to me the inauguration is not the most dangerous +point for us. Our adversaries have us now clearly at disadvantage on the +second Wednesday of February, when the votes should be officially counted. +If the two houses refuse to meet at all, or meet without a quorum of each, +where shall we be? I do not think that this counting is constitutionally +essential to the election, but how are we to proceed in the absence of +it? In view of this, I think it is best for me not to attempt appearing in +Washington till the result of that ceremony is known. + +It certainly would be of some advantage if you could know who are to be +at the heads of the War and Navy departments, but until I can ascertain +definitely whether I can get any suitable men from the South, and who, and +how many, I can not well decide. As yet, I have no word from Mr. Gilmer +in answer to my request for an interview with him. I look for something on +the subject, through you, before long. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. H. SEWARD. + +(Private.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., January 12, 1861 + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 8th received. I still hope Mr. Gilmer will, on +a fair understanding with us, consent to take a place in the Cabinet. The +preference for him over Mr. Hunt or Mr. Gentry is that, up to date--he +has a living position in the South, while they have not. He is only better +than Winter Davis in that he is farther south. I fear, if we could get, we +could not safely take more than one such man--that is, not more than one +who opposed us in the election--the danger being to lose the confidence +of our own friends. Your selection for the State Department having become +public, I am happy to find scarcely any objection to it. I shall have +trouble with every other Northern Cabinet appointment--so much so that I +shall have to defer them as long as possible to avoid being teased into +insanity, to make changes. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO E. D. MORGAN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. FEB. 4, 1861 + +SIR:--Your letter of the 30th ult. inviting me, on behalf of the +Legislature of New York, to pass through that State on my way to +Washington, and tendering me the hospitalities of her authorities and +people, has been duly received. With the feelings of deep gratitude to +you and them for this testimonial of regard and esteem I beg you to notify +them that I accept the invitation so kindly tendered. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN + +P.S.--Please let the ceremonies be only such as to take the least time +possible. A. L. + + + + +PATRONAGE CLAIMS + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., February 4, 1861 + +DEAR SIR:--I have both your letter to myself and that to Judge Davis, +in relation to a certain gentleman in your State claiming to dispense +patronage in my name, and also to be authorized to use my name to advance +the chances of Mr. Greeley for an election to the United States Senate. + +It is very strange that such things should be said by any one. The +gentleman you mention did speak to me of Mr. Greeley in connection with +the senatorial election, and I replied in terms of kindness toward Mr. +Greeley, which I really feel, but always with an expressed protest that +my name must not be used in the senatorial election in favor of or against +any one. Any other representation of me is a misrepresentation. + +As to the matter of dispensing patronage, it perhaps will surprise you +to learn that I have information that you claim to have my authority to +arrange that matter in New York. I do not believe you have so claimed; but +still so some men say. On that subject you know all I have said to you is +"justice to all," and I have said nothing more particular to any one. I +say this to reassure you that I have not changed my position. + +In the hope, however, that you will not use my name in the matter, I am, + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FAREWELL ADDRESS AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, + +FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +MY FRIENDS:--One who has never been placed in a like position cannot +understand my feelings at this hour, nor the oppressive sadness I feel at +this parting. For more than twenty-five years I have lived among you, and +during all that time I have received nothing but kindness at your hands. +Here the most cherished ties of earth were assumed. Here my children were +born, and here one of them lies buried. To you, my friends, I owe all that +I have, all that I am. All the strange checkered past seems to crowd upon +my mind. To-day I leave you. I go to assume a task more difficult than +that which devolved upon General Washington. Unless the great God who +assisted him shall be with and aid me I cannot prevail; but if the same +almighty arm that directed and protected him shall guide and support me I +shall not fail; I shall succeed. Let us pray that the God of our fathers +may not forsake us now. To Him I commend you all. Permit me to ask that +with equal sincerity and faith you will all invoke His wisdom and goodness +for me. + +With these words I must leave you; for how long I know not. Friends, one +and all, I must now wish you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +REMARKS AT TOLONO, ILLINOIS, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +I am leaving you on an errand of national importance, attended, as you are +aware, with considerable difficulties. Let us believe, as some poet has +expressed it, "Behind the cloud the sun is still shining." I bid you an +affectionate farewell. + + + + +REPLY TO ADDRESS OF WELCOME, INDIANAPOLIS, + +INDIANA, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +GOVERNOR MORTON AND FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA: + +Most heartily do I thank you for this magnificent reception, and while +I cannot take to myself any share of the compliment thus paid, more +than that which pertains to a mere instrument, an accidental instrument, +perhaps I should say, of a great cause, I yet must look upon it as a most +magnificent reception, and as such most heartily do thank you for it. +You have been pleased to address yourself to me chiefly in behalf of +this glorious Union in which we live, in all of which you have my hearty +sympathy, and, as far as may be within my power, will have, one and +inseparable, my hearty consideration. While I do not expect, upon this +occasion, or until I get to Washington, to attempt any lengthy speech, +I will only say to the salvation of the Union there needs but one single +thing--the hearts of a people like yours. + +The people--when they rise in mass in behalf of the Union and the +liberties of their country, truly may it be said, "The gates of hell +cannot prevail against them." In all trying positions in which I shall be +placed--and, doubtless, I shall be placed in many such--my reliance will +be placed upon you and the people of the United States; and I wish you to +remember, now and forever, that it is your business, and not mine; that if +the union of these States and the liberties of this people shall be lost, +it is but little to any one man of fifty-two years of age, but a great +deal to the thirty millions of people who inhabit these United States, and +to their posterity in all coming time. It is your business to rise up and +preserve the Union and liberty for yourselves, and not for me. + +I desire they should be constitutionally performed. I, as already +intimated, am but an accidental instrument, temporary, and to serve but +for a limited time; and I appeal to you again to constantly bear in mind +that with you, and not with politicians, not with Presidents, not with +office-seekers, but with you is the question, Shall the Union and shall +the liberties of this country be preserved to the latest generations? + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF INDIANA, AT INDIANAPOLIS, + +FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA:--I am here to thank you much for +this magnificent welcome, and still more for the generous support given +by your State to that political cause which I think is the true and just +cause of the whole country and the whole world. + +Solomon says there is "a time to keep silence," and when men wrangle by +the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using the +same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence. + +The words "coercion" and "invasion" are much used in these days, and often +with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, the meaning +of those who use them. Let us get the exact definitions of these words, +not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, who certainly +deprecate the things they would represent by the use of the words. + +What, then, is coercion? What is invasion? Would the marching of an army +into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and with hostile +intent toward them, be invasion? I certainly think it would, and it would +be coercion also, if the South Carolinians were forced to submit. But if +the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other +property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold +the mails from places where they were habitually violated, would any or +all of these things be invasion or coercion? Do our professed lovers +of the Union, who spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion and +invasion, understand that such things as these, on the part of the United +States, would be coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of +means to preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be +exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the homoeopathist +would be much too large for it to swallow. In their view, the Union, as a +family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, but rather a sort +of "free-love" arrangement, to be maintained on passional attraction. + +By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I speak +not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the Constitution, +for that is a bond we all recognize. That position, however, a State +cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that assumed primary +right of a State to rule all which is less than itself, and to ruin all +which is larger than itself. If a State and a county, in a given case, +should be equal in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of +principle, is the State better than the county? Would an exchange of +name be an exchange of rights? Upon what principle, upon what rightful +principle, may a State, being no more than one fiftieth part of the +nation in soil and population, break up the nation, and then coerce a +proportionably large subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? What +mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country, +with its people, by merely calling it a State? Fellow-citizens, I am not +asserting anything. I am merely asking questions for you to consider. And +now allow me to bid you farewell. + + + + +INTENTIONS TOWARD THE SOUTH + +ADDRESS TO THE MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF + +CINCINNATI, OHIO, FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR, AND GENTLEMEN:--Twenty-four hours ago, at the capital of +Indiana, I said to myself, "I have never seen so many people assembled +together in winter weather." I am no longer able to say that. But it +is what might reasonably have been expected--that this great city of +Cincinnati would thus acquit herself on such an occasion. My friends, I am +entirely overwhelmed by the magnificence of the reception which has been +given, I will not say to me, but to the President-elect of the United +States of America. Most heartily do I thank you, one and all, for it. + +I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati. That was a year previous +to the late Presidential election. On that occasion, in a playful +manner, but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I said to the +Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we, as Republicans, would ultimately +beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone that result longer by +nominating Senator Douglas for the Presidency than they could by any other +way. They did not, in any true sense of the word, nominate Mr. Douglas, +and the result has come certainly as soon as ever I expected. I also told +them how I expected they would be treated after they should have been +beaten, and I now wish to call their attention to what I then said upon +that subject. I then said: + +"When we do as we say, beat you, you perhaps want to know what we will +do with you. I will tell you, as far as I am authorized to speak for the +Opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near +as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. +We mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your +institutions; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution, +and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you +so far as degenerate men, if we have degenerated, may, according to the +example of those noble fathers, Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. + +"We mean to remember that you are as good as we; that there is no +difference between us other than the difference of circumstances. We mean +to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in +your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you +accordingly." + +Fellow-citizens of Kentucky--friends and brethren, may I call you in my +new position?--I see no occasion and feel no inclination to retract a word +of this. If it shall not be made good, be assured the fault shall not be +mine. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN CLUB OF CINCINNATI, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN:--I thank you and those whom you represent for the compliment +you have paid me by tendering me this address. In so far as there is an +allusion to our present national difficulties, which expresses, as you +have said, the views of the gentlemen present, I shall have to beg pardon +for not entering fully upon the questions which the address you have now +read suggests. + +I deem it my duty--a duty which I owe to my constituents--to you, +gentlemen, that I should wait until the last moment for a development of +the present national difficulties before I express myself decidedly as to +what course I shall pursue. I hope, then, not to be false to anything that +you have expected of me. + +I agree with you, Mr. Chairman, that the working men are the basis of all +governments, for the plain reason that they are all the more numerous, +and as you added that those were the sentiments of the gentlemen present, +representing not only the working class, but citizens of other callings +than those of the mechanic, I am happy to concur with you in these +sentiments, not only of the native-born citizens, but also of the Germans +and foreigners from other countries. + +Mr. Chairman, I hold that while man exists it is his duty to improve not +only his own condition, but to assist in ameliorating the condition of +mankind; and therefore, without entering upon the details of the question, +I will simply say that I am for those means which will give the greatest +good to the greatest number. + +In regard to the Homestead law, I have to say that, in so far as the +government lands can be disposed of, I am in favor of cutting up the wild +lands into parcels, so that every poor man may have a home. + +In regard to the Germans and foreigners, I esteem them no better than +other people, nor any worse. It is not my nature, when I see a people +borne down by the weight of their shackles--the oppression of tyranny--to +make their life more bitter by heaping upon them greater burdens; but +rather would I do all in my power to raise the yoke than to add anything +that would tend to crush them. + +Inasmuch as our own country is extensive and new, and the countries of +Europe are densely populated, if there are any abroad who desire to make +this the land of their adoption, it is not in my heart to throw aught in +their way to prevent them from coming to the United States. + +Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I will bid you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF OHIO AT COLUMBUS + +FEBRUARY 13, 1861 + +Mr. PRESIDENT AND Mr. SPEAKER, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF +OHIO:--It is true, as has been said by the president of the Senate, that +very great responsibility rests upon me in the position to which the +votes of the American people have called me. I am deeply sensible of that +weighty responsibility. I cannot but know what you all know, that without +a name, perhaps without a reason why I should have a name, there has +fallen upon me a task such as did not rest even upon the Father of his +Country; and so feeling, I can turn and look for that support without +which it will be impossible for me to perform that great task. I turn, +then, and look to the American people and to that God who has never +forsaken them. Allusion has been made to the interest felt in relation to +the policy of the new administration. In this I have received from some +a degree of credit for having kept silence, and from others some +deprecation. I still think that I was right. + +In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, and without +a precedent which could enable me to judge by the past, it has seemed +fitting that before speaking upon the difficulties of the country I should +have gained a view of the whole field, being at liberty to modify and +change the course of policy as future events may make a change necessary. + +I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a +good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing going +wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we look out there is +nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon +political questions, but nobody is suffering anything. This is a most +consoling circumstance, and from it we may conclude that all we want is +time, patience, and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken this +people. + +Fellow-citizens, what I have said I have said altogether extemporaneously, +and I will now come to a close. + + + + +ADDRESS AT STEUBENVILLE, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 14, 1861 + +I fear that the great confidence placed in my ability is unfounded. +Indeed, I am sure it is. Encompassed by vast difficulties as I am, nothing +shall be wanting on my part, if sustained by God and the American people. +I believe the devotion to the Constitution is equally great on both sides +of the river. It is only the different understanding of that instrument +that causes difficulty. The only dispute on both sides is, "What are their +rights?" If the majority should not rule, who would be the judge? Where +is such a judge to be found? We should all be bound by the majority of +the American people; if not, then the minority must control. Would that be +right? Would it be just or generous? Assuredly not. I reiterate that +the majority should rule. If I adopt a wrong policy, the opportunity for +condemnation will occur in four years' time. Then I can be turned out, and +a better man with better views put in my place. + + + + +ADDRESS AT PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA + +FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + +I most cordially thank his Honor Mayor Wilson, and the citizens of +Pittsburg generally, for their flattering reception. I am the more +grateful because I know that it is not given to me alone, but to the cause +I represent, which clearly proves to me their good-will, and that sincere +feeling is at the bottom of it. And here I may remark that in every short +address I have made to the people, in every crowd through which I have +passed of late, some allusion has been made to the present distracted +condition of the country. It is natural to expect that I should say +something on this subject; but to touch upon it at all would involve +an elaborate discussion of a great many questions and circumstances, +requiring more time than I can at present command, and would, perhaps, +unnecessarily commit me upon matters which have not yet fully developed +themselves. The condition of the country is an extraordinary one, and +fills the mind of every patriot with anxiety. It is my intention to +give this subject all the consideration I possibly can before specially +deciding in regard to it, so that when I do speak it may be as nearly +right as possible. When I do speak I hope I may say nothing in opposition +to the spirit of the Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, +or which will prove inimical to the liberties of the people, or to the +peace of the whole country. And furthermore, when the time arrives for me +to speak on this great subject, I hope I may say nothing to disappoint the +people generally throughout the country, especially if the expectation has +been based upon anything which I may have heretofore said. Notwithstanding +the troubles across the river [the speaker pointing southwardly across the +Monongahela, and smiling], there is no crisis but an artificial one. What +is there now to warrant the condition of affairs presented by our friends +over the river? Take even their own view of the questions involved, and +there is nothing to justify the course they are pursuing. I repeat, then, +there is no crisis, excepting such a one as may be gotten up at any time +by turbulent men aided by designing politicians, My advice to them, under +such circumstances, is to keep cool. If the great American people only +keep their temper on both sides of the line, the troubles will come to +an end, and the question which now distracts the country will be settled, +just as surely as all other difficulties of a like character which have +originated in this government have been adjusted. Let the people on both +sides keep their self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared +away in due time, so will this great nation continue to prosper as +heretofore. But, fellow-citizens, I have spoken longer on this subject +than I intended at the outset. + +It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of Pennsylvania. +Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adopted, the tariff question +must be as durable as the government itself. It is a question of national +housekeeping. It is to the government what replenishing the meal-tub is +to the family. Every varying circumstances will require frequent +modifications as to the amount needed and the sources of supply. So +far there is little difference of opinion among the people. It is as to +whether, and how far, duties on imports shall be adjusted to favor home +production in the home market, that controversy begins. One party insists +that such adjustment oppresses one class for the advantage of another; +while the other party argues that, with all its incidents, in the long run +all classes are benefited. In the Chicago platform there is a plank upon +this subject which should be a general law to the incoming administration. +We should do neither more nor less than we gave the people reason +to believe we would when they gave us their votes. Permit me, +fellow-citizens, to read the tariff plank of the Chicago platform, or +rather have it read in your hearing by one who has younger eyes. + +[Mr. Lincoln's private secretary then read Section 12 of the Chicago +platform, as follows:] + +"That, while providing revenue for the support of the General Government +by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these +imposts as will encourage the development of the industrial interest of +the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which +secures to working-men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, +to mechanics and manufacturers adequate return for their skill, labor, and +enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence." + +As with all general propositions, doubtless, there will be shades of +difference in construing this. I have by no means a thoroughly matured +judgment upon this subject, especially as to details; some general ideas +are about all. I have long thought it would be to our advantage to produce +any necessary article at home which can be made of as good quality and +with as little labor at home as abroad, at least by the difference of the +carrying from abroad. In such case the carrying is demonstrably a dead +loss of labor. For instance, labor being the true standard of value, is it +not plain that if equal labor get a bar of railroad iron out of a mine in +England and another out of a mine in Pennsylvania, each can be laid down +in a track at home cheaper than they could exchange countries, at least +by the carriage? If there be a present cause why one can be both made +and carried cheaper in money price than the other can be made without +carrying, that cause is an unnatural and injurious one, and ought +gradually, if not rapidly, to be removed. The condition of the treasury +at this time would seem to render an early revision of the tariff +indispensable. The Morrill [tariff] bill, now pending before Congress, may +or may not become a law. I am not posted as to its particular provisions, +but if they are generally satisfactory, and the bill shall now pass, there +will be an end for the present. If, however, it shall not pass, I suppose +the whole subject will be one of the most pressing and important for the +next Congress. By the Constitution, the executive may recommend measures +which he may think proper, and he may veto those he thinks improper, and +it is supposed that he may add to these certain indirect influences to +affect the action of Congress. My political education strongly inclines me +against a very free use of any of these means by the executive to control +the legislation of the country. As a rule, I think it better that Congress +should originate as well as perfect its measures without external bias. I +therefore would rather recommend to every gentleman who knows he is to be +a member of the next Congress to take an enlarged view, and post himself +thoroughly, so as to contribute his part to such an adjustment of the +tariff as shall produce a sufficient revenue, and in its other bearings, +so far as possible, be just and equal to all sections of the country and +classes of the people. + + + + +ADDRESS AT CLEVELAND, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF CLEVELAND:--We have been marching +about two miles through snow, rain, and deep mud. The large numbers that +have turned out under these circumstances testify that you are in earnest +about something or other. But do I think so meanly of you as to suppose +that that earnestness is about me personally? I would be doing you an +injustice to suppose you did. You have assembled to testify your respect +for the Union, the Constitution, and the laws; and here let me say that it +is with you, the people, to advance the great cause of the Union and the +Constitution, and not with any one man. It rests with you alone. This fact +is strongly impressed upon my mind at present. In a community like this, +whose appearance testifies to their intelligence, I am convinced that the +cause of liberty and the Union can never be in danger. Frequent allusion +is made to the excitement at present existing in our national politics, +and it is as well that I should also allude to it here. I think that +there is no occasion for any excitement. 'The crisis, as it is called, +is altogether an artificial crisis. In all parts of the nation there are +differences of opinion on politics. There are differences of opinion even +here. You did not all vote for the person who now addresses you. What is +happening now will not hurt those who are farther away from here. Have +they not all their rights now as they ever have had? Do they not have +their fugitive slaves returned now as ever? Have they not the same +Constitution that they have lived under for seventy-odd years? Have they +not a position as citizens of this common country, and have we any power +to change that position? What, then, is the matter with them? Why all this +excitement? Why all these complaints? + +As I said before, this crisis is all artificial! It has no foundation in +facts. It is not argued up, as the saying is, and cannot, therefore, be +argued down. Let it alone and it will go down of itself. + +[Mr. Lincoln then said that they must be content with a few words from +him, as he was tired, etc. Having been given to understand that the +crowd was not all Republican, but consisted of men of all parties, he +continued:] + +This is as it should be. If Judge Douglas had been elected and had been +here on his way to Washington, as I am to-night, the Republicans should +have joined his supporters in welcoming him, just as his friends have +joined with mine tonight. If all do not join now to save the good old +ship of the Union this voyage, nobody will have a chance to pilot her on +another voyage. + + + + +ADDRESS AT BUFFALO, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 16, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF BUFFALO AND THE STATE OF NEW YORK:--I +am here to thank you briefly for this grand reception given to me, not +personally, but as the representative of our great and beloved country. +Your worthy mayor has been pleased to mention, in his address to me, the +fortunate and agreeable journey which I have had from home, on my rather +circuitous route to the Federal capital. I am very happy that he was +enabled in truth to congratulate myself and company on that fact. It is +true we have had nothing thus far to mar the pleasure of the trip. We have +not been met alone by those who assisted in giving the election to me--I +say not alone by them, but by the whole population of the country through +which we have passed. This is as it should be. Had the election fallen +to any other of the distinguished candidates instead of myself, under the +peculiar circumstances, to say the least, it would have been proper for +all citizens to have greeted him as you now greet me. It is an evidence of +the devotion of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and +the perpetuity of the liberties of this country. I am unwilling on any +occasion that I should be so meanly thought of as to have it supposed for +a moment that these demonstrations are tendered to me personally. They are +tendered to the country, to the institutions of the country, and to the +perpetuity of the liberties of the country, for which these institutions +were made and created. + +Your worthy mayor has thought fit to express the hope that I may be able +to relieve the country from the present, or, I should say, the threatened +difficulties. I am sure I bring a heart true to the work. For the ability +to perform it, I must trust in that Supreme Being who has never forsaken +this favored land, through the instrumentality of this great and +intelligent people. Without that assistance I shall surely fail; with it, +I cannot fail. When we speak of threatened difficulties to the Country, +it is natural that it should be expected that something should be said by +myself with regard to particular measures. Upon more mature reflection, +however, others will agree with me that, when it is considered that these +difficulties are without precedent, and have never been acted upon by any +individual situated as I am, it is most proper I should wait and see the +developments, and get all the light possible, so that when I do speak +authoritatively, I may be as near right as possible. When I shall speak +authoritatively, I hope to say nothing inconsistent with the Constitution, +the Union, the rights of all the States, of each State, and of each +section of the country, and not to disappoint the reasonable expectations +of those who have confided to me their votes. In this connection allow me +to say that you, as a portion of the great American people, need only to +maintain your composure, stand up to your sober convictions of right, to +your obligations to the Constitution, and act in accordance with those +sober convictions, and the clouds now on the horizon will be dispelled, +and we shall have a bright and glorious future; and when this generation +has passed away, tens of thousands will inhabit this country where only +thousands inhabit it now. I do not propose to address you at length; I +have no voice for it. Allow me again to thank you for this magnificent +reception, and bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT ROCHESTER, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861 + +I confess myself, after having seen many large audiences since leaving +home, overwhelmed with this vast number of faces at this hour of the +morning. I am not vain enough to believe that you are here from any +wish to see me as an individual, but because I am for the time being the +representative of the American people. I could not, if I would, address +you at any length. I have not the strength, even if I had the time, for a +speech at each of these many interviews that are afforded me on my way to +Washington. I appear merely to see you, and to let you see me, and to +bid you farewell. I hope it will be understood that it is from no +disinclination to oblige anybody that I do not address you at greater +length. + + + + +ADDRESS AT SYRACUSE, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I See you have erected a very fine and handsome +platform here for me, and I presume you expected me to speak from it. If +I should go upon it, you would imagine that I was about to deliver you +a much longer speech than I am. I wish you to understand that I mean no +discourtesy to you by thus declining. I intend discourtesy to no one. +But I wish you to understand that, though I am unwilling to go upon this +platform, you are not at liberty to draw inferences concerning any other +platform with which my name has been or is connected. I wish you long life +and prosperity individually, and pray that with the perpetuity of those +institutions under which we have all so long lived and prospered, our +happiness may be secured, our future made brilliant, and the glorious +destiny of our country established forever. I bid you a kind farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT UTICA, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1860 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I have no speech to make to you; and no time to +speak in. I appear before you that I may see you, and that you may see me; +and I am willing to admit that so far as the ladies are concerned I have +the best of the bargain, though I wish it to be understood that I do not +make the same acknowledgment concerning the men. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF ALBANY, NEW YORK + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +MR. MAYOR:--I can hardly appropriate to myself the flattering terms in +which you communicate the tender of this reception, as personal to myself. +I most gratefully accept the hospitalities tendered to me, and will not +detain you or the audience with any extended remarks at this time. I +presume that in the two or three courses through which I shall have to go, +I shall have to repeat somewhat, and I will therefore only express to you +my thanks for this kind reception. + + + + +REPLY TO GOVERNOR MORGAN OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +GOVERNOR MORGAN:--I was pleased to receive an invitation to visit the +capital of the great Empire State of this nation while on my way to the +Federal capital. I now thank you, Mr. Governor, and you, the people of +the capital of the State of New York, for this most hearty and magnificent +welcome. If I am not at fault, the great Empire State at this time +contains a larger population than did the whole of the United States of +America at the time they achieved their national independence, and I was +proud--to be invited to visit its capital, to meet its citizens, as I now +have the honor to do. I am notified by your governor that this reception +is tendered by citizens without distinction of party. Because of this +I accept it the more gladly. In this country, and in any country where +freedom of thought is tolerated, citizens attach themselves to political +parties. It is but an ordinary degree of charity to attribute this act to +the supposition that, in thus attaching themselves to the various parties, +each man in his own judgment supposes he thereby best advances the +interests of the whole country. And when an election is past it is +altogether befitting a free people, as I suppose, that, until the next +election, they should be one people. The reception you have extended me +to-day is not given to me personally,--it should not be so,--but as the +representative, for the time being, of the majority of the nation. If the +election had fallen to any of the more distinguished citizens who received +the support of the people, this same honor should have greeted him that +greets me this day, in testimony of the universal, unanimous devotion +of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and to the perpetual +liberties of succeeding generations in this country. + +I have neither the voice nor the strength to address you at any greater +length. I beg you will therefore accept my most grateful thanks for this +manifest devotion--not to me, but the institutions of this great and +glorious country. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF NEW +YORK:--It is with feelings of great diffidence, and, I may say, with +feelings of awe, perhaps greater than I have recently experienced, that I +meet you here in this place. The history of this great State, the renown +of those great men who have stood here, and have spoken here, and have +been heard here, all crowd around my fancy, and incline me to shrink from +any attempt to address you. Yet I have some confidence given me by the +generous manner in which you have invited me, and by the still more +generous manner in which you have received me, to speak further. You +have invited and received me without distinction of party. I cannot for +a moment suppose that this has been done in any considerable degree with +reference to my personal services, but that it is done in so far as I am +regarded, at this time, as the representative of the majesty of this great +nation. I doubt not this is the truth, and the whole truth of the case, +and this is as it should be. It is much more gratifying to me that this +reception has been given to me as the elected representative of a free +people, than it could possibly be if tendered merely as an evidence of +devotion to me, or to any one man personally. + +And now I think it were more fitting that I should close these hasty +remarks. It is true that, while I hold myself, without mock modesty, +the humblest of all individuals that have ever been elevated to the +Presidency, I have a more difficult task to perform than any one of them. + +You have generously tendered me the support--the united support--of the +great Empire State. For this, in behalf of the nation--in behalf of the +present and future of the nation--in behalf of civil and religious liberty +for all time to come, most gratefully do I thank you. I do not propose +to enter into an explanation of any particular line of policy, as to our +present difficulties, to be adopted by the incoming administration. I deem +it just to you, to myself, to all, that I should see everything, that I +should hear everything, that I should have every light that can be brought +within my reach, in order that, when I do so speak, I shall have enjoyed +every opportunity to take correct and true ground; and for this reason I +do not propose to speak at this time of the policy of the Government. But +when the time comes, I shall speak, as well as I am able, for the good of +the present and future of this country for the good both of the North and +of the South--for the good of the one and the other, and of all sections +of the country. In the meantime, if we have patience, if we restrain +ourselves, if we allow ourselves not to run off in a passion, I still have +confidence that the Almighty, the Maker of the universe, will, through +the instrumentality of this great and intelligent people, bring us through +this as He has through all the other difficulties of our country. Relying +on this, I again thank you for this generous reception. + + + + +ADDRESS AT TROY, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +MR. MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF TROY:--I thank you very kindly for this great +reception. Since I left my home it has not been my fortune to meet +an assemblage more numerous and more orderly than this. I am the more +gratified at this mark of your regard since you assure me it is tendered, +not to the individual but to the high office you have called me to fill. +I have neither strength nor time to make any extended remarks on this +occasion, and I can only repeat to you my sincere thanks for the kind +reception you have thought proper to extend to me. + + + + +ADDRESS AT POUGHKEEPSIE, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--It is altogether impossible I should make myself heard +by any considerable portion of this vast assemblage; but, although I +appear before you mainly for the purpose of seeing you, and to let you +see rather than hear me, I cannot refrain from saying that I am highly +gratified--as much here, indeed, under the circumstances, as I have been +anywhere on my route--to witness this noble demonstration--made, not +in honor of an individual, but of the man who at this time humbly, but +earnestly, represents the majesty of the nation. + +This reception, like all the others that have been tendered to me, +doubtless emanates from all the political parties, and not from one alone. +As such I accept it the more gratefully, since it indicates an earnest +desire on the part of the whole people, with out regard to political +differences, to save--not the country, because the country will save +itself but to save the institutions of the country, those institutions +under which, in the last three quarters of a century, we have grown to +a great, and intelligent, and a happy people--the greatest, the +most intelligent, and the happiest people in the world. These noble +manifestations indicate, with unerring certainty, that the whole people +are willing to make common cause for this object; that if, as it ever must +be, some have been successful in the recent election and some have been +beaten, if some are satisfied and some are dissatisfied, the defeated +party are not in favor of sinking the ship, but are desirous of running it +through the tempest in safety, and willing, if they think the people have +committed an error in their verdict now, to wait in the hope of reversing +it and setting it right next time. I do not say that in the recent +election the people did the wisest thing, that could have been +done--indeed, I do not think they did; but I do say that in accepting the +great trust committed to me, which I do with a determination to endeavor +to prove worthy of it, I must rely upon you, upon the people of the whole +country, for support; and with their sustaining aid, even I, humble as I +am, cannot fail to carry the ship of state safely through the storm. + +I have now only to thank you warmly for your kind attendance, and bid you +all an affectionate farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT HUDSON, NEW YORK. + +FEBRUARY 19, 1860 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I see that you are providing a platform for me. I shall +have to decline standing upon it, because the president of the company +tells me that I shall not have time to wait until it is brought to me. As +I said yesterday, under similar circumstances at another gathering, you +must not draw the inference that I have any intention of deserting any +platform with which I have a legitimate connection because I do not stand +on yours. Allow me to thank you for this splendid reception, and I now bid +you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT PEEKSKILL, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I have but a moment to stand before you to listen +to and return your kind greeting. I thank you for this reception, and for +the pleasant manner in which it is tendered to me by our mutual friends. +I will say in a single sentence, in regard to the difficulties that lie +before me and our beloved country, that if I can only be as generously and +unanimously sustained as the demonstrations I have witnessed indicate I +shall be, I shall not fail; but without your sustaining hands I am sure +that neither I nor any other man can hope to surmount these difficulties. +I trust that in the course I shall pursue I shall be sustained not only +by the party that elected me, but by the patriotic people of the whole +country. + + + + +ADDRESS AT FISHKILL LANDING + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I appear before you not to make a speech. I have +not sufficient time, if I had the strength, to repeat speeches at every +station where the people kindly gather to welcome me as we go along. If I +had the strength, and should take the time, I should not get to Washington +until after the inauguration, which you must be aware would not fit +exactly. That such an untoward event might not transpire, I know you will +readily forego any further remarks; and I close by bidding you farewell. + + + + +REMARKS AT THE ASTOR HOUSE, NEW YORK CITY, FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I have stepped before you merely in compliance with what +appears to be your wish, and not with the purpose of making a speech. I +do not propose making a speech this afternoon. I could not be heard by any +but a small fraction of you, at best; but, what is still worse than that, +I have nothing just now to say that is worthy of your hearing. I beg you +to believe that I do not now refuse to address you from any disposition to +disoblige you, but to the contrary. But, at the same time, I beg of you to +excuse me for the present. + + + + +ADDRESS AT NEW YORK CITY, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN:--I am rather an old man to avail myself of +such an excuse as I am now about to do. Yet the truth is so distinct, and +presses itself so distinctly upon me, that I cannot well avoid it--and +that is, that I did not understand when I was brought into this room that +I was to be brought here to make a speech. It was not intimated to me that +I was brought into the room where Daniel Webster and Henry Clay had made +speeches, and where one in my position might be expected to do something +like those men or say something worthy of myself or my audience. I +therefore beg you to make allowance for the circumstances in which I +have been by surprise brought before you. Now I have been in the habit +of thinking and sometimes speaking upon political questions that have for +some years past agitated the country; and, if I were disposed to do so, +and we could take up some one of the issues, as the lawyers call them, and +I were called upon to make an argument about it to the best of my ability, +I could do so without much preparation. But that is not what you desire to +have done here to-night. + +I have been occupying a position, since the Presidential election, of +silence--of avoiding public speaking, of avoiding public writing. I have +been doing so because I thought, upon full consideration, that was the +proper course for me to take. I am brought before you now, and required +to make a speech, when you all approve more than anything else of the fact +that I have been keeping silence. And now it seems to me that the response +you give to that remark ought to justify me in closing just here. I +have not kept silence since the Presidential election from any party +wantonness, or from any indifference to the anxiety that pervades the +minds of men about the aspect of the political affairs of this country. I +have kept silence for the reason that I supposed it was peculiarly proper +that I should do so until the time came when, according to the custom of +the country, I could speak officially. + +I still suppose that, while the political drama being enacted in this +country at this time is rapidly shifting its scenes--forbidding an +anticipation with any degree of certainty to-day of what we shall see +to-morrow--it is peculiarly fitting that I should see it all, up to the +last minute, before I should take ground that I might be disposed, by the +shifting of the scenes afterward, also to shift. I have said several times +upon this journey, and I now repeat it to you, that when the time does +come, I shall then take the ground that I think is right--right for the +North, for the South, for the East, for the West, for the whole country. +And in doing so I hope to feel no necessity pressing upon me to say +anything in conflict with the Constitution, in conflict with the continued +union of these States, in conflict with the perpetuation of the liberties +of this people, or anything in conflict with anything whatever that I have +ever given you reason to expect from me. And now, my friends, have I said +enough? [Loud cries of "No, no!" and, "Three cheers for LINCOLN!"] Now, my +friends, there appears to be a difference of opinion between you and me, +and I really feel called upon to decide the question myself. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEW YORK CITY, + +FEBRUARY 20, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR:--It is with feelings of deep gratitude that I make my +acknowledgments for the reception that has been given me in the great +commercial city of New York. I cannot but remember that it is done by +the people who do not, by a large majority, agree with me in political +sentiment. It is the more grateful to me because in this I see that for +the great principles of our Government the people are pretty nearly or +quite unanimous. In regard to the difficulties that confront us at this +time, and of which you have seen fit to speak so becomingly and so justly, +I can only say I agree with the sentiments expressed. In my devotion to +the Union I hope I am behind no man in the nation. As to my wisdom in +conducting affairs so as to tend to the preservation of the Union, I fear +too great confidence may have been placed in me. I am sure I bring a +heart devoted to the work. There is nothing that could ever bring me to +consent--willingly to consent--to the destruction of this Union (in which +not only the great city of New York, but the whole country, has acquired +its greatness), unless it would be that thing for which the Union +itself was made. I understand that the ship is made for the carrying and +preservation of the cargo; and so long as the ship is safe with the cargo, +it shall not be abandoned. This Union shall never be abandoned, unless the +possibility of its existence shall cease to exist without the necessity of +throwing passengers and cargo overboard. So long, then, as it is possible +that the prosperity and liberties of this people can be preserved within +this Union, it shall be my purpose at all tunes to preserve it. And now, +Mr. Mayor, renewing my thanks for this cordial reception, allow me to come +to a close. + + + + +ADDRESS AT JERSEY CITY, NEW JERSEY + +FEBRUARY 21, 1860 + +MR. DAYTON AND GENTLEMEN OF THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY:--I shall only thank +you briefly for this very kind reception given me, not personally, but as +the temporary representative of the majesty of the nation. To the kindness +of your hearts, and of the hearts of your brethren in your State, I should +be very proud to respond, but I shall not have strength to address you +or other assemblages at length, even if I had the time to do so. I appear +before you, therefore, for little else than to greet you, and to briefly +say farewell. You have done me the very high honor to present your +reception courtesies to me through your great man a man with whom it is an +honor to be associated anywhere, and in owning whom no State can be poor. +He has said enough, and by the saying of it suggested enough, to require a +response of an hour, well considered. I could not in an hour make a worthy +response to it. I therefore, ladies and gentlemen of New Jersey, content +myself with saying, most heartily do I indorse all the sentiments he has +expressed. Allow me, most gratefully, to bid you farewell. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEWARK, NEW JERSEY, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861. + +MR. MAYOR:--I thank you for this reception at the city of Newark. With +regard to the great work of which you speak, I will say that I bring to it +a heart filled with love for my country, and an honest desire to do what +is right. I am sure, however, that I have not the ability to do anything +unaided of God, and that without His support and that of this free, happy, +prosperous, and intelligent people, no man can succeed in doing that +the importance of which we all comprehend. Again thanking you for the +reception you have given me, I will now bid you farewell, and proceed upon +my journey. + + + + +ADDRESS IN TRENTON AT THE TRENTON HOUSE, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +I have been invited by your representatives to the Legislature to visit +this the capital of your honored State, and in acknowledging their kind +invitation, compelled to respond to the welcome of the presiding officers +of each body, and I suppose they intended I should speak to you through +them, as they are the representatives of all of you; and if I were to +speak again here, I should only have to repeat in a great measure much +that I have said, which would be disgusting to my friends around me who +have met here. I have no speech to make, but merely appear to see you and +let you look at me; and as to the latter I think I have greatly the best +of the bargain. My friends, allow me to bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE SENATE OF NEW JERSEY + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE OF THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY:--I +am very grateful to you for the honorable reception of which I have been +the object. I cannot but remember the place that New Jersey holds in our +early history. In the Revolutionary struggle few of the States among the +Old Thirteen had more of the battle-fields of the country within their +limits than New Jersey. May I be pardoned if, upon this occasion, I +mention that away back in my childhood, the earliest days of my being +able to read, I got hold of a small book, such a one as few of the younger +members have ever seen Weems's Life of Washington. I remember all the +accounts there given of the battle-fields and struggles for the liberties +of the country; and none fixed themselves upon my imagination so deeply as +the struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The crossing of the river, the +contest with the Hessians, the great hardships endured at that time, all +fixed themselves on my memory more than any single Revolutionary event; +and you all know, for you have all been boys, how these early impressions +last longer than any others. I recollect thinking then, boy even though I +was, that there must have been something more than common that these men +struggled for. I am exceedingly anxious that that thing that something +even more than national independence, that something that held out a +great promise to all the people of the world to all time to come--I am +exceedingly anxious that this Union, the Constitution, and the liberties +of the people shall be perpetuated in accordance with the original idea +for which that struggle was made; and I shall be most happy indeed if I +shall be a humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and of this his +almost chosen people, for perpetuating the object of that great struggle. +You give me this reception, as I understand, without distinction of party. +I learn that this body is composed of a majority of gentlemen who, in the +exercise of their best judgment in the choice of a chief magistrate, +did not think I was the man. I understand, nevertheless, that they come +forward here to greet me as the constitutionally elected President of the +United States--as citizens of the United States to meet the man who, for +the time being, is the representative of the majesty of the nation--united +by the single purpose to perpetuate the Constitution, the union, and the +liberties of the people. As such, I accept this reception more gratefully +than I could do did I believe it were tendered to me as an individual. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF NEW JERSEY, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. SPEAKER AND GENTLEMEN: I have just enjoyed the honor of a reception +by the other branch of this Legislature, and I return to you and them my +thanks for the reception which the people of New Jersey have given through +their chosen representatives to me as the representative, for the time +being, of the majesty of the people of the United States. I appropriate to +myself very little of the demonstrations of respect with which I have been +greeted. I think little should be given to any man, but that it should +be a manifestation of adherence to the Union and the Constitution. I +understand myself to be received here by the representatives of the people +of New Jersey, a majority of whom differ in opinion from those with whom +I have acted. This manifestation is therefore to be regarded by me +as expressing their devotion to the Union, the Constitution, and the +liberties of the people. + +You, Mr. Speaker, have well said that this is a time when the bravest and +wisest look with doubt and awe upon the aspect presented by our national +affairs. Under these circumstances you will readily see why I should not +speak in detail of the course I shall deem it best to pursue. It is proper +that I should avail myself of all the information and all the time at +my command, in order that when the time arrives in which I must speak +officially, I shall be able to take the ground which I deem best and +safest, and from which I may have no occasion to swerve. I shall endeavor +to take the ground I deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the +South, and the whole country. I shall take it, I hope, in good temper, +certainly with no malice toward any section. I shall do all that may be in +my power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficulties. The man +does not live who is more devoted to peace than I am, none who would do +more to preserve it, but it may be necessary to put the foot down firmly. +And if I do my duty and do right, you will sustain me, will you not? [Loud +cheers, and cries of "Yes, yes; we will."] Received as I am by the members +of a Legislature the majority of whom do not agree with me in political +sentiments, I trust that I may have their assistance in piloting the ship +of state through this voyage, surrounded by perils as it is; for if it +should suffer wreck now, there will be no pilot ever needed for another +voyage. + +Gentlemen, I have already spoken longer than I intended, and must beg +leave to stop here. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA:--I appear before you to +make no lengthy speech, but to thank you for this reception. The reception +you have given me to-night is not to me, the man, the individual, but to +the man who temporarily represents, or should represent, the majesty of +the nation. It is true, as your worthy mayor has said, that there is great +anxiety amongst the citizens of the United States at this time. I deem it +a happy circumstance that this dissatisfied portion of our fellow-citizens +does not point us to anything in which they are being injured or about +to be injured; for which reason I have felt all the while justified in +concluding that the crisis, the panic, the anxiety of the country at +this time is artificial. If there be those who differ with me upon this +subject, they have not pointed out the substantial difficulty that exists. +I do not mean to say that an artificial panic may not do considerable +harm; that it has done such I do not deny. The hope that has been +expressed by your mayor, that I may be able to restore peace, harmony, and +prosperity to the country, is most worthy of him; and most happy, indeed, +will I be if I shall be able to verify and fulfil that hope. I promise +you that I bring to the work a sincere heart. Whether I will bring a head +equal to that heart will be for future times to determine. It were useless +for me to speak of details of plans now; I shall speak officially next +Monday week, if ever. If I should not speak then, it were useless for me +to do so now. If I do speak then, it is useless for me to do so now. When +I do speak, I shall take such ground as I deem best calculated to restore +peace, harmony, and prosperity to the country, and tend to the perpetuity +of the nation and the liberty of these States and these people. Your +worthy mayor has expressed the wish, in which I join with him, that it +were convenient for me to remain in your city long enough to consult your +merchants and manufacturers; or, as it were, to listen to those breathings +rising within the consecrated walls wherein the Constitution of the United +States and, I will add, the Declaration of Independence, were originally +framed and adopted. I assure you and your mayor that I had hoped on this +occasion, and upon all occasions during my life, that I shall do nothing +inconsistent with the teachings of these holy and most sacred walls. I +have never asked anything that does not breathe from those walls. All my +political warfare has been in favor of the teachings that come forth from +these sacred walls. May my right hand forget its cunning and my tongue +cleave to the roof of my mouth if ever I prove false to those teachings. +Fellow-citizens, I have addressed you longer than I expected to do, and +now allow me to bid you goodnight. + + + + +ADDRESS IN THE HALL OF INDEPENDENCE, PHILADELPHIA, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. CUYLER:--I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing +here, in this place, where were collected together the wisdom, the +devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which +we live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of +restoring peace to the present distracted condition of the country. I can +say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments I entertain have +been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments +which originated and were given to the world from this hall. I have never +had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied +in the Declaration of Independence. I have often pondered over the dangers +which were incurred by the men who assembled here and framed and adopted +that Declaration of Independence. I have pondered over the toils that +were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved that +independence. I have often inquired of myself what great principle or idea +it was that kept the confederacy so long together. It was not the mere +matter of separation of the colonies from the motherland, but that +sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not alone +to the people of this country, but, I hope, to the world for all future +time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weight would be +lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is the sentiment embodied in +the Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, can the country be saved +upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest +men in the world if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that +principle, it will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved +without giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather +be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now, in my view of the +present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed or war. There is no +necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course, and I may say, in +advance, that there will be no bloodshed unless it is forced upon the +Government, and then it will be compelled to act in self-defence. + +My friends; this is wholly an unexpected speech, and I did not expect to +be called upon to say a word when I came here. I supposed it was merely +to do something toward raising the flag. I may, therefore, have said +something indiscreet. I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by +and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, die by. + + + + +REPLY TO THE WILMINGTON DELEGATION, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. CHAIRMAN:--I feel highly flattered by the encomiums you have seen fit +to bestow upon me. Soon after the nomination of General Taylor, I attended +a political meeting in the city of Wilmington, and have since carried with +me a fond remembrance of the hospitalities of the city on that occasion. +The programme established provides for my presence in Harrisburg in +twenty-four hours from this time. I expect to be in Washington on +Saturday. It is, therefore, an impossibility that I should accept your +kind invitation. There are no people whom I would more gladly accommodate +than those of Delaware; but circumstances forbid, gentlemen. With many +regrets for the character of the reply I am compelled to give you, I bid +you adieu. + + + + +ADDRESS AT LANCASTER, PENNSYLVANIA, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1860 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN OF OLD LANCASTER:--I appear not to make a speech. I +have not time to make a speech at length, and not strength to make them on +every occasion; and, worse than all, I have none to make. There is plenty +of matter to speak about in these times, but it is well known that the +more a man speaks the less he is understood--the more he says one thing, +the more his adversaries contend he meant something else. I shall soon +have occasion to speak officially, and then I will endeavor to put my +thoughts just as plain as I can express myself--true to the Constitution +and Union of all the States, and to the perpetual liberty of all the +people. Until I so speak, there is no need to enter upon details. In +conclusion, I greet you most heartily, and bid you an affectionate +farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA, AT HARRISBURG, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. SPEAKER OF THE SENATE, AND ALSO MR. SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF +REPRESENTATIVES, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF +PENNSYLVANIA:--I appear before you only for a very few brief remarks in +response to what has been said to me. I thank you most sincerely for this +reception, and the generous words in which support has been promised me +upon this occasion. I thank your great commonwealth for the overwhelming +support it recently gave, not me personally, but the cause which I think a +just one, in the late election. + +Allusion has been made to the fact--the interesting fact perhaps we +should say--that I for the first time appear at the capital of the great +commonwealth of Pennsylvania upon the birthday of the Father of his +Country. In connection with that beloved anniversary connected with the +history of this country, I have already gone through one exceedingly +interesting scene this morning in the ceremonies at Philadelphia. Under +the kind conduct of gentlemen there, I was for the first time allowed +the privilege of standing in old Independence Hall to have a few words +addressed to me there, and opening up to me an opportunity of manifesting +my deep regret that I had not more time to express something of my own +feelings excited by the occasion, that had been really the feelings of my +whole life. + +Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent flag of the +country. They had arranged it so that I was given the honor of raising it +to the head of its staff, and when it went up I was pleased that it went +to its place by the strength of my own feeble arm. When, according to the +arrangement, the cord was pulled, and it floated gloriously to the wind, +without an accident, in the bright, glowing sunshine of the morning, +I could not help hoping that there was in the entire success of that +beautiful ceremony at least something of an omen of what is to come. Nor +could I help feeling then, as I have often felt, that in the whole of that +proceeding I was a very humbled instrument. I had not provided the flag; I +had not made the arrangements for elevating it to its place; I had applied +but a very small portion of even my feeble strength in raising it. In the +whole transaction I was in the hands of the people who had arranged it, +and if I can have the same generous co-operation of the people of +this nation, I think the flag of our country may yet be kept flaunting +gloriously. + +I recur for a moment but to repeat some words uttered at the hotel in +regard to what has been said about the military support which the General +Government may expect from the commonwealth of Pennsylvania in a proper +emergency. To guard against any possible mistake do I recur to this. It is +not with any pleasure that I contemplate the possibility that a necessity +may arise in this country for the use of the military arm. While I am +exceedingly gratified to see the manifestation upon your streets of your +military force here, and exceedingly gratified at your promise to use that +force upon a proper emergency--while I make these acknowledgments I desire +to repeat, in order to preclude any possible misconstruction, that I do +most sincerely hope that we shall have no use for them; that it will +never become their duty to shed blood, and most especially never to shed +fraternal blood. I promise that so far as I may have wisdom to direct, +if so painful a result shall in any wise be brought about, it shall be +through no fault of mine. + +Allusion has also been made by one of your honored speakers to some +remarks recently made by myself at Pittsburg in regard to what is supposed +to be the especial interest of this great commonwealth of Pennsylvania. I +now wish only to say in regard to that matter, that the few remarks which +I uttered on that occasion were rather carefully worded. I took pains +that they should be so. I have seen no occasion since to add to them or +subtract from them. I leave them precisely as they stand, adding only +now that I am pleased to have an expression from you, gentlemen of +Pennsylvania, signifying that they are satisfactory to you. + +And now, gentlemen of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of +Pennsylvania, allow me again to return to you my most sincere thanks. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF WASHINGTON, D.C., + +FEBRUARY 27, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR:--I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities of this +city who accompany you, for this welcome. And as it is the first time in +my life, since the present phase of politics has presented itself in this +country, that I have said anything publicly within a region of country +where the institution of slavery exists, I will take this occasion to +say that I think very much of the ill feeling that has existed and still +exists between the people in the section from which I came and the people +here, is dependent upon a misunderstanding of one another. I therefore +avail myself of this opportunity to assure you, Mr. Mayor, and all the +gentlemen present, that I have not now, and never have had, any other than +as kindly feelings toward you as to the people of my own section. I have +not now, and never have had, any disposition to treat you in any respect +otherwise than as my own neighbors. I have not now any purpose to withhold +from you any of the benefits of the Constitution, under any circumstances, +that I would not feel myself constrained to withhold from my own +neighbors; and I hope, in a word, that when we shall become better +acquainted--and I say it with great confidence--we shall like each other +better. I thank you for the kindness of this reception. + + + + +REPLY TO A SERENADE AT WASHINGTON, D.C., + +FEBRUARY 28, 1861 + +MY FRIENDS:--I suppose that I may take this as a compliment paid to me, +and as such please accept my thanks for it. I have reached this city of +Washington under circumstances considerably differing from those under +which any other man has ever reached it. I am here for the purpose of +taking an official position amongst the people, almost all of whom were +politically opposed to me, and are yet opposed to me, as I suppose. + +I propose no lengthy address to you. I only propose to say, as I did on +yesterday, when your worthy mayor and board of aldermen called upon me, +that I thought much of the ill feeling that has existed between you and +the people of your surroundings and that people from among whom I came, +has depended, and now depends, upon a misunderstanding. + +I hope that, if things shall go along as prosperously as I believe we all +desire they may, I may have it in my power to remove something of this +misunderstanding; that I may be enabled to convince you, and the people +of your section of the country, that we regard you as in all things +our equals, and in all things entitled to the same respect and the same +treatment that we claim for ourselves; that we are in no wise disposed, if +it were in our power, to oppress you, to deprive you of any of your rights +under the Constitution of the United States, or even narrowly to split +hairs with you in regard to these rights, but are determined to give you, +as far as lies in our hands, all your rights under the Constitution--not +grudgingly, but fully and fairly. I hope that, by thus dealing with you, +we will become better acquainted, and be better friends. + +And now, my friends, with these few remarks, and again returning my thanks +for this compliment, and expressing my desire to hear a little more of +your good music, I bid you good-night. + + + + +WASHINGTON, SUNDAY, MARCH 3, 1861 + +[During the struggle over the appointments of LINCOLN's Cabinet, the +President-elect spoke as follows:] + +Gentlemen, it is evident that some one must take the responsibility +of these appointments, and I will do it. My Cabinet is completed. The +positions are not definitely assigned, and will not be until I announce +them privately to the gentlemen whom I have selected as my Constitutional +advisers. + + + + +FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS, MARCH 4, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES:--In compliance with a custom as old +as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and +to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of +the United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the +execution of his office." + +I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters +of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. + +Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that +by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their +peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any +reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to +the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. +It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses +you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that + +"I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the +institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no +lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." + +Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had +made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And, +more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a +law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now +read: + +"Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and +especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic +institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential +to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our +political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed +force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, +as amongst the gravest of crimes." + +I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon +the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is +susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to +be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, too, +that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and +the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when +lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to +another. + +There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from +service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the +Constitution as any other of its provisions: + +"No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, +escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation +therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered +up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." + +It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those +who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the +intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their +support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any +other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the +terms of this clause "shall be delivered up," their oaths are unanimous. +Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with +nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good +that unanimous oath? + +There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced +by national or by State authority; but surely that difference is not a +very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but +little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And +should any one in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a +merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? + +Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of +liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so +that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it +not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that +clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each +State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in +the several States"? + +I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no +purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. +And, while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as +proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, +both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all +those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting +to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. + +It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President +under our national Constitution. During that period fifteen different +and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the +executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many +perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of +precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional +term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of +the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. + +I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, +the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not +expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe +to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic +law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express +provisions of our national Constitution, and the Union will endure +forever--it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not +provided for in the instrument itself. + +Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association +of States in the nature of contract merely, can it as a contract be +peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to +a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak; but does it not require +all to lawfully rescind it? + +Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in +legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of +the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was +formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured +and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further +matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted +and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation +in 1778. And, finally, in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining +and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union." + +But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the +States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the +Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. + +It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can +lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect +are legally void; and that acts of violence, within any State or States, +against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or +revolutionary, according to circumstances. + +I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the +Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as +the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the +Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to +be only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform it so far as +practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall +withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the +contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the +declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and +maintain itself. + +In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there +shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power +confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and +places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; +but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no +invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where +hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, shall be so +great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding +the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers +among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist +in the government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to +do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, that I +deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. + +The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of +the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that +sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and +reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current +events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, +and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised +according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope +of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of +fraternal sympathies and affections. + +That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the +Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither +affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To +those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak? + +Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national +fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not +be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate +a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly +from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly +to are greater than all the real ones you fly from--will you risk the +commission of so fearful a mistake? + +All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can +be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the +Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so +constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, +if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of +the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a +majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional +right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution--certainly +would if such a right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the +vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to +them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the +Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no +organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to +every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight +can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express +provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be +surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does +not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The +Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the +Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. + +From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, +and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority +will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There +is no other alternative; for continuing the Government is acquiescence on +one side or the other. + +If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a +precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; for a minority of their +own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by +such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy +a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of +the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion +sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. + +Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a +new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession? + +Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A +majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and +always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and +sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects +it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is +impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly +inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or +despotism in some form is all that is left. + +I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional +questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that such +decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, as to +the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect +and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the +government. And, while it is obviously possible that such decision may +be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being +limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled +and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than +could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid +citizen must confess that if the policy of the government, upon vital +questions affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by +decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary +litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have +ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned +the government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in +this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from +which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, +and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to +political purposes. + +One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be +extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be +extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause +of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave +trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a +community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law +itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation +in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be +perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation +of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly +suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, in one +section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not +be surrendered at all by the other. + +Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective +sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A +husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond +the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot +do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either +amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, +to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after +separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can +make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than +laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; +and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease +fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again +upon you. + +This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit +it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can +exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary +right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that +many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national +Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, +I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole +subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the +instrument itself, and I should, under existing circumstances, favor +rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act +upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems +preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people +themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions +originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which +might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. +I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution which amendment, +however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the +Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions +of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid +misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak +of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision +to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being +made express and irrevocable. + +The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and +they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the +States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the +executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer +the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, +unimpaired by him, to his successors. + +Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of +the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present +differences is either party without faith of being in the right? If the +Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your +side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice +will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American +people. + +By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people have +wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; and +have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their +own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue +and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, +can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four years. + +My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. +Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object +to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take +deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good +object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still +have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the +laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will have +no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted +that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there +still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, +patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet +forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best way +all our present difficulty. + +In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the +momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can +have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath +registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the +most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend" it. + +I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be +enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break, our bonds of +affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field +and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this +broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as +surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. + + + + +REFUSAL OF SEWARD RESIGNATION + +TO WM. H. SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 4, 1861. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your note of the 2d instant, asking to withdraw your +acceptance of my invitation to take charge of the State Department, was +duly received. It is the subject of the most painful solicitude with me, +and I feel constrained to beg that you will countermand the withdrawal. +The public interest, I think, demands that you should; and my personal +feelings are deeply enlisted in the same direction. Please consider and +answer by 9 A.M. to-morrow. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION, + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE PENNSYLVANIAN DELEGATION:--As I have so +frequently said heretofore, when I have had occasion to address the people +of the Keystone, in my visits to that State, I can now but repeat the +assurance of my gratification at the support you gave me at the election, +and at the promise of a continuation of that support which is now tendered +to me. + +Allusion has been made to the hope that you entertain that you have a +President and a government. In respect to that I wish to say to you that +in the position I have assumed I wish to do more than I have ever given +reason to believe I would do. I do not wish you to believe that I assume +to be any better than others who have gone before me. I prefer rather to +have it understood that if we ever have a government on the principles we +profess, we should remember, while we exercise our opinion, that others +have also rights to the exercise of their opinions, and that we should +endeavor to allow these rights, and act in such a manner as to create no +bad feeling. I hope we have a government and a President. I hope, and +wish it to be understood, that there may be no allusion to unpleasant +differences. + +We must remember that the people of all the States are entitled to all the +privileges and immunities of the citizens of the several States. We should +bear this in mind, and act in such a way as to say nothing insulting +or irritating. I would inculcate this idea, so that we may not, like +Pharisees, set ourselves up to be better than other people. + +Now, my friends, my public duties are pressing to-day, and will prevent +my giving more time to you. Indeed, I should not have left them now, but I +could not well deny myself to so large and respectable a body. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION, + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + +I am thankful for this renewed assurance of kind feeling and confidence, +and the support of the old Bay State, in so far as you, Mr. Chairman, have +expressed, in behalf of those whom you represent, your sanction of what +I have enunciated in my inaugural address. This is very grateful to my +feelings. The object was one of great delicacy, in presenting views at the +opening of an administration under the peculiar circumstances attending my +entrance upon the official duties connected with the Government. I studied +all the points with great anxiety, and presented them with whatever +of ability and sense of justice I could bring to bear. If it met the +approbation of our good friends in Massachusetts, I shall be exceedingly +gratified, while I hope it will meet the approbation of friends +everywhere. I am thankful for the expressions of those who have voted +with us; and like every other man of you, I like them as certainly as I do +others. As the President in the administration of the Government, I +hope to be man enough not to know one citizen of the United States from +another, nor one section from another. I shall be gratified to have good +friends of Massachusetts and others who have thus far supported me in +these national views still to support me in carrying them out. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD + +EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, MARCH 7, 1861 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is the diplomatic address and my reply. To whom the +reply should be addressed--that is, by what title or style--I do not quite +understand, and therefore I have left it blank. + +Will you please bring with you to-day the message from the War Department, +with General Scott's note upon it, which we had here yesterday? I wish to +examine the General's opinion, which I have not yet done. + +Yours very truly + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS + +WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, MARCH 7, 1861 + +Mr. FIGANIERE AND GENTLEMEN OF THE DIPLOMATIC BODY:--Please accept my +sincere thanks for your kind congratulations. It affords me pleasure +to confirm the confidence you so generously express in the friendly +disposition of the United States, through me, towards the sovereigns and +governments you respectively represent. With equal satisfaction I accept +the assurance you are pleased to give, that the same disposition is +reciprocated by your sovereigns, your governments, and yourselves. + +Allow me to express the hope that these friendly relations may remain +undisturbed, and also my fervent wishes for the health and happiness of +yourselves personally. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 11,1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. DEAR SIR:--What think you of sending ministers +at once as follows: Dayton to England; Fremont to France; Clay to Spain; +Corwin to Mexico? + +We need to have these points guarded as strongly and quickly as possible. +This is suggestion merely, and not dictation. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. COLLAMER + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 12, 1861 + +HON. JACOB COLLAMER. MY DEAR SIR:--God help me. It is said I have offended +you. I hope you will tell me how. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + +March 14, 1861. DEAR SIR:--I am entirely unconscious that you have any way +offended me. I cherish no sentiment towards you but that of kindness and +confidence. Your humble servant, J. COLLAMER. + + [Returned with indorsement:] + +Very glad to know that I have n't. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 13, 1861 + +HON. P. M. G. + +DEAR SIR:--The bearer of this, Mr. C. T. Hempstow, is a Virginian who +wishes to get, for his son, a small place in your Dept. I think Virginia +should be heard, in such cases. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +NOTE ASKING CABINET OPINIONS ON FORT SUMTER. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 15, 1861 + +THE HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort Sumter, +under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it? Please give me your +opinion in writing on this question. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Same to other members of the Cabinet.] + + + + +ON ROYAL ARBITRATION OF AMERICAN BOUNDARY LINE + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES + +The Senate has transmitted to me a copy of the message sent by my +predecessor to that body on the 21st of February last, proposing to take +its advice on the subject of a proposition made by the British Government +through its minister here to refer the matter in controversy between that +government and the Government of the United States to the arbitrament +of the King of Sweden and Norway, the King of the Netherlands, or the +Republic of the Swiss Confederation. + +In that message my predecessor stated that he wished to present to the +Senate the precise questions following, namely: + +"Will the Senate approve a treaty referring to either of the sovereign +powers above named the dispute now existing between the governments of +the United States and Great Britain concerning the boundary line between +Vancouver's Island and the American continent? In case the referee shall +find himself unable to decide where the line is by the description of it +in the treaty of June 15, 1846, shall he be authorized to establish a line +according to the treaty as nearly as possible? Which of the three powers +named by Great Britain as an arbiter shall be chosen by the United +States?" + +I find no reason to disapprove of the course of my predecessor in this +important matter; but, on the contrary, I not only shall receive the +advice of the Senate thereon cheerfully, but I respectfully ask the Senate +for their advice on the three questions before recited. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, March 16, 1861 + + + + +AMBASSADORIAL APPOINTMENTS + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 18, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I believe it is a necessity with us to make the appointments +I mentioned last night--that is, Charles F. Adams to England, William L. +Dayton to France, George P. Marsh to Sardinia, and Anson Burlingame to +Austria. These gentlemen all have my highest esteem, but no one of them is +originally suggested by me except Mr. Dayton. Mr. Adams I take because you +suggested him, coupled with his eminent fitness for the place. Mr. +Marsh and Mr. Burlingame I take because of the intense pressure of their +respective States, and their fitness also. + +The objection to this card is that locally they are so huddled up--three +being in New England and two from a single State. I have considered this, +and will not shrink from the responsibility. This, being done, leaves but +five full missions undisposed of--Rome, China, Brazil, Peru, and Chili. +And then what about Carl Schurz; or, in other words, what about our German +friends? + +Shall we put the card through, and arrange the rest afterward? What say +you? + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO G. E. PATTEN. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 19, 1861. + +TO MASTER GEO. EVANS PATTEN. + +WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:--I did see and talk with Master Geo. Evans Patten +last May at Springfield, Ill. + +Respectfully, + + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Written because of a denial that any interview with young Patten, then a +schoolboy, had ever taken place.] + + + + +RESPONSE TO SENATE INQUIRY RE. FORT SUMTER + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:--I have received a copy of the +resolution of the Senate, passed on the 25th instant, requesting me, if +in my opinion not incompatible with the public interest, to communicate to +the Senate the despatches of Major Robert Anderson to the War Department +during the time he has been in command of Fort Sumter. On examination of +the correspondence thus called for, I have, with the highest respect +for the Senate, come to the conclusion that at the present moment the +publication of it would be inexpedient. + + +A. LINCOLN + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 16, 1861 + + + + +PREPARATION OF FIRST NAVAL ACTION + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 29, 1861 + +HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +SIR:--I desire that an expedition to move by sea be got ready to sail +as early as the 6th of April next, the whole according to memorandum +attached, and that you cooperate with the Secretary of the Navy for that +object. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Inclosure.] + +Steamers Pocahontas at Norfolk, Paunee at Washington, Harriet Lane at +New York, to be under sailing orders for sea, with stores, etc., for one +month. Three hundred men to be kept ready for departure from on board +the receiving-ships at New York. Two hundred men to be ready to leave +Governor's Island in New York. Supplies for twelve months for one hundred +men to be put in portable shape, ready for instant shipping. A large +steamer and three tugs conditionally engaged. + + + + +TO ------ STUART. + +WASHINGTON, March 30, 1861 + +DEAR STUART: + +Cousin Lizzie shows me your letter of the 27th. The question of giving her +the Springfield post-office troubles me. You see I have already appointed +William Jayne a Territorial governor and Judge Trumbull's brother to a +land-office. Will it do for me to go on and justify the declaration that +Trumbull and I have divided out all the offices among our relatives? Dr. +Wallace, you know, is needy, and looks to me; and I personally owe him +much. + +I see by the papers, a vote is to be taken as to the post-office. Could +you not set up Lizzie and beat them all? She, being here, need know +nothing of it, so therefore there would be no indelicacy on her part. + +Yours as ever, + + + + +TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NEW YORK NAVY-YARD. + +NAVY DEPT., WASHINGTON, April 1, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NAVY-YARD, Brooklyn, N. Y. + +Fit out the Powhatan to go to sea at the earnest possible moment under +sealed orders. Orders by a confidential messenger go forward to-morrow. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861 + +LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER, United States Navy. + +SIR:--You will proceed to New York, and with the least possible delay, +assuming command of any naval steamer available, proceed to Pensacola +Harbor, and at any cost or risk prevent any expedition from the mainland +reaching Fort Pickens or Santa Rosa Island. + +You will exhibit this order to any naval officer at Pensacola, if you deem +it necessary, after you have established yourself within the harbor, and +will request co-operation by the entrance of at least one other steamer. + +This order, its object, and your destination will be communicated to no +person whatever until you reach the harbor of Pensacola. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +Recommended, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + + + + +RELIEF EXPEDITION FOR FORT SUMTER + +ORDER TO OFFICERS OF THE ARMY AND NAVY. + +WASHINGTON, EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861. + +All officers of the army and navy to whom this order may be exhibited +will aid by every means in their power the expedition under the command +of Colonel Harvey Brown, supplying him with men and material, and +co-operating with him as he may desire. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO CAPTAIN SAMUEL MERCER. + +(Confidential.) + +WASHINGTON CITY, April 1, 1861 + +SIR:--Circumstances render it necessary to place in command of your +ship (and for a special purpose) an officer who is fully informed and +instructed in relation to the wishes of the Government, and you will +therefore consider yourself detached. But in taking this step the +Government does not in the least reflect upon your efficiency or +patriotism; on the contrary, have the fullest confidence in your ability +to perform any duty required of you. Hoping soon to be able to give you a +better command than the one you now enjoy, and trusting that you will have +full confidence in the disposition of the Government toward you, I remain, +etc., + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SECRETARY SEWARD'S BID FOR POWER + +MEMORANDUM FROM SECRETARY SEWARD, APRIL 1, 1861 + +Some thoughts for the President's Consideration, + +First. We are at the end of a month's administration, and yet without a +policy either domestic or foreign. + +Second. This, however, is not culpable, and it has even been unavoidable. +The presence of the Senate, with the need to meet applications for +patronage, have prevented attention to other and more grave matters. + +Third. But further delay to adopt and prosecute our policies for +both domestic and foreign affairs would not only bring scandal on the +administration, but danger upon the country. + +Fourth. To do this we must dismiss the applicants for office. But how? I +suggest that we make the local appointments forthwith, leaving foreign or +general ones for ulterior and occasional action. + +Fifth. The policy at home. I am aware that my views are singular, and +perhaps not sufficiently explained. My system is built upon this idea as +a ruling one, namely, that we must CHANGE THE QUESTION BEFORE THE PUBLIC +FROM ONE UPON SLAVERY, OR ABOUT SLAVERY, for a question upon UNION OR +DISUNION: In other words, from what would be regarded as a party question, +to one of patriotism or union. + +The occupation or evacuation of Fort Sumter, although not in fact a +slavery or a party question, is so regarded. Witness the temper manifested +by the Republicans in the free States, and even by the Union men in the +South. + +I would therefore terminate it as a safe means for changing the issue. I +deem it fortunate that the last administration created the necessity. + +For the rest, I would simultaneously defend and reinforce all the ports in +the gulf, and have the navy recalled from foreign stations to be prepared +for a blockade. Put the island of Key West under martial law. + +This will raise distinctly the question of union or disunion. I would +maintain every fort and possession in the South. + + +FOR FOREIGN NATIONS, + +I would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at once. + +I would seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia, and send agents +into Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous continental +spirit of independence on this continent against European intervention. + +And, if satisfactory explanations are not received from Spain and France, + +Would convene Congress and declare war against them. + +But whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of +it. + +For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it +incessantly. + +Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in +it, or Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on +it must end, and all agree and abide. + +It is not in my especial province; But I neither seek to evade nor assume +responsibility. + + + + +REPLY TO SECRETARY SEWARD'S MEMORANDUM + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, APRIL 1, 1861 + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Since parting with you I have been considering your +paper dated this day, and entitled "Some Thoughts for the President's +Consideration." The first proposition in it is, "First, We are at the end +of a month's administration, and yet without a policy either domestic or +foreign." + +At the beginning of that month, in the inaugural, I said: "The power +confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property +and places belonging to the Government, and to Collect the duties and +imposts." This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken in +connection with the order I immediately gave General Scott, directing +him to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold the +forts, comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with the single +exception that it does not propose to abandon Fort Sumter. + +Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement of Fort Sumter would be +done on a slavery or a party issue, while that of Fort Pickens would be on +a more national and patriotic one. + +The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly brings a +new item within the range of our foreign policy; but up to that time we +have been preparing circulars and instructions to ministers and the like, +all in perfect harmony, without even a suggestion that we had no foreign +policy. + +Upon your Closing propositions--that, + +"Whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of it. + +"For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it +incessantly. + +"Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in +it, or, + +"Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it +must end, and all agree and abide"-- + +I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general line of +policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its being changed +without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of unnecessary debate; +still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and suppose I am +entitled to have, the advice of all the Cabinet. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO A COMMITTEE FROM THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION, APRIL 13, 1861 + +HON. WILLIAM BALLARD PRESTON, ALEXANDER H. H. STUART, GEORGE W. RANDOLPH, +Esq. + +GENTLEMEN:--As a committee of the Virginia Convention now in Session, you +present me a preamble and resolution in these words: + +"Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which +prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive +intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely injurious to the +industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an +excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment of pending difficulties, +and threatens a disturbance of the public peace: therefore + +"Resolved, that a committee of three delegates be appointed by this +Convention to wait upon the President of the United States, present to him +this preamble and resolution, and respectfully ask him to communicate to +this Convention the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue +in regard to the Confederate States. + +"Adopted by the Convention of the State of Virginia, Richmond, April 8, +1861." + +In answer I have to say that, having at the beginning of my official term +expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with +deep regret and some mortification I now learn that there is great and +injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and +what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to change, +it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the inaugural +address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole document as the +best expression I can give of my purposes. + +As I then and therein said, I now repeat: "The power confided to me will +be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to +the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what is +necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force +against or among the people anywhere." By the words "property and places +belonging to the Government," I chiefly allude to the military posts and +property which were in the possession of the Government when it came to my +hands. + +But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the +United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault has been +made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess, if I +can, like places which had been seized before the Government was devolved +upon me. And in every event I shall, to the extent of my ability, +repel force by force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been +assaulted, as is reported, I shall perhaps cause the United States mails +to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to have seceded, believing +that the commencement of actual war against the Government justifies and +possibly demands this. + +I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and property +situated within the States which claim to have seceded as yet belonging +to the Government of the United States as much as they did before the +supposed secession. + +Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect the +duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the country; not +meaning by this, however, that I may not land a force deemed necessary to +relieve a fort upon a border of the country. + +From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must +not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I +reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be regarded as +a modification. + + + + +PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 75,000 MILITIA, + +AND CONVENING CONGRESS IN EXTRA SESSION, APRIL 15, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past and now +are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South +Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, +by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of +judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals bylaw: + +Now, therefore, I, A. LINCOLN, President of the United States, in virtue +of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought +fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the several +States of the Union, to the aggregate number of seventy-five thousand, +in order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly +executed. + +The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the State +authorities through the War Department. + +I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort +to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our National +Union, and the perpetuity of popular government; and to redress wrongs +already long enough endured. + +I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces +hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and +property which have been seized from the Union; and in every event the +utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to +avoid any devastation, any destruction of or interference with property, +or any disturbance of peaceful citizens in any part of the country. + +And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid to +disperse and retire peacefully to their respective abodes within twenty +days from date. + +Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an +extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested +by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. Senators and +Representatives are therefore summoned to assemble at their respective +chambers, at twelve o'clock noon, on Thursday, the fourth day of July +next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their +wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the +year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + + +A. LINCOLN + +By the President: + + WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 19, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas an insurrection against the Government of the United States has +broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, +Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the United States +for the collection of the revenue cannot be effectually executed therein +conformably to that provision of the Constitution which requires duties to +be uniform throughout the United States: + +And Whereas a combination of persons engaged in such insurrection have +threatened to grant pretended letters of marque to authorize the bearers +thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, and property of good +citizens of the country lawfully engaged in commerce on the high seas, and +in waters of the United States: + +And Whereas an executive proclamation has been already issued requiring +the persons engaged in these disorderly proceedings to desist therefrom, +calling out a militia force for the purpose of repressing the same, and +convening Congress in extraordinary session to deliberate and determine +thereon: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the United States, with +a view to the same purposes before mentioned, and to the protection of +the public peace, and the lives and property of quiet and orderly citizens +pursuing their lawful occupations, until Congress shall have assembled and +deliberated on the said unlawful proceedings, or until the same shall have +ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set on foot a blockade of the +ports within the States aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United +States, and of the law of nations in such case provided. For this purpose +a competent force will be posted so as to prevent entrance and exit of +vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, therefore, with a view to violate +such blockade, a vessel shall approach or shall attempt to leave either +of the said ports, she will be duly warned by the commander of one of the +blockading vessels, who will indorse on her register the fact and date of +such warning, and if the same vessel shall again attempt to enter or +leave the blockaded port, she will be captured and sent to the nearest +convenient port, for such proceedings against her and her cargo, as prize, +as may be deemed advisable. + +And I hereby proclaim and declare that if any person, under the pretended +authority of the said States, or under any other pretense, shall molest a +vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo on board of her, +such person will be held amenable to the laws of the United States for the +prevention and punishment of piracy. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the +United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of April, in the +year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + +WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 + +GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brune is received. +I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to keep the peace in +the trying situation in which you are placed. + +For the future troops must be brought here, but I make no point of +bringing them through Baltimore. Without any military knowledge myself, of +course I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily said this morning +in the presence of these gentlemen, "March them around Baltimore, and +not through it." I sincerely hope the General, on fuller reflection, will +consider this practical and proper, and that you will not object to it. +By this a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops will be +avoided, unless they go out of their way to seek it. I hope you will exert +your influence to prevent this. + +Now and ever I shall do all in my power for peace consistently with the +maintenance of the Government. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR HICKS. + +WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 + +GOVERNOR HICKS: + +I desire to consult with you and the Mayor of Baltimore relative to +preserving the peace of Maryland. Please come immediately by special +train, which you can take at Baltimore; or, if necessary, one can be sent +from here. Answer forthwith. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO DEFEND FROM A MARYLAND INSURRECTION + +ORDER TO GENERAL SCOTT. WASHINGTON, April 25, 1861 + +LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SCOTT. + +MY DEAR SIR--The Maryland Legislature assembles to-morrow at Annapolis, +and not improbably will take action to arm the people of that State +against the United States. The question has been submitted to and +considered by me whether it would not be justifiable, upon the ground of +necessary defense, for you, as General in Chief of the United States Army, +to arrest or disperse the members of that body. I think it would not be +justifiable nor efficient for the desired object. + +First. They have a clearly legal right to assemble, and we cannot know in +advance that their action will not be lawful and peaceful, and if we wait +until they shall have acted their arrest or dispersion will not lessen the +effect of their action. + +Secondly. We cannot permanently prevent their action. If we arrest them, +we cannot long hold them as prisoners, and when liberated they will +immediately reassemble and take their action; and precisely the same if +we simply disperse them--they will immediately reassemble in some other +place. + +I therefore conclude that it is only left to the Commanding General to +watch and await their action, which, if it shall be to arm their people +against the United States, he is to adopt the most prompt and efficient +means to counteract, even, if necessary, to the bombardment of their +cities and, in the extremist necessity, the suspension of the writ of +habeas corpus. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 27, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas, for the reasons assigned in my proclamation of the nineteenth +instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South Carolina, Georgia, +Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas was ordered to be +established: + +And whereas, since that date, public property of the United States +has been seized, the collection of the revenue obstructed, and duly +commissioned officers of the United States, while engaged in executing +the orders of their superiors, have been arrested and held in custody as +prisoners, or have been impeded in the discharge of their official duties, +without due legal process, by persons claiming to act under authorities of +the States of Virginia and North Carolina: + +An efficient blockade of the ports of those States will also be +established. + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the +United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this twenty seventh day of April, in the +year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REMARKS TO A MILITARY COMPANY, WASHINGTON, APRIL 27, 1861 + +I have desired as sincerely as any man, and I sometimes think more than +any other man, that our present difficulties might be settled without the +shedding of blood. I will not say that all hope has yet gone; but if the +alternative is presented whether the Union is to be broken in fragments +and the liberties of the people lost, or blood be shed, you will probably +make the choice with which I shall not be dissatisfied. + + + + +LOCALIZED REPEAL OF WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS + +TO GENERAL SCOTT. + +TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES. + +You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of the +United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line +which is now or which shall be used between the City of Philadelphia and +the city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to +suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public safety, you personally, +or through the officer in command at the point at which resistance occurs, +are authorized to suspend that writ. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, April 17, 1861 + + + + +MILITARY ENROLLMENT OF ST. LOUIS CITIZENS + +FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR WAR DEPARTMENT, April 30, 1861 + +TO CAPTAIN NATHANIEL LYON. + +CAPT. NATHANIEL LYON, Commanding Department of the West. + +SIR:--The President of the United States directs that you enroll in the +military service of the United States the loyal citizens of Saint Louis +and vicinity, not exceeding, with those heretofore enlisted, ten thousand +in number, for the purpose of maintaining the authority of the United +States; for the protection of the peaceful inhabitants of Missouri; and +you will, if deemed necessary for that purpose by yourself, by Messrs. +Oliver F. Ferny, John How, James O. Broadhead, Samuel T. Glover, J. +Wilzie, Francis P. Blair, Jr., proclaim martial law in the city of Saint +Louis. + +The additional force hereby authorized shall be discharged in part or in +whole, if enlisted. As soon as it appears to you and the gentlemen above +mentioned that there is no danger of an attempt on the part of the enemies +of the Government to take military possession of the city of Saint Louis, +or put the city in control of the combination against the Government of +the United States; and whilst such additional force remains in the service +the same shall be governed by the Rules and Articles of War, and such +special regulations as you may prescribe. I shall like the force hereafter +directed to be enrolled to be under your command. + +The arms and other military stores in the Saint Louis Arsenal not needed +for the forces of the United States in Missouri must be removed to +Springfield, or some other safe place of deposit in the State of Illinois, +as speedily as practicable, by the ordnance officers in charge at Saint +Louis. + +(Indorsement.) + +It is revolutionary times, and therefore I do not object to the +irregularity of this. W. S. + +Approved, April 30, 1861. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +Colonel Thomas will make this order. SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War. + + + + +CONDOLENCE OVER FAILURE OF FT. SUMTER RELIEF + +TO GUSTAVUS V. FOX. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., May 1, 1861 + +CAPTAIN G. V. Fox. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I sincerely regret that the failure of the late attempt to +provision Fort Sumter should be the source of any annoyance to you. + +The practicability of your plan was not, in fact, brought to a test. By +reason of a gale, well known in advance to be possible and not improbable, +the tugs, an essential part of the plan, never reached the ground; while, +by an accident for which you were in no wise responsible, and possibly I +to some extent was, you were deprived of a war vessel, with her men, which +you deemed of great importance to the enterprise. + +I most cheerfully and truly declare that the failure of the undertaking +has not lowered you a particle, while the qualities you developed in the +effort have greatly heightened you in my estimation. + +For a daring and dangerous enterprise of a similar character you would +to-day be the man of all my acquaintances whom I would select. You and I +both anticipated that the cause of the country would be advanced by making +the attempt to provision Fort Sumter, even if it should fail; and it is +no small consolation now to feel that our anticipation is justified by the +result. + +Very truly your friend, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 42,034 VOLUNTEERS, + +MAY 3, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. + +A Proclamation.. + +Whereas existing exigencies demand immediate and adequate measures for +the protection of the National Constitution and the preservation of the +National Union by the suppression of the insurrectionary combinations +now existing in several States for opposing the laws of the Union and +obstructing the execution thereof, to which end a military force in +addition to that called forth by my proclamation of the 15th day of April +in the present year appears to be indispensably necessary: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States and +Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy thereof and of the militia of the +several States when called into actual service, do hereby call into the +service of the United States 42,034 volunteers to serve for the period of +three years, unless sooner discharged, and to be mustered into service +as infantry and cavalry. The proportions of each arm and the details of +enrollment and organization will be made known through the Department of +War. + +And I also direct that the Regular Army of the United States be increased +by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one regiment of cavalry, +and one regiment of artillery, making altogether a maximum aggregate +increase of 22,714 officers and enlisted men, the details of which +increase will also be made known through the Department of War. + +And I further direct the enlistment for not less than one or more than +three years of 18,000 seamen, in addition to the present force, for the +naval service of the United States. The details of the enlistment and +organization will be made known through the Department of the Navy. + +The call for volunteers hereby made and the direction for the increase of +the Regular Army and for the enlistment of seamen hereby given, together +with the plan of organization adopted for the volunteer and for the +regular forces hereby authorized, will be submitted to Congress as soon as +assembled. + +In the meantime I earnestly invoke the co-operation of all good citizens +in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual suppression of unlawful +violence, for the impartial enforcement of constitutional laws, and for +the speediest possible restoration of peace and order, and with these of +happiness and prosperity, throughout our country. + +In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my band and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed................ + + +A. LINCOLN. + +By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +COMMUNICATION WITH VICE-PRESIDENT + +TO VICE-PRESIDENT HAMLIN. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., May 6, 1861 + +HON. H. HAMLIN, New York. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Please advise me at the close of each day what troops left +during the day, where going, and by what route; what remaining at New +York, and what expected in the next day. Give the numbers, as near as +convenient, and what corps they are. This information, reaching us daily, +will be very useful as well as satisfactory. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO COLONEL ANDERSON, + +MAY 7, 1861 + +TO ALL WHO SHALL SEE THESE PRESENTS, GREETING: + +Know ye that, reposing special trust and confidence in the patriotism, +valor, fidelity, and ability of Colonel Robert Anderson, U. S. Army, I +have empowered him, and do hereby empower him, to receive into the army of +the United States as many regiments of volunteer troops from the State of +Kentucky and from the western part of the State of Virginia as shall be +willing to engage in the Service of the United States for the term of +three years, upon the terms and according to the plan proposed by the +proclamation of May 3, 1861, and General Orders No. 15, from the War +Department, of May 4, 1861. + +The troops whom he receives shall be on the same footing in every respect +as those of the like kind called for in the proclamation above cited, +except that the officers shall be commissioned by the United States. He is +therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the duty hereby devolved +upon him by doing and performing all manner of things thereunto belonging. + +Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 7th day of May, A. +D. 1861, and in the eighty-fifth year of the independence of the United +States. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +By the President: SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War, + + + + +PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS IN FLORIDA, + +MAY 10, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas an insurrection exists in the State of Florida, by which the +lives, liberty, and property of loyal citizens of the United States are +endangered: + +And whereas it is deemed proper that all needful measures should be taken +for the protection of such citizens and all officers of the United States +in the discharge of their public duties in the State aforesaid: + +Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the +United States, do hereby direct the commander of the forces of the United +States on the Florida coast to permit no person to exercise any office +or authority upon the islands of Key West, the Tortugas, and Santa Rosa, +which may be inconsistent with the laws and Constitution of the United +States, authorizing him at the same time, if he shall find it necessary, +to suspend there the writ of habeas corpus, and to remove from the +vicinity of the United States fortresses all dangerous or suspected +persons. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the +United States to be affixed..................... + + +A. LINCOLN. + +By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY WELLES. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 11, 1861 + +TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. + +SIR:-Lieut. D. D. Porter was placed in command of the steamer Powhatan, +and Captain Samuel Mercer was detached therefrom, by my special order, and +neither of them is responsible for any apparent or real irregularity on +their part or in connection with that vessel. + +Hereafter Captain Porter is relieved from that special service and placed +under the direction of the Navy Department, from which he will receive +instructions and to which he will report. + +Very respectfully, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CORRECTIONS OF A DIPLOMATIC DESPATCH + +WRITTEN BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO MINISTER ADAMS + +NO. 10. + +DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON, May 21, 1861 + +SIR:---Mr. Dallas, in a brief despatch of May 2d (No. 333), tells us that +Lord John Russell recently requested an interview with him on account of +the solicitude which his lordship felt concerning the effect of certain +measures represented as likely to be adopted by the President. In +that conversation the British secretary told Mr. Dallas that the three +representatives of the Southern Confederacy were then in London, that Lord +John Russell had not yet seen them, but that he was not unwilling to see +them unofficially. He further informed Mr. Dallas that an understanding +exists between the British and French governments which would lead both to +take one and the same course as to recognition. His lordship then referred +to the rumor of a meditated blockade by us of Southern ports, and a +discontinuance of them as ports of entry. Mr. Dallas answered that he knew +nothing on those topics, and therefore + + (The President's corrections, both in notes and text, are in + caps. All matter between brackets was to be marked out.) + +could say nothing. He added that you were expected to arrive in two weeks. +Upon this statement Lord John Russell acquiesced in the expediency of +waiting for the full knowledge you were expected to bring. + +Mr. Dallas transmitted to us some newspaper reports of ministerial +explanations made in Parliament. + +You will base no proceedings on parliamentary debates further than to seek +explanations when necessary and communicate them to this department. +[We intend to have a clear and simple record of whatever issue may arise +between us and Great Britain.] + +The President [is surprised and grieved] regrets that Mr. Dallas did not +protest against the proposed unofficial intercourse between the British +Government and the missionaries of the insurgents [as well as against +the demand for explanations made by the British Government]. It is due, +however, to Mr. Dallas to say that our instructions had been given only to +you and not to him, and that his loyalty and fidelity, too rare in these +times [among our late representatives abroad, are confessed and] are +appreciated. + +Intercourse of any kind with the so-called commissioners is liable to be +construed as a recognition of the authority which appointed them. Such +intercourse would be none the less [wrongful] hurtful to us for being +called unofficial, and it might be even more injurious, because we should +have no means of knowing what points might be resolved by it. Moreover, +unofficial intercourse is useless and meaningless if it is not expected +to ripen into official intercourse and direct recognition. It is left +doubtful here whether the proposed unofficial intercourse has yet actually +begun. Your own [present] antecedent instructions are deemed explicit +enough, and it is hoped that you have not misunderstood them. You will +in any event desist from all intercourse whatever, unofficial as well +as official, with the British Government, so long as it shall continue +intercourse of either kind with the domestic enemies of this country +[confining yourself to a delivery of a copy of this paper to the Secretary +of State. After doing this.] When intercourse shall have been arrested for +this cause, you will communicate with this department and receive further +directions. + +Lord John Russell has informed us of an understanding between the British +and French governments that they will act together in regard to our +affairs. This communication, however, loses something of its value from +the circumstance that the communication was withheld until after knowledge +of the fact had been acquired by us from other sources. We know also +another fact that has not yet been officially communicated to us--namely, +that other European States are apprised by France and England of their +agreement, and are expected to concur with or follow them in whatever +measures they adopt on the subject of recognition. The United States have +been impartial and just in all their conduct toward the several nations of +Europe. They will not complain, however, of the combination now announced +by the two leading powers, although they think they had a right to expect +a more independent, if not a more friendly, course from each of them. You +will take no notice of that or any other alliance. Whenever the European +governments shall see fit to communicate directly with us, we shall be, as +heretofore, frank and explicit in our reply. + +As to the blockade, you will say that by [the] our own laws [of nature] +and the laws of nature and the laws of nations, this Government has +a clear right to suppress insurrection. An exclusion of commerce from +national ports which have been seized by the insurgents, in the equitable +form of blockade, is the proper means to that end. You will [admit] not +insist that our blockade is [not] to be respected if it be not maintained +by a competent force; but passing by that question as not now a practical, +or at least an urgent, one, you will add that [it] the blockade is now, +and it will continue to be so maintained, and therefore we expect it to be +respected by Great Britain. You will add that we have already revoked the +exequatur of a Russian consul who had enlisted in the military service of +the insurgents, and we shall dismiss or demand the recall of every foreign +agent, consular or diplomatic, who shall either disobey the Federal laws +or disown the Federal authority. + +As to the recognition of the so-called Southern Confederacy, it is not +to be made a subject of technical definition. It is, of course, [quasi] +direct recognition to publish an acknowledgment of the sovereignty and +independence of a new power. It is [quasi] direct recognition to receive +its ambassadors, ministers, agents, or commissioners officially. +A concession of belligerent rights is liable to be construed as a +recognition of them. No one of these proceedings will [be borne] pass +[unnoticed] unquestioned by the United States in this case. + +Hitherto recognition has been moved only on the assumption that the +so-called Confederate States are de facto a self-sustaining power. Now, +after long forbearance, designed to soothe discontent and avert the need +of civil war, the land and naval forces of the United States have been put +in motion to repress the insurrection. The true character of the pretended +new State is at once revealed. It is seen to be a power existing in +pronunciamento only, It has never won a field. It has obtained no forts +that were not virtually betrayed into its hands or seized in breach of +trust. It commands not a single port on the coast nor any highway out from +its pretended capital by land. Under these circumstances Great Britain is +called upon to intervene and give it body and independence by resisting +our measures of suppression. British recognition would be British +intervention to create within our own territory a hostile state by +overthrowing this republic itself. [When this act of intervention is +distinctly performed, we from that hour shall cease to be friends, and +become once more, as we have twice before been forced to be, enemies of +Great Britain.] + +As to the treatment of privateers in the insurgent service, you will say +that this is a question exclusively our own. We treat them as pirates. +They are our own citizens, or persons employed by our citizens, preying +on the commerce of our country. If Great Britain shall choose to recognize +them as lawful belligerents, and give them shelter from our pursuit and +punishment, the laws of nations afford an adequate and proper remedy +[and we shall avail ourselves of it. And while you need not say this in +advance, be sure that you say nothing inconsistent with it.] + +Happily, however, her Britannic Majesty's government can avoid all these +difficulties. It invited us in 1856 to accede to the declaration of the +Congress of Paris, of which body Great Britain was herself a member, +abolishing privateering everywhere in all cases and forever. You already +have our authority to propose to her our accession to that declaration. If +she refuse to receive it, it can only be because she is willing to become +the patron of privateering when aimed at our devastation. + +These positions are not elaborately defended now, because to vindicate +them would imply a possibility of our waiving them. + +1 We are not insensible of the grave importance of + +1 (Drop all from this line to the end, and in lieu of it write, "This +paper is for your own guidance only, and not [sic] to be read or shown to +any one.") + +(Secretary Seward, when the despatch was returned to him, added +an introductory paragraph stating that the document was strictly +confidential. For this reason these last two paragraphs remained as they +are here printed.) + +this occasion. We see how, upon the result of the debate in which we are +engaged, a war may ensue between the United States and one, two, or even +more European nations. War in any case is as exceptionable from the habits +as it is revolting from the sentiments of the American people. But if +it come, it will be fully seen that it results from the action of Great +Britain, not our own; that Great Britain will have decided to fraternize +with our domestic enemy, either without waiting to hear from you our +remonstrances and our warnings, or after having heard them. War in defense +of national life is not immoral, and war in defense of independence is an +inevitable part of the discipline of nations. + +The dispute will be between the European and the American branches of the +British race. All who belong to that race will especially deprecate it, +as they ought. It may well be believed that men of every race and kindred +will deplore it. A war not unlike it between the same parties occurred at +the close of the last century. Europe atoned by forty years of suffering +for the error that Great Britain committed in provoking that contest. If +that nation shall now repeat the same great error, the social convulsions +which will follow may not be so long, but they will be more general. When +they shall have ceased, it will, we think, be seen, whatever may have been +the fortunes of other nations, that it is not the United States that +will have come out of them with its precious Constitution altered or its +honestly obtained dominion in any degree abridged. Great Britain has but +to wait a few months and all her present inconveniences will cease with +all our own troubles. If she take a different course, she will calculate +for herself the ultimate as well as the immediate consequences, and will +consider what position she will hold when she shall have forever lost the +sympathies and the affections of the only nation on whose sympathies and +affections she has a natural claim. In making that calculation she will do +well to remember that in the controversy she proposes to open we shall be +actuated by neither pride, nor passion, nor cupidity, nor ambition; but +we shall stand simply on the principle of self-preservation, and that our +cause will involve the independence of nations and the rights of human +nature. + +I am, Sir, respectfully your obedient servant, W. H. S. + +CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., etc, + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 21, 1861. + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:--Why cannot Colonel Small's +Philadelphia regiment be received? I sincerely wish it could. There is +something strange about it. Give these gentlemen an interview, and take +their regiment. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR MORGAN. + +WASHINGTON, May 12, 1861 + +GOVERNOR E. D. MORGAN, Albany, N.Y. + +I wish to see you face to face to clear these difficulties about +forwarding troops from New York. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO CAPTAIN DAHLGREEN. + +EXECUTIVE, MANSION, May 23, 1863. + +CAPT. DAHLGREEN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Allow me to introduce Col. J. A. McLernand, M.C. of my own +district in Illinois. If he should desire to visit Fortress Monroe, please +introduce him to the captain of one of the vessels in our service, and +pass him down and back. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER OF CONDOLENCE TO ONE OF FIRST CASUALTIES + +TO COLONEL ELLSWORTH'S PARENTS, WASHINGTON, D.C., May 25, 1861 + +TO THE FATHER AND MOTHER OF COL. ELMER E. ELLSWORTH. + +MY DEAR SIR AND MADAME:--In the untimely loss of your noble son, our +affliction here is scarcely less than your own. So much of promised +usefulness to one's country, and of bright hopes for one's self and +friends, have never been so suddenly dashed as in his fall. In size, in +years, and in youthful appearance a boy only, his power to command men +was surpassingly great. This power, combined with a fine intellectual and +indomitable energy, and a taste altogether military, constituted in him, +as seemed to me, the best natural talent in that department I ever knew. +And yet he was singularly modest and deferential in social intercourse. +My acquaintance with him began less than two years ago; yet, through the +latter half of the intervening period, it was as intense as the disparity +of our ages and my engrossing engagements would permit. To me he appeared +to have no indulgences or pastimes, and I never heard him utter a profane +or an intemperate word. What was conclusive of his good heart, he never +forgot his parents. The honors he labored for so laudably, and for which, +in the sad end, he so gallantly gave his life, he meant for them no less +than for himself. + +In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon the sacredness of your +sorrow, I have ventured to address you this tribute to the memory of my +young friend and your brave and early fallen son. + +May God give you the consolation which is beyond all early power. + +Sincerely your friend in common affliction, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO COLONEL BARTLETT. + +WASHINGTON, May 27, 1861 + +COL. W. A. BARTLETT, New York. + +The Naval Brigade was to go to Fort Monroe without trouble to the +government, and must so go or not at all. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MEMORANDUM ABOUT INDIANA REGIMENTS. + +WASHINGTON, JUNE 11, 1861 + + The government has already accepted ten regiments from the State of +Indiana. I think at least six more ought to be received from that State, +two to be those of Colonel James W. McMillan and Colonel William L. +Brown, and the other four to be designated by the Governor of the State +of Indiana, and to be received into the volunteer service of the United +States according to the "Plan of Organization" in the General Orders of +the War Department, No.15. When they report to Major-General McClellan in +condition to pass muster according to that order, and with the approval of +the Secretary of War to be indorsed hereon, and left in his department, +I direct that the whole six, or any smaller number of such regiments, be +received. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--There is, it seems, a regiment in Massachusetts commanded +by Fletcher Webster, and which HON. Daniel Webster's old friends very much +wish to get into the service. If it can be received with the approval of +your department and the consent of the Governor of Massachusetts I shall +indeed be much gratified. Give Mr. Ashmun a chance to explain fully. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR--I think it is entirely safe to accept a fifth regiment from +Michigan, and with your approbation I should say a regiment presented by +Col. T. B. W. Stockton, ready for service within two weeks from now, will +be received. Look at Colonel Stockton's testimonials. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 17, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY Of WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--With your concurrence, and that of the Governor of Indiana, +I am in favor of accepting into what we call the three years' service any +number not exceeding four additional regiments from that State. Probably +they should come from the triangular region between the Ohio and Wabash +Rivers, including my own old boyhood home. Please see HON. C. M. Allen, +Speaker of the Indiana House of Representatives, and unless you perceive +good reason to the contrary, draw up an order for him according to the +above. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 17,1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:--With your concurrence, and that of +the Governor of Ohio, I am in favor of receiving into what we call the +three years' service any number not exceeding six additional regiments +from that State, unless you perceive good reasons to the contrary. Please +see HON. John A. Gurley, who bears this, and make an order corresponding +with the above. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO N. W. EDWARDS + +WASHINGTON, D. C., June 19, 1861 + +Hon. N. W. EDWARDS MY DEAR SIR: + +....When you wrote me some time ago in reference to looking up something +in the departments here, I thought I would inquire into the thing and +write you, but the extraordinary pressure upon me diverted me from it, and +soon it passed out of my mind. The thing you proposed, it seemed to me, I +ought to understand myself before it was set on foot by my direction or +permission; and I really had no time to make myself acquainted with it. +Nor have I yet. And yet I am unwilling, of course, that you should be +deprived of a chance to make something, if it can be done without +injustice to the Government, or to any individual. If you choose to come +here and point out to me how this can be done I shall not only not object, +but shall be gratified to be able to oblige you. + +Your friend as ever + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 20, 1861. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Since you spoke to me yesterday about General J. H. Lane, of +Kansas, I have been reflecting upon the subject, and have concluded that +we need the service of such a man out there at once; that we had better +appoint him a brigadier-general of volunteers to-day, and send him off +with such authority to raise a force (I think two regiments better than +three, but as to this I am not particular) as you think will get him into +actual work quickest. Tell him, when he starts, to put it through not to +be writing or telegraphing back here, but put it through. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +[Indorsement.] + +General Lane has been authorized to raise two additional regiments of +volunteers. + +SIMON CAMERON, Secretary o f War. + + + + +TO THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 29, 1861. + +GENTLEMEN OF THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION WHO ARE FOR THE UNION: + +I somewhat wish to authorize my friend Jesse Bayles to raise a Kentucky +regiment, but I do not wish to do it without your consent. If you consent, +please write so at the bottom of this. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + We consent: + R. MALLORY. + H. GRIDER. + G. W. DUNLAP. + J. S. JACKSON. + C. A. WICKLIFFE. + + + + +August 5, 1861. + +I repeat, I would like for Col. Bayles to raise a regiment of cavalry +whenever the Union men of Kentucky desire or consent to it. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL SCOTT TO SUSPEND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, JULY +2, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES: + +You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of the +United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line +which is now or which shall be used between the city of New York and +the city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to +suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public safety, you personally, +or through the officer in command at the point where resistance occurs, +are authorized to suspend that writ. + +Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at the city of +Washington, this second day of July, A.D. 1861, and of the independence of +the United States the eighty-fifth. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 3, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--General Scott had sent me a copy of the despatch of which +you kindly sent one. Thanks to both him and you. Please assemble the +Cabinet at twelve to-day to look over the message and reports. + +And now, suppose you step over at once and let us see General Scott (and) +General Cameron about assigning a position to General Fremont. + +Yours as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS IN SPECIAL SESSION, + +JULY 4, 1861. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--Having been +convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the Constitution, +your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of legislation. + +At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four months ago, the +functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally +suspended within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, +Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of the +Post-Office Department. + +Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dockyards, custom-houses, and +the like, including the movable and stationary property in and about +them, had been seized, and were held in open hostility to this government, +excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on and near the +Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor, South Carolina. The +forts thus seized had been put in improved condition, new ones had been +built, and armed forces had been organized and were organizing, all +avowedly with the same hostile purpose. + +The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal Government in and +near these States were either besieged or menaced by warlike preparations, +and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by well-protected +hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the best of its own, and +outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. A disproportionate share +of the Federal muskets and rifles had somehow found their way into +these States, and had been seized to be used against the government. +Accumulations of the public revenue lying within them had been seized for +the same object. The navy was scattered in distant seas, leaving but +a very small part of it within the immediate reach of the government. +Officers of the Federal army and navy had resigned in great numbers; +and of those resigning a large proportion had taken up arms against the +government. Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, the purpose +to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance with this +purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States, declaring +the States respectively to be separated from the national Union. A +formula for instituting a combined government of these States had +been promulgated; and this illegal organization, in the character +of confederate States, was already invoking recognition, aid, and +intervention from foreign powers. + +Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an imperative +duty upon the incoming executive to prevent, if possible, the consummation +of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of means to that +end became indispensable. This choice was made and was declared in the +inaugural address. The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all +peaceful measures before a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only +to hold the public places and property not already wrested from the +government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on time, +discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the mails, at +government expense, to the very people who were resisting the government; +and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to any of the +people, or any of their rights. Of all that which a President might +constitutionally and justifiably do in such a case, everything was +forborne without which it was believed possible to keep the government on +foot. + +On the 5th of March (the present incumbent's first full day in office), a +letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written on the 28th +of February and received at the War Department on the 4th of March, was +by that department placed in his hands. This letter expressed the +professional opinion of the writer that reinforcements could not be thrown +into that fort within the time for his relief, rendered necessary by the +limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding possession of the +same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good and well-disciplined +men. This opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his command, and +their memoranda on the subject were made inclosures of Major Anderson's +letter. The whole was immediately laid before Lieutenant-General Scott, +who at once concurred with Major Anderson in opinion. On reflection, +however, he took full time, consulting with other officers, both of +the army and the navy, and at the end of four days came reluctantly but +decidedly to the same conclusion as before. He also stated at the +same time that no such sufficient force was then at the control of the +government, or could be raised and brought to the ground within the time +when the provisions in the fort would be exhausted. In a purely military +point of view, this reduced the duty of the administration in the case to +the mere matter of getting the garrison safely out of the fort. + +It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the +circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity under which +it was to be done would not be fully understood; that by many it would +be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home it would +discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far +to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; that in fact, it would +be our national destruction consummated. This could not be allowed. +Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and ere it would be reached +Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last would be a clear indication +of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the evacuation of +Fort Sumter as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to be +sent for the landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort +Pickens. This order could not go by land, but must take the longer and +slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was received +just one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news itself was that +the officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had been +transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of +the late administration (and of the existence of which the present +administration, up to the time the order was despatched, had only too +vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention), had refused to land the +troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would be reached +at Fort Sumter was impossible--rendered so by the near exhaustion +of provisions in the latter-named fort. In precaution against such a +conjuncture, the government had, a few days before, commenced preparing +an expedition as well adapted as might be to relieve Fort Sumter, which +expedition was intended to be ultimately used, or not, according to +circumstances. The strongest anticipated case for using it was now +presented, and it was resolved to send it forward. As had been intended +in this contingency, it was also resolved to notify the governor of South +Carolina that he might expect an attempt would be made to provision the +fort; and that, if the attempt should not be resisted, there would be no +effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or +in case of an attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given; +whereupon the fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even +awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition. + +It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sumter was in +no sense a matter of self-defense on the part of the assailants. They +well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no possibility commit +aggression upon them. They knew--they were expressly notified--that the +giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of the garrison was all +which would on that occasion be attempted, unless themselves, by resisting +so much, should provoke more. They knew that this government desired to +keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail them, but merely to maintain +visible possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and +immediate dissolution--trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, +discussion, and the ballot-box for final adjustment; and they assailed +and reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object--to drive out the +visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate +dissolution. That this was their object the executive well understood; and +having said to them in the inaugural address, "You can have no conflict +without being yourselves the aggressors," he took pains not only to keep +this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of +ingenious sophistry that the world should not be able to misunderstand +it. By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that +point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the government began +the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return +their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years before +for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in +whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have forced +upon the country the distinct issue, "immediate dissolution or blood." + +And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It +presents to the whole family of man the question whether a constitutional +republic or democracy--a government of the people by the same people--can +or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic +foes. It presents the question whether discontented individuals, too few +in numbers to control administration according to organic law in any +case, can always, upon the pretenses made in this case, or on any other +pretenses, or arbitrarily without any pretense, break up their government, +and thus practically put an end to free government upon the earth. It +forces us to ask: Is there in all republics this inherent and fatal +weakness? Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the liberties +of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence? + +So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power +of the government, and so to resist force employed for its destruction by +force for its preservation. + +The call was made, and the response of the country was most gratifying, +surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expectation. Yet +none of the States commonly called slave States, except Delaware, gave +a regiment through regular State organization. A few regiments have been +organized within some others of those States by individual enterprise, +and received into the government service. Of course the seceded States, +so called (and to which Texas had been joined about the time of the +inauguration), gave no troops to the cause of the Union. + +The border States, so called, were not uniform in their action, some +of them being almost for the Union, while in others--as Virginia, +North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas--the Union sentiment was nearly +repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most +remarkable--perhaps the most important. A convention elected by the people +of that State to consider this very question of disrupting the Federal +Union was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell. To +this body the people had chosen a large majority of professed Union men. +Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, many members of that majority +went over to the original disunion minority, and with them adopted an +ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Union. Whether this change +was wrought by their great approval of the assault upon Sumter, or their +great resentment at the government's resistance to that assault, is not +definitely known. Although they submitted the ordinance for ratification +to a vote of the people, to be taken on a day then somewhat more than +a month distant, the convention and the Legislature (which was also in +session at the same time and place), with leading men of the State not +members of either, immediately commenced acting as if the State were +already out of the Union. They pushed military preparations vigorously +forward all over the State. They seized the United States armory at +Harper's Ferry, and the navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. They received +perhaps invited--into their State large bodies of troops, with their +warlike appointments, from the so-called seceded States. They formally +entered into a treaty of temporary alliance and co-operation with the +so-called "Confederate States," and sent members to their congress at +Montgomery. And finally, they permitted the insurrectionary government to +be transferred to their capital at Richmond. + +The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to make +its nest within her borders; and this government has no choice left but +to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret as the loyal +citizens have, in due form, claimed its protection. Those loyal citizens +this government is bound to recognize and protect, as being Virginia. + +In the border States, so called,--in fact, the middle States,--there are +those who favor a policy which they call "armed neutrality"; that is, an +arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one way, or +the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disunion completed. +Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an impassable wall +along the line of separation--and yet not quite an impassable one, for +under the guise of neutrality it would tie the hands of Union men and +freely pass supplies from among them to the insurrectionists, which it +could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke it would take all the trouble +off the hands of secession, except only what proceeds from the external +blockade. It would do for the disunionists that which, of all things, they +most desire--feed them well and give them disunion without a struggle of +their own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation to +maintain the Union; and while very many who have favored it are doubtless +loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very injurious in effect. + +Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated that at +first a call was made for 75,000 militia; and, rapidly following this, +a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insurrectionary +districts by proceedings in the nature of blockade. So far all was +believed to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrectionists +announced their purpose to enter upon the practice of privateering. + +Other calls were made for volunteers to serve for three years, unless +sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular army and +navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured +upon, under what appeared to be a popular demand and a public necessity; +trusting then, as now, that Congress would readily ratify them. It is +believed that nothing has been done beyond the constitutional competency +of Congress. + +Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to +authorize the commanding general in proper cases, according to his +discretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, or, +in other words, to arrest and detain, without resort to the ordinary +processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous +to the public safety. This authority has purposely been exercised but very +sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and propriety of what has been done +under it are questioned, and the attention of the country has been called +to the proposition that one who has sworn to "take care that the laws +be faithfully executed" should not himself violate them. Of course some +consideration was given to the questions of power and propriety before +this matter was acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required to +be faithfully executed were being resisted and failing of execution in +nearly one third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail of +execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the use of the +means necessary to their execution some single law, made in such extreme +tenderness of the citizen's liberty that, practically, it relieves more +of the guilty than of the innocent, should to a very limited extent be +violated? To state the question more directly, are all the laws but one +to go unexecuted, and the government itself go to pieces lest that one be +violated? Even in such a case, would not the official oath be broken if +the government should be overthrown when it was believed that disregarding +the single law would tend to preserve it? But it was not believed +that this question was presented. It was not believed that any law was +violated. The provision of the Constitution that "the privilege of the +writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of +rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it," is equivalent to +a provision--is a provision--that such privilege may be suspended when, in +case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety does require it. It was +decided that we have a case of rebellion, and that the public safety does +require the qualified suspension of the privilege of the writ which was +authorized to be made. Now it is insisted that Congress, and not the +executive, is vested with this power. But the Constitution itself is +silent as to which or who is to exercise the power; and as the provision +was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed the +framers of the instrument intended that in every case the danger +should run its course until Congress could be called together, the very +assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by +the rebellion. + +No more extended argument is now offered, as an opinion at some length +will probably be presented by the attorney-general. Whether there shall be +any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is submitted entirely +to the better judgment of Congress. + +The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary and so long +continued as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as if they +supposed the early destruction of our national Union was probable. While +this, on discovery, gave the executive some concern, he is now happy +to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United States are now +everywhere practically respected by foreign powers; and a general sympathy +with the country is manifested throughout the world. + +The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy will +give the information in detail deemed necessary and convenient for your +deliberation and action; while the executive and all the departments will +stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate new facts considered +important for you to know. + +It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this +contest a short and decisive one: that you place at the control of +the government for the work at least four hundred thousand men and +$400,000,000. That number of men is about one-tenth of those of proper +ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to engage; and +the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money value owned by the +men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of $600,000,000 now is a +less sum per head than was the debt of our Revolution when we came out of +that struggle; and the money value in the country now bears even a greater +proportion to what it was then than does the population. Surely each man +has as strong a motive now to preserve our liberties as each had then to +establish them. + +A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten times +the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from the country +leaves no doubt that the material for the work is abundant, and that it +needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal sanction, and the hand +of the executive to give it practical shape and efficiency. One of the +greatest perplexities of the government is to avoid receiving troops +faster than it can provide for them. In a word, the people will save their +government if the government itself will do its part only indifferently +well. + +It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether the +present movement at the South be called "secession" or "rebellion." The +movers, however, well understand the difference. At the beginning they +knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude by +any name which implies violation of law. They knew their people possessed +as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and order, and as much +pride in and reverence for the history and government of their common +country as any other civilized and patriotic people. They knew they +could make no advancement directly in the teeth of these strong and noble +sentiments. Accordingly, they commenced by an insidious debauching of the +public mind. They invented an ingenious sophism which, if conceded, was +followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the incidents, to the +complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself is that any State of +the Union may consistently with the national Constitution, and therefore +lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from the Union without the consent of +the Union or of any other State. The little disguise that the supposed +right is to be exercised only for just cause, themselves to be the sole +judges of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice. + +With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been drugging the public mind +of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length they +have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against the +government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted the farcical +pretense of taking their State out of the Union, who could have been +brought to no such thing the day before. + +This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency from the +assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining +to a State--to each State of our Federal Union. Our States have neither +more nor less power than that reserved to them in the Union by the +Constitution--no one of them ever having been a State out of the Union. +The original ones passed into the Union even before they cast off their +British colonial dependence; and the new ones each came into the Union +directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas. And even Texas +in its temporary independence was never designated a State. The new ones +only took the designation of States on coming into the Union, while that +name was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of +Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were declared to be "free and +independent States"; but even then the object plainly was not to declare +their independence of one another or of the Union, but directly the +contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action before, at the +time, and afterward, abundantly show. The express plighting of faith by +each and all of the original thirteen in the Articles of Confederation, +two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive. +Having never been States either in substance or in name outside of the +Union, whence this magical omnipotence of "State rights," asserting a +claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is said about +the "sovereignty" of the States; but the word even is not in the national +Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State constitutions. What +is "sovereignty" in the political sense of the term? Would it be far wrong +to define it as "a political community without a political superior"? +Tested by this, no one of our States except Texas ever was a sovereignty. +And even Texas gave up the character on coming into the Union; by which +act she acknowledged the Constitution of the United States, and the laws +and treaties of the United States made in pursuance of the Constitution, +to be for her the supreme law of the land. The States have their status in +the Union, and they have no other legal status. If they break from this, +they can only do so against law and by revolution. The Union, and not +themselves separately, procured their independence and their liberty. By +conquest or purchase the Union gave each of them whatever of independence +or liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the States, and, in +fact, it created them as States. Originally some dependent colonies made +the Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off their old dependence for +them, and made them States, such as they are. Not one of them ever had +a State constitution independent of the Union. Of course, it is not +forgotten that all the new States framed their constitutions before they +entered the Union nevertheless, dependent upon and preparatory to coming +into the Union. + +Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to them in +and by the national Constitution; but among these surely are not included +all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive, but, at most, +such only as were known in the world at the time as governmental powers; +and certainly a power to destroy the government itself had never been +known as a governmental, as a merely administrative power. This relative +matter of national power and State rights, as a principle, is no other +than the principle of generality and locality. Whatever concerns the whole +should be confided to the whole--to the General Government; while whatever +concerns only the State should be left exclusively to the State. This +is all there is of original principle about it. Whether the national +Constitution in defining boundaries between the two has applied the +principle with exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. We are all bound +by that defining, without question. + +What is now combated is the position that secession is consistent with the +Constitution--is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that there is +any express law for it; and nothing should ever be implied as law which +leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The nation purchased with money +the countries out of which several of these States were formed. Is it just +that they shall go off without leave and without refunding? The nation +paid very large sums (in the aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred +millions) to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she +shall now be off without consent or without making any return? The +nation is now in debt for money applied to the benefit of these so-called +seceding States in common with the rest. Is it just either that creditors +shall go unpaid or the remaining States pay the whole? A part of the +present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. Is it +just that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself? + +Again, if one State may secede, so may another; and when all shall have +seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just for creditors? +Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed their money? +If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in peace, +it is difficult to see what we can do if others choose to go or to extort +terms upon which they will promise to remain. + +The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They +have assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which of +necessity they have either discarded or retained the right of secession +as they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, they thereby +admit that on principle it ought not to be in ours. If they have retained +it, by their own construction of ours, they show that to be consistent +they must secede from one another whenever they shall find it the easiest +way of settling their debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust +object. The principle itself is one of disintegration and upon which no +government can possibly endure. + +If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out +of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder politicians would +at once deny the power and denounce the act as the greatest outrage upon +State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being +called "driving the one out," should be called "the seceding of the others +from that one," it would be exactly what the seceders claim to do, unless, +indeed, they make the point that the one, because it is a minority, +may rightfully do what the others, because they are a majority, may not +rightfully do. These politicians are subtle and profound on the rights of +minorities. They are not partial to that power which made the Constitution +and speaks from the preamble calling itself "We, the People." + +It may well be questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the +legally qualified voters of any State except perhaps South Carolina in +favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union men are +the majority in many, if not in every other one, of the so-called seceded +States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of them. It is +ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and Tennessee; for the result of +an election held in military camps, where the bayonets are all on one side +of the question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as demonstrating +popular sentiment. At such an election, all that large class who are at +once for the Union and against coercion would be coerced to vote against +the Union. + +It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institutions we +enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our whole +people beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking and +an impressive illustration. So large an army as the government has now on +foot was never before known without a soldier in it but who has taken his +place there of his own free choice. But more than this, there are many +single regiments whose members, one and another, possess full practical +knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else, +whether useful or elegant, is known in the world; and there is scarcely +one from which there could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a +Congress, and perhaps a court, abundantly competent to administer the +government itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of +our late friends, now adversaries in this contest; but if it is, so much +better the reason why the government which has conferred such benefits on +both them and us should not be broken up. Whoever in any section proposes +to abandon such a government would do well to consider in deference to +what principle it is that he does it; what better he is likely to get in +its stead; whether the substitute will give, or be intended to give, so +much of good to the people. There are some foreshadowings on this subject. +Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of independence in which, +unlike the good old one, penned by Jefferson, they omit the words "all +men are created equal." Why? They have adopted a temporary national +constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one, signed by +Washington, they omit "We, the People," and substitute, "We, the deputies +of the sovereign and independent States." Why? Why this deliberate +pressing out of view the rights of men and the authority of the people? + +This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is +a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of +government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men to +lift artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of laudable +pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and a fair chance +in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures, +from necessity; this is the leading object of the government for whose +existence we contend. + +I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and appreciate +this. It is worthy of note that, while in this the government's hour of +trial large numbers of those in the army and navy who have been favored +with the offices have resigned and proved false to the hand which had +pampered them, not one common soldier or common sailor is known to have +deserted his flag. + +Great honor is due to those officers who remained true, despite the +example of their treacherous associates; but the greatest honor, and most +important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common soldiers +and common sailors. To the last man, so far as known, they have +successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose commands, +but an hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic +instinct of the plain people. They understand, without an argument, that +the destroying of the government which was made by Washington means no +good to them. + +Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two points in +it our people have already settled--the successful establishing and +the successful administering of it. One still remains--its successful +maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is +now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry +an election can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are the rightful +and peaceful successors of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly +and constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back +to bullets; that there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots +themselves, at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace: +teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can they +take it by a war; teaching all the folly of being the beginners of a war. + +Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what is +to be the course of the government toward the Southern States after the +rebellion shall have been suppressed, the executive deems it proper to say +it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Constitution and +the laws; and that he probably will have no different understanding of the +powers and duties of the Federal Government relatively to the rights of +the States and the people, under the Constitution, than that expressed in +the inaugural address. + +He desires to preserve the government, that it may be administered for all +as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens everywhere +have the right to claim this of their government, and the government has +no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived that in giving it +there is any coercion, any conquest, or any subjugation, in any just sense +of those terms. + +The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the provision, +that "the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a +republican form of government." But if a State may lawfully go out of +the Union, having done so it may also discard the republican form of +government, so that to prevent its going out is an indispensable means to +the end of maintaining the guarantee mentioned; and when an end is +lawful and obligatory, the indispensable means to it are also lawful and +obligatory. + +It was with the deepest regret that the executive found the duty of +employing the war power in defense of the government forced upon him. He +could but perform this duty or surrender the existence of the government. +No compromise by public servants could, in this case, be a cure; not that +compromises are not often proper, but that no popular government can long +survive a marked precedent that those who carry an election can only save +the government from immediate destruction by giving up the main point upon +which the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not their +servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions. + +As a private citizen the executive could not have consented that these +institutions shall perish; much less could he in betrayal of so vast and +so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him. He felt that +he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the chances of his own +life, in what might follow. In full view of his great responsibility he +has, so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to +your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and +your action may so accord with his as to assure all faithful citizens who +have been disturbed in their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to +them, under the Constitution and the laws. + +And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure purpose, +let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly +hearts. + + +A. LINCOLN, + +July 4, 1861 + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, July 6, 1861. + +HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Please ask the Comr. of Indian Affairs, and of the Gen'l +Land Office to come with you, and see me at once. I want the assistance of +all of you in overhauling the list of appointments a little before I send +them to the Senate. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th +instant, requesting a copy of correspondence upon the subject of the +incorporation of the Dominican republic with the Spanish monarchy, I +transmit a report from the Secretary of State; to whom the resolution was +referred. + +WASHINGTON, July 11, 1861. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a copy of correspondence between the Secretary +of State and her Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister +plenipotentiary accredited to this government, relative to the exhibition +of the products of industry of all nations, which is to take place at +London in the course of next year. As citizens of the United States may +justly pride themselves upon their proficiency in industrial arts, it is +desirable that they should have proper facilities toward taking part in +the exhibition. With this view I recommend such legislation by Congress at +this session as may be necessary for that purpose. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, July 16, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +As the United States have, in common with Great Britain and France, a deep +interest in the preservation and development of the fisheries adjacent to +the northeastern coast and islands of this continent, it seems proper that +we should concert with the governments of those countries such measures as +may be conducive to those important objects. With this view I transmit to +Congress a copy of a correspondence between the Secretary of State and +the British minister here, in which the latter proposes, on behalf of +his government, the appointment of a joint commission to inquire into +the matter, in order that such ulterior measures may be adopted as may be +advisable for the objects proposed. Such legislation recommended as may be +necessary to enable the executive to provide for a commissioner on behalf +of the United States: + +WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL + +WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861 + +ADJUTANT-GENERAL: + +I have agreed, and do agree, that the two Indian regiments named within +shall be accepted if the act of Congress shall admit it. Let there be no +further question about it. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MEMORANDA OF MILITARY POLICY SUGGESTED BY THE BULL RUN DEFEAT. JULY 23, +1861 + +1. Let the plan for making the blockade effective be pushed forward with +all possible despatch. + +2. Let the volunteer forces at Fort Monroe and vicinity under General +Butler be constantly drilled, disciplined, and instructed without more for +the present. + +3. Let Baltimore be held as now, with a gentle but firm and certain hand. + +4. Let the force now under Patterson or Banks be strengthened and made +secure in its position. + +5. Let the forces in Western Virginia act till further orders according to +instructions or orders from General McClellan. + +6. [Let] General Fremont push forward his organization and operations +in the West as rapidly as possible, giving rather special attention to +Missouri. + +7. Let the forces late before Manassas, except the three-months men, +be reorganized as rapidly as possible in their camps here and about +Arlington. + +8. Let the three-months forces who decline to enter the longer service be +discharged as rapidly as circumstances will permit. + +9. Let the new volunteer forces be brought forward as fast as possible, +and especially into the camps on the two sides of the river here. + +When the foregoing shall be substantially attended to: + +1. Let Manassas Junction (or some point on one or other of the railroads +near it) and Strasburg be seized, and permanently held, with an open +line from Washington to Manassas, and an open line from Harper's Ferry to +Strasburg the military men to find the way of doing these. + +2. This done, a joint movement from Cairo on Memphis; and from Cincinnati +on East Tennessee. + + + + +TO THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., July 24, 1861 + +THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + +SIR:--Together with the regiments of three years' volunteers which the +government already has in service in your State, enough to make eight in +all, if tendered in a reasonable time, will be accepted, the new regiments +to be taken, as far as convenient, from the three months' men and officers +just discharged, and to be organized, equipped, and sent forward as fast +as single regiments are ready, On the same terms as were those already in +the service from that State. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Indorsement.] + +This order is entered in the War Department, and the Governor of New +Jersey is authorized to furnish the regiments with wagons and horses. + +S. CAMERON, Secretary of War. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 22d +instant; requesting a copy of the correspondence between this, government +and foreign powers with reference to maritime right, I transmit a report +from the Secretary of State. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 15th +instant, requesting a copy of the correspondence between this government +and foreign powers on the subject of the existing insurrection in the +United States, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State. + +WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CHASE. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 16, 1861 + +MR CHASE:--The bearer, Mr. ------, wants ------ in the custom house at +Baltimore. If his recommendations are satisfactory, and I recollect them +to have been so, the fact that he is urged by the Methodists should be in +his favor, as they complain of us some. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 24th +instant, asking the grounds, reasons, and evidence upon which the police +Commissioners of Baltimore were arrested and are now detained as prisoners +at Port McHenry, I have to state that it is judged to be incompatible with +the public interest at this time to furnish the information called for by +the resolution. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, JULY 27, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 19th instant requesting +information concerning the quasi armistice alluded to in my message of the +4th instant, I transmit a report from the Secretary of the Navy. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +JULY 30, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 23d instant requesting +information concerning the imprisonment of Lieutenant John J. Worden +(John L. Worden) of the United States navy, I transmit a report from the +Secretary of the Navy. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +July 30, 1861 + + + + +ORDER TO UNITED STATES MARSHALS. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C., JULY 31, 1861 + +The Marshals of the United States in the vicinity of forts where political +prisoners are held will supply decent lodging and sustenance for such +prisoners unless they shall prefer to provide in those respects for +themselves, in which case they will be allowed to do so by the commanding +officer in charge. + +Approved, and the Secretary of the State will transmit the order to the +Marshals, to the Lieutenant-General, and the Secretary of the Interior. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of yesterday, +requesting information regarding the imprisonment of loyal citizens of the +United States by the forces now in rebellion against this government, +I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and the copy of a +telegraphic despatch by which it was accompanied. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, August 2, 1861. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of your honorable body of date July 31, 1861, +requesting the President to inform the Senate whether the Hon. James +H. Lane, a member of that body from Kansas, has been appointed a +brigadier-general in the army of the United States, and if so, whether +he has accepted such appointment, I have the honor to transmit herewith +certain papers, numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, which, taken together, +explain themselves, and which contain all the information I possess upon +the questions propounded. + +It was my intention, as shown by my letter of June 20, 1861, to appoint +Hon. James H. Lane, of Kansas, a brigadier-general of United States +volunteers in anticipation of the act of Congress, since passed, for +raising such volunteers; and I have no further knowledge upon the subject, +except as derived from the papers herewith enclosed. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 5, 1861 + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, AUGUST 7, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR + +MY DEAR SIR:--The within paper, as you see, is by HON. John S. Phelps +and HON. Frank P. Blair, Jr., both members of the present Congress from +Missouri. The object is to get up an efficient force of Missourians in the +southwestern part of the State. It ought to be done, and Mr. Phelps ought +to have general superintendence of it. I see by a private report to me +from the department that eighteen regiments are already accepted from +Missouri. Can it not be arranged that part of them (not yet organized, as +I understand) may be taken from the locality mentioned and put under the +control of Mr. Phelps, and let him have discretion to accept them for a +shorter term than three years--or the war--understanding, however, that +he will get them for the full term if he can? I hope this can be done, +because Mr. Phelps is too zealous and efficient and understands his ground +too well for us to lose his service. Of course provision for arming, +equipping, etc., must be made. Mr. Phelps is here, and wishes to carry +home with him authority for this matter. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF A NATIONAL FAST-DAY, AUGUST 12, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas a joint committee of both houses of Congress has waited on the +President of the United States and requested him to "recommend a day of +public humiliation, prayer, and fasting to be observed by the people of +the United States with religious solemnities and the offering of fervent +supplications to Almighty God for the safety and welfare of these States, +His blessings on their arms, and a speedy restoration of peace"; and + +Whereas it is fit and becoming in all people at all times to acknowledge +and revere the supreme government of God, to bow in humble submission to +His chastisements, to confess and deplore their sins and transgressions in +the full conviction that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom, +and to pray with all fervency and contrition for the pardon of their past +offences and for a blessing upon their present and prospective action; and + +Whereas when our own beloved country, once, by the blessing of God, +united, prosperous, and happy, is now afflicted with faction and civil +war, it is peculiarly fit for us to recognize the hand of God in this +terrible visitation, and in sorrowful remembrance of our own faults and +crimes as a nation and as individuals to humble ourselves before Him and +to pray for His mercy-to pray that we may be spared further punishment, +though most justly deserved, that our arms may be blessed and made +effectual for the re-establishment of order, law, and peace throughout +the wide extent of our country, and that the inestimable boon of civil and +religious liberty, earned under His guidance and blessing by the labors +and sufferings of our fathers, may be restored in all its original +excellence. + +Therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do appoint +the last Thursday in September next as a day of humiliation, prayer, and +fasting for all the people of the nation. And I do earnestly recommend to +all the people, and especially to all ministers and teachers of religion +of all denominations and to all heads of families, to observe and keep +that day according to their several creeds and modes of worship in all +humility and with all religious solemnity, to the end that the united +prayer of the nation may ascend to the Throne of Grace and bring down +plentiful blessings upon our country. + + In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand + and caused the seal of the United States to + [SEAL.] + be affixed, this twelfth day of August, A. D. + 1861, and of the independence of the United + States of America the eighty-sixth. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, + Secretary of State. + + + + +TO JAMES POLLOCK. + +WASHINGTON, AUGUST 15, 1861 + +HON. JAMES POLLOCK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--You must make a job for the bearer of this--make a job of it +with the collector and have it done. You can do it for me and you must. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 15, 1861 + +GOVERNOR MORTON, Indiana: Start your four regiments to St. Louis at the +earliest moment possible. Get such harness as may be necessary for your +rifled gums. Do not delay a single regiment, but hasten everything forward +as soon as any one regiment is ready. Have your three additional regiments +organized at once. We shall endeavor to send you the arms this week. + + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FREMONT, + +WASHINGTON, August 15, 1861 + +TO MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + +Been answering your messages since day before yesterday. Do you receive +the answers? The War Department has notified all the governors you +designate to forward all available force. So telegraphed you. Have you +received these messages? Answer immediately. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION FORBIDDING INTERCOURSE WITH REBEL STATES, AUGUST 16, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas on the fifteenth day of April, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, +the President of the United States, in view of an insurrection against the +laws, Constitution, and government of the United States which had broken +out within the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, +Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and in pursuance of the provisions +of the act entitled "An act to provide for calling forth the militia +to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel +invasions, and to repeal the act now in force for that purpose," approved +February twenty-eighth, seventeen hundred and ninety-five, did call forth +the militia to suppress said insurrection, and to cause the laws of the +Union to be duly executed, and the insurgents have failed to disperse +by the time directed by the President; and whereas such insurrection +has since broken out and yet exists within the States of Virginia, North +Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas; and whereas the insurgents in all the +said States claim to act under the authority thereof, and such claim is +not disclaimed or repudiated by the persons exercising the functions of +government in such State or States, or in the part or parts thereof in +which such combinations exist, nor has such insurrection been suppressed +by said States: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in +pursuance of an act of Congress approved July thirteen, eighteen hundred +and sixty-one, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the said States +of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, +Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Florida (except +the inhabitants of that part of the State of Virginia lying west of the +Allegheny Mountains, and of such other parts of that State, and the other +States hereinbefore named, as may maintain a loyal adhesion to the Union +and the Constitution, or may be time to time occupied and controlled by +forces of the United States engaged in the dispersion of said insurgents), +are in a state of insurrection against the United States, and that all +commercial intercourse between the same and the inhabitants thereof, with +the exceptions aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and other parts +of the United States, is unlawful, and will remain unlawful until such +insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed; that all goods and +chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of said States, with the +exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, without the +special license and permission of the President, through the Secretary +of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said States, with the exceptions +aforesaid, by land or water, together with the vessel or vehicle +conveying the same, or conveying persons to or from said States, with +said exceptions, will be forfeited to the United States; and that from +and after fifteen days from the issuing of this proclamation all ships and +vessels belonging in whole or in part to any citizen or inhabitant of any +of said States, with said exceptions, found at sea, or in any port of the +United States, will be forfeited to the United States; and I hereby enjoin +upon all district attorneys, marshals, and officers of the revenue and of +the military and naval forces of the United States to be vigilant in +the execution of said act, and in the enforcement of the penalties and +forfeitures imposed or declared by it; leaving any party who may think +himself aggrieved thereby to his application to the Secretary of the +Treasury for the remission of any penalty or forfeiture, which the said +Secretary is authorized by law to grant if, in his judgment, the special +circumstances of any case shall require such remission. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand,.... + + +A. LINCOLN. + +By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of Sate. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 17, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Unless there be reason to the contrary, not known to +me, make out a commission for Simon B. Buckner, of Kentucky, as a +brigadier-general of volunteers. It is to be put into the hands of General +Anderson, and delivered to General Buckner or not, at the discretion of +General Anderson. Of course it is to remain a secret unless and until the +commission is delivered. + +Yours truly, A. LINCOLN + +Same day made. + +[Indorsement.] + + + + +TO GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN, + +WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 24, 1861 + +To HIS EXCELLENCY B. MAGOFFIN, Governor of the State of Kentucky. + +SIR:--Your letter of the 19th instant, in which you urge the "removal from +the limits of Kentucky of the military force now organized and in camp +within that State," is received. + +I may not possess full and precisely accurate knowledge upon this subject; +but I believe it is true that there is a military force in camp within +Kentucky, acting by authority of the United States, which force is not +very large, and is not now being augmented. + +I also believe that some arms have been furnished to this force by the +United States. + +I also believe this force consists exclusively of Kentuckians, having +their camp in the immediate vicinity of their own homes, and not assailing +or menacing any of the good people of Kentucky. + +In all I have done in the premises I have acted upon the urgent +solicitation of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with what I believed, +and still believe, to be the wish of a majority of all the Union-loving +people of Kentucky. + +While I have conversed on this subject with many eminent men of Kentucky, +including a large majority of her members of Congress, I do not remember +that any one of them, or any other person, except your Excellency and the +bearers of your Excellency's letter, has urged me to remove the military +force from Kentucky or to disband it. One other very worthy citizen of +Kentucky did solicit me to have the augmenting of the force suspended for +a time. + +Taking all the means within my reach to form a judgment, I do not believe +it is the popular wish of Kentucky that this force shall be removed beyond +her limits; and, with this impression, I must respectfully decline to so +remove it. + +I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in the wish to preserve +the peace of my own native State, Kentucky. It is with regret I search, +and cannot find, in your not very short letter, any declaration or +intimation that you entertain any desire for the preservation of the +Federal Union. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 2, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Two points in your proclamation of August 30 give me some +anxiety. + +First. Should you shoot a man, according to the proclamation, the +Confederates would very certainly shoot our best men in their hands in +retaliation; and so, man for man, indefinitely. It is, therefore, my order +that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation without first +having my approbation or consent. + +Second. I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in +relation to the confiscation of property and the liberating slaves of +traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends and turn them +against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky. Allow +me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion, modify that +paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth sections of the act of +Congress entitled "An act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary +purposes," approved August 6, 1861, and a copy of which act I herewith +send you. + +This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure. I send +it by special messenger, in order that it may certainly and speedily reach +you. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNORS + +WASHBURN OF MAINE, FAIRBANKS OF VERMONT, BERRY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, ANDREW OF +MASSACHUSETTS, BUCKINGHAM OF CONNECTICUT, AND SPRAGUE OF RHODE ISLAND. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, September 11, 1861. + +General Butler proposes raising in New England six regiments, to be +recruited and commanded by himself, and to go on special service. + +I shall be glad if you, as governor of ------, will answer by telegraph if +you consent. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 11, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN C. FREMONT. + +SIR:-Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just +received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the +necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing +your proclamation of August 30 I perceived no general objection to it. The +particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of property +and the liberation of slaves appeared to me to be objectionable in its +nonconformity to the act of Congress passed the 6th of last August upon +the same subjects; and hence I wrote you, expressing my wish that that +clause should be modified accordingly. Your answer, just received, +expresses the preference on your part that I should make an open order for +the modification, which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that +the said clause of said proclamation be so modified, held, and construed +as to conform to, and not to transcend, the provisions on the same subject +contained in the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate property +used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, and that said +act be published at length with this order. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO MRS. FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., September 12, 1861 + +Mrs. GENERAL FREMONT. + +MY DEAR MADAM:--Your two notes of to-day are before me. I answered the +letter you bore me from General Fremont on yesterday, and not hearing from +you during the day, I sent the answer to him by mail. It is not exactly +correct, as you say you were told by the elder Mr. Blair, to say that I +sent Postmaster-General Blair to St. Louis to examine into that department +and report. Postmaster-General Blair did go, with my approbation, to see +and converse with General Fremont as a friend. I do not feel authorized to +furnish you with copies of letters in my possession without the consent of +the writers. No impression has been made on my mind against the honor or +integrity of General Fremont, and I now enter my protest against being +understood as acting in any hostility toward him. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOSEPH HOLT, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + +HON. JOSEPH HOLT. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of this day in relation to the late proclamation of +General Fremont is received yesterday I addressed a letter to him, by +mail, on the same subject, and which is to be made public when he receives +it. I herewith send you a copy of that letter, which perhaps shows my +position as distinctly as any new one I could write. I will thank you not +to make it public until General Fremont shall have had time to receive the +original. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL SCOTT + +WASHINGTON, D.C., September 16, 1861. + +DEAR SIR:--Since conversing with you I have concluded to request you +to frame an order for recruiting North Carolinians at Fort Hatteras. I +suggest it to be so framed as for us to accept a smaller force--even a +company--if we cannot get a regiment or more. What is necessary to now +say about officers you will judge. Governor Seward says he has a nephew +(Clarence A. Seward, I believe) who would be willing to go and play +colonel and assist in raising the force. Still it is to be considered +whether the North Carolinians will not prefer officers of their own. I +should expect they would. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 18, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:--To guard against misunderstanding, +I think fit to say that the joint expedition of the army and navy agreed +upon some time since, and in which General T. W. Sherman was and is to +bear a conspicuous part, is in no wise to be abandoned, but must be ready +to move by the 1st of, or very early in, October. Let all preparations go +forward accordingly. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT, + +WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + +Governor Morton telegraphs as follows: "Colonel Lane, just arrived by +special train, represents Owensborough, forty miles above Evansville, in +possession of secessionists. Green River is navigable. Owensborough must +be seized. We want a gunboat sent up from Paducah for that purpose." Send +up the gunboat if, in your discretion, you think it right. Perhaps you had +better order those in charge of the Ohio River to guard it vigilantly at +all points. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +To O. H. BROWNING. + +(Private and Confidential) + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON SEPTEMBER 22, 1861 + +HON. O. H. BROWNING. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 17th is just received; and coming from you, I +confess it astonishes me. That you should object to my adhering to a law +which you had assisted in making and presenting to me less than a month +before is odd enough. But this is a very small part. General Fremont's +proclamation as to confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves +is purely political and not within the range of military law or necessity. +If a commanding general finds a necessity to seize the farm of a private +owner for a pasture, an encampment, or a fortification, he has the right +to do so, and to so hold it as long as the necessity lasts; and this is +within military law, because within military necessity. But to say the +farm shall no longer belong to the owner, or his heirs forever, and this +as well when the farm is not needed for military purposes as when it is, +is purely political, without the savor of military law about it. And the +same is true of slaves. If the general needs them, he can seize them +and use them; but when the need is past, it is not for him to fix their +permanent future condition. That must be settled according to laws made +by law-makers, and not by military proclamations. The proclamation in the +point in question is simply "dictatorship." It assumes that the general +may do anything he pleases confiscate the lands and free the slaves of +loyal people, as well as of disloyal ones. And going the whole figure, +I have no doubt, would be more popular with some thoughtless people than +that which has been done, But I cannot assume this reckless position, nor +allow others to assume it on my responsibility. + +You speak of it as being the only means of saving the government. On +the contrary, it is itself the surrender of the government. Can it be +pretended that it is any longer the Government of the United States--any +government of constitution and laws wherein a general or a president may +make permanent rules of property by proclamation? I do not say Congress +might not with propriety pass a law on the point, just such as General +Fremont proclaimed. + +I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote for it. What I +object to is, that I, as President, shall expressly or impliedly seize and +exercise the permanent legislative functions of the government. + +So much as to principle. Now as to policy. No doubt the thing was popular +in some quarters, and would have been more so if it had been a general +declaration of emancipation. The Kentucky Legislature would not budge till +that proclamation was modified; and General Anderson telegraphed me +that on the news of General Fremont having actually issued deeds of +manumission, a whole company of our volunteers threw down their arms and +disbanded. I was so assured as to think it probable that the very arms +we had furnished Kentucky would be turned against us. I think to lose +Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game. Kentucky gone, we +cannot hold Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all against us, +and the job on our hands is too large for us. We would as well consent +to separation at once, including the surrender of this Capital. On the +contrary, if you will give up your restlessness for new positions, and +back me manfully on the grounds upon which you and other kind friends +gave me the election and have approved in my public documents, we shall +go through triumphantly. You must not understand I took my course on the +proclamation because of Kentucky. I took the same ground in a private +letter to General Fremont before I heard from Kentucky. + +You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid General Fremont +to shoot men under the proclamation. I understand that part to be within +military law, but I also think, and so privately wrote General Fremont, +that it is impolitic in this, that our adversaries have the power, and +will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many of our men as we shoot of +theirs. I did not say this in the public letter, because it is a subject I +prefer not to discuss in the hearing of our enemies. + +There has been no thought of removing General Fremont on any ground +connected with his proclamation, and if there has been any wish for his +removal on any ground, our mutual friend Sam. Glover can probably tell you +what it was. I hope no real necessity for it exists on any ground. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MEMORANDUM FOR A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN + +[OCTOBER 1?] 1861 + +On or about the 5th of October (the exact date to be determined hereafter) +I wish a movement made to seize and hold a point on the railroad +connecting Virginia and Tennessee near the mountain-pass called Cumberland +Gap. That point is now guarded against us by Zollicoffer, with 6000 or +8000 rebels at Barboursville Ky.,--say twenty-five miles from the Gap, +toward Lexington. We have a force of 5000 or 6000 under General Thomas, +at Camp Dick Robinson, about twenty-five miles from Lexington and +seventy-five from Zollicoffer's camp, On the road between the two. There +is not a railroad anywhere between Lexington and the point to be seized, +and along the whole length of which the Union sentiment among the people +largely predominates. We have military possession of the railroad from +Cincinnati to Lexington, and from Louisville to Lexington, and some +home guards, under General Crittenden, are on the latter line. We have +possession of the railroad from Louisville to Nashville, Tenn., so far +as Muldraugh's Hill, about forty miles, and the rebels have possession of +that road all south of there. At the Hill we have a force of 8000, under +General Sherman, and about an equal force of rebels is a very short +distance south, under General Buckner. + +We have a large force at Paducah, and a smaller at Port Holt, both on the +Kentucky side, with some at Bird's Point, Cairo, Mound City, Evansville, +and New Albany, all on the other side, and all which, with the gunboats on +the river, are perhaps sufficient to guard the Ohio from Louisville to its +mouth. + +About supplies of troops, my general idea is that all from Wisconsin, +Minnesota, Iowa, Illinois, Missouri, and Kansas, not now elsewhere, be +left to Fremont. All from Indiana and Michigan, not now elsewhere, be sent +to Anderson at Louisville. All from Ohio needed in western Virginia be +sent there, and any remainder be sent to Mitchell at Cincinnati, for +Anderson. All east of the mountains be appropriated to McClellan and to +the coast. + +As to movements, my idea is that the one for the coast and that on +Cumberland Gap be simultaneous, and that in the meantime preparation, +vigilant watching, and the defensive only be acted upon; this, however, +not to apply to Fremont's operations in northern and middle Missouri. That +before these movements Thomas and Sherman shall respectively watch but +not attack Zollicoffer and Buckner. That when the coast and Gap movements +shall be ready Sherman is merely to stand fast, while all at Cincinnati +and all at Louisville, with all on the line, concentrate rapidly at +Lexington, and thence to Thomas's camp, joining him, and the whole thence +upon the Gap. It is for the military men to decide whether they can find a +pass through the mountains at or near the Gap which cannot be defended by +the enemy with a greatly inferior force, and what is to be done in regard +to this. + +The coast and Gap movements made, Generals McClellan and Fremont, in +their respective departments, will avail themselves of any advantages the +diversions may present. + +[He was entirely unable to get this started, Sherman would have taken +an active part if given him, the others were too busy getting lines of +communication guarded--and discovering many "critical" supply items that +had not been sent them. Also the commanding general did not like it. D.W.] + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 4, 1861 + +HONORABLE SECRETARY OF STATE. + +DEAR SIR:--Please see Mr. Walker, well vouched as a Union man and +son-in-law of Governor Morehead, and pleading for his release. I +understand the Kentucky arrests were not made by special direction from +here, and I am willing if you are that any of the parties may be released +when James Guthrie and James Speed think they should be. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE VICEROY OF EGYPT. + +WASHINGTON, October 11, 1861. + +GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND:--I have received from Mr. Thayer, Consul-General +of the United States at Alexandria, a full account of the liberal, +enlightened, and energetic proceedings which, on his complaint, you have +adopted in bringing to speedy and condign punishment the parties, subjects +of your Highness in Upper Egypt, who were concerned in an act of criminal +persecution against Faris, an agent of certain Christian missionaries in +Upper Egypt. I pray your Highness to be assured that these proceedings, +at once so prompt and so just, will be regarded as a new and unmistakable +proof equally of your Highness's friendship for the United States and +of the firmness, integrity and wisdom, with which the government of your +Highness is conducted. Wishing you great prosperity and success, I am your +friend, + + +A. LINCOLN. + +HIS HIGHNESS MOHAMMED SAID PACHA, Viceroy of Egypt and its Dependencies, +etc. + +By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS. + +October 14 1861 + +LIEUTENANT-GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT: + +The military line of the United States for the suppression of the +insurrection may be extended so far as Bangor, in Maine. You and any +officer acting under your authority are hereby authorized to suspend the +writ of habeas corpus in any place between that place and the city of +Washington. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY OF INTERIOR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 14, 1861 + +HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + +DEAR SIR:--How is this? I supposed I was appointing for register of wills +a citizen of this District. Now the commission comes to me "Moses Kelly, +of New Hampshire." I do not like this. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TWO SONS WHO WANT TO WORK + +TO MAJOR RAMSEY. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 17, 1861 + +MAJOR RAMSEY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The lady bearer of this says she has two sons who want to +work. Set them at it if possible. Wanting to work is so rare a want that +it should be encouraged. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL THOMAS W. SHERMAN. + +WASHINGTON, October 18, 1861. + +GENERAL THOMAS SHERMAN, Annapolis, Md.: + +Your despatch of yesterday received and shown to General McClellan. I have +promised him not to direct his army here without his consent. I do not +think I shall come to Annapolis. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL CURTIS, WITH INCLOSURES. + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is a document--half letter, half order--which, +wishing you to see, but not to make public, I send unsealed. Please +read it and then inclose it to the officer who may be in command of the +Department of the West at the time it reaches him. I cannot now know +whether Fremont or Hunter will then be in command. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + +DEAR SIR:--On receipt of this, with the accompanying inclosures, you will +take safe, certain, and suitable measures to have the inclosure addressed +to Major-General Fremont delivered to him with all reasonable despatch, +subject to these conditions only: that if, when General Fremont shall be +reached by the messenger--yourself or any one sent by you--he shall then +have, in personal command, fought and won a battle, or shall then be +actually in a battle, or shall then be in the immediate presence of the +enemy in expectation of a battle, it is not to be delivered, but held +for further orders. After, and not till after, the delivery to General +Fremont, let the inclosure addressed to General Hunter be delivered to +him. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + +(General Orders No. 18.) HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +Major-General Fremont, of the United States Army, the present commander +of the Western Department of the same, will, on the receipt of this order, +call Major-General Hunter, of the United States Volunteers, to relieve him +temporarily in that command, when he (Major-General Fremont) will report +to general headquarters by letter for further orders. + +WINFIELD SCOTT. By command: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General. + + + + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDER OF THE DEPARTMENT OF THE WEST. + +SIR:--The command of the Department of the West having devolved upon you, +I propose to offer you a few suggestions. Knowing how hazardous it is +to bind down a distant commander in the field to specific lines and +operations, as so much always depends on a knowledge of localities and +passing events, it is intended, therefore, to leave a considerable margin +for the exercise of your judgment and discretion. + +The main rebel army (Price's) west of the Mississippi is believed to have +passed Dade County in full retreat upon northwestern Arkansas, leaving +Missouri almost freed from the enemy, excepting in the southeast of the +State. Assuming this basis of fact, it seems desirable, as you are not +likely to overtake Price, and are in danger of making too long a line from +your own base of supplies and reinforcements, that you should give up the +pursuit, halt your main army, divide it into two corps of observation, one +occupying Sedalia and the other Rolla, the present termini of railroads; +then recruit the condition of both corps by re-establishing and improving +their discipline and instructions, perfecting their clothing and +equipments, and providing less uncomfortable quarters. Of course, both +railroads must be guarded and kept open, judiciously employing just so +much force as is necessary for this. From these two points, Sedalia and +Rolla, and especially in judicious cooperation with Lane on the Kansas +border, it would be so easy to concentrate and repel any army of the enemy +returning on Missouri from the southwest, that it is not probable any such +attempt will be made before or during the approaching cold weather. Before +spring the people of Missouri will probably be in no favorable mood +to renew for next year the troubles which have so much afflicted and +impoverished them during this. If you adopt this line of policy, and if, +as I anticipate, you will see no enemy in great force approaching, you +will have a surplus of force which you can withdraw from these points and +direct to others as may be needed, the railroads furnishing ready means +of reinforcing these main points if occasion requires. Doubtless local +uprisings will for a time continue to occur, but these can be met by +detachments and local forces of our own, and will ere long tire out of +themselves. + +While, as stated in the beginning of the letter, a large discretion must +be and is left with yourself, I feel sure that an indefinite pursuit of +Price or an attempt by this long and circuitous route to reach Memphis +will be exhaustive beyond endurance, and will end in the loss of the whole +force engaged in it. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER RETIRING GENERAL SCOTT AND APPOINTING + +GENERAL McCLELLAN HIS SUCCESSOR. (General Orders, No.94.) + +WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE + +WASHINGTON, November 1, 1861 + +The following order from the President of the United States, announcing +the retirement from active command of the honored veteran Lieutenant +general Winfield Scott, will be read by the army with profound regret: + + + + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. + +November 1, 1861 + +On the 1st day of November, A.D. 1861, upon his own application to the +President of the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott +is ordered to be placed, and hereby is placed, upon the list of retired +officers of the army of the United States, without reduction in his +current pay, subsistence, or allowances. + +The American people will hear with sadness and deep emotion that General +Scott has withdrawn from the active control of the army, while the +President and a unanimous Cabinet express their own and the nation's +sympathy in his personal affliction and their profound sense of the +important public services rendered by him to his country during his long +and brilliant career, among which will ever be gratefully distinguished +his faithful devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the flag when +assailed by parricidal rebellion. + + +A. LINCOLN + + +The President is pleased to direct that Major general George B. McClellan +assume the command of the army of the United States. The headquarters of +the army will be established in the city of Washington. All communications +intended for the commanding general will hereafter be addressed direct +to the adjutant-general. The duplicate returns, orders, and other papers +heretofore sent to the assistant adjutant-general, headquarters of the +army, will be discontinued. + +By order of the Secretary of War: L. THOMAS, Adjutant General. + + + + +ORDER APPROVING THE PLAN OF GOVERNOR GAMBLE OF MISSOURI. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +November 5, 1861. + +The Governor of the State of Missouri, acting under the direction of the +convention of that State, proposes to the Government of the United States +that he will raise a military force to serve within the State as State +militia during the war there, to cooperate with the troops in the +service of the United States in repelling the invasion of the State and +suppressing rebellion therein; the said State militia to be embodied +and to be held in the camp and in the field, drilled, disciplined, and +governed according to the Army Regulations and subject to the Articles of +War; the said State militia not to be ordered out of the State except for +the immediate defense of the State of Missouri, but to co-operate with the +troops in the service of the United States in military operations within +the State or necessary to its defense, and when officers of the State +militia act with officers in the service of the United States of the same +grade the officers of the United States service shall command the combined +force; the State militia to be armed, equipped, clothed, subsisted, +transported, and paid by the United States during such time as they shall +be actually engaged as an embodied military force in service in accordance +with regulations of the United States Army or general orders as issued +from time to time. + +In order that the Treasury of the United States may not be burdened with +the pay of unnecessary officers, the governor proposes that, although +the State law requires him to appoint upon the general staff an +adjutant-general, a commissary-general, an inspector-general, a +quartermaster-general, a paymaster-general, and a surgeon-general, each +with the rank of colonel of cavalry, yet he proposes that the +Government of the United States pay only the adjutant-general, the +quartermaster-general, and inspector-general, their services being +necessary in the relations which would exist between the State militia and +the United States. The governor further proposes that while he is +allowed by the State law to appoint aides-de-camp to the governor at his +discretion, with the rank of colonel, three only shall be reported to the +United States for payment. He also proposes that the State militia +shall be commanded by a single major-general and by such number of +brigadier-generals as shall allow one for a brigade of not less than four +regiments, and that no greater number of staff officers shall be appointed +for regimental, brigade, and division duties than as provided for in the +act of Congress of the 22d July, 1861; and that, whatever be the rank of +such officers as fixed by the law of the State, the compensation that they +shall receive from the United States shall only be that which belongs to +the rank given by said act of Congress to officers in the United States +service performing the same duties. + +The field officers of a regiment in the State militia are one colonel, one +lieutenant-colonel, and one major, and the company officers are a captain, +a first lieutenant, and a second lieutenant. The governor proposes that, +as the money to be disbursed is the money of the United States, such staff +officers in the service of the United States as may be necessary to act +as disbursing officers for the State militia shall be assigned by the War +Department for that duty; or, if such cannot be spared from their present +duty, he will appoint such persons disbursing officers for the State +militia as the President of the United States may designate. Such +regulations as may be required, in the judgment of the President, to +insure regularity of returns and to protect the United States from any +fraudulent practices shall be observed and obeyed by all in office in the +State militia. + +The above propositions are accepted on the part of the United States, and +the Secretary of War is directed to make the necessary orders upon the +Ordnance, Quartermaster's, Commissary, Pay, and Medical departments +to carry this agreement into effect. He will cause the necessary +staff officers in the United States service to be detailed for duty in +connection with the Missouri State militia, and will order them to make +the necessary provision in their respective offices for fulfilling this +agreement. All requisitions upon the different officers of the United +States under this agreement to be made in substance in the same mode for +the Missouri State militia as similar requisitions are made for troops in +the service of the United States; and the Secretary of War will cause +any additional regulations that may be necessary to insure regularity +and economy in carrying this agreement into effect to be adopted and +communicated to the Governor of Missouri for the government of the +Missouri State militia. + +[Indorsement.] + +November 6, 1861. + +This plan approved, with the modification that the governor stipulates +that when he commissions a major-general of militia it shall be the same +person at the time in command of the United States Department of the +West; and in case the United States shall change such commander of the +department, he (the governor) will revoke the State commission given to +the person relieved and give one to the person substituted to the United +States command of said department. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MINISTER FROM SWEDEN. + +November 8, 1861. + +SIR:--I receive with great pleasure a Minister from Sweden. That pleasure +is enhanced by the information which preceded your arrival here, that his +Majesty, your sovereign, had selected you to fill the mission upon the +grounds of your derivation from an ancestral stock identified with the +most glorious era of your country's noble history, and your own eminent +social and political standing in Sweden. This country, sir, maintains, and +means to maintain, the rights of human nature, and the capacity of men for +self-government. The history of Sweden proves that this is the faith of +the people of Sweden, and we know that it is the faith and practice of +their respected sovereign. Rest assured, therefore, that we shall be found +always just and paternal in our transactions with your government, and +that nothing will be omitted on my part to make your residence in this +capital agreeable to yourself and satisfactory to your government. + + + + +INDORSEMENT AUTHORIZING MARTIAL LAW IN SAINT LOUIS. + +St. Louis, November 20, 1861. (Received Nov. 20th.) + +GENERAL McCLELLAN, + +For the President of the United States. + +No written authority is found here to declare and enforce martial law in +this department. Please send me such written authority and telegraph me +that it has been sent by mail. + +H. W. HALLECK, Major-General. + +[Indorsement.] November 21, 1861. + +If General McClellan and General Halleck deem it necessary to declare and +maintain martial law in Saint Louis, the same is hereby authorized. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +OFFER TO COOPERATE AND GIVE SPECIAL LINE OF INFORMATION TO HORACE GREELEY + +TO GOVERNOR WALKER. + +WASHINGTON, November 21, 1861 + +DEAR GOVERNOR:--I have thought over the interview which Mr. Gilmore has +had with Mr. Greeley, and the proposal that Greeley has made to Gilmore, +namely, that he [Gilmore] shall communicate to him [Greeley] all that he +learns from you of the inner workings of the administration, in return +for his [Greeley's] giving such aid as he can to the new magazine, and +allowing you [Walker] from time to time the use of his [Greeley's] columns +when it is desirable to feel of, or forestall, public opinion on important +subjects. The arrangement meets my unqualified approval, and I shall +further it to the extent of my ability, by opening to you--as I do +now--fully the policy of the Government,--its present views and future +intentions when formed, giving you permission to communicate them to +Gilmore for Greeley; and in case you go to Europe I will give these +things direct to Gilmore. But all this must be on the express and explicit +understanding that the fact of these communications coming from me shall +be absolutely confidential,--not to be disclosed by Greeley to his nearest +friend, or any of his subordinates. He will be, in effect, my mouthpiece, +but I must not be known to be the speaker. + +I need not tell you that I have the highest confidence in Mr. Greeley. He +is a great power. Having him firmly behind me will be as helpful to me as +an army of one hundred thousand men. + +This was to be most severely regretted, when Greeley became a traitor +to the cause, editorialized for compromise and separation--and promoted +McClellan as Democratic candidate for the Presidency. + +That he has ever kicked the traces has been owing to his not being fully +informed. Tell Gilmore to say to him that, if he ever objects to my +policy, I shall be glad to have him state to me his views frankly and +fully. I shall adopt his if I can. If I cannot, I will at least tell him +why. He and I should stand together, and let no minor differences come +between us; for we both seek one end, which is the saving of our +country. Now, Governor, this is a longer letter than I have written in +a month,--longer than I would have written for any other man than Horace +Greeley. + +Your friend, truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + +P. S.--The sooner Gilmore sees Greeley the better, as you may before long +think it wise to ventilate our policy on the Trent affair. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL HALLECK TO SUSPEND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, + +DECEMBER 2, 1861. + +MAJOR-GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, Commanding in the Department of Missouri. + +GENERAL:--As an insurrection exists in the United States, and is in arms +in the State of Missouri, you are hereby authorized and empowered to +suspend the writ of habeas corpus within the limits of the military +division under your command, and to exercise martial law as you find it +necessary in your discretion to secure the public safety and the authority +of the United States. + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the +United States to be affixed at Washington, this second day of December, +A.D. 1861. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, December 3, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--In the midst +of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great gratitude to +God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests. + +You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of the +times our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with profound +solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs. + +A disloyal portion of the American people have during the whole year been +engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation which +endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect abroad, +and one party, if not both, is sure sooner or later to invoke foreign +intervention. + +Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the +counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although measures +adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious +to those adopting them. + +The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of +our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked +abroad have received less patronage and encouragement than they probably +expected. If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have seemed to +assume, that foreign nations in this case, discarding all moral, social, +and treaty obligations, would act solely and selfishly for the most speedy +restoration of commerce, including especially the acquisition of cotton, +those nations appear as yet not to have seen their way to their object +more directly or clearly through the destruction than through the +preservation of the Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign +nations are actuated by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a +sound argument could be made to show them that they can reach their aim +more readily and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion than by giving +encouragement to it. + +The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign +nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the +embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably saw +from the first that it was the Union which made as well our foreign as +our domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that the +effort for disunion produces the existing difficulty, and that one strong +nation promises more durable peace and a more extensive, valuable, and +reliable commerce than can the same nation broken into hostile fragments. + +It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states, +because, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the integrity +of our country and the stability of our government mainly depend not upon +them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the +American people. The correspondence itself, with the usual reservations, +is herewith submitted. + +I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and +liberality toward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation and with +firmness maintaining our own rights and honor. + +Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state, +foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recommend that +adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the public defenses +on every side. While under this general recommendation provision for +defending our seacoast line readily occurs to the mind, I also in the same +connection ask the attention of Congress to our great lakes and rivers. +It is believed that some fortifications and depots of arms and munitions, +with harbor and navigation improvements, all at well-selected points +upon these, would be of great importance to the national defense and +preservation I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War, +expressed in his report, upon the same general subject. + +I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of east Tennessee and +western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky and other +faithful parts of the Union by rail-road. I therefore recommend, as a +military measure, that Congress provide for the construction of such +rail-road as speedily as possible. Kentucky will no doubt co-operate, and +through her Legislature make the most judicious selection of a line. The +northern terminus must connect with some existing railroad, and whether +the route shall be from Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, +or from Lebanon to the Tennessee line, in the direction of Knoxville, or +on some still different line, can easily be determined. Kentucky and the +General Government co-operating, the work can be completed in a very short +time, and when done it will be not only of vast present usefulness but +also a valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost in all the future. + +Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and having +no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and will be submitted +to the Senate for their consideration. + +Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers to adopt +a desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we have removed all +obstructions from the way of this humane reform except such as are merely +of temporary and accidental occurrence. + +I invite your attention to the correspondence between her Britannic +Majesty's minister accredited to this government and the Secretary of +State relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire in June +last by the United States steamer Massachusetts for a supposed breach +of the blockade. As this detention was occasioned by an obvious +misapprehension of the facts, and as justice requires that we should +commit no belligerent act not founded in strict right as sanctioned by +public law, I recommend that an appropriation be made to satisfy the +reasonable demand of the owners of the vessel for her detention. + +I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor in his annual message to +Congress in December last in regard to the disposition of the surplus +which will probably remain after satisfying the claims of American +citizens against China, pursuant to the awards of the commissioners under +the act of the 3d of March, 1859. If, however, it should not be deemed +advisable to carry that recommendation into effect, I would suggest that +authority be given for investing the principal, or the proceeds of the +surplus referred to, in good securities, with a view to the satisfaction +of such other just claims of our citizens against China as are not +unlikely to arise hereafter in the course of our extensive trade with that +empire. + +By the act of the 5th of August last Congress authorized the President to +instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend themselves against +and to capture pirates. His authority has been exercised in a single +instance only. For the more effectual protection of our extensive and +valuable commerce in the Eastern seas especially, it seems to me that it +would also be advisable to authorize the commanders of sailing vessels to +recapture any prizes which pirates may make of United States vessels and +their cargoes, and the consular courts now established by law in Eastern +countries to adjudicate the cases in the event that this should not be +objected to by the local authorities. + +If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in withholding +our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Haiti and Liberia, +I am unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to inaugurate a novel +policy in regard to them without the approbation of Congress, I submit for +your consideration the expediency of an appropriation for maintaining +a charge d'affaires near each of those new States. It does not admit of +doubt that important commercial advantages might be secured by favorable +treaties with them. + +The operations of the treasury during the period which has elapsed since +your adjournment have been conducted with signal success. The patriotism +of the people has placed at the disposal of the government the large means +demanded by the public exigencies. Much of the national loan has been +taken by citizens of the industrial classes, whose confidence in their +country's faith and zeal for their country's deliverance from present +peril have induced them to contribute to the support of the government +the whole of their limited acquisitions. This fact imposes peculiar +obligations to economy in disbursement and energy in action. + +The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial year +ending on the 30th of June, 1861, was $86,835,900.27, and the expenditures +for the same period, including payments on account of the public debt, +were $84,578,834.47, leaving a balance in the treasury on the 1st of July +of $2,257,065.80. For the first quarter of the financial year ending on +the 30th of September, 1861, the receipts from all sources, including +the balance of the 1st of July, were $102,532,509.27, and the expenses +$98,239733.09, leaving a balance on the 1st of October, 1861, of +$4,292,776.18. + +Estimates for the remaining three quarters of the year and for the +financial year 1863, together with his views of ways and means for meeting +the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to Congress by the +Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know that the expenditures +made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the resources of the +loyal people, and to believe that the same patriotism which has thus far +sustained the government will continue to sustain it till peace and union +shall again bless the land. + +I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War for information +respecting the numerical strength of the army and for recommendations +having in view an increase of its efficiency and the well-being of the +various branches of the service intrusted to his care. It is gratifying to +know that the patriotism of the people has proved equal to the occasion, +and that the number of troops tendered greatly exceeds the force which +Congress authorized me to call into the field. + +I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make allusion +to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by our troops and +to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire army. + +The recommendation of the Secretary for an organization of the militia +upon a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to the future safety +of the country, and is commended to the serious attention of Congress. + +The large addition to the regular army, in connection with the defection +that has so considerably diminished the number of its officers, gives +peculiar importance to his recommendation for increasing the corps of +cadets to the greatest capacity of the Military Academy. + +By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chaplains for +hospitals occupied by volunteers. This subject was brought to my notice, +and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy of which, +properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the persons, and at the +dates respectively named and stated in a schedule, containing also the +form of the letter, marked A, and herewith transmitted. + +These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated at the +times respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored faithfully +therein ever since. I therefore recommend that they be compensated at +the same rate as chaplains in the army. I further suggest that general +provision be made for chaplains to serve at hospitals, as well as with +regiments. + +The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the operations +of that branch of the service, the activity and energy which have +characterized its administration, and the results of measures to increase +its efficiency and power such have been the additions, by construction and +purchase, that it may almost be said a navy has been created and brought +into service since our difficulties commenced. + +Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than ever before +assembled under our flag have been put afloat and performed deeds which +have increased our naval renown. + +I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the Secretary +for a more perfect organization of the navy by introducing additional +grades in the service. + +The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the +suggestions submitted by the department will, it is believed, if adopted, +obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote harmony, and increase the +efficiency of the navy. + +There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court--two by +the decease of Justices Daniel and McLean and one by the resignation of +Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne making nominations to fill these +vacancies for reasons which I will now state. Two of the outgoing judges +resided within the States now overrun by revolt, so that if successors +were appointed in the same localities they could not now serve upon their +circuits; and many of the most competent men there probably would not take +the personal hazard of accepting to serve, even here, upon the Supreme +bench. I have been unwilling to throw all the appointments north-ward, +thus disabling myself from doing justice to the South on the return of +peace; although I may remark that to transfer to the North one which has +heretofore been in the South would not, with reference to territory and +population, be unjust. + +During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean his circuit +grew into an empire-altogether too large for any one judge to give the +courts therein more than a nominal attendance--rising in population from +1,470,018 in 1830 to 6,151,405 in 1860. + +Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present judicial +system. If uniformity was at all intended, the system requires that all +the States shall be accommodated with circuit courts, attended by Supreme +judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Florida, +Texas, California, and Oregon have never had any such courts. Nor can this +well be remedied without a change in the system, because the adding of +judges to the Supreme Court, enough for the accommodation of all parts +of the country with circuit courts, would create a court altogether too +numerous for a judicial body of any sort. And the evil, if it be one, will +increase as new States come into the Union. Circuit courts are useful or +they are not useful. If useful, no State should be denied them; if +not useful, no State should have them. Let them be provided for all or +abolished as to all. + +Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would be +an improvement upon our present system. Let the Supreme Court be of +convenient number in every event; then, first, let the whole country be +divided into circuits of convenient size, the Supreme judges to serve in a +number of them corresponding to their own number, and independent circuit +judges be provided for all the rest; or, secondly, let the Supreme judges +be relieved from circuit duties and circuit judges provided for all the +circuits; or, thirdly, dispense with circuit courts altogether, leaving +the judicial functions wholly to the district courts and an independent +Supreme Court. + +I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the present +condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be able +to find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils which +constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical administration of +them. Since the Organization of the government, Congress has enacted some +5000 acts and joint resolutions, which fill more than 6000 closely printed +pages and are scattered through many volumes. Many of these acts have been +drawn in haste and without sufficient caution, so that their provisions +are often obscure in themselves or in conflict with each other, or +at least so doubtful as to render it very difficult for even the +best-informed persons to ascertain precisely what the statute law really +is. + +It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be made as +plain and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a compass +as may consist with the fullness and precision of the will of the +Legislature and the perspicuity of its language. This well done would, I +think, greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty it is to assist +in the administration of the laws, and would be a lasting benefit to the +people, by placing before them in a more accessible and intelligible form +the laws which so deeply concern their interests and their duties. + +I am informed by some whose opinions I respect that all the acts of +Congress now in force and of a permanent and general nature might be +revised and rewritten so as to be embraced in one volume (or at most two +volumes) of ordinary and convenient size; and I respectfully recommend to +Congress to consider of the subject, and if my suggestion be approved +to devise such plan as to their wisdom shall seem most proper for the +attainment of the end proposed. + +One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is +the entire suppression in many places of all the ordinary means of +administering civil justice by the officers and in the forms of existing +law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the insurgent States; +and as our armies advance upon and take possession of parts of those +States the practical evil becomes more apparent. There are no courts +or officers to whom the citizens of other States may apply for the +enforcement of their lawful claims against citizens of the insurgent +States, and there is a vast amount of debt constituting such claims. +Some have estimated it as high as $200,000,000, due in large part from +insurgents in open rebellion to loyal citizens who are even now making +great sacrifices in the discharge of their patriotic duty to support the +government. + +Under these circumstances I have been urgently solicited to establish, by +military power, courts to administer summary justice in such cases. I +have thus far declined to do it, not because I had any doubt that the end +proposed--the collection of the debts--was just and right in itself, but +because I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of necessity in +the unusual exercise of power. But the powers of Congress, I suppose, are +equal to the anomalous occasion, and therefore I refer the whole matter to +Congress, with the hope that a plan maybe devised for the administration +of justice in all such parts of the insurgent States and Territories as +may be under the control of this government, whether by a voluntary return +to allegiance and order or by the power of our arms; this, however, not +to be a permanent institution, but a temporary substitute, and to cease as +soon as the ordinary courts can be reestablished in peace. + +It is important that some more convenient means should be provided, if +possible, for the adjustment of claims against the government, especially +in view of their increased number by reason of the war. It is as much the +duty of government to render prompt justice against itself in favor of +citizens as it is to administer the same between private individuals. The +investigation and adjudication of claims in their nature belong to +the judicial department. Besides, it is apparent that the attention of +Congress will be more than usually engaged for some time to come with +great national questions. It was intended by the organization of the +Court of Claims mainly to remove this branch of business from the halls of +Congress; but, while the court has proved to be an effective and valuable +means of investigation, it in great degree fails to effect the object of +its creation for want of power to make its judgments final. + +Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger of the subject, +I commend to your careful consideration whether this power of making +judgments final may not properly be given to the court, reserving the +right of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such other +provisions as experience may have shown to be necessary. + +I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster general, the following +being a summary statement of the condition of the department: + +The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, +1861, including the annual permanent appropriation of $700,000 for the +transportation of "free mail matter," was $9,049,296.40, being about 2 per +cent. less than the revenue for 1860. + +The expenditures were $13,606,759.11, showing a decrease of more than +8 per cent. as compared with those of the previous year and leaving +an excess of expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal year of +$4,557,462.71. + +The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated at +an increase of 4 per cent. on that of 1861, making $8,683,000, to which +should be added the earnings of the department in carrying free matter, +viz., $700,000, making $9,383,000. + +The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,528,000, leaving an +estimated deficiency of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the treasury in +addition to the permanent appropriation. + +The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this +District across the Potomac River at the time of establishing the capital +here was eminently wise, and consequently that the relinquishment of +that portion of it which lies within the State of Virginia was unwise and +dangerous. I submit for your consideration the expediency of regaining +that part of the District and the restoration of the original boundaries +thereof through negotiations with the State of Virginia. + +The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompanying +documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the public +business pertaining to that department. The depressing influences of the +insurrection have been specially felt in the operations of the Patent and +General Land Offices. The cash receipts from the sales of public lands +during the past year have exceeded the expenses of our land system only +about $200,000. The sales have been entirely suspended in the Southern +States, while the interruptions to the business of the country and the +diversion of large numbers of men from labor to military service have +obstructed settlements in the new States and Territories of the Northwest. + +The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months about +$100,000.00 rendering a large reduction of the force employed necessary to +make it self-sustaining. + +The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by +the insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the +casualties of the existing war, have already been made. There is reason to +believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls and in receipt of the +bounty of the government are in the ranks of the insurgent army or +giving them aid and comfort. The Secretary of the Interior has directed +a suspension of the payment of the pensions of such persons upon proof +of their disloyalty. I recommend that Congress authorize that officer to +cause the names of such persons to be stricken from the pension rolls. + +The relations of the government with the Indian tribes have been greatly +disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the southern superintendency +and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south of Kansas is in the +possession of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. The agents of the United +States appointed since the 4th of March for this superintendency have been +unable to reach their posts, while the most of those who were in office +before that time have espoused the insurrectionary cause, and assume +to exercise the powers of agents by virtue of commissions from the +insurrectionists. It has been stated in the public press that a portion of +those Indians have been organized as a military force and are attached +to the army of the insurgents. Although the government has no official +information upon this subject, letters have been written to the +Commissioner of Indian Affairs by several prominent chiefs giving +assurance of their loyalty to the United States and expressing a wish for +the presence of Federal troops to protect them. It is believed that upon +the repossession of the country by the Federal forces the Indians will +readily cease all hostile demonstrations and resume their former relations +to the government. + +Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not +a department nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in +the government. While it is fortunate that this great interest is so +independent in its nature as not to have demanded and extorted more from +the government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether something +more cannot be given voluntarily with general advantage. + +Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture, commerce, and +manufactures would present a fund of information of great practical value +to the country. While I make no suggestion as to details, I venture the +opinion that an agricultural and statistical bureau might profitably be +organized. + +The execution of the laws for the suppression of the African slave trade +has been confided to the Department of the Interior. It is a subject of +gratulation that the efforts which have been made for the suppression of +this inhuman traffic have been recently attended with unusual success. +Five vessels being fitted out for the slave trade have been seized and +condemned. Two mates of vessels engaged in the trade and one person in +equipping a vessel as a slaver have been convicted and subjected to the +penalty of fine and imprisonment, and one captain, taken with a cargo of +Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted of the highest grade of +offense under our laws, the punishment of which is death. + +The Territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada, created by the last +Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been +inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying when it is +considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of these +new countries when the Federal officers arrived there. + +The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the security and +protection afforded by organized government, will doubtless invite to them +a large immigration when peace shall restore the business of the country +to its accustomed channels. I submit the resolutions of the Legislature +of Colorado, which evidence the patriotic spirit of the people of the +Territory. So far the authority of the United States has been upheld in +all the Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the future. I commend +their interests and defense to the enlightened and generous care of +Congress. + +I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the interests of +the District of Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause of +much suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants, and as they have no +representative in Congress that body should not overlook their just claims +upon the government. + +At your late session a joint resolution was adopted authorizing the +President to take measures for facilitating a proper representation of +the industrial interests of the United States at the exhibition of the +industry of all nations to be holden at London in the year 1862. I regret +to say I have been unable to give personal attention to this subject--a +subject at once so interesting in itself and so extensively and intimately +connected with the material prosperity of the world. Through the +Secretaries of State and of the Interior a plan or system has been devised +and partly matured, and which will be laid before you. + +Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate +property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, the +legal claims of certain persons to the labor and service of certain other +persons have become forfeited, and numbers of the latter thus liberated +are already dependent on the United States, and must be provided for in +some way. Besides this, it is not impossible that some of the States +will pass similar enactments for their own benefit respectively, and by +operation of which persons of the same class will be thrown upon them for +disposal. In such case I recommend that Congress provide for accepting +such persons from such States, according to some mode of valuation, in +lieu, pro tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed on +with such States respectively; that such persons, on such acceptance by +the General Government, be at once deemed free, and that in any event +steps be taken for colonizing both classes (or the one first mentioned if +the other shall not be brought into existence) at some place or places in +a climate congenial to them. It might be well to consider, too, whether +the free colored people already in the United States could not, so far as +individuals may desire, be included in such colonization. + +To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of +territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be expended +in the territorial acquisition. Having practised the acquisition of +territory for nearly sixty years, the question of constitutional power to +do so is no longer an open one with us. The power was questioned at first +by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the purchase of Louisiana, yielded +his scruples on the plea of great expediency. If it be said that the only +legitimate object of acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white +men, this measure effects that object, for emigration of colored men +leaves additional room for white men remaining or coming here. Mr. +Jefferson, however, placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on +political and commercial grounds than on providing room for population. + +On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with +the acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to absolute +necessity--that without which the government itself cannot be perpetuated? + +The war continues. In considering the policy to be adopted for suppressing +the insurrection I have been anxious and careful that the inevitable +conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a violent and +remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have therefore in every case thought +it proper to keep the integrity of the Union prominent as the primary +object of the contest on our part, leaving all questions which are not +of vital military importance to the more deliberate action of the +Legislature. + +In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the blockade +of the ports held by the insurgents, instead of putting in force by +proclamation the law of Congress enacted at the late session for closing +those ports. + +So also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well as the obligations +of law, instead of transcending I have adhered to the act of Congress to +confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new law upon +the same subject shall be proposed, its propriety will be duly considered. +The Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be +employed. We should not be in haste to determine that radical and +extreme measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the disloyal, are +indispensable. + +The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration and the +message to Congress at the late special session were both mainly +devoted to topics domestic controversy out of which the insurrection and +consequent war have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add or subtract to or +from the principles or general purposes stated and expressed in those +documents. + +The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expired at the +assault upon Fort Sumter, and a general review of what has occurred since +may not be unprofitable. What was painfully uncertain then is much better +defined and more distinct now, and the progress of events is plainly in +the right direction. The insurgents confidently claimed a strong support +from north of Mason and Dixon's line, and the friends of the Union were +not free from apprehension on the point. This, however, was soon settled +definitely, and on the right side. South of the line noble little Delaware +led off right from the first. Maryland was made to seem against the Union. +Our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and railroads torn up +within her limits, and we were many days at one time without the ability +to bring a single regiment over her soil to the capital. Now her bridges +and railroads are repaired and open to the government; she already gives +seven regiments to the cause of the Union, and none to the enemy; and +her people, at a regular election, have sustained the Union by a larger +majority and a larger aggregate vote than they ever before gave to any +candidate or any question. Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now +decidedly and, I think, unchangeably ranged on the side of the Union. +Missouri is comparatively quiet, and, I believe, can, not again be overrun +by the insurrectionists. These three States of Maryland, Kentucky, and +Missouri, neither of which would promise a single soldier at first, have +now an aggregate of not less than forty thousand in the field for the +Union, while of their citizens certainly not more than a third of that +number, and they of doubtful whereabouts and doubtful existence, are in +arms against us. After a somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter closes +on the Union people of western Virginia, leaving them masters of their own +country. + +An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months dominating +the narrow peninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac and +Northampton, and known as Eastern Shore of Virginia, together with some +contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms, and the people +there have renewed their allegiance to and accepted the protection of the +old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist north of the Potomac or +east of the Chesapeake. + +Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points on the +southern coast of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island (near Savannah), +and Ship Island; and we likewise have some general accounts of popular +movements in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and Tennessee. + +These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing steadily +and certainly southward. + +Since your last adjournment Lieutenant-General Scott has retired from the +head of the army. During his long life the nation has not been unmindful +of his merit; yet on calling to mind how faithfully, ably, and brilliantly +he has served the country, from a time far back in our history, when few +of the now living had been born, and thenceforward continually, I +cannot but think we are still his debtors. I submit, therefore, for your +consideration what further mark of recognition is due to him, and to +ourselves as a grateful people. + +With the retirement of General Scott came the Executive duty of +appointing in his stead a general-in-chief of the army. It is a fortunate +circumstance that neither in council nor country was there, so far as I +know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person to be selected. +The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment in favor of General +McClellan for the position, and in this the nation seemed to give a +unanimous concurrence. The designation of General McClellan is therefore +in considerable degree the selection of the country as well as of the +Executive, and hence there is better reason to hope there will be given +him the confidence and cordial support thus by fair implication promised, +and without which he cannot with so full efficiency serve the country. + +It has been said that one bad general is better than two good ones, and +the saying is true if taken to mean no more than that an army is better +directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two superior ones at +variance and cross-purposes with each other. + +And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged can +have none but a common end in view and can differ only as to the choice +of means. In a storm at sea no one on hoard can wish the ship to sink, and +yet not unfrequently all go down together because too many will direct and +no single mind can be allowed to control. + +It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not +exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government--the +rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most +grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the general +tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the abridgment of the +existing right of suffrage and the denial to the people of all right to +participate in the selection of public officers except the legislative +boldly advocated, with labored arguments to prove that large control of +the people in government is the source of all political evil. Monarchy +itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the +people. + +In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit +raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. It +is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made +in favor of popular institutions, but there is one point, with its +connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief +attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if +not above, labor in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor +is available only in connection with capital; that nobody labors unless +somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the use of it induces him to +labor. This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capital +shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own consent, or +buy them and drive them to it without their consent. Having proceeded so +far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers +or what we call slaves. And further, it is assumed that whoever is once a +hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life. + +Now there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed, nor is +there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the condition +of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all inferences +from them are groundless. + +Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of +labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor +is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration. +Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any other +rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always will be, a +relation between labor and capital producing mutual benefits. The error is +in assuming that the whole labor of community exists within that relation. +A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and with their +capital hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong +to neither class--neither work for others nor have others working for +them. In most of the Southern States a majority of the whole people of +all colors are neither slaves nor masters, while in the Northern a large +majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men, with their families--wives, +sons, and daughters,--work for themselves on their farms, in their houses, +and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and asking no +favors of capital on the one hand nor of hired laborers or slaves on the +other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number of persons mingle +their own labor with capital; that is, they labor with their own hands and +also buy or hire others to labor for them; but this is only a mixed and +not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by the existence of +this mixed class. + +Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such thing +as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life. Many +independent men everywhere in these States a few years back in their lives +were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world labors +for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for +himself, then labors on his own account another while, and at length +hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just and generous +and prosperous system which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and +consequent energy and progress and improvement of condition to all. No men +living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty; +none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have not honestly +earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they +already possess, and which if surrendered will surely be used to close the +door of advancement against such as they and to fix new disabilities and +burdens upon them till all of liberty shall be lost. + +From the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy +years, and we find our population at the end of the period eight times as +great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those other things which +men deem desirable has been even greater. We thus have at one view what +the popular principle, applied to government through the machinery of +the States and the Union, has produced in a given time, and also what if +firmly maintained it promises for the future. There are already among +us those who if the Union be preserved will live to see it contain +200,000,000. The struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-day; it is +for a vast future also. With a reliance on Providence all the more firm +and earnest, let us proceed in the great task which events have devolved +upon us. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, December 20, 1861. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a letter from the secretary of the executive +committee of the commission appointed to represent the interests of those +American citizens who may desire to become exhibitors at the industrial +exhibition to be held in London in 1862, and a memorial of that +commission, with a report of the executive committee thereof and copies +of circulars announcing the decisions of Her Majesty's commissioners in +London, giving directions to be observed in regard to articles intended +for exhibition, and also of circular forms of application, demands for +space, approvals, etc., according to the rules prescribed by the British +commissioners. + +As these papers fully set forth the requirements necessary to enable those +citizens of the United States who may wish to become exhibitors to avail +themselves of the privileges of the exhibition, I commend them to your +early consideration, especially in view of the near approach of the time +when the exhibition will begin. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER OF REPRIMAND TO GENERAL HUNTER + +TO GENERAL HUNTER. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +Dec.31, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 23d is received, and I am constrained to say it +is difficult to answer so ugly a letter in good temper. I am, as you +intimate, losing much of the great confidence I placed in you, not from +any act or omission of yours touching the public service, up to the time +you were sent to Leavenworth, but from the flood of grumbling despatches +and letters I have seen from you since. I knew you were being ordered +to Leavenworth at the time it was done; and I aver that with as tender a +regard for your honor and your sensibilities as I had for my own, it never +occurred to me that you were being "humiliated, insulted, and disgraced"; +nor have I, up to this day, heard an intimation that you have been +wronged, coming from any one but yourself. No one has blamed you for the +retrograde movement from Springfield, nor for the information you gave +General Cameron; and this you could readily understand, if it were not +for your unwarranted assumption that the ordering you to Leavenworth must +necessarily have been done as a punishment for some fault. I thought then, +and think yet, the position assigned to you is as responsible, and as +honorable, as that assigned to Buell--I know that General McClellan +expected more important results from it. My impression is that at the +time you were assigned to the new Western Department, it had not been +determined to replace General Sherman in Kentucky; but of this I am not +certain, because the idea that a command in Kentucky was very desirable, +and one in the farther West undesirable, had never occurred to me. You +constantly speak of being placed in command of only 3000. Now, tell me, is +this not mere impatience? Have you not known all the while that you are to +command four or five times that many. + +I have been, and am sincerely your friend; and if, as such, I dare to make +a suggestion, I would say you are adopting the best possible way to ruin +yourself. "Act well your part, there all the honor lies." He who does +something at the head of one regiment, will eclipse him who does nothing +at the head of a hundred. + +Your friend, as ever, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HALLECK. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., December 31, 1861 + +GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + +General McClellan is sick. Are General Buell and yourself in concert? When +he moves on Bowling Green, what hinders it being reinforced from Columbus? +A simultaneous movement by you on Columbus might prevent it. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Similar despatch to Buell same date.] + + + + + + +1862 + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +WASHINGTON CITY, January 1, 1862 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL, Louisville: + +General McClellan should not yet be disturbed with business. I think you +better get in concert with General Halleck at once. I write you to-night. +I also telegraph and write Halleck. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, January 1, 1862 + +DEAR GENERAL HALLECK: + +General McClellan is not dangerously ill, as I hope, but would better not +be disturbed with business. I am very anxious that, in case of General +Buell's moving toward Nashville, the enemy shall not be greatly +reinforced, and I think there is danger he will be from Columbus. It seems +to me that a real or feigned attack upon Columbus from up the river at +the same time would either prevent this or compensate for it by throwing +Columbus into our hands. I wrote General Buell a letter similar to this, +meaning that he and you shall communicate and act in concert, unless it be +your judgment and his that there is no necessity for it. You and he will +understand much better than I how to do it. Please do not lose time in +this matter. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND, + +In view of the recent declaration of the people of Maryland of their +adhesion to the Union, so distinctly made in their recent election, +the President directs that all the prisoners who having heretofore +been arrested in that State are now detained in military custody by +the President's authority, be released from their imprisonment on the +following conditions, namely: that if they were holding any civil or +military offices when arrested, the terms of which have expired, they +shall not resume or reclaim such office; and secondly, all persons +availing themselves of this proclamation shall engage by oath or parole of +honor to maintain the Union and the Constitution of the United States, and +in no way to aid or abet by arms, counsel, conversation, or information +of any kind the existing insurrection against the Government of the United +States. + +To guard against misapprehension it is proper to state that this +proclamation does not apply to prisoners of war. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 2, 1862 + +To THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES + +I transmit to Congress a copy of a letter to the Secretary of State +from James R. Partridge, secretary to the executive committee to the in +exhibition to be held in London in the course present year, and a copy +of the correspond which it refers, relative to a vessel for the of taking +such articles as persons in this country may wish to exhibit on that +occasion. As it appears no naval vessel can be spared for the purpose, I +recommend that authority be given to charter a suitable merchant vessel, +in order that facilities similar to those afforded by the government +exhibition of 1851 may also be extended to citizens of the United States +who may desire to contribute to the exhibition of this year. + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +MESSAGES OF DISAPPOINTMENT WITH HIS GENERALS + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +WASHINGTON, January 4, 1862. + +GENERAL BUELL: + +Have arms gone forward for East Tennessee? Please tell me the progress and +condition of the movement in that direction. Answer. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +January 6, 1862. + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your despatch of yesterday has been received, and it +disappoints and distresses me. I have shown it to General McClellan, who +says he will write you to-day. I am not competent to criticize your views, +and therefore what I offer is in justification of myself. Of the two, I +would rather have a point on the railroad south of Cumberland Gap +than Nashville. First, because it cuts a great artery of the enemy's +communication, which Nashville does not; and secondly, because it is in +the midst of loyal people who would rally around it, while Nashville is +not. Again, I cannot see why the movement on East Tennessee would not be +a diversion in your favor rather than a disadvantage, assuming that a +movement toward Nashville is the main object. But my distress is that our +friends in East Tennessee are being hanged and driven to despair, and even +now, I fear, are thinking of taking rebel arms for the sake of personal +protection. In this we lose the most valuable stake we have in the South. +My despatch, to which yours is an answer, was sent with the knowledge of +Senator Johnson and Representative Maynard of East Tennessee, and they +will be upon me to know the answer, which I cannot safely show them. They +would despair, possibly resign to go and save their families somehow, +or die with them. I do not intend this to be an order in any sense, but +merely, as intimated before, to show you the grounds of my anxiety. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUELL. + +WASHINGTON, January 7, 1862. + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL D.C. BUELL, Louisville: + +Please name as early a day as you safely can on or before which you can +be ready to move southward in concert with Major-General Halleck. Delay is +ruining us, and it is indispensable for me to have something definite. I +send a like despatch to Major-General Halleck. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 10, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the minister of +his Majesty the Emperor of Austria accredited to this government, and a +copy of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State relative to +the questions involved in the taking from the British steamer Trent of +certain citizens of the United States by order of Captain Wilkes of the +United States Navy. This correspondence may be considered as a sequel to +that previously communicated to Congress relating to the same subject. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GENERAL HALLECK, + +JANUARY 10, 1862. + +HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSOURI ST. Louis, January 6, 1862. + +To His EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT: + +In reply to your Excellency's letter of the 1st instant, I have to state +that on receiving your telegram I immediately communicated with General +Buell and have since sent him all the information I could obtain of the +enemy's movements about Columbus and Camp Beauregard. No considerable +force has been sent from those places to Bowling Green. They have about +22,000 men at Columbus, and the place is strongly fortified. I have at +Cairo, Port Holt, and Paducah only about 15,000, which, after leaving +guards at these places, would give me but little over 10,000 men with +which to assist General Buell. It would be madness to attempt anything +serious with such a force, and I cannot at the present time withdraw any +from Missouri without risking the loss of this State. The troops recently +raised in other States of this department have, without my knowledge, been +sent to Kentucky and Kansas. + +I am satisfied that the authorities at Washington do not appreciate the +difficulties with which we have to contend here. The operations of Lane, +Jennison, and others have so enraged the people of Missouri that it is +estimated that there is a majority of 80,000 against the government. We +are virtually in an enemy's country. Price and others have a considerable +army in the southwest, against which I am operating with all my available +force. + +This city and most of the middle and northern counties are +insurrectionary,--burning bridges, destroying telegraph lines, etc.,--and +can be kept down only by the presence of troops. A large portion of the +foreign troops organized by General Fremont are unreliable; indeed, many +of them are already mutinous. They have been tampered with by politicians, +and made to believe that if they get up a mutiny and demand Fremont's +return the government will be forced to restore him to duty here. It +is believed that some high officers are in the plot I have already been +obliged to disarm several of these organizations, and I am daily expecting +more serious outbreaks. Another grave difficulty is the want of proper +general officers to command the troops and enforce order and discipline, +and especially to protect public property from robbery and plunder. +Some of the brigadier-generals assigned to this department are entirely +ignorant of their duties and unfit for any command. I assure you, Mr. +President, it is very difficult to accomplish much with such means. I am +in the condition of a carpenter who is required to build a bridge with +a dull axe, a broken saw, and rotten timber. It is true that I have some +very good green timber, which will answer the purpose as soon as I can get +it into shape and season it a little. + +I know nothing of General Buell's intended operations, never having +received any information in regard to the general plan of campaign. If +it be intended that his column shall move on Bowling Green while another +moves from Cairo or Paducah on Columbus or Camp Beauregard, it will be a +repetition of the same strategic error which produced the disaster of Bull +Run. To operate on exterior lines against an enemy occupying a central +position will fail, as it always has failed, in ninety-nine cases out of a +hundred. It is condemned by every military authority I have ever read. + +General Buell's army and the forces at Paducah occupy precisely the same +position in relation to each other and to the enemy as did the armies of +McDowell and Patterson before the battle of Bull Run. + +Very respectfully, your obedient servant, + +H. W. HALLECK, Major-General + +[Indorsement] + +The within is a copy of a letter just received from General Halleck. It is +exceedingly discouraging. As everywhere else, nothing can be done. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR ANDREW. + +WASHINGTON, D. C., January 11, 1862 + +GOVERNOR JOHN A. ANDREW, Boston: + +I will be greatly obliged if you will arrange; somehow with General Butler +to officer his two un-officered regiments. + + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 13, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + +MY DEAR SIR--Your despatch of yesterday is received, in which you say, "I +received your letter and General McClellan's, and will at once devote my +efforts to your views and his." In the midst of my many cares I have not +seen, nor asked to see, General McClellan's letter to you. For my own +views, I have not offered and do not now offer them as orders; and while I +am glad to have them respectfully considered, I would blame you to follow +them contrary to your own clear judgment, unless I should put them in the +form of orders. As to General McClellan's views, you understand your duty +in regard to them better than I do. + +With this preliminary I state my general idea of this war to be, that +we have the greater numbers and the enemy has the greater facility of +concentrating forces upon points of collision; that we must fail unless we +can find some way of making our advantage an overmatch for his; and that +this can only be done by menacing him with superior forces at different +points at the same time, so that we can safely attack one or both if he +makes no change; and if he weakens one to strengthen the other, forbear to +attack the strengthened one, but seize and hold the weakened one, gaining +so much. + +To illustrate: Suppose last summer, when Winchester ran away to reinforce +Manassas, we had forborne to attack Manassas, but had seized and held +Winchester. I mention this to illustrate and not to criticise. I did not +lose confidence in McDowell, and I think less harshly of Patterson than +some others seem to.... Applying the principle to your case, my idea is +that Halleck shall menace Columbus and "down river" generally, while you +menace Bowling Green and East Tennessee. If the enemy shall concentrate +at Bowling Green, do not retire from his front, yet do not fight him there +either, but seize Columbus and East Tennessee, one or both, left exposed +by the concentration at Bowling Green. It is a matter of no small anxiety +to me, and which I am sure you will not overlook, that the East Tennessee +line is so long and over so bad a road. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + +(Indorsement.) + +Having to-day written General Buell a letter, it occurs to me to send +General Halleck a copy of it. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 1, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The Germans are true and patriotic and so far as they have +got cross in Missouri it is upon mistake and misunderstanding. Without a +knowledge of its contents, Governor Koerner, of Illinois, will hand you +this letter. He is an educated and talented German gentleman, as true a +man as lives. With his assistance you can set everything right with +the Germans.... My clear judgment is that, with reference to the German +element in your command, you should have Governor Koerner with you; and if +agreeable to you and him, I will make him a brigadier-general, so that +he can afford to give his time. He does not wish to command in the field, +though he has more military knowledge than some who do. If he goes +into the place, he will simply be an efficient, zealous, and unselfish +assistant to you. I say all this upon intimate personal acquaintance with +Governor Koerner. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 17, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the minister of +his Majesty the King of Prussia accredited to this government, and a copy +of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State relating to the +capture and detention of certain citizens of the United States, passengers +on board the British steamer Trent, by order of Captain Wilkes of the +United States Navy. + + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. + +January 20, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, + +Commanding Armies of the United States: + +You or any officer you may designate will in your discretion suspend the +writ of habeas corpus so far as may relate to Major Chase, lately of the +Engineer Corps of the Army of the United States, now alleged to be guilty +of treasonable practices against this government. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO. 1 + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 27, 1862. + +Ordered, That the 22d day of February, 1862, be the day for a general +movement of the land and the naval forces of the United States against the +insurgent forces. + +That especially the army at and about Fortress Monroe, the Army of +the Potomac, the Army of Western Virginia, the army near Munfordville, +Kentucky, the army and flotilla at Cairo, and a naval force in the Gulf of +Mexico, be ready for a movement on that day. + +That all other forces, both land and naval, with their respective +commanders, obey existing orders for the time, and be ready to obey +additional orders when duly given. + +That the heads of departments, and especially the Secretaries of War and +of the Navy, with all their subordinates, and the General-in-chief, with +all other commanders and subordinates of land and naval forces, will +severally be held to their strict and full responsibilities for the prompt +execution of this order. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY STANTON, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--It is my wish that the expedition commonly called the +"Lane Expedition" shall be, as much as has been promised at the +adjutant-general's office, under the supervision of General McClellan, and +not any more. I have not intended, and do not now intend, that it shall be +a great, exhausting affair, but a snug, sober column of 10,000 or 15,000. +General Lane has been told by me many times that he is under the command +of General Hunter, and assented to it as often as told. It was the +distinct agreement between him and me, when I appointed him, that he was +to be under Hunter. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO. 1. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862. + +Ordered, That all the disposable force of the Army of the Potomac, +after providing safely for the defence of Washington, be formed into an +expedition for the immediate object of seizing and occupying a point upon +the railroad southwestward of what is known as Manassas Junction, all +details to be in the discretion of the commander-in-chief, and the +expedition to move before or on the 22d day of February next. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +OPPOSITION TO McCLELLAN'S PLANS + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL MCCLELLAN. + +DEAR SIR--You and I have distinct and different plans for a movement +of the Army of the Potomac--yours to be down the Chesapeake, up the +Rappahannock to Urbana, and across land to the terminus of the railroad on +the York River; mine to move directly to a point on the railroad southwest +of Manassas. + +If you will give me satisfactory answers to the following questions, I +shall gladly yield my plan to yours. + +First. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of time and +money than mine? + +Second. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan than mine? + +Third. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine? + +Fourth. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it would +break no great line of the enemy's communications, while mine would? + +Fifth. In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult by your +plan than mine? + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +Memorandum accompanying Letter of President Lincoln to General McClellan, + +dated February 3,1862. + +First. Suppose the enemy should attack us in force before we reach the +Occoquan, what? + +Second. Suppose the enemy in force shall dispute the crossing of the +Occoquan, what? In view of this, might it not be safest for us to cross +the Occoquan at Coichester, rather than at the village of Occoquan? This +would cost the enemy two miles of travel to meet us, but would, on the +contrary, leave us two miles farther from our ultimate destination. + +Third. Suppose we reach Maple Valley without an attack, will we not be +attacked there in force by the enemy marching by the several roads from +Manassas; and if so, what? + + + + +TO WM. H. HERNDON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1862. + +DEAR WILLIAM:--Yours of January 30th just received. Do just as you say +about the money matter. + +As you well know, I have not time to write a letter of respectable length. +God bless you, says + +Your friend, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +RESPITE FOR NATHANIEL GORDON + +February 4, 1862 + + +A. LINCOLN, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, + +To all to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting: + +Whereas it appears that at a term of the Circuit Court of the United +States of America for the Southern District of New York held in the month +of November, A.D. 1861, Nathaniel Gordon was indicted and convicted for +being engaged in the slave trade, and was by the said court sentenced to +be put to death by hanging by the neck, on Friday the 7th day of February, +AD. 1862: + +And whereas a large number of respectable citizens have earnestly besought +me to commute the said sentence of the said Nathaniel Gordon to a term of +imprisonment for life, which application I have felt it to be my duty to +refuse: + +And whereas it has seemed to me probable that the unsuccessful application +made for the commutation of his sentence may have prevented the said +Nathaniel Gordon from making the necessary preparation for the awful +change which awaits him; + +Now, therefore, be it known, that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the +United States of America, have granted and do hereby grant unto him, the +said Nathaniel Gordon, a respite of the above recited sentence, until +Friday the twenty-first day of February, A.D. 1862, between the hours of +twelve o'clock at noon and three o'clock in the afternoon of the said day, +when the said sentence shall be executed. + +In granting this respite, it becomes my painful duty to admonish the +prisoner that, relinquishing all expectation of pardon by human authority, +he refer himself alone to the mercy of the common God and Father of all +men. + +In testimony whereof I have hereunto signed my name and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the City of Washington, this fourth day of February, A.D. 1862, +and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +WASHINGTON CITY, February 4. 1862 + +To THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the +Navy," approved December 21, 1862, provides: + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired +list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such +officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to be +thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation +of the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks +of Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, +be restored to the active list, and not otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, was +nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command of +the squadron which recently rendered such important service to the Union +in the expedition to the coast of South Carolina. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond +with the intention of the law, or be more pregnant with happy influence as +an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Samuel F. Du Pont receive a +vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry displayed in the +capture of Forts Walker and Beauregard, commanding the entrance of Port +Royal Harbor, on the 7th of November, 1861. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERALS D. HUNTER AND J. H. LANE. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, FEBRUARY 4, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER AND BRIGADIER-GENERAL LANE, Leavenworth, Kansas: + +My wish has been and is to avail the government of the services of both +General Hunter and General Lane, and, so far as possible, to personally +oblige both. General Hunter is the senior officer, and must command when +they serve together; though in so far as he can consistently with the +public service and his own honor oblige General Lane, he will also oblige +me. If they cannot come to an amicable understanding, General Lane must +report to General Hunter for duty, according to the rules, or decline the +service. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 1, RELATING TO POLITICAL PRISONERS. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, February 14,1862. + +The breaking out of a formidable insurrection based on a conflict of +political ideas, being an event without precedent in the United States, +was necessarily attended by great confusion and perplexity of the public +mind. Disloyalty before unsuspected suddenly became bold, and treason +astonished the world by bringing at once into the field military forces +superior in number to the standing army of the United States. + +Every department of the government was paralyzed by treason. Defection +appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in the Cabinet, +in the Federal courts; ministers and consuls returned from foreign +countries to enter the insurrectionary councils of land or naval forces; +commanding and other officers of the army and in the navy betrayed our +councils or deserted their posts for commands in the insurgent forces. +Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the post-office service, as +well as in the Territorial governments and in the Indian reserves. + +Not only governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in +the States, but even whole States rushed one after another with apparent +unanimity into rebellion. The capital was besieged and its connection with +all the States cut off. Even in the portions of the country which were +most loyal, political combinations and secret societies were formed +furthering the work of disunion, while, from motives of disloyalty or +cupidity or from excited passions or perverted sympathies, individuals +were found furnishing men, money, and materials of war and supplies to the +insurgents' military and naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications, +navy yards, arsenals, military posts, and garrisons one after another were +betrayed or abandoned to the insurgents. + +Congress had not anticipated, and so had not provided for, the emergency. +The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. The judicial +machinery seemed as if it had been designed, not to sustain the +government, but to embarrass and betray it. + +Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by the +abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has only been prevented +by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the most perfect +moderation, in our intercourse with nations. + +The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately not +distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the Federal +Government, which one year before had been thought a model worthy of +universal acceptance, had indeed the ability to defend and maintain +itself. + +Some reverses, which, perhaps, were unavoidable, suffered by newly levied +and inefficient forces, discouraged the loyal and gave new hopes to the +insurgents. Voluntary enlistments seemed about to cease and desertions +commenced. Parties speculated upon the question whether conscription had +not become necessary to fill up the armies of the United States. + +In this emergency the President felt it his duty to employ with energy the +extraordinary powers which the Constitution confides to him in cases of +insurrection. He called into the field such military and naval forces, +unauthorized by the existing laws, as seemed necessary. He directed +measures to prevent the use of the post-office for treasonable +correspondence. He subjected passengers to and from foreign countries to +new passport regulations, and he instituted a blockade, suspended the +writ of habeas corpus in various places, and caused persons who were +represented to him as being or about to engage in disloyal and treasonable +practices to be arrested by special civil as well as military agencies +and detained in military custody when necessary to prevent them and deter +others from such practices. Examinations of such cases were instituted, +and some of the persons so arrested have been discharged from time to time +under circumstances or upon conditions compatible, as was thought, with +the public safety. + +Meantime a favorable change of public opinion has occurred. The line +between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly defined. The whole structure +of the government is firm and stable. Apprehension of public danger and +facilities for treasonable practices have diminished with the passions +which prompted heedless persons to adopt them. The insurrection is +believed to have culminated and to be declining. + +The President, in view of these facts, and anxious to favor a return to +the normal course of the administration as far as regard for the public +welfare will allow, directs that all political prisoners or state +prisoners now held in military custody be released on their subscribing +to a parole engaging them to render no aid or comfort to the enemies in +hostility to the United States. + +The Secretary of War will, however, in his discretion, except from the +effect of this order any persons detained as spies in the service of the +insurgents, or others whose release at the present moment may be deemed +incompatible with the public safety. + +To all persons who shall be so released, and who shall keep their parole, +the President grants an amnesty for any past offences of treason or +disloyalty which they may have comminuted. + +Extraordinary arrests will hereafter be made under the direction of the +military authorities alone. + +By order of the President EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. WASHINGTON CITY, February 15, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES: + +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the +Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired +list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such +officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to be +thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation +of the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks +of Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, +be restored to the active list, and not otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Louis M. Goldsborough, of the navy, +was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command +of the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron, which recently rendered such +important service to the Union in the expedition to the coast of North +Carolina. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond +with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with happy influence +as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Louis M. Goldsborough +receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry +displayed in the combined attack of the forces commanded by him and +Brigadier-General Burnside in the capture of Roanoke Island and the +destruction of rebel gunboats On the 7th, 8th, and 10th of February, 1862. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FIRST WRITTEN NOTICE OF GRANT + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +February 16, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + +You have Fort Donelson safe, unless Grant shall be overwhelmed from +outside; to prevent which latter will, I think, require all the vigilance, +energy, and skill of yourself and Buell, acting in full co-operation. +Columbus will not get at Grant, but the force from Bowling Green will. +They hold the railroad from Bowling Green to within a few miles of Fort +Donelson, with the bridge at Clarksville undisturbed. It is unsafe to +rely that they will not dare to expose Nashville to Buell. A small part of +their force can retire slowly toward Nashville, breaking up the railroad +as they go, and keep Buell out of that city twenty days. Meanwhile +Nashville will be abundantly defended by forces from all South and perhaps +from hers at Manassas. Could not a cavalry force from General Thomas on +the upper Cumberland dash across, almost unresisted, and cut the railroad +at or near Knoxville, Tennessee? In the midst of a bombardment at Fort +Donelson, why could not a gunboat run up and destroy the bridge at +Clarksville? Our success or failure at Fort Donelson is vastly important, +and I beg you to put your soul in the effort. I send a copy of this to +Buell. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 2.--IN RELATION TO STATE PRISONERS. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, FEBRUARY 27, 1862 + +It is ordered: + +First. That a special commission of two persons, one of military rank and +the other in civil life, be appointed to examine the cases of the state +prisoners remaining in the military custody of the United States, and to +determine whether in view of the public Safety and the existing rebellion +they should be discharged, or remain in military custody, or be remitted +to the civil tribunals for trial. + +Second. That Major-General John A. Dix, commanding in Baltimore, and the +HON. Edwards Pierrepont, of New York, be, and they are hereby, appointed +commissioners for the purpose above mentioned; and they are authorized to +examine, hear, and determine the cases aforesaid ex parte and in a summary +manner, at such times and places as in their discretion they may appoint, +and make full report to the War Department. + +By order of the President EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + + + + +ORDER RELATING TO COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE. + +Considering that the existing circumstances of the country allow a partial +restoration of commercial intercourse between the inhabitants of those +parts of the United States heretofore declared to be in insurrection +and the citizens of the loyal States of the Union, and exercising the +authority and discretion confided to me by the act of Congress, approved +July 13, 1861, entitled "An act further to provide for the collection of +duties on imports, and for other purposes," I hereby license and permit +such commercial intercourse in all cases within the rules and regulations +which have been or may be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury for +conducting and carrying on the same on the inland waters and ways of the +United States. + +WASHINGTON, February 28, 1862. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SPEECH TO THE PERUVIAN MINISTER, + +WASHINGTON, D. C., MARCH 4, 1862 + +The United States have no enmities, animosities, or rivalries, and no +interests which conflict with the welfare, safety, and rights or interests +of any other nation. Their own prosperity, happiness, and aggrandizement +are sought most safely and advantageously through the preservation not +only of peace on their own part, but peace among all other nations. But +while the United States are thus a friend to all other nations, they do +not seek to conceal the fact that they cherish especial sentiments of +friendship for, and sympathies with, those who, like themselves, have +founded their institutions on the principle of the equal rights of men; +and such nations being more prominently neighbors of the United States, +the latter are co-operating with them in establishing civilization and +culture on the American continent. Such being the general principles which +govern the United States in their foreign relations, you may be assured, +sir, that in all things this government will deal justly, frankly, and, if +it be possible, even liberally with Peru, whose liberal sentiments toward +us you have so kindly expressed. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS RECOMMENDING COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION. + +March 6, 1862 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--I recommend +the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable bodies which shall be +substantially as follows: + +"Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which +may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State pecuniary +aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to compensate for the +inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system." + +If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the approval +of Congress and the country, there is the end; but if it does command such +approval, I deem it of importance that the States and people immediately +interested should be at once distinctly notified of the fact, so that +they may begin to consider whether to accept or reject it. The Federal +Government would find its highest interest in such a measure, as one of +the most efficient means of self-preservation. The leaders of the existing +insurrection entertain the hope that this government will ultimately be +forced to acknowledge the independence of some part of the disaffected +region, and that all the slave States north of such part will then say, +"The Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we now +choose to go with the Southern section." To deprive them of this hope +substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipation +completely deprives them of it as to all the States initiating it. The +point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would very soon, if at +all, initiate emancipation; but that, while the offer is equally made to +all, the more northern shall by such initiation make it certain to the +more southern that in no event will the former ever join the latter in +their proposed confederacy. I say "initiation" because, in my judgment, +gradual and not sudden emancipation is better for all. In the mere +financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress with the census tables +and treasury reports before him can readily see for himself how very soon +the current expenditures of this war would purchase, at fair valuation, +all the slaves in any named State. Such a proposition on the part of the +General Government sets up no claim of a right by Federal authority to +interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as it does, the +absolute control of the subject in each case to the State and its people +immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of perfectly free +choice with them. + +In the annual message last December, I thought fit to say, "The Union must +be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed." I said +this not hastily, but deliberately. War has been made and continues to be +an indispensable means to this end. A practical reacknowledgment of the +national authority would render the war unnecessary, and it would at once +cease. If, however, resistance continues, the war must also continue; and +it is impossible to foresee all the incidents which may attend and all the +ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem indispensable or may obviously +promise great efficiency toward ending the struggle must and will come. + +The proposition now made (though an offer only), I hope it may be esteemed +no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered would not +be of more value to the States and private persons concerned than are the +institution and property in it in the present aspect of affairs. + +While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would +be merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it is +recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important practical +results. In full view of my great responsibility to my God and to my +country, I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the people to the +subject. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GOVERNOR YATES. + +STATE OF ILLINOIS, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, SPRINGFIELD, ILL., March 1, 1862 + +HON. EDWIN M. STANTON, SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington, D. C. + +SIR:--The government at my special request a few months since contracted +for fourteen batteries of the James rifled gun, 6-pounder calibre, and a +limited quantity of the James projectiles, weighing about fourteen pounds +each. The reports showing the superiority of this gun and projectile, both +as regards range, accuracy, and execution, for field service over that of +all others at the battle of Fort Donelson, leads me to request that there +be furnished to the State of Illinois in the shortest time practicable +seven batteries of 12-pounder calibre James rifled guns, with carriages, +harness, implements, etc., complete and ready for field service, together +with the following fixed ammunition to each gun, viz., 225 shells, 225 +canister, and 50 solid projectiles, weighing about 24 pounds each, and +also 200 shells, 100 canister, and 100 solid projectiles for each of the +guns of the fourteen batteries named above, weighing about 14 pounds each, +all to be of the James model. + +Very respectfully, + +RICHARD YATES, Governor of Illinois. + +[Indorsement.] + +March 8, 1862. + +The within is from the Governor of Illinois. I understand the seven +additional batteries now sought are to be 6-gun batteries, and the object +is to mix them with the fourteen batteries they already have so as to make +each battery consist of four 6-pounders and two 12-pounders. I shall be +very glad to have the requisition filled if it can be without detriment to +the service. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.2. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON + +March 8, 1862. + +Ordered: 1. That the major-general commanding the Army of the Potomac +proceed forthwith to organize that part of the said army destined to enter +upon active operations (including the reserve, but excluding the troops to +be left in the fortifications about Washington) into four army corps, to +be commanded according to seniority of rank, as follows: + +First Corps to consist of four divisions, and to be commanded by +Major-General I. McDowell. Second Corps to consist of three divisions, and +to be commanded by Brigadier-General E. V. Sumner. Third Corps to consist +of three divisions, and to be commanded by Brigadier-General S. P. +Heintzelman. Fourth Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be +commanded by Brigadier-General E. D. Keyes. + +2. That the divisions now commanded by the officers above assigned to +the commands of army corps shall be embraced in and form part of their +respective corps. + +3. The forces left for the defense of Washington will be placed in command +of Brigadier-General James S. Wadsworth, who shall also be military +governor of the District of Columbia. + +4. That this order be executed with such promptness and dispatch as not +to delay the commencement of the operations already directed to be +underwritten by the Army of the Potomac. + +5. A fifth army corps, to be commanded by Major general N. P. Banks, +will be formed from his own and General Shields's (late General Lander's) +divisions. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 8,1862 + +Ordered: That no change of the base of operations of the Army of the +Potomac shall be made without leaving in and about Washington such a force +as in the opinion of the general-in-chief and the commanders of all the +army corps shall leave said city entirely secure. + +That no more than two army corps (about 50,000 troops) of said Army of +the Potomac shall be moved en route for a new base of operations until the +navigation of the Potomac from Washington to the Chesapeake Bay shall +be freed from enemy's batteries and other obstructions, or until the +President shall hereafter give express permission. + +That any movements as aforesaid en route for a new base of operations +which may be ordered by the general-in-chief, and which may be intended to +move upon the Chesapeake Bay, shall begin to move upon the bay as early +as the 18th day of March instant, and the general-in-chief shall be +responsible that it so move as early as that day. + +Ordered, That the army and navy co-operate in an immediate effort to +capture the enemy's batteries upon the Potomac between Washington and the +Chesapeake Bay. + + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME BORDER SLAVE STATE + +REPRESENTATIVES, BY HON. J. W. CRISFIELD. + +MEMORANDUM + +"DEAR SIR:--I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to come +to the White House tomorrow morning, at nine o'clock, and bring such of +your colleagues as are in town." + +WASHINGTON, March 10, 1862. + +Yesterday, on my return from church, I found Mr. Postmaster-General Blair +in my room, writing the above note, which he immediately suspended, and +verbally communicated the President's invitation, and stated that the +President's purpose was to have some conversation with the delegations of +Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Virginia, and Delaware, in explanation of +his message of the 6th instant. + +This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town, assembled +at the White House at the appointed time, and after some little delay were +admitted to an audience. Mr. Leary and myself were the only members from +Maryland present, and, I think, were the only members of the delegation at +that time in the city. I know that Mr. Pearoe, of the Senate, and Messrs. +Webster and Calvert, of the House, were absent. + +After the usual salutations, and we were seated, the President said, in +substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some conversation +with us in explanation of his message of the 6th; that since he had sent +it in several of the gentlemen then present had visited him, but had +avoided any allusion to the message, and he therefore inferred that the +import of the message had been misunderstood, and was regarded as inimical +to the interests we represented; and he had resolved he would talk with +us, and disabuse our minds of that erroneous opinion. + +The President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests or wound +the sensibilities of the slave States. On the contrary, his purpose was to +protect the one and respect the other; that we were engaged in a terrible, +wasting, and tedious war; immense armies were in the field, and must +continue in the field as long as the war lasts; that these armies must, +of necessity, be brought into contact with slaves in the States we +represented and in other States as they advanced; that slaves would come +to the camps, and continual irritation was kept up; that he was constantly +annoyed by conflicting and antagonistic complaints: on the one side a +certain class complained if the slave was not protected by the army; +persons were frequently found who, participating in these views, acted +in a way unfriendly to the slaveholder; on the other hand, slaveholders +complained that their rights were interfered with, their slaves induced +to abscond and protected within the lines; these complaints were numerous, +loud and deep; were a serious annoyance to him and embarrassing to the +progress of the war; that it kept alive a spirit hostile to the government +in the States we represented; strengthened the hopes of the Confederates +that at some day the border States would unite with them, and thus tend +to prolong the war; and he was of opinion, if this resolution should be +adopted by Congress and accepted by our States, these causes of irritation +and these hopes would be removed, and more would be accomplished toward +shortening the war than could be hoped from the greatest victory achieved +by Union armies; that he made this proposition in good faith, and desired +it to be accepted, if at all, voluntarily, and in the same patriotic +spirit in which it was made; that emancipation was a subject exclusively +under the control of the States, and must be adopted or rejected by each +for itself; that he did not claim nor had this government any right to +coerce them for that purpose; that such was no part of his purpose in +making this proposition, and he wished it to be clearly understood; that +he did not expect us there to be prepared to give him an answer, but he +hoped we would take the subject into serious consideration, confer +with one another, and then take such course as we felt our duty and the +interests of our constituents required of us. + +Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State slavery was not considered +a permanent institution; that natural causes were there in operation which +would at no distant day extinguish it, and he did not think that this +proposition was necessary for that; and, besides that, he and his +friends felt solicitous as to the message on account of the different +constructions which the resolution and message had received. The New York +Tribune was for it, and understood it to mean that we must accept gradual +emancipation according to the plan suggested, or get something worse. + +The President replied that he must not be expected to quarrel with the New +York Tribune before the right time; he hoped never to have to do it; he +would not anticipate events. In respect to emancipation in Missouri, he +said that what had been observed by Mr. Noell was probably true, but the +operation of these natural causes had not prevented the irritating conduct +to which he had referred, or destroyed the hopes of the Confederates that +Missouri would at some time merge herself alongside of them, which, in his +judgment, the passage of this resolution by Congress and its acceptance by +Missouri would accomplish. + +Mr. Crisfield, of Maryland, asked what would be the effect of the refusal +of the State to accept this proposal, and he desired to know if the +President looked to any policy beyond the acceptance or rejection of this +scheme. + +The President replied that he had no designs beyond the actions of the +States on this particular subject. He should lament their refusal to +accept it, but he had no designs beyond their refusal of it. + +Mr. Menzies, of Kentucky, inquired if the President thought there was +any power except in the States themselves to carry out his scheme of +emancipation. + +The President replied that he thought there could not be. He then went +off into a course of remarks not qualifying the foregoing declaration nor +material to be repeated to a just understanding of his meaning. + +Mr. Crisfield said he did not think the people of Maryland looked upon +slavery as a permanent institution; and he did not know that they would +be very reluctant to give it up if provision was made to meet the loss and +they could be rid of the race; but they did not like to be coerced +into emancipation, either by the direct action of the government or by +indirection, as through the emancipation of slaves in this District, or +the confiscation of Southern property as now threatened; and he thought +before they would consent to consider this proposition they would require +to be informed on these points. The President replied that, unless he was +expelled by the act of God or the Confederate armies he should occupy +that house for three years; and as long as he remained there Maryland had +nothing to fear either for her institutions or her interests on the points +referred to. + +Mr. Crisfield immediately added: "Mr. President, if what you now say could +be heard by the people of Maryland, they would consider your proposition +with a much better feeling than I fear without it they will be inclined to +do." + +The President: "That [meaning a publication of what he said] will not +do; it would force me into a quarrel before the proper time "; and, +again intimating, as he had before done, that a quarrel with the "Greeley +faction" was impending, he said he did not wish to encounter it before the +proper time, nor at all if it could be avoided. + +[The Greely faction wanted an immediate Emancipation Proclamation. D.W.] + +Governor Wickliffe, of Kentucky, then asked him respecting the +constitutionality of his scheme. + +The President replied: "As you may suppose, I have considered that; +and the proposition now submitted does not encounter any constitutional +difficulty. It proposes simply to co-operate with any State by giving such +State pecuniary aid"; and he thought that the resolution, as proposed by +him, would be considered rather as the expression of a sentiment than as +involving any constitutional question. + +Mr. Hall, of Missouri, thought that if this proposition was adopted at all +it should be by the votes of the free States, and come as a proposition +from them to the slave States, affording them an inducement to put aside +this subject of discord; that it ought not to be expected that members +representing slaveholding constituencies should declare at once, and in +advance of any proposition to them, for the emancipation of slavery. + +The President said he saw and felt the force of the objection; it was a +fearful responsibility, and every gentleman must do as he thought best; +that he did not know how this scheme was received by the members from the +free States; some of them had spoken to him and received it kindly; but +for the most part they were as reserved and chary as we had been, and he +could not tell how they would vote. And in reply to some expression of Mr. +Hall as to his own opinion regarding slavery, he said he did not pretend +to disguise his anti-slavery feeling; that he thought it was wrong, and +should continue to think so; but that was not the question we had to deal +with now. Slavery existed, and that, too, as well by the act of the North +as of the South; and in any scheme to get rid of it the North as well as +the South was morally bound to do its full and equal share. He thought the +institution wrong and ought never to have existed; but yet he recognized +the rights of property which had grown out of it, and would respect those +rights as fully as similar rights in any other property; that property can +exist and does legally exist. He thought such a law wrong, but the rights +of property resulting must be respected; he would get rid of the odious +law, not by violating the rights, but by encouraging the proposition and +offering inducements to give it up. + +Here the interview, so far as this subject is concerned, terminated by +Mr. Crittenden's assuring the President that, whatever might be our final +action, we all thought him solely moved by a high patriotism and sincere +devotion to the happiness and glory of his country; and with that +conviction we should consider respectfully the important suggestions he +had made. + +After some conversation on the current war news, we retired, and +I immediately proceeded to my room and wrote out this paper. J. W. +CRISFIELD. + +We were present at the interview described in the foregoing paper of +Mr. Crisfield, and we certify that the substance of what passed on the +occasion is in this paper faithfully and fully given. + +J. W. MENZIES, J. J. CRITTENDEN, R. MALLORY. + +March 10, 1862. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 11, 1862. + +Major-General McClellan having personally taken the field at the head of +the Army of the Potomac, until otherwise ordered he is relieved from the +command of the other military departments, he retaining command of the +Department of the Potomac. + +Ordered further, That the departments now under the respective commands of +Generals Halleck and Hunter, together with so much of that under General +Buell as lies west of a north and south line indefinitely drawn through +Knoxville, Tenn., be consolidated and designated the Department of the +Mississippi, and that until otherwise ordered Major General Halleck have +command of said department. + +Ordered also, That the country west of the Department of the Potomac and +east of the Department of the Mississippi be a military department, to +be called the Mountain Department, and that the same be commanded by +Major-General Fremont. + +That all the commanders of departments, after the receipt of this order by +them, respectively report severally and directly to the Secretary of War, +and that prompt, full, and frequent reports will be expected of all and +each of them. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL MCCLELLAN. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, March 13, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN: + +The President, having considered the plan of operations agreed upon by +yourself and the commanders of army corps, makes no objection to the same +but gives the following directions as to its execution: + +1. Leave such force at Manassas Junction as shall make it entirely certain +that the enemy shall no repossess himself of that position and line of +communication. + +2. Leave Washington entirely secure. + +3. Move the remainder of the force down the Potomac, choosing a new base +at Fortress Monroe or anywhere between here and there, or, at all events, +move such remainder of the army at once in pursuit of the enemy by some +route. + +EDWARD M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + + + + +SPEECH TO A PARTY OF MASSACHUSETTS GENTLEMAN + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 13, 1862 + +I thank you, Mr. Train, for your kindness in presenting me with this truly +elegant and highly creditable specimen of the handiwork of the mechanics +of your State of Massachusetts, and I beg of you to express my hearty +thanks to the donors. It displays a perfection of workmanship which I +really wish I had time to acknowledge in more fitting words, and I might +then follow your idea that it is suggestive, for it is evidently expected +that a good deal of whipping is to be done. But as we meet here socially +let us not think only of whipping rebels, or of those who seem to think +only of whipping negroes, but of those pleasant days, which it is to be +hoped are in store for us, when seated behind a good pair of horses we can +crack our whips and drive through a peaceful, happy, and prosperous land. +With this idea, gentlemen, I must leave you for my business duties. [It +was likely a Buggy-Whip D.W.] + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON CITY, March 20, 1862. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the +Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides: + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired +list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such +officers as he may believe the good of the service requires to be thus +placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation of +the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks cf +Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, be +restored to the active list, and not otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, was +nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command of +the squadron which recently rendered such important service to the Union +in the expedition to the coasts of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond +with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with happy influence as +an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Samuel F. Du Pont receive a +vote of thanks of Congress for his service and gallantry displayed in the +capture since the 21st December, 1861, of various ports on the coasts of +Georgia and Florida, particularly Brunswick, Cumberland Island and Sound, +Amelia Island, the towns of St. Mary's, St. Augustine, and Jacksonville +and Fernandina. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 31, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +MY DEAR SIR:-This morning I felt constrained to order Blenker's division +to Fremont, and I write this to assure you I did so with great pain, +understanding that you would wish it otherwise. If you could know the +full pressure of the case, I am confident that you would justify it, even +beyond a mere acknowledgment that the commander-in-chief may order what he +pleases. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +GIFT OF SOME RABBITS + +TO MICHAEL CROCK. 360 N. Fourth St., Philadelphia. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 2, 1862. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Allow me to thank you in behalf of my little son for your +present of white rabbits. He is very much pleased with them. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +INSTRUCTION TO SECRETARY STANTON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 3, 1862. + +The Secretary of War will order that one or the other of the corps of +General McDowell and General Sumner remain in front of Washington until +further orders from the department, to operate at or in the direction of +Manassas Junction, or otherwise, as occasion may require; that the other +Corps not so ordered to remain go forward to General McClellan as speedily +as possible; that General McClellan commence his forward movements from +his new base at once, and that such incidental modifications as the +foregoing may render proper be also made. A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 6, 1862. + +GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN: + +Yours of 11 A. M. today received. Secretary of War informs me that the +forwarding of transportation, ammunition, and Woodbury's brigade, under +your orders, is not, and will not be, interfered with. You now have +over one hundred thousand troops with you, independent of General Wool's +command. I think you better break the enemy's line from Yorktown to +Warwick River at once. This will probably use time as advantageously as +you can. + + +A. LINCOLN, President + + + + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +MY DEAR SIR+--Your despatches, complaining that you are not properly +sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very much. + +Blenker's division was withdrawn from you before you left here, and you +knew the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought, acquiesced in +it certainly not without reluctance. + +After you left I ascertained that less than 20,000 unorganized men, +without a single field battery, were all you designed to be left for the +defense of Washington and Manassas Junction, and part of this even to go +to General Hooker's old position; General Banks's corps, once designed for +Manassas Junction, was divided and tied up on the line of Winchester and +Strasburg, and could not leave it without again exposing the upper Potomac +and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. This presented (or would present when +McDowell and Sumner should be gone) a great temptation to the enemy to +turn back from the Rappahannock and sack Washington. My explicit order +that Washington should, by the judgment of all the Commanders of corps, be +left entirely secure, had been neglected. It was precisely this that drove +me to detain McDowell. + +I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave Banks +at Manassas Junction; but when that arrangement was broken up and nothing +substituted for it, of course I was not satisfied. I was constrained to +substitute something for it myself. + +And now allow me to ask, do you really think I should permit the line from +Richmond via Manaasas Junction to this city to be entirely open, except +what resistance could be presented by less than 20,000 unorganized troops? +This is a question which the country will not allow me to evade. + +There is a curious mystery about the number of the troops now with you. +When I telegraphed you on the 6th, saying you had over 100,000 with you, I +had just obtained from the Secretary of War a statement, taken as he said +from your own returns, making 108,000 then with you and en route to you. +You now say you will have but 85,000 when all enroute to you shall have +reached you. How can this discrepancy of 23,000 be accounted for? + +As to General Wool's command, I understand it is doing for you precisely +what a like number of your own would have to do if that command was away. +I suppose the whole force which has gone forward to you is with you by +this time; and if so, I think it is the precise time for you to strike a +blow. By delay the enemy will relatively gain upon you--that is, he +will gain faster by fortifications and reinforcements than you can by +reinforcements alone. + +And once more let me tell you it is indispensable to you that you strike a +blow. I am powerless to help this. You will do me the justice to remember +I always insisted that going down the bay in search of a field, instead +of fighting at or near Manassas, was only shifting and not surmounting +a difficulty; that we would find the same enemy and the same or equal +entrenchments at either place. The country will not fail to note--is +noting now--that the present hesitation to move upon an entrenched enemy +is but the story of Manassas repeated. + +I beg to assure you that I have never written you or spoken to you in +greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller purpose to sustain +you, so far as in my most anxious judgment I consistently can; but you +must act. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Saint Louis, Mo.: If the rigor of the confinement +of Magoffin (Governor of Kentucky) at Alton is endangering his life, or +materially impairing his health, I wish it mitigated as far as it can be +consistently with his safe detention. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +Please send above, by order of the President. JOHN HAY. + + + + +PROCLAMATION RECOMMENDING THANKSGIVING FOR VICTORIES, + +APRIL 10, 1862. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation + +It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal victories to the land and +naval forces engaged in suppressing, an internal rebellion, and at the +same time to avert from our country the dangers of foreign intervention +and invasion. + +It is therefore recommended to the people of the United States that at +their next weekly assemblages in their accustomed places of public worship +which shall occur after notice of this proclamation shall have been +received, they especially acknowledge and render thanks to our Heavenly +Father for these inestimable blessings, that they then and there implore +spiritual consolation in behalf of all who have been brought into +affliction by the casualties and calamities of sedition and civil war, and +that they reverently invoke the divine guidance for our national counsels, +to the end that they may speedily result in the restoration of peace, +harmony, and unity throughout our borders and hasten the establishment of +fraternal relations among all the countries of the earth. + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the +United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of April, A.D. 1862, and of +the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN WASHINGTON, D.C. + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. April 16, 1862. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: The act +entitled "An act for the relief of certain persons held to service or +labor in the District of Columbia" has this day been approved and signed. + +I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Congress to abolish +slavery in this District, and I have ever desired to see the national +capital freed from the institution in some satisfactory way. Hence there +has never been in my mind any question on the subject except the one of +expediency, arising in view of all the circumstances. If there be matters +within and about this act which might have taken a course or shape more +satisfactory to my judgment, I do not attempt to specify them. I am +gratified that the two principles of compensation and colonization are +both recognized and practically applied in the act. + +In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be presented +within ninety days from the passage of the act, "but not thereafter"; and +there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane or absent persons. I +presume this is an omission by mere oversight, and I recommend that it be +supplied by an amendatory or supplemental act. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 21, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Your despatch of the 19th was received that day. Fredericksburg is +evacuated and the bridges destroyed by the enemy, and a small part of +McDowell's command occupies this side of the Rappahannock, opposite the +town. He purposes moving his whole force to that point. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL + + +A. LINCOLN. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 24, 1862. + +Hon. POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The member of Congress from the district including Tiffin, +O., calls on me about the postmaster at that place. I believe I turned +over a despatch to you from some persons there, asking a suspension, so +as for them to be heard, or something of the sort. If nothing, or nothing +amounting to anything, has been done, I think the suspension might now be +suspended, and the commission go forward. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 29, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Would it derange or embarrass your operations if I were to appoint Captain +Charles Griffin a brigadier-general of volunteers? Please answer. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE, MAY 1, 1862. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate [of April 22] in relation to +Brigadier-General Stone, I have the honor to state that he was arrested +and imprisoned under my general authority, and upon evidence which whether +he be guilty or innocent, required, as appears to me, such proceedings to +be had against him for the public safety. I deem it incompatible with the +public interest, as also, perhaps, unjust to General Stone, to make a more +particular statement of the evidence. + +He has not been tried because, in the state of military operations at the +time of his arrest and since, the officers to constitute a court martial +and for witnesses could not be withdrawn from duty without serious injury +to the service. He will be allowed a trial without any unnecessary delay; +the charges and specifications will be furnished him in due season, and +every facility for his defense will be afforded him by the War Department. + + +A. LINCOLN, + +WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Your call for Parrott guns from Washington alarms me, chiefly because it +argues indefinite procrastination. Is anything to be done? + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, MAY 1, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Pittsburgh Landing, Tennessee: + +I am pressed by the Missouri members of Congress to give General Schofield +independent command in Missouri. They insist that for want of this their +local troubles gradually grow worse. I have forborne, so far, for fear of +interfering with and embarrassing your operations. Please answer telling +me whether anything, and what, I can do for them without injuriously +interfering with you. + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +RESPONSE TO EVANGELICAL LUTHERANS, MAY 6, 1862 + +GENTLEMEN:--I welcome here the representatives of the Evangelical +Lutherans of the United States. I accept with gratitude their assurances +of the sympathy and support of that enlightened, influential, and loyal +class of my fellow citizens in an important crisis which involves, in my +judgment, not only the civil and religious liberties of our own dear land, +but in a large degree the civil and religious liberties of mankind in many +countries and through many ages. You well know, gentlemen, and the world +knows, how reluctantly I accepted this issue of battle forced upon me on +my advent to this place by the internal enemies of our country. You all +know, the world knows, the forces and the resources the public agents have +brought into employment to sustain a government against which there has +been brought not one complaint of real injury committed against society +at home or abroad. You all may recollect that in taking up the sword thus +forced into our hands this government appealed to the prayers of the pious +and the good, and declared that it placed its whole dependence on the +favor of God. I now humbly and reverently, in your presence, reiterate the +acknowledgment of that dependence, not doubting that, if it shall please +the Divine Being who determines the destinies of nations, this shall +remain a united people, and that they will, humbly seeking the divine +guidance, make their prolonged national existence a source of new benefits +to themselves and their successors, and to all classes and conditions of +mankind. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH. + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, MAY 7, 1862 + +FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + +SIR:--Major-General McClellan telegraphs that he has ascertained by a +reconnaissance that the battery at Jamestown has been abandoned, and he +again requests that gunboats may be sent up the James River. + +If you have tolerable confidence that you can successfully contend with +the Merrimac without the help of the Galena and two accompanying gunboats, +send the Galena and two gunboats up the James River at once. Please report +your action on this to me at once. I shall be found either at General +Wool's headquarters or on board the Miami. + +Your obedient servant, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FURTHER REPRIMAND OF McCLELLAN + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 9, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have just assisted the Secretary of War in framing part of +a despatch to you relating to army corps, which despatch, of course, will +have reached you long before this will. I wish to say a few words to you +privately on this subject. I ordered the army corps organization not only +on the unanimous opinion of the twelve generals whom you had selected and +assigned as generals of divisions, but also on the unanimous opinion of +every military man I could get an opinion from, and every modern military +book, yourself only excepted. Of course, I did not on my own judgment +pretend to understand the subject. I now think it indispensable for you to +know how your struggle against it is received in quarters which we cannot +entirely disregard. It is looked upon as merely an effort to pamper one or +two pets, and to persecute and degrade their supposed rivals. I have had +no word from Sumner, Heintzleman, or Keyes the commanders of these corps +are, of course, the three highest officers with you; but I am constantly +told that you have no consultation or communication with them; that you +consult and communicate with nobody but General Fitz John Porter, and +perhaps General Franklin. I do not say these complaints are true or just; +but at all events, it is proper you should know of their existence. Do the +commanders of corps disobey your orders in anything? + +When you relieved General Hamilton of his command the other day, you +thereby lost the confidence of at least one of your best friends in the +Senate. And here let me say, not as applicable to you personally, that +Senators and Representatives speak of me in their places without question, +and that officers of the army must cease addressing insulting letters to +them for taking no greater liberty with them. + +But to return. Are you strong enough--are you strong enough even with my +help--to set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, Heintzelman, and Keyes +all at once? This is a practical and very serious question to you? + +The success of your army and the cause of the country are the same, and, +of course, I only desire the good of the cause. + +Yours truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH, + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 10, 1862 + +FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I send you this copy of your report of yesterday for the +purpose of saying to you in writing that you are quite right in supposing +the movement made by you and therein reported was made in accordance with +my wishes verbally expressed to you in advance. I avail myself of the +occasion to thank you for your courtesy and all your conduct, so far as +known to me, during my brief visit here. + +Yours very truly, + + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION RAISING THE BLOCKADE OF CERTAIN PORTS. + +May 12, 1862. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas, by my proclamation of the 19th of April, one thousand eight +hundred and sixty-one, it was declared that the ports of certain States, +including those of Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina, Port +Royal, in the State of South Carolina, and New Orleans, in the State of +Louisiana, were, for reasons therein set forth, intended to be placed +under blockade; and whereas the said ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and +New Orleans have since been blockaded; but as the blockade of the same +ports may now be safely relaxed with advantage to the interests of +commerce: + +Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the +United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth section +of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July last, entitled "An act +further to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for +other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade of the said ports of +Beaufort, Port Royal, and New Orleans shall so far cease and determine, +from and after the first day of June next, that commercial intercourse +with those ports, except as to persons, things, and information contraband +of war, may from that time be carried on, subject to the laws of the +United States, and to the limitations and in pursuance of the regulations +which are prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury in his order of this +date, which is appended to this proclamation. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the +United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this twelfth day of May, in the year of +our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence +of the United States the eighty-sixth. + + +A. LINCOLN. + +By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Papers And Writings Of Abraham +Lincoln, Volume Five, by Abraham Lincoln + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LINCOLN'S PAPERS *** + +***** This file should be named 2657.txt or 2657.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/6/5/2657/ + +Produced by David Widger + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +http://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at http://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit http://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. +To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + http://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/2657.zip b/2657.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..627d99c --- /dev/null +++ b/2657.zip diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d0d89a2 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #2657 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/2657) diff --git a/old/20040930.2657.txt b/old/20040930.2657.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..10e6f87 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/20040930.2657.txt @@ -0,0 +1,14506 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 5, +1858-1862, by Abraham Lincoln + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net + + +Title: The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 5, 1858-1862 + +Author: Abraham Lincoln + +Release Date: September 30, 2004 [EBook #2657] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS OF LINCOLN *** + + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + +THE WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Volume Five + +1858-1862 + + +CONSTITUTIONAL EDITION + + + + +TO SYDNEY SPRING, GRAYVILLE, ILL. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 19, 1858. + +SYDNEY SPRING, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your letter introducing Mr. Faree was duly received. There +was no opening to nominate him for Superintendent of Public Instruction, +but through him Egypt made a most valuable contribution to the +convention. I think it may be fairly said that he came off the lion of +the day--or rather of the night. Can you not elect him to the +Legislature? It seems to me he would be hard to beat. What objection +could be made to him? What is your Senator Martin saying and doing? What +is Webb about? + +Please write me. Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 24, 1858 + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +DEAR SIR:--Your letter enclosing the attack of the Times upon me was +received this morning. Give yourself no concern about my voting against +the supplies. Unless you are without faith that a lie can be successfully +contradicted, there is not a word of truth in the charge, and I am just +considering a little as to the best shape to put a contradiction in. Show +this to whomever you please, but do not publish it in the paper. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. W. SOMERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 25, 1858. + +JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 22nd, inclosing a draft of two hundred +dollars, was duly received. I have paid it on the judgment, and herewith +you have the receipt. I do not wish to say anything as to who shall be +the Republican candidate for the Legislature in your district, further +than that I have full confidence in Dr. Hull. Have you ever got in the +way of consulting with McKinley in political matters? He is true as +steel, and his judgment is very good. The last I heard from him, he +rather thought Weldon, of De Witt, was our best timber for +representative, all things considered. But you there must settle it among +yourselves. It may well puzzle older heads than yours to understand how, +as the Dred Scott decision holds, Congress can authorize a Territorial +Legislature to do everything else, and cannot authorize them to prohibit +slavery. That is one of the things the court can decide, but can never +give an intelligible reason for. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. CAMPBELL. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 28, 1858. + +A. CAMPBELL, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--In 1856 you gave me authority to draw on you for any sum +not exceeding five hundred dollars. I see clearly that such a privilege +would be more available now than it was then. I am aware that times are +tighter now than they were then. Please write me at all events, and +whether you can now do anything or not I shall continue grateful for the +past. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. GILLESPIE. + +SPRINGFIELD, July 16, 1858. + +HON. JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I write this to say that from the specimens of Douglas +Democracy we occasionally see here from Madison, we learn that they are +making very confident calculation of beating you and your friends for the +lower house, in that county. They offer to bet upon it. Billings and Job, +respectively, have been up here, and were each as I learn, talking +largely about it. If they do so, it can only be done by carrying the +Fillmore men of 1856 very differently from what they seem to [be] going +in the other party. Below is the vote of 1856, in your district: + +Counties. + + Counties. Buchanan. Fremont. Fillmore. + Bond ............ 607 153 659 + Madison ......... 1451 1111 1658 + Montgomery ...... 992 162 686 + ---- ---- ---- + 3050 1426 3003 + +By this you will see, if you go through the calculation, that if they get +one quarter of the Fillmore votes, and you three quarters, they will beat +you 125 votes. If they get one fifth, and you four fifths, you beat them +179. In Madison, alone, if our friends get 1000 of the Fillmore votes, +and their opponents the remainder, 658, we win by just two votes. + +This shows the whole field, on the basis of the election of 1856. + +Whether, since then, any Buchanan, or Fremonters, have shifted ground, +and how the majority of new votes will go, you can judge better than I. + +Of course you, on the ground, can better determine your line of tactics +than any one off the ground; but it behooves you to be wide awake and +actively working. + +Don't neglect it; and write me at your first leisure. Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOHN MATHERS, JACKSONVILLE, ILL. + +SPRINGFIELD, JULY 20, 1858. + +JNO. MATHERS, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your kind and interesting letter of the 19th was duly +received. Your suggestions as to placing one's self on the offensive +rather than the defensive are certainly correct. That is a point which I +shall not disregard. I spoke here on Saturday night. The speech, not very +well reported, appears in the State journal of this morning. You +doubtless will see it; and I hope that you will perceive in it that I am +already improving. I would mail you a copy now, but have not one [at] +hand. I thank you for your letter and shall be pleased to hear from you +again. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + +SPRINGFIELD, JULY 25, 1858. + +HON. J. GILLESPIE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your doleful letter of the 8th was received on my return +from Chicago last night. I do hope you are worse scared than hurt, though +you ought to know best. We must not lose the district. We must make a job +of it, and save it. Lay hold of the proper agencies, and secure all the +Americans you can, at once. I do hope, on closer inspection, you will +find they are not half gone. Make a little test. Run down one of the +poll-books of the Edwardsville precinct, and take the first hundred known +American names. Then quietly ascertain how many of them are actually +going for Douglas. I think you will find less than fifty. But even if you +find fifty, make sure of the other fifty, that is, make sure of all you +can, at all events. We will set other agencies to work which shall +compensate for the loss of a good many Americans. Don't fail to check the +stampede at once. Trumbull, I think, will be with you before long. + +There is much he cannot do, and some he can. I have reason to hope there +will be other help of an appropriate kind. Write me again. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO B. C. COOK. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 2, 1858. + +Hon. B. C. COOK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have a letter from a very true and intelligent man +insisting that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and Bureau to run +Douglas Republicans for Congress and for the Legislature in those +counties, if they can only get the encouragement of our folks nominating +pretty extreme abolitionists. + +It is thought they will do nothing if our folks nominate men who are not +very obnoxious to the charge of abolitionism. Please have your eye upon +this. Signs are looking pretty fair. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HON. J. M. PALMER. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 5, 1858. + +HON. J. M. PALMER. + +DEAR SIR:--Since we parted last evening no new thought has occurred to +[me] on the subject of which we talked most yesterday. + +I have concluded, however, to speak at your town on Tuesday, August 31st, +and have promised to have it so appear in the papers of to-morrow. Judge +Trumbull has not yet reached here. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO ALEXANDER SYMPSON. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 11, 1858. + +ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 6th received. If life and health continue I shall +pretty likely be at Augusta on the 25th. + +Things look reasonably well. Will tell you more fully when I see you. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. O. CUNNINGHAM. + +OTTAWA, August 22, 1858. + +J. O. CUNNINGHAM, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 18th, signed as secretary of the Republican +club, is received. In the matter of making speeches I am a good deal +pressed by invitations from almost all quarters, and while I hope to be +at Urbana some time during the canvass, I cannot yet say when. Can you +not see me at Monticello on the 6th of September? + +Douglas and I, for the first time this canvass, crossed swords here +yesterday; the fire flew some, and I am glad to know I am yet alive. +There was a vast concourse of people--more than could get near enough to +hear. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON SLAVERY IN A DEMOCRACY. + +August ??, 1858 + +As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my +idea of democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the +difference, is no democracy. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO B. C. COOK. + +SPRINGFIELD, August 2, 1858 + +HON. B. C. COOK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have a letter from a very true friend, and intelligent +man, writing that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and Bureau, to run +Douglas Republican for Congress and for the Legislature in those +counties, if they can only get the encouragement of our folks nominating +pretty extreme abolitionists. It is thought they will do nothing if our +folks nominate men who are not very [undecipherable word looks like +"obnoxious"] to the charge of abolitionism. Please have your eye upon +this. Signs are looking pretty fair. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO DR. WILLIAM FITHIAN, DANVILLE, ILL. + +BLOOMINGTON, Sept. 3, 1858 + +DEAR DOCTOR:--Yours of the 1st was received this morning, as also one +from Mr. Harmon, and one from Hiram Beckwith on the same subject. You +will see by the Journal that I have been appointed to speak at Danville +on the 22d of Sept.,--the day after Douglas speaks there. My recent +experience shows that speaking at the same place the next day after D. is +the very thing,--it is, in fact, a concluding speech on him. Please show +this to Messrs. Harmon and Beckwith; and tell them they must excuse me +from writing separate letters to them. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + +P. S.--Give full notice to all surrounding country. A.L. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT PARIS, ILL., + +SEPT. 8, 1858. + +Let us inquire what Judge Douglas really invented when he introduced the +Nebraska Bill? He called it Popular Sovereignty. What does that mean? It +means the sovereignty of the people over their own affairs--in other +words, the right of the people to govern themselves. Did Judge Douglas +invent this? Not quite. The idea of popular sovereignty was floating +about several ages before the author of the Nebraska Bill was +born--indeed, before Columbus set foot on this continent. In the year +1776 it took form in the noble words which you are all familiar with: "We +hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal," +etc. Was not this the origin of popular sovereignty as applied to the +American people? Here we are told that governments are instituted among +men deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. If that +is not popular sovereignty, then I have no conception of the meaning of +words. If Judge Douglas did not invent this kind of popular sovereignty, +let us pursue the inquiry and find out what kind he did invent. Was it +the right of emigrants to Kansas and Nebraska to govern themselves, and a +lot of "niggers," too, if they wanted them? Clearly this was no invention +of his because General Cass put forth the same doctrine in 1848 in his so +called Nicholson letter, six years before Douglas thought of such a +thing. Then what was it that the "Little Giant" invented? It never +occurred to General Cass to call his discovery by the odd name of popular +sovereignty. He had not the face to say that the right of the people to +govern "niggers" was the right of the people to govern themselves. His +notions of the fitness of things were not moulded to the brazenness of +calling the right to put a hundred "niggers" through under the lash in +Nebraska a "sacred" right of self-government. And here I submit to you +was Judge Douglas's discovery, and the whole of it: He discovered that +the right to breed and flog negroes in Nebraska was popular sovereignty. + + + + +SPEECH AT CLINTON, ILLINOIS, + +SEPTEMBER 8, 1858. + +The questions are sometimes asked "What is all this fuss that is being +made about negroes? What does it amount to? And where will it end?" These +questions imply that those who ask them consider the slavery question a +very insignificant matter they think that it amounts to little or nothing +and that those who agitate it are extremely foolish. Now it must be +admitted that if the great question which has caused so much trouble is +insignificant, we are very foolish to have anything to do with it--if it +is of no importance we had better throw it aside and busy ourselves with +something else. But let us inquire a little into this insignificant +matter, as it is called by some, and see if it is not important enough to +demand the close attention of every well-wisher of the Union. In one of +Douglas's recent speeches, I find a reference to one which was made by me +in Springfield some time ago. The judge makes one quotation from that +speech that requires some little notice from me at this time. I regret +that I have not my Springfield speech before me, but the judge has quoted +one particular part of it so often that I think I can recollect it. It +runs I think as follows: + +"We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the +avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery +agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only +not ceased but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease +until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. + +"A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government +cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the +Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect +it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the +other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of +it and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is +in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it +forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well +as new, North as well as South." + +Judge Douglas makes use of the above quotation, and finds a great deal of +fault with it. He deals unfairly with me, and tries to make the people of +this State believe that I advocated dangerous doctrines in my Springfield +speech. Let us see if that portion of my Springfield speech of which +Judge Douglas complains so bitterly, is as objectionable to others as it +is to him. We are, certainly, far into the fifth year since a policy was +initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end +to slavery agitation. On the fourth day of January, 1854, Judge Douglas +introduced the Kansas-Nebraska bill. He initiated a new policy, and that +policy, so he says, was to put an end to the agitation of the slavery +question. Whether that was his object or not I will not stop to discuss, +but at all events some kind of a policy was initiated; and what has been +the result? Instead of the quiet and good feeling which were promised us +by the self-styled author of Popular Sovereignty, we have had nothing but +ill-feeling and agitation. According to Judge Douglas, the passage of the +Nebraska bill would tranquilize the whole country--there would be no more +slavery agitation in or out of Congress, and the vexed question would be +left entirely to the people of the Territories. Such was the opinion of +Judge Douglas, and such were the opinions of the leading men of the +Democratic Party. Even as late as the spring of 1856 Mr. Buchanan said, a +short time subsequent to his nomination by the Cincinnati convention, +that the territory of Kansas would be tranquil in less than six weeks. +Perhaps he thought so, but Kansas has not been and is not tranquil, and +it may be a long time before she may be so. + +We all know how fierce the agitation was in Congress last winter, and +what a narrow escape Kansas had from being admitted into the Union with a +constitution that was detested by ninety-nine hundredths of her citizens. +Did the angry debates which took place at Washington during the last +season of Congress lead you to suppose that the slavery agitation was +settled? + +An election was held in Kansas in the month of August, and the +constitution which was submitted to the people was voted down by a large +majority. So Kansas is still out of the Union, and there is a probability +that she will remain out for some time. But Judge Douglas says the +slavery question is settled. He says the bill he introduced into the +Senate of the United States on the 4th day of January, 1854, settled the +slavery question forever! Perhaps he can tell us how that bill settled +the slavery question, for if he is able to settle a question of such +great magnitude he ought to be able to explain the manner in which he +does it. He knows and you know that the question is not settled, and that +his ill-timed experiment to settle it has made it worse than it ever was +before. + +And now let me say a few words in regard to Douglas's great hobby of +negro equality. He thinks--he says at least--that the Republican party is +in favor of allowing whites and blacks to intermarry, and that a man +can't be a good Republican unless he is willing to elevate black men to +office and to associate with them on terms of perfect equality. He knows +that we advocate no such doctrines as these, but he cares not how much he +misrepresents us if he can gain a few votes by so doing. To show you what +my opinion of negro equality was in times past, and to prove to you that +I stand on that question where I always stood, I will read you a few +extracts from a speech that was made by me in Peoria in 1854. It was made +in reply to one of Judge Douglas's speeches. + +(Mr. Lincoln then read a number of extracts which had the ring of the +true metal. We have rarely heard anything with which we have been more +pleased. And the audience after hearing the extracts read, and comparing +their conservative sentiments with those now advocated by Mr. Lincoln, +testified their approval by loud applause. How any reasonable man can +hear one of Mr. Lincoln's speeches without being converted to +Republicanism is something that we can't account for. Ed.) + +Slavery, continued Mr. Lincoln, is not a matter of little importance, it +overshadows every other question in which we are interested. It has +divided the Methodist and Presbyterian churches, and has sown discord in +the American Tract Society. The churches have split and the society will +follow their example before long. So it will be seen that slavery is +agitated in the religious as well as in the political world. Judge +Douglas is very much afraid in the triumph that the Republican party will +lead to a general mixture of the white and black races. Perhaps I am +wrong in saying that he is afraid, so I will correct myself by saying +that he pretends to fear that the success of our party will result in the +amalgamation of the blacks and whites. I think I can show plainly, from +documents now before me, that Judge Douglas's fears are groundless. The +census of 1800 tells us that in that year there were over four hundred +thousand mulattoes in the United States. Now let us take what is called +an Abolition State--the Republican, slavery-hating State of New +Hampshire--and see how many mulattoes we can find within her borders. The +number amounts to just one hundred and eighty-four. In the Old +Dominion--in the Democratic and aristocratic State of Virginia--there +were a few more mulattoes than the Census-takers found in New Hampshire. +How many do you suppose there were? Seventy-nine thousand, seven hundred +and seventy-five--twenty-three thousand more than there were in all the +free States! In the slave States there were in 1800, three hundred and +forty-eight thousand mulattoes all of home production; and in the free +States there were less than sixty thousand mulattoes--and a large number +of them were imported from the South. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT EDWARDSVILLE, ILL., + +SEPT. 13, 1858. + +I have been requested to give a concise statement of the difference, as I +understand it, between the Democratic and Republican parties, on the +leading issues of the campaign. This question has been put to me by a +gentleman whom I do not know. I do not even know whether he is a friend +of mine or a supporter of Judge Douglas in this contest, nor does that +make any difference. His question is a proper one. Lest I should forget +it, I will give you my answer before proceeding with the line of argument +I have marked out for this discussion. + +The difference between the Republican and the Democratic parties on the +leading issues of this contest, as I understand it, is that the former +consider slavery a moral, social and political wrong, while the latter do +not consider it either a moral, a social or a political wrong; and the +action of each, as respects the growth of the country and the expansion +of our population, is squared to meet these views. I will not affirm that +the Democratic party consider slavery morally, socially and politically +right, though their tendency to that view has, in my opinion, been +constant and unmistakable for the past five years. I prefer to take, as +the accepted maxim of the party, the idea put forth by Judge Douglas, +that he "don't care whether slavery is voted down or voted up." I am quite +willing to believe that many Democrats would prefer that slavery should +be always voted down, and I know that some prefer that it be always voted +up; but I have a right to insist that their action, especially if it be +their constant action, shall determine their ideas and preferences on +this subject. Every measure of the Democratic party of late years, +bearing directly or indirectly on the slavery question, has corresponded +with this notion of utter indifference whether slavery or freedom shall +outrun in the race of empire across to the Pacific--every measure, I say, +up to the Dred Scott decision, where, it seems to me, the idea is boldly +suggested that slavery is better than freedom. The Republican party, on +the contrary, hold that this government was instituted to secure the +blessings of freedom, and that slavery is an unqualified evil to the +negro, to the white man, to the soil, and to the State. Regarding it as +an evil, they will not molest it in the States where it exists, they will +not overlook the constitutional guards which our fathers placed around +it; they will do nothing that can give proper offence to those who hold +slaves by legal sanction; but they will use every constitutional method +to prevent the evil from becoming larger and involving more negroes, more +white men, more soil, and more States in its deplorable consequences. +They will, if possible, place it where the public mind shall rest in the +belief that it is in course of ultimate peaceable extinction in God's own +good time. And to this end they will, if possible, restore the government +to the policy of the fathers, the policy of preserving the new +Territories from the baneful influence of human bondage, as the +Northwestern Territories were sought to be preserved by the Ordinance of +1787, and the Compromise Act of 1820. They will oppose, in all its length +and breadth, the modern Democratic idea, that slavery is as good as +freedom, and ought to have room for expansion all over the continent, if +people can be found to carry it. All, or nearly all, of Judge Douglas's +arguments are logical, if you admit that slavery is as good and as right +as freedom, and not one of them is worth a rush if you deny it. This is +the difference, as I understand it, between the Republican and Democratic +parties. + +My friends, I have endeavored to show you the logical consequences of the +Dred Scott decision, which holds that the people of a Territory cannot +prevent the establishment of slavery in their midst. I have stated what +cannot be gainsaid, that the grounds upon which this decision is made are +equally applicable to the free States as to the free Territories, and +that the peculiar reasons put forth by Judge Douglas for indorsing this +decision commit him, in advance, to the next decision and to all other +decisions corning from the same source. And when, by all these means, you +have succeeded in dehumanizing the negro; when you have put him down and +made it impossible for him to be but as the beasts of the field; when you +have extinguished his soul in this world and placed him where the ray of +hope is blown out as in the darkness of the damned, are you quite sure +that the demon you have roused will not turn and rend you? What +constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and independence? It is not +our frowning battlements, our bristling sea coasts, our army and our +navy. These are not our reliance against tyranny All of those may be +turned against us without making us weaker for the struggle. Our reliance +is in the love of liberty which God has planted in us. Our defense is in +the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands +everywhere. Destroy this spirit and you have planted the seeds of +despotism at your own doors. Familiarize yourselves with the chains of +bondage and you prepare your own limbs to wear them. Accustomed to +trample on the rights of others, you have lost the genius of your own +independence and become the fit subjects of the first cunning tyrant who +rises among you. And let me tell you, that all these things are prepared +for you by the teachings of history, if the elections shall promise that +the next Dred Scott decision and all future decisions will be quietly +acquiesced in by the people. + + + + +VERSE TO "LINNIE" + +September 30,? 1858. + +TO "LINNIE": + +A sweet plaintive song did I hear And I fancied that she was the singer. +May emotions as pure as that song set astir Be the wont that the future +shall bring her. + + + + +NEGROES ARE MEN + +TO J. U. BROWN. + +SPRINGFIELD, OCT 18, 1858 + +HON. J. U. BROWN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I do not perceive how I can express myself more plainly +than I have in the fore-going extracts. In four of them I have expressly +disclaimed all intention to bring about social and political equality +between the white and black races and in all the rest I have done the +same thing by clear implication. + +I have made it equally plain that I think the negro is included in the +word "men" used in the Declaration of Independence. + +I believe the declaration that "all men are created equal" is the great +fundamental principle upon which our free institutions rest; that negro +slavery is violative of that principle; but that, by our frame of +government, that principle has not been made one of legal obligation; +that by our frame of government, States which have slavery are to retain +it, or surrender it at their own pleasure; and that all +others--individuals, free States and national Government--are +constitutionally bound to leave them alone about it. + +I believe our Government was thus framed because of the necessity +springing from the actual presence of slavery, when it was framed. + +That such necessity does not exist in the Territories when slavery is not +present. + +In his Mendenhall speech Mr. Clay says: "Now as an abstract principle +there is no doubt of the truth of that declaration (all men created +equal), and it is desirable, in the original construction of society, to +keep it in view as a great fundamental principle." + +Again, in the same speech Mr. Clay says: "If a state of nature existed +and we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man would be more +strongly opposed than I should to incorporate the institution of slavery +among its elements." + +Exactly so. In our new free Territories, a state of nature does exist. In +them Congress lays the foundations of society; and in laying those +foundations, I say, with Mr. Clay, it is desirable that the declaration +of the equality of all men shall be kept in view as a great fundamental +principle, and that Congress, which lays the foundations of society, +should, like Mr. Clay, be strongly opposed to the incorporation of +slavery and its elements. + +But it does not follow that social and political equality between whites +and blacks must be incorporated because slavery must not. The declaration +does not so require. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + +[Newspaper cuttings of Lincoln's speeches at Peoria, in 1854, at +Springfield, Ottawa, Chicago, and Charleston, in 1858. They were pasted +in a little book in which the above letter was also written.] + + + + +TO A. SYMPSON. + +BLANDINSVILLE, Oct 26, 1858 + +A. SYMPSON, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Since parting with you this morning I heard some things which +make me believe that Edmunds and Morrill will spend this week among the +National Democrats, trying to induce them to content themselves by voting +for Jake Davis, and then to vote for the Douglas candidates for senator +and representative. Have this headed off, if you can. Call Wagley's +attention to it and have him and the National Democrat for Rep. to +counteract it as far as they can. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SENATORIAL ELECTION LOST AND OUT OF MONEY + +TO N. B. JUDD. + +SPRINGFIELD, NOVEMBER 16, 1858 + +HON. N. B. JUDD + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th is just received. I wrote you the same day. +As to the pecuniary matter, I am willing to pay according to my ability; +but I am the poorest hand living to get others to pay. I have been on +expenses so long without earning anything that I am absolutely without +money now for even household purposes. Still, if you can put in two +hundred and fifty dollars for me toward discharging the debt of the +committee, I will allow it when you and I settle the private matter +between us. This, with what I have already paid, and with an outstanding +note of mine, will exceed my subscription of five hundred dollars. This, +too, is exclusive of my ordinary expenses during the campaign, all of +which, being added to my loss of time and business, bears pretty heavily +upon one no better off in [this] world's goods than I; but as I had the +post of honor, it is not for me to be over nice. You are feeling +badly,--"And this too shall pass away," never fear. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +THE FIGHT MUST GO ON + +TO H. ASBURY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November 19, 1858. + +HENRY ASBURY, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 13th was received some days ago. The fight must +go on. The cause of civil liberty must not be surrendered at the end of +one or even one hundred defeats. Douglas had the ingenuity to be +supported in the late contest both as the best means to break down and to +uphold the slave interest. No ingenuity can keep these antagonistic +elements in harmony long. Another explosion will soon come. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REALIZATION THAT DEBATES MUST BE SAVED + +TO C. H. RAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, Nov.20, 1858 + +DR. C. H. RAY + +MY DEAR SIR:--I wish to preserve a set of the late debates (if they may +be called so), between Douglas and myself. To enable me to do so, please +get two copies of each number of your paper containing the whole, and +send them to me by express; and I will pay you for the papers and for +your trouble. I wish the two sets in order to lay one away in the +[undecipherable word] and to put the other in a scrapbook. Remember, if +part of any debate is on both sides of the sheet it will take two sets to +make one scrap-book. + +I believe, according to a letter of yours to Hatch, you are "feeling like +h-ll yet." Quit that--you will soon feel better. Another "blow up" is +coming; and we shall have fun again. Douglas managed to be supported both +as the best instrument to down and to uphold the slave power; but no +ingenuity can long keep the antagonism in harmony. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November 30, 1858 + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Being desirous of preserving in some permanent form the +late joint discussion between Douglas and myself, ten days ago I wrote to +Dr. Ray, requesting him to forward to me by express two sets of the +numbers of the Tribune which contain the reports of those discussions. Up +to date I have no word from him on the subject. Will you, if in your +power, procure them and forward them to me by express? If you will, I +will pay all charges, and be greatly obliged, to boot. Hoping to visit +you before long, I remain + +As ever your friend, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. D. SHARPE. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 8, 1858. + +H. D. SHARPE, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of Nov. 9th was duly received. I do not +know that you expected or desired an answer; but glancing over the +contents of yours again, I am prompted to say that, while I desired the +result of the late canvass to have been different, I still regard it as +an exceeding small matter. I think we have fairly entered upon a durable +struggle as to whether this nation is to ultimately become all slave or +all free, and though I fall early in the contest, it is nothing if I +shall have contributed, in the least degree, to the final rightful +result. + +Respectfully yours, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. SYMPSON. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec.12, 1858. + +ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I expect the result of the election went hard with you. So +it did with me, too, perhaps not quite so hard as you may have supposed. +I have an abiding faith that we shall beat them in the long run. Step by +step the objects of the leaders will become too plain for the people to +stand them. I write merely to let you know that I am neither dead nor +dying. Please give my respects to your good family, and all inquiring +friends. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON BANKRUPTCY + + +NOTES OF AN ARGUMENT. + +December [?], 1858. + +Legislation and adjudication must follow and conform to the progress of +society. + +The progress of society now begins to produce cases of the transfer for +debts of the entire property of railroad corporations; and to enable +transferees to use and enjoy the transferred property, legislation and +adjudication begin to be necessary. + +Shall this class of legislation just now beginning with us be general or +special? + + + + +Section Ten of our Constitution requires that it should be general, + +if possible. (Read the section.) + +Special legislation always trenches upon the judicial department; and in +so far violates Section Two of the Constitution. (Read it.) + +Just reasoning--policy--is in favor of general legislation--else the +Legislature will be loaded down with the investigation of smaller +cases--a work which the courts ought to perform, and can perform much +more perfectly. How can the Legislature rightly decide the facts between +P. & B. and S.C. + +It is said that under a general law, whenever a R. R. Co. gets tired of +its debts, it may transfer fraudulently to get rid of them. So they +may--so may individuals; and which--the Legislature or the courts--is +best suited to try the question of fraud in either case? + +It is said, if a purchaser have acquired legal rights, let him not be +robbed of them, but if he needs legislation let him submit to just terms +to obtain it. + +Let him, say we, have general law in advance (guarded in every possible +way against fraud), so that, when he acquires a legal right, he will have +no occasion to wait for additional legislation; and if he has practiced +fraud let the courts so decide. + + + + +A LEGAL OPINION BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +The 11th Section of the Act of Congress, approved Feb. 11, 1805, +prescribing rules for the subdivision of sections of land within the +United States system of surveys, standing unrepealed, in my opinion, is +binding on the respective purchasers of different parts of the same +section, and furnishes the true rule for surveyors in establishing lines +between them. That law, being in force at the time each became a +purchaser, becomes a condition of the purchase. + +And, by that law, I think the true rule for dividing into quarters any +interior section or sections, which is not fractional, is to run straight +lines through the section from the opposite quarter section corners, +fixing the point where such straight lines cross, or intersect each +other, as the middle or centre of the section. + +Nearly, perhaps quite, all the original surveys are to some extent +erroneous, and in some of the sections, greatly so. In each of the +latter, it is obvious that a more equitable mode of division than the +above might be adopted; but as error is infinitely various perhaps no +better single rules can be prescribed. + +At all events I think the above has been prescribed by the competent +authority. + +SPRINGFIELD, Jany. 6, 1859. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO M. W. DELAHAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 4, 1859. + +M. W. DELAHAY, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR: Your second letter in relation to my being with you at your +Republican convention was duly received. It is not at hand just now, but +I have the impression from it that the convention was to be at +Leavenworth; but day before yesterday a friend handed me a letter from +Judge M. F. Caraway, in which he also expresses a wish for me to come, +and he fixes the place at Ossawatomie. This I believe is off of the +river, and will require more time and labor to get to it. It will push me +hard to get there without injury to my own business; but I shall try to +do it, though I am not yet quite certain I shall succeed. + +I should like to know before coming, that while some of you wish me to +come, there may not be others who would quite as lief I would stay away. +Write me again. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. M. MORRIS. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 28, 1859. + +W. M. MORRIS, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Your kind note inviting me to deliver a lecture at Galesburg +is received. I regret to say I cannot do so now; I must stick to the +courts awhile. I read a sort of lecture to three different audiences +during the last month and this; but I did so under circumstances which +made it a waste of no time whatever. + +Yours very truly, + + + + +TO H. L. PIERCE AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, April 6, 1859. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your kind note inviting me to attend a festival in Boston, on +the 28th instant, in honor of the birthday of Thomas Jefferson, was duly +received. My engagements are such that I cannot attend. + +Bearing in mind that about seventy years ago two great political parties +were first formed in this country, that Thomas Jefferson was the head of +one of them and Boston the headquarters of the other, it is both curious +and interesting that those supposed to descend politically from the party +opposed to Jefferson should now be celebrating his birthday in their own +original seat of empire, while those claiming political descent from him +have nearly ceased to breathe his name everywhere. + +Remembering, too, that the Jefferson party was formed upon its supposed +superior devotion to the personal rights of men, holding the rights of +property to be secondary only, and greatly inferior, and assuming that +the so-called Democracy of to-day are the Jefferson, and their opponents +the anti-Jefferson, party, it will be equally interesting to note how +completely the two have changed hands as to the principle upon which they +were originally supposed to be divided. The Democracy of to-day hold the +liberty of one man to be absolutely nothing, when in conflict with +another man's right of property; Republicans, on the contrary, are for +both the man and the dollar, but in case of conflict the man before the +dollar. + +I remember being once much amused at seeing two partially intoxicated men +engaged in a fight with their great-coats on, which fight, after a long +and rather harmless contest, ended in each having fought himself out of +his own coat and into that of the other. If the two leading parties of +this day are really identical with the two in the days of Jefferson and +Adams, they have performed the same feat as the two drunken men. + +But soberly, it is now no child's play to save the principles of +Jefferson from total overthrow in this nation. One would state with great +confidence that he could convince any sane child that the simpler +propositions of Euclid are true; but nevertheless he would fail, utterly, +with one who should deny the definitions and axioms. The principles of +Jefferson are the definitions and axioms of free society. And yet they +are denied and evaded, with no small show of success. One dashingly calls +them "glittering generalities." Another bluntly calls them "self-evident +lies." And others insidiously argue that they apply to "superior races." +These expressions, differing in form, are identical in object and +effect--the supplanting the principles of free government, and restoring +those of classification, caste, and legitimacy. They would delight a +convocation of crowned heads plotting against the people. They are the +vanguard, the miners and sappers, of returning despotism. We must repulse +them, or they will subjugate us. This is a world of compensation; and he +who would be no slave must consent to have no slave. Those who deny +freedom to others deserve it not for themselves, and, under a just God, +cannot long retain it. All honor to Jefferson to the man who, in the +concrete pressure of a struggle for national independence by a single +people, had the coolness, forecast, and capacity to introduce into a mere +revolutionary document an abstract truth, applicable to all men and all +times, and so to embalm it there that to-day and in all coming days it +shall be a rebuke and a stumbling-block to the very harbingers of +reappearing tyranny and oppression. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO T. CANISIUS. + +SPRINGFIELD, May 17, 1859. + +DR. THEODORE CANISIUS. + +DEAR SIR:--Your note asking, in behalf of yourself and other German +citizens, whether I am for or against the constitutional provision in +regard to naturalized citizens, lately adopted by Massachusetts, and +whether I am for or against a fusion of the Republicans and other +opposition elements for the canvass of 1860, is received. + +Massachusetts is a sovereign and independent State; and it is no +privilege of mine to scold her for what she does. Still, if from what she +has done an inference is sought to be drawn as to what I would do, I may +without impropriety speak out. I say, then, that, as I understand the +Massachusetts provision, I am against its adoption in Illinois, or in any +other place where I have a right to oppose it. Understanding the spirit +of our institutions to aim at the elevation of men, I am opposed to +whatever tends to degrade them. I have some little notoriety for +commiserating the oppressed negro; and I should be strangely inconsistent +if I could favor any project for curtailing the existing rights of white +men, even though born in different lands, and speaking different +languages from myself. As to the matter of fusion, I am for it if it can +be had on Republican grounds; and I am not for it on any other terms. A +fusion on any other terms would be as foolish as unprincipled. It would +lose the whole North, while the common enemy would still carry the whole +South. The question of men is a different one. There are good, patriotic +men and able statesmen in the South whom I would cheerfully support, if +they would now place themselves on Republican ground, but I am against +letting down the Republican standard a hairsbreadth. + +I have written this hastily, but I believe it answers your questions +substantially. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE GOVERNOR, AUDITOR, AND TREASURER OF THE STATE OF ILLINOIS. + +GENTLEMEN: + +In reply to your inquiry; requesting our written opinion as to what your +duty requires you to do in executing the latter clause of the Seventh +Section of "An Act in relation to the payment of the principal and +interest of the State debt," approved Feb'y 22, 1859, we reply that said +last clause of said section is certainly indefinite, general, and +ambiguous in its description of the bonds to be issued by you; giving no +time at which the bonds are to be made payable, no place at which either +principal or interest are to be paid, and no rate of interest which the +bonds are to bear; nor any other description except that they are to be +coupon bonds, which in commercial usage means interest-paying bonds with +obligations or orders attached to them for the payment of annual or +semiannual interest; there is we suppose no difficulty in ascertaining, +if this act stood alone, what ought to be the construction of the terms +"coupon bonds" and that it, would mean bonds bearing interest from the +time of issuing the same. And under this act considered by itself the +creditors would have a right to require such bonds. But your inquiry in +regard to a class of bonds on which no interest is to be paid or shall +begin to run until January 1, 1860, is whether the Act of February 18, +1857, would not authorize you to refuse to give bonds with any coupons +attached payable before the first day of July, 1860. We have very +maturely considered this question and have arrived at the conclusion that +you have a right to use such measures as will secure the State against +the loss of six months' interest on these bonds by the indefiniteness of +the Act of 1859. While it cannot be denied that the letter of the laws +favor the construction claimed by some of the creditors that +interest-bearing bonds were required to be issued to them, inasmuch as +the restriction that no interest is to run on said bonds until 1st +January, 1860, relates solely to the bonds issued under the Act of 1857. +And the Act of 1859 directing you to issue new bonds does not contain +this restriction, but directs you to issue coupon bonds. Nevertheless the +very indefiniteness and generality of the Act of 1859, giving no rate of +interest, no time due, no place of payment, no postponement of the time +when interest commences, necessarily implies that the Legislature +intended to invest you with a discretion to impose such terms and +restrictions as would protect the interest of the State; and we think you +have a right and that it is your duty to see that the State Bonds are so +issued that the State shall not lose six months' interest. Two plans +present themselves either of which will secure the State. 1st. If in +literal compliance with the law you issue bonds bearing interest from 1st +July, 1859, you may deduct from the bonds presented three thousand from +every $100,000 of bonds and issue $97,000 of coupon bonds; by this plan +$3000 out of $100,000 of principal would be extinguished in consideration +of paying $2910 interest on the first of January, 1860--and the interest +on the $3000 would forever cease; this would be no doubt most +advantageous to the State. But if the Auditor will not consent to this, +then, 2nd. Cut off of each bond all the coupons payable before 1st July, +1860. + +One of these plans would undoubtedly have been prescribed by the +Legislature if its attention had been directed to this question. + +May 28, 1859. + + + + +ON LINCOLN'S SCRAP BOOK + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, December 25, 1858. + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have just received yours of the 23rd inquiring whether I +received the newspapers you sent me by express. I did receive them, and +am very much obliged. There is some probability that my scrap-book will +be reprinted, and if it shall, I will save you a copy. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +1859 +FIRST SUGGESTION OF A PRESIDENTIAL OFFER. +TO S. GALLOWAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., July 28, 1859. + +HON. SAMUEL GALLOWAY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very complimentary, not to say flattering, letter of +the 23d inst. is received. Dr. Reynolds had induced me to expect you +here; and I was disappointed not a little by your failure to come. And +yet I fear you have formed an estimate of me which can scarcely be +sustained on a personal acquaintance. + +Two things done by the Ohio Republican convention--the repudiation of +Judge Swan, and the "plank" for a repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law--I +very much regretted. These two things are of a piece; and they are viewed +by many good men, sincerely opposed to slavery, as a struggle against, +and in disregard of, the Constitution itself. And it is the very thing +that will greatly endanger our cause, if it be not kept out of our +national convention. There is another thing our friends are doing which +gives me some uneasiness. It is their leaning toward "popular +sovereignty." There are three substantial objections to this: First, no +party can command respect which sustains this year what it opposed last. +Secondly, Douglas (who is the most dangerous enemy of liberty, because +the most insidious one) would have little support in the North, and by +consequence, no capital to trade on in the South, if it were not for his +friends thus magnifying him and his humbug. But lastly, and chiefly, +Douglas's popular sovereignty, accepted by the public mind as a just +principle, nationalizes slavery, and revives the African slave trade +inevitably. + +Taking slaves into new Territories, and buying slaves in Africa, are +identical things, identical rights or identical wrongs, and the argument +which establishes one will establish the other. Try a thousand years for +a sound reason why Congress shall not hinder the people of Kansas from +having slaves, and, when you have found it, it will be an equally good +one why Congress should not hinder the people of Georgia from importing +slaves from Africa. + +As to Governor Chase, I have a kind side for him. He was one of the few +distinguished men of the nation who gave us, in Illinois, their sympathy +last year. I never saw him, but suppose him to be able and right-minded; +but still he may not be the most suitable as a candidate for the +Presidency. + +I must say I do not think myself fit for the Presidency. As you propose a +correspondence with me, I shall look for your letters anxiously. + +I have not met Dr. Reynolds since receiving your letter; but when I +shall, I will present your respects as requested. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +IT IS BAD TO BE POOR. + +TO HAWKINS TAYLOR + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. Sept. 6, 1859. + +HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 3d is just received. There is some mistake about +my expected attendance of the U.S. Court in your city on the 3d Tuesday +of this month. I have had no thought of being there. + +It is bad to be poor. I shall go to the wall for bread and meat if I +neglect my business this year as well as last. It would please me much to +see the city and good people of Keokuk, but for this year it is little +less than an impossibility. I am constantly receiving invitations which I +am compelled to decline. I was pressingly urged to go to Minnesota; and I +now have two invitations to go to Ohio. These last are prompted by +Douglas going there; and I am really tempted to make a flying trip to +Columbus and Cincinnati. + +I do hope you will have no serious trouble in Iowa. What thinks Grimes +about it? I have not known him to be mistaken about an election in Iowa. +Present my respects to Col. Carter, and any other friends, and believe me + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SPEECH AT COLUMBUS, OHIO. + +SEPTEMBER 16, 1859. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF OHIO: I cannot fail to remember that I +appear for the first time before an audience in this now great State,--an +audience that is accustomed to hear such speakers as Corwin, and Chase, +and Wade, and many other renowned men; and, remembering this, I feel that +it will be well for you, as for me, that you should not raise your +expectations to that standard to which you would have been justified in +raising them had one of these distinguished men appeared before you. You +would perhaps be only preparing a disappointment for yourselves, and, as +a consequence of your disappointment, mortification to me. I hope, +therefore, that you will commence with very moderate expectations; and +perhaps, if you will give me your attention, I shall be able to interest +you to a moderate degree. + +Appearing here for the first time in my life, I have been somewhat +embarrassed for a topic by way of introduction to my speech; but I have +been relieved from that embarrassment by an introduction which the Ohio +Statesman newspaper gave me this morning. In this paper I have read an +article, in which, among other statements, I find the following: + +"In debating with Senator Douglas during the memorable contest of last +fall, Mr. Lincoln declared in favor of negro suffrage, and attempted to +defend that vile conception against the Little Giant." + +I mention this now, at the opening of my remarks, for the purpose of +making three comments upon it. The first I have already announced,--it +furnishes me an introductory topic; the second is to show that the +gentleman is mistaken; thirdly, to give him an opportunity to correct it. + +In the first place, in regard to this matter being a mistake. I have +found that it is not entirely safe, when one is misrepresented under his +very nose, to allow the misrepresentation to go uncontradicted. I +therefore propose, here at the outset, not only to say that this is a +misrepresentation, but to show conclusively that it is so; and you will +bear with me while I read a couple of extracts from that very "memorable" +debate with Judge Douglas last year, to which this newspaper refers. In +the first pitched battle which Senator Douglas and myself had, at the +town of Ottawa, I used the language which I will now read. Having been +previously reading an extract, I continued as follows: + +"Now, gentlemen, I don't want to read at any greater length, but this is +the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to the institution +of slavery and the black race. This is the whole of it; and anything that +argues me into his idea of perfect social and political equality with the +negro, is but a specious and fantastic arrangement of words, by which a +man can prove a horse-chestnut to be a chestnut horse. I will say here, +while upon this subject, that I have no purpose directly or indirectly to +interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. +I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to +do so. I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality +between the white and the black races. There is a physical difference +between the two which, in my judgment, will probably forbid their ever +living together upon the footing of perfect equality; and inasmuch as it +becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge +Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong having the superior +position. I have never said anything to the contrary, but I hold that, +notwithstanding all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro +is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration +of Independence,--the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of +happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man. +I agree with judge Douglas, he is not my equal in many respects, +--certainly not in color, perhaps not in moral or intellectual +endowments. But in the right to eat the bread, without leave of anybody +else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal, and the equal of Judge +Douglas, and the equal of every living man." + +Upon a subsequent occasion, when the reason for making a statement like +this occurred, I said: + +"While I was at the hotel to-day an elderly gentleman called upon me to +know whether I was really in favor of producing perfect equality between +the negroes and white people. While I had not proposed to myself on this +occasion to say much on that subject, yet, as the question was asked me, +I thought I would occupy perhaps five minutes in saying something in +regard to it. I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in +favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of +the white and black races; that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of +making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold +office, or intermarry with the white people; and I will say in addition +to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black +races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together +on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they can not +so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of +superior and inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of +having the superior position assigned to the white race. I say upon this +occasion I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the +superior position, the negro should be denied everything. I do not +understand that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I must +necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is that I can just let +her alone. I am now in my fiftieth year, and I certainly never have had a +black woman for either a slave or a wife. So it seems to me quite +possible for us to get along without making either slaves or wives of +negroes. I will add to this that I have never seen, to my knowledge, a +man, woman, or child, who was in favor of producing perfect equality, +social and political, between negroes and white men. I recollect of but +one distinguished instance that I ever heard of so frequently as to be +satisfied of its correctness, and that is the case of Judge Douglas's old +friend Colonel Richard M. Johnson. I will also add to the remarks I have +made (for I am not going to enter at large upon this subject), that I +have never had the least apprehension that I or my friends would marry +negroes, if there was no law to keep them from it; but as judge Douglas +and his friends seem to be in great apprehension that they might, if +there were no law to keep them from it, I give him the most solemn pledge +that I will to the very last stand by the law of the State which forbids +the marrying of white people with negroes." + +There, my friends, you have briefly what I have, upon former occasions, +said upon this subject to which this newspaper, to the extent of its +ability, has drawn the public attention. In it you not only perceive, as +a probability, that in that contest I did not at any time say I was in +favor of negro suffrage, but the absolute proof that twice--once +substantially, and once expressly--I declared against it. Having shown +you this, there remains but a word of comment upon that newspaper +article. It is this, that I presume the editor of that paper is an honest +and truth-loving man, and that he will be greatly obliged to me for +furnishing him thus early an opportunity to correct the misrepresentation +he has made, before it has run so long that malicious people can call him +a liar. + +The Giant himself has been here recently. I have seen a brief report of +his speech. If it were otherwise unpleasant to me to introduce the +subject of the negro as a topic for discussion, I might be somewhat +relieved by the fact that he dealt exclusively in that subject while he +was here. I shall, therefore, without much hesitation or diffidence, +enter upon this subject. + +The American people, on the first day of January, 1854, found the African +slave trade prohibited by a law of Congress. In a majority of the States +of this Union, they found African slavery, or any other sort of slavery, +prohibited by State constitutions. They also found a law existing, +supposed to be valid, by which slavery was excluded from almost all the +territory the United States then owned. This was the condition of the +country, with reference to the institution of slavery, on the first of +January, 1854. A few days after that, a bill was introduced into +Congress, which ran through its regular course in the two branches of the +national legislature, and finally passed into a law in the month of May, +by which the Act of Congress prohibiting slavery from going into the +Territories of the United States was repealed. In connection with the law +itself, and, in fact, in the terms of the law, the then existing +prohibition was not only repealed, but there was a declaration of a +purpose on the part of Congress never thereafter to exercise any power +that they might have, real or supposed, to prohibit the extension or +spread of slavery. This was a very great change; for the law thus +repealed was of more than thirty years' standing. Following rapidly upon +the heels of this action of Congress, a decision of the Supreme Court is +made, by which it is declared that Congress, if it desires to prohibit +the spread of slavery into the Territories, has no constitutional power +to do so. Not only so, but that decision lays down principles which, if +pushed to their logical conclusion,--I say pushed to their logical +conclusion,--would decide that the constitutions of free States, +forbidding slavery, are themselves unconstitutional. Mark me, I do not +say the judges said this, and let no man say I affirm the judges used +these words; but I only say it is my opinion that what they did say, if +pressed to its logical conclusion, will inevitably result thus. + +Looking at these things, the Republican party, as I understand its +principles and policy, believes that there is great danger of the +institution of slavery being spread out and extended until it is +ultimately made alike lawful in all the States of this Union; so +believing, to prevent that incidental and ultimate consummation is the +original and chief purpose of the Republican organization. I say "chief +purpose" of the Republican organization; for it is certainly true that if +the National House shall fall into the hands of the Republicans, they +will have to attend to all the other matters of national house-keeping, +as well as this. The chief and real purpose of the Republican party is +eminently conservative. It proposes nothing save and except to restore +this government to its original tone in regard to this element of +slavery, and there to maintain it, looking for no further change in +reference to it than that which the original framers of the Government +themselves expected and looked forward to. + +The chief danger to this purpose of the Republican party is not just now +the revival of the African slave trade, or the passage of a Congressional +slave code, or the declaring of a second Dred Scott decision, making +slavery lawful in all the States. These are not pressing us just now. +They are not quite ready yet. The authors of these measures know that we +are too strong for them; but they will be upon us in due time, and we +will be grappling with them hand to hand, if they are not now headed off. +They are not now the chief danger to the purpose of the Republican +organization; but the most imminent danger that now threatens that +purpose is that insidious Douglas popular sovereignty. This is the miner +and sapper. While it does not propose to revive the African slave trade, +nor to pass a slave code, nor to make a second Dred Scott decision, it is +preparing us for the onslaught and charge of these ultimate enemies when +they shall be ready to come on, and the word of command for them to +advance shall be given. I say this "Douglas popular sovereignty"; for +there is a broad distinction, as I now understand it, between that +article and a genuine popular sovereignty. + +I believe there is a genuine popular sovereignty. I think a definition of +"genuine popular sovereignty," in the abstract, would be about this: That +each man shall do precisely as he pleases with himself, and with all +those things which exclusively concern him. Applied to government, this +principle would be, that a general government shall do all those things +which pertain to it, and all the local governments shall do precisely as +they please in respect to those matters which exclusively concern them. I +understand that this government of the United States, under which we +live, is based upon this principle; and I am misunderstood if it is +supposed that I have any war to make upon that principle. + +Now, what is judge Douglas's popular sovereignty? It is, as a principle, +no other than that if one man chooses to make a slave of another man +neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to object. Applied in +government, as he seeks to apply it, it is this: If, in a new Territory +into which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose of making +their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their limits or +to establish it there, however one or the other may affect the persons to +be enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons who are +afterwards to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of the +families of communities, of which they are but an incipient member, or +the general head of the family of States as parent of all, however their +action may affect one or the other of these, there is no power or right +to interfere. That is Douglas's popular sovereignty applied. + +He has a good deal of trouble with popular sovereignty. His explanations +explanatory of explanations explained are interminable. The most lengthy, +and, as I suppose, the most maturely considered of this long series of +explanations is his great essay in Harper's Magazine. I will not attempt +to enter on any very thorough investigation of his argument as there made +and presented. I will nevertheless occupy a good portion of your time +here in drawing your attention to certain points in it. Such of you as +may have read this document will have perceived that the judge early in +the document quotes from two persons as belonging to the Republican +party, without naming them, but who can readily be recognized as being +Governor Seward of New York and myself. It is true that exactly fifteen +months ago this day, I believe, I for the first time expressed a +sentiment upon this subject, and in such a manner that it should get into +print, that the public might see it beyond the circle of my hearers; and +my expression of it at that time is the quotation that Judge Douglas +makes. He has not made the quotation with accuracy, but justice to him +requires me to say that it is sufficiently accurate not to change the +sense. + +The sense of that quotation condensed is this: that this slavery element +is a durable element of discord among us, and that we shall probably not +have perfect peace in this country with it until it either masters the +free principle in our government, or is so far mastered by the free +principle as for the public mind to rest in the belief that it is going +to its end. This sentiment, which I now express in this way, was, at no +great distance of time, perhaps in different language, and in connection +with some collateral ideas, expressed by Governor Seward. Judge Douglas +has been so much annoyed by the expression of that sentiment that he has +constantly, I believe, in almost all his speeches since it was uttered, +been referring to it. I find he alluded to it in his speech here, as well +as in the copyright essay. I do not now enter upon this for the purpose +of making an elaborate argument to show that we were right in the +expression of that sentiment. In other words, I shall not stop to say all +that might properly be said upon this point, but I only ask your +attention to it for the purpose of making one or two points upon it. + +If you will read the copyright essay, you will discover that judge +Douglas himself says a controversy between the American Colonies and the +Government of Great Britain began on the slavery question in 1699, and +continued from that time until the Revolution; and, while he did not say +so, we all know that it has continued with more or less violence ever +since the Revolution. + +Then we need not appeal to history, to the declarations of the framers of +the government, but we know from judge Douglas himself that slavery began +to be an element of discord among the white people of this country as far +back as 1699, or one hundred and sixty years ago, or five generations of +men,--counting thirty years to a generation. Now, it would seem to me +that it might have occurred to Judge Douglas, or anybody who had turned +his attention to these facts, that there was something in the nature of +that thing, slavery, somewhat durable for mischief and discord. + +There is another point I desire to make in regard to this matter, before +I leave it. From the adoption of the Constitution down to 1820 is the +precise period of our history when we had comparative peace upon this +question,--the precise period of time when we came nearer to having peace +about it than any other time of that entire one hundred and sixty years +in which he says it began, or of the eighty years of our own +Constitution. Then it would be worth our while to stop and examine into +the probable reason of our coming nearer to having peace then than at any +other time. This was the precise period of time in which our fathers +adopted, and during which they followed, a policy restricting the spread +of slavery, and the whole Union was acquiescing in it. The whole country +looked forward to the ultimate extinction of the institution. It was when +a policy had been adopted, and was prevailing, which led all just and +right-minded men to suppose that slavery was gradually coming to an end, +and that they might be quiet about it, watching it as it expired. I think +Judge Douglas might have perceived that too; and whether he did or not, +it is worth the attention of fair-minded men, here and elsewhere, to +consider whether that is not the truth of the case. If he had looked at +these two facts,--that this matter has been an element of discord for one +hundred and sixty years among this people, and that the only comparative +peace we have had about it was when that policy prevailed in this +government which he now wars upon, he might then, perhaps, have been +brought to a more just appreciation of what I said fifteen months +ago,--that "a house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe that +this government cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free. I do +not expect the house to fall, I do not expect the Union to dissolve; but +I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or +all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further +spread of it, and place it where the public mind will rest in the belief +that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will +push it forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old +as well as new, North as well as South." That was my sentiment at that +time. In connection with it, I said: "We are now far into the fifth year +since a policy was inaugurated with the avowed object and confident +promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of +the policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly +augmented." I now say to you here that we are advanced still farther into +the sixth year since that policy of Judge Douglas--that popular +sovereignty of his--for quieting the slavery question was made the +national policy. Fifteen months more have been added since I uttered that +sentiment; and I call upon you and all other right-minded men to say +whether that fifteen months have belied or corroborated my words. + +While I am here upon this subject, I cannot but express gratitude that +this true view of this element of discord among us--as I believe it +is--is attracting more and more attention. I do not believe that Governor +Seward uttered that sentiment because I had done so before, but because +he reflected upon this subject and saw the truth of it. Nor do I believe +because Governor Seward or I uttered it that Mr. Hickman of Pennsylvania, +in, different language, since that time, has declared his belief in the +utter antagonism which exists between the principles of liberty and +slavery. You see we are multiplying. Now, while I am speaking of Hickman, +let me say, I know but little about him. I have never seen him, and know +scarcely anything about the man; but I will say this much of him: Of all +the anti-Lecompton Democracy that have been brought to my notice, he +alone has the true, genuine ring of the metal. And now, without indorsing +anything else he has said, I will ask this audience to give three cheers +for Hickman. [The audience responded with three rousing cheers for +Hickman.] + +Another point in the copyright essay to which I would ask your attention +is rather a feature to be extracted from the whole thing, than from any +express declaration of it at any point. It is a general feature of that +document, and, indeed, of all of Judge Douglas's discussions of this +question, that the Territories of the United States and the States of +this Union are exactly alike; that there is no difference between them at +all; that the Constitution applies to the Territories precisely as it +does to the States; and that the United States Government, under the +Constitution, may not do in a State what it may not do in a Territory, +and what it must do in a State it must do in a Territory. Gentlemen, is +that a true view of the case? It is necessary for this squatter +sovereignty, but is it true? + +Let us consider. What does it depend upon? It depends altogether upon the +proposition that the States must, without the interference of the General +Government, do all those things that pertain exclusively to +themselves,--that are local in their nature, that have no connection with +the General Government. After Judge Douglas has established this +proposition, which nobody disputes or ever has disputed, he proceeds to +assume, without proving it, that slavery is one of those little, +unimportant, trivial matters which are of just about as much consequence +as the question would be to me whether my neighbor should raise horned +cattle or plant tobacco; that there is no moral question about it, but +that it is altogether a matter of dollars and cents; that when a new +Territory is opened for settlement, the first man who goes into it may +plant there a thing which, like the Canada thistle or some other of those +pests of the soil, cannot be dug out by the millions of men who will come +thereafter; that it is one of those little things that is so trivial in +its nature that it has nor effect upon anybody save the few men who first +plant upon the soil; that it is not a thing which in any way affects the +family of communities composing these States, nor any way endangers the +General Government. Judge Douglas ignores altogether the very well known +fact that we have never had a serious menace to our political existence, +except it sprang from this thing, which he chooses to regard as only upon +a par with onions and potatoes. + +Turn it, and contemplate it in another view. He says that, according to +his popular sovereignty, the General Government may give to the +Territories governors, judges, marshals, secretaries, and all the other +chief men to govern them, but they, must not touch upon this other +question. Why? The question of who shall be governor of a Territory for a +year or two, and pass away, without his track being left upon the soil, +or an act which he did for good or for evil being left behind, is a +question of vast national magnitude; it is so much opposed in its nature +to locality that the nation itself must decide it: while this other +matter of planting slavery upon a soil,--a thing which, once planted, +cannot be eradicated by the succeeding millions who have as much right +there as the first comers, or, if eradicated, not without infinite +difficulty and a long struggle, he considers the power to prohibit it as +one of these little local, trivial things that the nation ought not to +say a word about; that it affects nobody save the few men who are there. + +Take these two things and consider them together, present the question of +planting a State with the institution of slavery by the side of a +question who shall be Governor of Kansas for a year or two, and is there +a man here, is there a man on earth, who would not say the governor +question is the little one, and the slavery question is the great one? I +ask any honest Democrat if the small, the local, and the trivial and +temporary question is not, Who shall be governor? while the durable, the +important, and the mischievous one is, Shall this soil be planted with +slavery? + +This is an idea, I suppose, which has arisen in Judge Douglas's mind from +his peculiar structure. I suppose the institution of slavery really looks +small to him. He is so put up by nature that a lash upon his back would +hurt him, but a lash upon anybody else's back does not hurt him. That is +the build of the man, and consequently he looks upon the matter of +slavery in this unimportant light. + +Judge Douglas ought to remember, when he is endeavoring to force this +policy upon the American people, that while he is put up in that way, a +good many are not. He ought to remember that there was once in this +country a man by the name of Thomas Jefferson, supposed to be a +Democrat,--a man whose principles and policy are not very prevalent +amongst Democrats to-day, it is true; but that man did not take exactly +this view of the insignificance of the element of slavery which our +friend judge Douglas does. In contemplation of this thing, we all know he +was led to exclaim, "I tremble for my country when I remember that God is +just!" We know how he looked upon it when he thus expressed himself. +There was danger to this country,--danger of the avenging justice of God, +in that little unimportant popular sovereignty question of judge Douglas. +He supposed there was a question of God's eternal justice wrapped up in +the enslaving of any race of men, or any man, and that those who did so +braved the arm of Jehovah; that when a nation thus dared the Almighty, +every friend of that nation had cause to dread his wrath. Choose ye +between Jefferson and Douglas as to what is the true view of this element +among us. + +There is another little difficulty about this matter of treating the +Territories and States alike in all things, to which I ask your +attention, and I shall leave this branch of the case. If there is no +difference between them, why not make the Territories States at once? +What is the reason that Kansas was not fit to come into the Union when it +was organized into a Territory, in Judge Douglas's view? Can any of you +tell any reason why it should not have come into the Union at once? They +are fit, as he thinks, to decide upon the slavery question,--the largest +and most important with which they could possibly deal: what could they +do by coming into the Union that they are not fit to do, according to his +view, by staying out of it? Oh, they are not fit to sit in Congress and +decide upon the rates of postage, or questions of ad valorem or specific +duties on foreign goods, or live-oak timber contracts, they are not fit +to decide these vastly important matters, which are national in their +import, but they are fit, "from the jump," to decide this little negro +question. But, gentlemen, the case is too plain; I occupy too much time +on this head, and I pass on. + +Near the close of the copyright essay, the judge, I think, comes very +near kicking his own fat into the fire. I did not think, when I commenced +these remarks, that I would read that article, but I now believe I will: + +"This exposition of the history of these measures shows conclusively that +the authors of the Compromise measures of 1850 and of the Kansas-Nebraska +Act of 1854, as well as the members of the Continental Congress of 1774., +and the founders of our system of government subsequent to the +Revolution, regarded the people of the Territories and Colonies as +political communities which were entitled to a free and exclusive power +of legislation in their provisional legislatures, where their +representation could alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and +internal polity." + +When the judge saw that putting in the word "slavery" would contradict +his own history, he put in what he knew would pass synonymous with it, +"internal polity." Whenever we find that in one of his speeches, the +substitute is used in this manner; and I can tell you the reason. It +would be too bald a contradiction to say slavery; but "internal polity" +is a general phrase, which would pass in some quarters, and which he +hopes will pass with the reading community for the same thing. + +"This right pertains to the people collectively, as a law-abiding and +peaceful community, and not in the isolated individuals who may wander +upon the public domain in violation of the law. It can only be exercised +where there are inhabitants sufficient to constitute a government, and +capable of performing its various functions and duties,--a fact to be +ascertained and determined by" who do you think? Judge Douglas says "by +Congress!" "Whether the number shall be fixed at ten, fifteen or twenty +thousand inhabitants, does not affect the principle." + +Now, I have only a few comments to make. Popular sovereignty, by his own +words, does not pertain to the few persons who wander upon the public +domain in violation of law. We have his words for that. When it does +pertain to them, is when they are sufficient to be formed into an +organized political community, and he fixes the minimum for that at ten +thousand, and the maximum at twenty thousand. Now, I would like to know +what is to be done with the nine thousand? Are they all to be treated, +until they are large enough to be organized into a political community, +as wanderers upon the public land, in violation of law? And if so treated +and driven out, at what point of time would there ever be ten thousand? +If they were not driven out, but remained there as trespassers upon the +public land in violation of the law, can they establish slavery there? +No; the judge says popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. Can +they exclude it then? No; popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. +I would like to know, in the case covered by the essay, what condition +the people of the Territory are in before they reach the number of ten +thousand? + +But the main point I wish to ask attention to is, that the question as to +when they shall have reached a sufficient number to be formed into a +regular organized community is to be decided "by Congress." Judge Douglas +says so. Well, gentlemen, that is about all we want. No, that is all the +Southerners want. That is what all those who are for slavery want. They +do not want Congress to prohibit slavery from coming into the new +Territories, and they do not want popular sovereignty to hinder it; and +as Congress is to say when they are ready to be organized, all that the +South has to do is to get Congress to hold off. Let Congress hold off +until they are ready to be admitted as a State, and the South has all it +wants in taking slavery into and planting it in all the Territories that +we now have or hereafter may have. In a word, the whole thing, at a dash +of the pen, is at last put in the power of Congress; for if they do not +have this popular sovereignty until Congress organizes them, I ask if it +at last does not come from Congress? If, at last, it amounts to anything +at all, Congress gives it to them. I submit this rather for your +reflection than for comment. After all that is said, at last, by a dash +of the pen, everything that has gone before is undone, and he puts the +whole question under the control of Congress. After fighting through more +than three hours, if you undertake to read it, he at last places the +whole matter under the control of that power which he has been contending +against, and arrives at a result directly contrary to what he had been +laboring to do. He at last leaves the whole matter to the control of +Congress. + +There are two main objects, as I understand it, of this Harper's Magazine +essay. One was to show, if possible, that the men of our Revolutionary +times were in favor of his popular sovereignty, and the other was to show +that the Dred Scott decision had not entirely squelched out this popular +sovereignty. I do not propose, in regard to this argument drawn from the +history of former times, to enter into a detailed examination of the +historical statements he has made. I have the impression that they are +inaccurate in a great many instances,--sometimes in positive statement, +but very much more inaccurate by the suppression of statements that +really belong to the history. But I do not propose to affirm that this is +so to any very great extent, or to enter into a very minute examination +of his historical statements. I avoid doing so upon this principle,--that +if it were important for me to pass out of this lot in the least period +of time possible, and I came to that fence, and saw by a calculation of +my known strength and agility that I could clear it at a bound, it would +be folly for me to stop and consider whether I could or not crawl through +a crack. So I say of the whole history contained in his essay where he +endeavored to link the men of the Revolution to popular sovereignty. It +only requires an effort to leap out of it, a single bound to be entirely +successful. If you read it over, you will find that he quotes here and +there from documents of the Revolutionary times, tending to show that the +people of the colonies were desirous of regulating their own concerns in +their own way, that the British Government should not interfere; that at +one time they struggled with the British Government to be permitted to +exclude the African slave trade,--if not directly, to be permitted to +exclude it indirectly, by taxation sufficient to discourage and destroy +it. From these and many things of this sort, judge Douglas argues that +they were in favor of the people of our own Territories excluding slavery +if they wanted to, or planting it there if they wanted to, doing just as +they pleased from the time they settled upon the Territory. Now, however +his history may apply and whatever of his argument there may be that is +sound and accurate or unsound and inaccurate, if we can find out what +these men did themselves do upon this very question of slavery in the +Territories, does it not end the whole thing? If, after all this labor +and effort to show that the men of the Revolution were in favor of his +popular sovereignty and his mode of dealing with slavery in the +Territories, we can show that these very men took hold of that subject, +and dealt with it, we can see for ourselves how they dealt with it. It is +not a matter of argument or inference, but we know what they thought +about it. + +It is precisely upon that part of the history of the country that one +important omission is made by Judge Douglas. He selects parts of the +history of the United States upon the subject of slavery, and treats it +as the whole, omitting from his historical sketch the legislation of +Congress in regard to the admission of Missouri, by which the Missouri +Compromise was established and slavery excluded from a country half as +large as the present United States. All this is left out of his history, +and in nowise alluded to by him, so far as I can remember, save once, +when he makes a remark, that upon his principle the Supreme Court were +authorized to pronounce a decision that the act called the Missouri +Compromise was unconstitutional. All that history has been left out. But +this part of the history of the country was not made by the men of the +Revolution. + +There was another part of our political history, made by the very men who +were the actors in the Revolution, which has taken the name of the +Ordinance of '87. Let me bring that history to your attention. In 1784, I +believe, this same Mr. Jefferson drew up an ordinance for the government +of the country upon which we now stand, or, rather, a frame or draft of +an ordinance for the government of this country, here in Ohio, our +neighbors in Indiana, us who live in Illinois, our neighbors in Wisconsin +and Michigan. In that ordinance, drawn up not only for the government of +that Territory, but for the Territories south of the Ohio River, Mr. +Jefferson expressly provided for the prohibition of slavery. Judge +Douglas says, and perhaps is right, that that provision was lost from +that ordinance. I believe that is true. When the vote was taken upon it, +a majority of all present in the Congress of the Confederation voted for +it; but there were so many absentees that those voting for it did not +make the clear majority necessary, and it was lost. But three years after +that, the Congress of the Confederation were together again, and they +adopted a new ordinance for the government of this Northwest Territory, +not contemplating territory south of the river, for the States owning +that territory had hitherto refrained from giving it to the General +Government; hence they made the ordinance to apply only to what the +Government owned. In fact, the provision excluding slavery was inserted +aside, passed unanimously, or at any rate it passed and became a part of +the law of the land. Under that ordinance we live. First here in Ohio you +were a Territory; then an enabling act was passed, authorizing you to +form a constitution and State Government, provided it was republican and +not in conflict with the Ordinance of '87. When you framed your +constitution and presented it for admission, I think you will find the +legislation upon the subject will show that, whereas you had formed a +constitution that was republican, and not in conflict with the Ordinance +of '87, therefore you were admitted upon equal footing with the original +States. The same process in a few years was gone through with in Indiana, +and so with Illinois, and the same substantially with Michigan and +Wisconsin. + +Not only did that Ordinance prevail, but it was constantly looked to +whenever a step was taken by a new Territory to become a State. Congress +always turned their attention to it, and in all their movements upon this +subject they traced their course by that Ordinance of '87. When they +admitted new States, they advertised them of this Ordinance, as a part of +the legislation of the country. They did so because they had traced the +Ordinance of '87 throughout the history of this country. Begin with the +men of the Revolution, and go down for sixty entire years, and until the +last scrap of that Territory comes into the Union in the form of the +State of Wisconsin, everything was made to conform with the Ordinance of +'87, excluding slavery from that vast extent of country. + +I omitted to mention in the right place that the Constitution of the +United States was in process of being framed when that Ordinance was made +by the Congress of the Confederation; and one of the first Acts of +Congress itself, under the new Constitution itself, was to give force to +that Ordinance by putting power to carry it out in the hands of the new +officers under the Constitution, in the place of the old ones, who had +been legislated out of existence by the change in the Government from the +Confederation to the Constitution. Not only so, but I believe Indiana +once or twice, if not Ohio, petitioned the General Government for the +privilege of suspending that provision and allowing them to have slaves. +A report made by Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, himself a slaveholder, was +directly against it, and the action was to refuse them the privilege of +violating the Ordinance of '87. + +This period of history, which I have run over briefly, is, I presume, as +familiar to most of this assembly as any other part of the history of our +country. I suppose that few of my hearers are not as familiar with that +part of history as I am, and I only mention it to recall your attention +to it at this time. And hence I ask how extraordinary a thing it is that +a man who has occupied a position upon the floor of the Senate of the +United States, who is now in his third term, and who looks to see the +government of this whole country fall into his own hands, pretending to +give a truthful and accurate history o the slavery question in this +country, should so entirely ignore the whole of that portion of our +history--the most important of all. Is it not a most extraordinary +spectacle that a man should stand up and ask for any confidence in his +statements who sets out as he does with portions of history, calling upon +the people to believe that it is a true and fair representation, when the +leading part and controlling feature of the whole history is carefully +suppressed? + +But the mere leaving out is not the most remarkable feature of this most +remarkable essay. His proposition is to establish that the leading men of +the Revolution were for his great principle of nonintervention by the +government in the question of slavery in the Territories, while history +shows that they decided, in the cases actually brought before them, in +exactly the contrary way, and he knows it. Not only did they so decide at +that time, but they stuck to it during sixty years, through thick and +thin, as long as there was one of the Revolutionary heroes upon the stage +of political action. Through their whole course, from first to last, they +clung to freedom. And now he asks the community to believe that the men +of the Revolution were in favor of his great principle, when we have the +naked history that they themselves dealt with this very subject matter of +his principle, and utterly repudiated his principle, acting upon a +precisely contrary ground. It is as impudent and absurd as if a +prosecuting attorney should stand up before a jury and ask them to +convict A as the murderer of B, while B was walking alive before them. + +I say, again, if judge Douglas asserts that the men of the Revolution +acted upon principles by which, to be consistent with themselves, they +ought to have adopted his popular sovereignty, then, upon a consideration +of his own argument, he had a right to make you believe that they +understood the principles of government, but misapplied them, that he has +arisen to enlighten the world as to the just application of this +principle. He has a right to try to persuade you that he understands +their principles better than they did, and, therefore, he will apply them +now, not as they did, but as they ought to have done. He has a right to +go before the community and try to convince them of this, but he has no +right to attempt to impose upon any one the belief that these men +themselves approved of his great principle. There are two ways of +establishing a proposition. One is by trying to demonstrate it upon +reason, and the other is, to show that great men in former times have +thought so and so, and thus to pass it by the weight of pure authority. +Now, if Judge Douglas will demonstrate somehow that this is popular +sovereignty,--the right of one man to make a slave of another, without +any right in that other or any one else to object,--demonstrate it as +Euclid demonstrated propositions,--there is no objection. But when he +comes forward, seeking to carry a principle by bringing to it the +authority of men who themselves utterly repudiate that principle, I ask +that he shall not be permitted to do it. + +I see, in the judge's speech here, a short sentence in these words: "Our +fathers, when they formed this government under which we live, understood +this question just as well, and even better than, we do now." That is +true; I stick to that. I will stand by Judge Douglas in that to the +bitter end. And now, Judge Douglas, come and stand by me, and truthfully +show how they acted, understanding it better than we do. All I ask of +you, Judge Douglas, is to stick to the proposition that the men of the +Revolution understood this subject better than we do now, and with that +better understanding they acted better than you are trying to act now. + +I wish to say something now in regard to the Dred Scott decision, as +dealt with by Judge Douglas. In that "memorable debate" between Judge +Douglas and myself, last year, the judge thought fit to commence a +process of catechising me, and at Freeport I answered his questions, and +propounded some to him. Among others propounded to him was one that I +have here now. The substance, as I remember it, is, "Can the people of a +United States Territory, under the Dred Scott decision, in any lawful +way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude +slavery from its limits, prior to the formation of a State constitution?" +He answered that they could lawfully exclude slavery from the United +States Territories, notwithstanding the Dred Scot decision. There was +something about that answer that has probably been a trouble to the judge +ever since. + +The Dred Scott decision expressly gives every citizen of the United +States a right to carry his slaves into the United States Territories. +And now there was some inconsistency in saying that the decision was +right, and saying, too, that the people of the Territory could lawfully +drive slavery out again. When all the trash, the words, the collateral +matter, was cleared away from it, all the chaff was fanned out of it, it +was a bare absurdity,--no less than that a thing may be lawfully driven +away from where it has a lawful right to be. Clear it of all the +verbiage, and that is the naked truth of his proposition,--that a thing +may be lawfully driven from the place where it has a lawful right to +stay. Well, it was because the judge could n't help seeing this that he +has had so much trouble with it; and what I want to ask your especial +attention to, just now, is to remind you, if you have not noticed the +fact, that the judge does not any longer say that the people can exclude +slavery. He does not say so in the copyright essay; he did not say so in +the speech that he made here; and, so far as I know, since his +re-election to the Senate he has never said, as he did at Freeport, that +the people of the Territories can exclude slavery. He desires that you, +who wish the Territories to remain free, should believe that he stands by +that position; but he does not say it himself. He escapes to some extent +the absurd position I have stated, by changing his language entirely. +What he says now is something different in language, and we will consider +whether it is not different in sense too. It is now that the Dred Scott +decision, or rather the Constitution under that decision, does not carry +slavery into the Territories beyond the power of the people of the +Territories to control it as other property. He does not say the people +can drive it out, but they can control it as other property. The language +is different; we should consider whether the sense is different. Driving +a horse out of this lot is too plain a proposition to be mistaken about; +it is putting him on the other side of the fence. Or it might be a sort +of exclusion of him from the lot if you were to kill him and let the +worms devour him; but neither of these things is the same as "controlling +him as other property." That would be to feed him, to pamper him, to ride +him, to use and abuse him, to make the most money out of him, "as other +property"; but, please you, what do the men who are in favor of slavery +want more than this? What do they really want, other than that slavery, +being in the Territories, shall be controlled as other property? If they +want anything else, I do not comprehend it. I ask your attention to this, +first, for the purpose of pointing out the change of ground the judge has +made; and, in the second place, the importance of the change,--that that +change is not such as to give you gentlemen who want his popular +sovereignty the power to exclude the institution or drive it out at all. +I know the judge sometimes squints at the argument that in controlling it +as other property by unfriendly legislation they may control it to death; +as you might, in the case of a horse, perhaps, feed him so lightly and +ride him so much that he would die. But when you come to legislative +control, there is something more to be attended to. I have no doubt, +myself, that if the Territories should undertake to control slave +property as other property that is, control it in such a way that it +would be the most valuable as property, and make it bear its just +proportion in the way of burdens as property, really deal with it as +property,--the Supreme Court of the United States will say, "God speed +you, and amen." But I undertake to give the opinion, at least, that if +the Territories attempt by any direct legislation to drive the man with +his slave out of the Territory, or to decide that his slave is free +because of his being taken in there, or to tax him to such an extent that +he cannot keep him there, the Supreme Court will unhesitatingly decide +all such legislation unconstitutional, as long as that Supreme Court is +constructed as the Dred Scott Supreme Court is. The first two things they +have already decided, except that there is a little quibble among lawyers +between the words "dicta" and "decision." They have already decided a +negro cannot be made free by Territorial legislation. + +What is the Dred Scott decision? Judge Douglas labors to show that it is +one thing, while I think it is altogether different. It is a long +opinion, but it is all embodied in this short statement: "The +Constitution of the United States forbids Congress to deprive a man of +his property, without due process of law; the right of property in slaves +is distinctly and expressly affirmed in that Constitution: therefore, if +Congress shall undertake to say that a man's slave is no longer his slave +when he crosses a certain line into a Territory, that is depriving him of +his property without due process of law, and is unconstitutional." There +is the whole Dred Scott decision. They add that if Congress cannot do so +itself, Congress cannot confer any power to do so; and hence any effort +by the Territorial Legislature to do either of these things is absolutely +decided against. It is a foregone conclusion by that court. + +Now, as to this indirect mode by "unfriendly legislation," all lawyers +here will readily understand that such a proposition cannot be tolerated +for a moment, because a legislature cannot indirectly do that which it +cannot accomplish directly. Then I say any legislation to control this +property, as property, for its benefit as property, would be hailed by +this Dred Scott Supreme Court, and fully sustained; but any legislation +driving slave property out, or destroying it as property, directly or +indirectly, will most assuredly, by that court, be held unconstitutional. + +Judge Douglas says if the Constitution carries slavery into the +Territories, beyond the power of the people of the Territories to control +it as other property; then it follows logically that every one who swears +to support the Constitution of the United States must give that support +to that property which it needs. And, if the Constitution carries slavery +into the Territories, beyond the power of the people, to control it as +other property, then it also carries it into the States, because the +Constitution is the supreme law of the land. Now, gentlemen, if it were +not for my excessive modesty, I would say that I told that very thing to +Judge Douglas quite a year ago. This argument is here in print, and if it +were not for my modesty, as I said, I might call your attention to it. If +you read it, you will find that I not only made that argument, but made +it better than he has made it since. + +There is, however, this difference: I say now, and said then, there is no +sort of question that the Supreme Court has decided that it is the right +of the slave holder to take his slave and hold him in the Territory; and +saying this, judge Douglas himself admits the conclusion. He says if that +is so, this consequence will follow; and because this consequence would +follow, his argument is, the decision cannot, therefore, be that way,-- +"that would spoil my popular sovereignty; and it cannot be possible that +this great principle has been squelched out in this extraordinary way. It +might be, if it were not for the extraordinary consequences of spoiling +my humbug." + +Another feature of the judge's argument about the Dred Scott case is, an +effort to show that that decision deals altogether in declarations of +negatives; that the Constitution does not affirm anything as expounded by +the Dred Scott decision, but it only declares a want of power a total +absence of power, in reference to the Territories. It seems to be his +purpose to make the whole of that decision to result in a mere negative +declaration of a want of power in Congress to do anything in relation to +this matter in the Territories. I know the opinion of the Judges states +that there is a total absence of power; but that is, unfortunately; not +all it states: for the judges add that the right of property in a slave +is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution. It does not +stop at saying that the right of property in a slave is recognized in the +Constitution, is declared to exist somewhere in the Constitution, but +says it is affirmed in the Constitution. Its language is equivalent to +saying that it is embodied and so woven in that instrument that it cannot +be detached without breaking the Constitution itself. In a word, it is +part of the Constitution. + +Douglas is singularly unfortunate in his effort to make out that decision +to be altogether negative, when the express language at the vital part is +that this is distinctly affirmed in the Constitution. I think myself, and +I repeat it here, that this decision does not merely carry slavery into +the Territories, but by its logical conclusion it carries it into the +States in which we live. One provision of that Constitution is, that it +shall be the supreme law of the land,--I do not quote the language,--any +constitution or law of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. This +Dred Scott decision says that the right of property in a slave is +affirmed in that Constitution which is the supreme law of the land, any +State constitution or law notwithstanding. Then I say that to destroy a +thing which is distinctly affirmed and supported by the supreme law of +the land, even by a State constitution or law, is a violation of that +supreme law, and there is no escape from it. In my judgment there is no +avoiding that result, save that the American people shall see that +constitutions are better construed than our Constitution is construed in +that decision. They must take care that it is more faithfully and truly +carried out than it is there expounded. + +I must hasten to a conclusion. Near the beginning of my remarks I said +that this insidious Douglas popular sovereignty is the measure that now +threatens the purpose of the Republican party to prevent slavery from +being nationalized in the United States. I propose to ask your attention +for a little while to some propositions in affirmance of that statement. +Take it just as it stands, and apply it as a principle; extend and apply +that principle elsewhere; and consider where it will lead you. I now put +this proposition, that Judge Douglas's popular sovereignty applied will +reopen the African slave trade; and I will demonstrate it by any variety +of ways in which you can turn the subject or look at it. + +The Judge says that the people of the Territories have the right, by his +principle, to have slaves, if they want them. Then I say that the people +in Georgia have the right to buy slaves in Africa, if they want them; and +I defy any man on earth to show any distinction between the two +things,--to show that the one is either more wicked or more unlawful; to +show, on original principles, that one is better or worse than the other; +or to show, by the Constitution, that one differs a whit from the other. +He will tell me, doubtless, that there is no constitutional provision +against people taking slaves into the new Territories, and I tell him +that there is equally no constitutional provision against buying slaves +in Africa. He will tell you that a people, in the exercise of popular +sovereignty, ought to do as they please about that thing, and have slaves +if they want them; and I tell you that the people of Georgia are as much +entitled to popular sovereignty and to buy slaves in Africa, if they want +them, as the people of the Territory are to have slaves if they want +them. I ask any man, dealing honestly with himself, to point out a +distinction. + +I have recently seen a letter of Judge Douglas's in which, without +stating that to be the object, he doubtless endeavors to make a +distinction between the two. He says he is unalterably opposed to the +repeal of the laws against the African slave trade. And why? He then +seeks to give a reason that would not apply to his popular sovereignty in +the Territories. What is that reason? "The abolition of the African slave +trade is a compromise of the Constitution!" I deny it. There is no truth +in the proposition that the abolition of the African slave trade is a +compromise of the Constitution. No man can put his finger on anything in +the Constitution, or on the line of history, which shows it. It is a mere +barren assertion, made simply for the purpose of getting up a distinction +between the revival of the African slave trade and his "great principle." + +At the time the Constitution of the United States was adopted, it was +expected that the slave trade would be abolished. I should assert and +insist upon that, if judge Douglas denied it. But I know that it was +equally expected that slavery would be excluded from the Territories, and +I can show by history that in regard to these two things public opinion +was exactly alike, while in regard to positive action, there was more +done in the Ordinance of '87 to resist the spread of slavery than was +ever done to abolish the foreign slave trade. Lest I be misunderstood, I +say again that at the time of the formation of the Constitution, public +expectation was that the slave trade would be abolished, but no more so +than the spread of slavery in the Territories should be restrained. They +stand alike, except that in the Ordinance of '87 there was a mark left by +public opinion, showing that it was more committed against the spread of +slavery in the Territories than against the foreign slave trade. + +Compromise! What word of compromise was there about it? Why, the public +sense was then in favor of the abolition of the slave trade; but there +was at the time a very great commercial interest involved in it, and +extensive capital in that branch of trade. There were doubtless the +incipient stages of improvement in the South in the way of farming, +dependent on the slave trade, and they made a proposition to Congress to +abolish the trade after allowing it twenty years,--a sufficient time for +the capital and commerce engaged in it to be transferred to other +channel. They made no provision that it should be abolished in twenty +years; I do not doubt that they expected it would be, but they made no +bargain about it. The public sentiment left no doubt in the minds of any +that it would be done away. I repeat, there is nothing in the history of +those times in favor of that matter being a compromise of the +constitution. It was the public expectation at the time, manifested in a +thousand ways, that the spread of slavery should also be restricted. + +Then I say, if this principle is established, that there is no wrong in +slavery, and whoever wants it has a right to have it, is a matter of +dollars and cents, a sort of question as to how they shall deal with +brutes, that between us and the negro here there is no sort of question, +but that at the South the question is between the negro and the +crocodile, that is all, it is a mere matter of policy, there is a perfect +right, according to interest, to do just as you please,--when this is +done, where this doctrine prevails, the miners and sappers will have +formed public opinion for the slave trade. They will be ready for Jeff. +Davis and Stephens and other leaders of that company to sound the bugle +for the revival of the slave trade, for the second Dred Scott decision, +for the flood of slavery to be poured over the free States, while we +shall be here tied down and helpless and run over like sheep. + +It is to be a part and parcel of this same idea to say to men who want to +adhere to the Democratic party, who have always belonged to that party, +and are only looking about for some excuse to stick to it, but +nevertheless hate slavery, that Douglas's popular sovereignty is as good +a way as any to oppose slavery. They allow themselves to be persuaded +easily, in accordance with their previous dispositions, into this belief, +that it is about as good a way of opposing slavery as any, and we can do +that without straining our old party ties or breaking up old political +associations. We can do so without being called negro-worshipers. We can +do that without being subjected to the jibes and sneers that are so +readily thrown out in place of argument where no argument can be found. +So let us stick to this popular sovereignty,--this insidious popular +sovereignty. + +Now let me call your attention to one thing that has really happened, +which shows this gradual and steady debauching of public opinion, this +course of preparation for the revival of the slave trade, for the +Territorial slave code, and the new Dred Scott decision that is to carry +slavery into the Free States. Did you ever, five years ago, hear of +anybody in the world saying that the negro had no share in the +Declaration of National Independence; that it does not mean negroes at +all; and when "all men" were spoken of, negroes were not included? + +I am satisfied that five years ago that proposition was not put upon +paper by any living being anywhere. I have been unable at any time to +find a man in an audience who would declare that he had ever known of +anybody saying so five years ago. But last year there was not a Douglas +popular sovereign in Illinois who did not say it. Is there one in Ohio +but declares his firm belief that the Declaration of Independence did not +mean negroes at all? I do not know how this is; I have not been here +much; but I presume you are very much alike everywhere. Then I suppose +that all now express the belief that the Declaration of Independence +never did mean negroes. I call upon one of them to say that he said it +five years ago. + +If you think that now, and did not think it then, the next thing that +strikes me is to remark that there has been a change wrought in you,--and +a very significant change it is, being no less than changing the negro, +in your estimation, from the rank of a man to that of a brute. They are +taking him down and placing him, when spoken of, among reptiles and +crocodiles, as Judge Douglas himself expresses it. + +Is not this change wrought in your minds a very important change? Public +opinion in this country is everything. In a nation like ours, this +popular sovereignty and squatter sovereignty have already wrought a +change in the public mind to the extent I have stated. There is no man in +this crowd who can contradict it. + +Now, if you are opposed to slavery honestly, as much as anybody, I ask +you to note that fact, and the like of which is to follow, to be +plastered on, layer after layer, until very soon you are prepared to deal +with the negro every where as with the brute. If public sentiment has not +been debauched already to this point, a new turn of the screw in that +direction is all that is wanting; and this is constantly being done by +the teachers of this insidious popular sovereignty. You need but one or +two turns further, until your minds, now ripening under these teachings, +will be ready for all these things, and you will receive and support, or +submit to, the slave trade, revived with all its horrors, a slave code +enforced in our Territories, and a new Dred Scott decision to bring +slavery up into the very heart of the free North. This, I must say, is +but carrying out those words prophetically spoken by Mr. Clay,--many, +many years ago,--I believe more than thirty years, when he told an +audience that if they would repress all tendencies to liberty and +ultimate emancipation they must go back to the era of our independence, +and muzzle the cannon which thundered its annual joyous return on the +Fourth of July; they must blow out the moral lights around us; they must +penetrate the human soul, and eradicate the love of liberty: but until +they did these things, and others eloquently enumerated by him, they +could not repress all tendencies to ultimate emancipation. + +I ask attention to the fact that in a pre-eminent degree these popular +sovereigns are at this work: blowing out the moral lights around us; +teaching that the negro is no longer a man, but a brute; that the +Declaration has nothing to do with him; that he ranks with the crocodile +and the reptile; that man, with body and soul, is a matter of dollars and +cents. I suggest to this portion of the Ohio Republicans, or Democrats, +if there be any present, the serious consideration of this fact that +there is now going on among you a steady process of debauching public +opinion on this subject. With this, my friends, I bid you adieu. + + + + +SPEECH AT CINCINNATI OHIO, SEPTEMBER 17, 1859 + +My Fellow-Citizens of the State of Ohio: This is the first time in my +life that I have appeared before an audience in so great a city as this: +I therefore--though I am no longer a young man--make this appearance +under some degree of embarrassment. But I have found that when one is +embarrassed, usually the shortest way to get through with it is to quit +talking or thinking about it, and go at something else. + +I understand that you have had recently with you my very distinguished +friend Judge Douglas, of Illinois; and I understand, without having had +an opportunity (not greatly sought, to be sure) of seeing a report of the +speech that he made here, that he did me the honor to mention my humble +name. I suppose that he did so for the purpose of making some objection +to some sentiment at some time expressed by me. I should expect, it is +true, that judge Douglas had reminded you, or informed you, if you had +never before heard it, that I had once in my life declared it as my +opinion that this government cannot endure permanently, half slave and +half free; that a house divided against itself cannot stand, and, as I +had expressed it, I did not expect the house to fall, that I did not +expect the Union to be dissolved, but that I did expect that it would +cease to be divided, that it would become all one thing, or all the +other; that either the opponents of slavery would arrest the further +spread of it, and place it where the public mind would rest in the belief +that it was in the course of ultimate extinction, or the friends of +slavery will push it forward until it becomes alike lawful in all the +States, old or new, free as well as slave. I did, fifteen months ago, +express that opinion, and upon many occasions Judge Douglas has denounced +it, and has greatly, intentionally or unintentionally, misrepresented my +purpose in the expression of that opinion. + +I presume, without having seen a report of his speech, that he did so +here. I presume that he alluded also to that opinion, in different +language, having been expressed at a subsequent time by Governor Seward +of New York, and that he took the two in a lump and denounced them; that +he tried to point out that there was something couched in this opinion +which led to the making of an entire uniformity of the local institutions +of the various States of the Union, in utter disregard of the different +States, which in their nature would seem to require a variety of +institutions and a variety of laws, conforming to the differences in the +nature of the different States. + +Not only so: I presume he insisted that this was a declaration of war +between the free and slave States, that it was the sounding to the onset +of continual war between the different States, the slave and free States. + +This charge, in this form, was made by Judge Douglas on, I believe, the +9th of July, 1858, in Chicago, in my hearing. On the next evening, I made +some reply to it. I informed him that many of the inferences he drew from +that expression of mine were altogether foreign to any purpose +entertained by me, and in so far as he should ascribe these inferences to +me, as my purpose, he was entirely mistaken; and in so far as he might +argue that, whatever might be my purpose, actions conforming to my views +would lead to these results, he might argue and establish if he could; +but, so far as purposes were concerned, he was totally mistaken as to me. + +When I made that reply to him, I told him, on the question of declaring +war between the different States of the Union, that I had not said that I +did not expect any peace upon this question until slavery was +exterminated; that I had only said I expected peace when that institution +was put where the public mind should rest in the belief that it was in +course of ultimate extinction; that I believed, from the organization of +our government until a very recent period of time, the institution had +been placed and continued upon such a basis; that we had had comparative +peace upon that question through a portion of that period of time, only +because the public mind rested in that belief in regard to it, and that +when we returned to that position in relation to that matter, I supposed +we should again have peace as we previously had. I assured him, as I now, +assure you, that I neither then had, nor have, or ever had, any purpose +in any way of interfering with the institution of slavery, where it +exists. I believe we have no power, under the Constitution of the United +States, or rather under the form of government under which we live, to +interfere with the institution of slavery, or any other of the +institutions of our sister States, be they free or slave States. I +declared then, and I now re-declare, that I have as little inclination to +interfere with the institution of slavery where it now exists, through +the instrumentality of the General Government, or any other +instrumentality, as I believe we have no power to do so. I accidentally +used this expression: I had no purpose of entering into the slave States +to disturb the institution of slavery. So, upon the first occasion that +Judge Douglas got an opportunity to reply to me, he passed by the whole +body of what I had said upon that subject, and seized upon the particular +expression of mine that I had no purpose of entering into the slave +States to disturb the institution of slavery. "Oh, no," said he, "he +[Lincoln] won't enter into the slave States to disturb the institution of +slavery, he is too prudent a man to do such a thing as that; he only +means that he will go on to the line between the free and slave States, +and shoot over at them. This is all he means to do. He means to do them +all the harm he can, to disturb them all he can, in such a way as to keep +his own hide in perfect safety." + +Well, now, I did not think, at that time, that that was either a very +dignified or very logical argument but so it was, I had to get along with +it as well as I could. + +It has occurred to-me here to-night that if I ever do shoot over the line +at the people on the other side of the line into a slave State, and +purpose to do so, keeping my skin safe, that I have now about the best +chance I shall ever have. I should not wonder if there are some +Kentuckians about this audience--we are close to Kentucky; and whether +that be so or not, we are on elevated ground, and, by speaking +distinctly, I should not wonder if some of the Kentuckians would hear me +on the other side of the river. For that reason I propose to address a +portion of what I have to say to the Kentuckians. + +I say, then, in the first place, to the Kentuckians, that I am what they +call, as I understand it, a "Black Republican." I think slavery is wrong, +morally and politically. I desire that it should be no further spread +in--these United States, and I should not object if it should gradually +terminate in the whole Union. While I say this for myself, I say to you +Kentuckians that I understand you differ radically with me upon this +proposition; that you believe slavery is a good thing; that slavery is +right; that it ought to be extended and perpetuated in this Union. Now, +there being this broad difference between us, I do not pretend, in +addressing myself to you Kentuckians, to attempt proselyting you; that +would be a vain effort. I do not enter upon it. I only propose to try to +show you that you ought to nominate for the next Presidency, at +Charleston, my distinguished friend Judge Douglas. In all that there is a +difference between you and him, I understand he is sincerely for you, and +more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. I will try to +demonstrate that proposition. Understand, now, I say that I believe he is +as sincerely for you, and more wisely for you, than you are for +yourselves. + +What do you want more than anything else to make successful your views of +slavery,--to advance the outspread of it, and to secure and perpetuate +the nationality of it? What do you want more than anything else? What--is +needed absolutely? What is indispensable to you? Why, if I may, be +allowed to answer the question, it is to retain a hold upon the North, it +is to retain support and strength from the free States. If you can get +this support and strength from the free States, you can succeed. If you +do not get this support and this strength from the free States, you are +in the minority, and you are beaten at once. + +If that proposition be admitted,--and it is undeniable,--then the next +thing I say to you is, that Douglas, of all the men in this nation, is +the only man that affords you any hold upon the free States; that no +other man can give you any strength in the free States. This being so, if +you doubt the other branch of the proposition, whether he is for +you--whether he is really for you, as I have expressed it,--I propose +asking your attention for a while to a few facts. + +The issue between you and me, understand, is, that I think slavery is +wrong, and ought not to be outspread; and you think it is right, and +ought to be extended and perpetuated. [A voice, "Oh, Lord!"] That is my +Kentuckian I am talking to now. + +I now proceed to try to show you that Douglas is as sincerely for you and +more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. + +In the first place, we know that in a government like this, in a +government of the people, where the voice of all the men of the country, +substantially, enters into the execution--or administration, rather--of +the government, in such a government, what lies at the bottom of all of +it is public opinion. I lay down the proposition, that Judge Douglas is +not only the man that promises you in advance a hold upon the North, and +support in the North, but he constantly moulds public opinion to your +ends; that in every possible way he can he constantly moulds the public +opinion of the North to your ends; and if there are a few things in which +he seems to be against you,--a few things which he says that appear to +be against you, and a few that he forbears to say which you would like to +have him say you ought to remember that the saying of the one, or the +forbearing to say the other, would lose his hold upon the North, and, by +consequence, would lose his capacity to serve you. + +Upon this subject of moulding public opinion I call your attention to the +fact--for a well established fact it is--that the Judge never says your +institution of slavery is wrong. There is not a public man in the United +States, I believe, with the exception of Senator Douglas, who has not, at +some time in his life, declared his opinion whether the thing is right or +wrong; but Senator Douglas never declares it is wrong. He leaves himself +at perfect liberty to do all in your favor which he would be hindered +from doing if he were to declare the thing to be wrong. On the contrary, +he takes all the chances that he has for inveigling the sentiment of the +North, opposed to slavery, into your support, by never saying it is +right. This you ought to set down to his credit: You ought to give him +full credit for this much; little though it be, in comparison to the +whole which he does for you. + +Some other, things I will ask your attention to. He said upon the floor +of the United States Senate, and he has repeated it, as I understand, a +great many times, that he does not care whether slavery is "voted up or +voted down." This again shows you, or ought to show you, if you would +reason upon it, that he does not believe it to be wrong; for a man may +say when he sees nothing wrong in a thing; that he, dues not care whether +it be voted up or voted down but no man can logically say that he cares +not whether a thing goes up or goes down which to him appears to be +wrong. You therefore have a demonstration in this that to Judge Douglas's +mind your favorite institution, which you would have spread out and made +perpetual, is no wrong. + +Another thing he tells you, in a speech made at Memphis in Tennessee, +shortly after the canvass in Illinois, last year. He there distinctly +told the people that there was a "line drawn by the Almighty across this +continent, on the one side of which the soil must always be cultivated by +slaves"; that he did not pretend to know exactly where that line was, but +that there was such a line. I want to ask your attention to that +proposition again; that there is one portion of this continent where the +Almighty has signed the soil shall always be cultivated by slaves; that +its being cultivated by slaves at that place is right; that it has the +direct sympathy and authority of the Almighty. Whenever you can get these +Northern audiences to adopt the opinion that slavery is right on the +other side of the Ohio, whenever you can get them, in pursuance of +Douglas's views, to adopt that sentiment, they will very readily make the +other argument, which is perfectly logical, that that which is right on +that side of the Ohio cannot be wrong on this, and that if you have that +property on that side of the Ohio, under the seal and stamp of the +Almighty, when by any means it escapes over here it is wrong to have +constitutions and laws "to devil" you about it. So Douglas is moulding +the public opinion of the North, first to say that the thing is right in +your State over the Ohio River, and hence to say that that which is right +there is not wrong here, and that all laws and constitutions here +recognizing it as being wrong are themselves wrong, and ought to be +repealed and abrogated. He will tell you, men of Ohio, that if you choose +here to have laws against slavery, it is in conformity to the idea that +your climate is not suited to it, that your climate is not suited to +slave labor, and therefore you have constitutions and laws against it. + +Let us attend to that argument for a little while and see if it be sound. +You do not raise sugar-cane (except the new-fashioned sugar-cane, and you +won't raise that long), but they do raise it in Louisiana. You don't +raise it in Ohio, because you can't raise it profitably, because the +climate don't suit it. They do raise it in Louisiana, because there it is +profitable. Now, Douglas will tell you that is precisely the slavery +question: that they do have slaves there because they are profitable, and +you don't have them here because they are not profitable. If that is so, +then it leads to dealing with the one precisely as with the other. Is +there, then, anything in the constitution or laws of Ohio against raising +sugar-cane? Have you found it necessary to put any such provision in your +law? Surely not! No man desires to raise sugar-cane in Ohio, but if any +man did desire to do so, you would say it was a tyrannical law that +forbids his doing so; and whenever you shall agree with Douglas, whenever +your minds are brought to adopt his argument, as surely you will have +reached the conclusion that although it is not profitable in Ohio, if any +man wants it, is wrong to him not to let him have it. + +In this matter Judge Douglas is preparing the public mind for you of +Kentucky to make perpetual that good thing in your estimation, about +which you and I differ. + +In this connection, let me ask your attention to another thing. I believe +it is safe to assert that five years ago no living man had expressed the +opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration of Independence. +Let me state that again: five years ago no living man had expressed the +opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration of Independence. +If there is in this large audience any man who ever knew of that opinion +being put upon paper as much as five years ago, I will be obliged to him +now or at a subsequent time to show it. + +If that be true I wish you then to note the next fact: that within the +space of five years Senator Douglas, in the argument of this question, +has got his entire party, so far as I know, without exception, in saying +that the negro has no share in the Declaration of Independence. If there +be now in all these United States one Douglas man that does not say this, +I have been unable upon any occasion to scare him up. Now, if none of you +said this five years ago, and all of you say it now, that is a matter +that you Kentuckians ought to note. That is a vast change in the Northern +public sentiment upon that question. + +Of what tendency is that change? The tendency of that change is to bring +the public mind to the conclusion that when men are spoken of, the negro +is not meant; that when negroes are spoken of, brutes alone are +contemplated. That change in public sentiment has already degraded the +black man in the estimation of Douglas and his followers from the +condition of a man of some sort, and assigned him to the condition of a +brute. Now, you Kentuckians ought to give Douglas credit for this. That +is the largest possible stride that can be made in regard to the +perpetuation of your thing of slavery. + +A voice: Speak to Ohio men, and not to Kentuckians! + +Mr. LINCOLN: I beg permission to speak as I please. + +In Kentucky perhaps, in many of the slave States certainly, you are +trying to establish the rightfulness of slavery by reference to the +Bible. You are trying to show that slavery existed in the Bible times by +divine ordinance. Now, Douglas is wiser than you, for your own benefit, +upon that subject. Douglas knows that whenever you establish that slavery +was--right by the Bible, it will occur that that slavery was the slavery +of the white man, of men without reference to color; and he knows very +well that you may entertain that idea in Kentucky as much as you please, +but you will never win any Northern support upon it. He makes a wiser +argument for you: he makes the argument that the slavery of the black +man; the slavery of the man who has a skin of a different color from your +own, is right. He thereby brings to your support Northern voters who +could not for a moment be brought by your own argument of the Bible right +of slavery. Will you give him credit for that? Will you not say that in +this matter he is more wisely for you than you are for yourselves? + +Now, having established with his entire party this doctrine, having been +entirely successful in that branch of his efforts in your behalf, he is +ready for another. + +At this same meeting at Memphis he declared that in all contests between +the negro and the white man he was for the white man, but that in all +questions between the negro and the crocodile he was for the negro. He +did not make that declaration accidentally at Memphis. He made it a great +many times in the canvass in Illinois last year (though I don't know that +it was reported in any of his speeches there, but he frequently made it). +I believe he repeated it at Columbus, and I should not wonder if he +repeated it here. It is, then, a deliberate way of expressing himself +upon that subject. It is a matter of mature deliberation with him thus to +express himself upon that point of his case. It therefore requires +deliberate attention. + +The first inference seems to be that if you do not enslave the negro, you +are wronging the white man in some way or other, and that whoever is +opposed to the negro being enslaved, is, in some way or other, against +the white man. Is not that a falsehood? If there was a necessary conflict +between the white man and the negro, I should be for the white man as +much as Judge Douglas; but I say there is no such necessary conflict. I +say that there is room enough for us all to be free, and that it not only +does not wrong the white man that the negro should be free, but it +positively wrongs the mass of the white men that the negro should be +enslaved; that the mass of white men are really injured by the effects of +slave labor in the vicinity of the fields of their own labor. + +But I do not desire to dwell upon this branch of the question more than +to say that this assumption of his is false, and I do hope that that +fallacy will not long prevail in the minds of intelligent white men. At +all events, you ought to thank Judge Douglas for it; it is for your +benefit it is made. + +The other branch of it is, that in the struggle between the negro and the +crocodile; he is for the negro. Well, I don't know that there is any +struggle between the negro and the crocodile, either. I suppose that if a +crocodile (or, as we old Ohio River boatmen used to call them, +alligators) should come across a white man, he would kill him if he +could; and so he would a negro. But what, at last, is this proposition? I +believe it is a sort of proposition in proportion, which may be stated +thus: "As the negro is to the white man, so is the crocodile to the +negro; and as the negro may rightfully treat the crocodile as a beast or +reptile, so the white man may rightfully treat the negro as a beast or a +reptile." That is really the "knip" of all that argument of his. + +Now, my brother Kentuckians, who believe in this, you ought to thank +Judge Douglas for having put that in a much more taking way than any of +yourselves have done. + +Again, Douglas's great principle, "popular sovereignty," as he calls it, +gives you, by natural consequence, the revival of the slave trade +whenever you want it. If you question this, listen awhile, consider +awhile what I shall advance in support of that proposition. + +He says that it is the sacred right of the man who goes into the +Territories to have slavery if he wants it. Grant that for argument's +sake. Is it not the sacred right of the man who don't go there equally to +buy slaves in Africa, if he wants them? Can you point out the difference? +The man who goes into the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, or any +other new Territory, with the sacred right of taking a slave there which +belongs to him, would certainly have no more right to take one there than +I would, who own no slave, but who would desire to buy one and take him +there. You will not say you, the friends of Judge Douglas but that the +man who does not own a slave has an equal right to buy one and take him +to the Territory as the other does. + +A voice: I want to ask a question. Don't foreign nations interfere with +the slave trade? + +Mr. LINCOLN: Well! I understand it to be a principle of Democracy to whip +foreign nations whenever, they interfere with us. + +Voice: I only asked for information. I am a Republican myself. + +Mr. LINCOLN: You and I will be on the best terms in the world, but I do +not wish to be diverted from the point I was trying to press. + +I say that Douglas's popular sovereignty, establishing his sacred right +in the people, if you please, if carried to its logical conclusion gives +equally the sacred right to the people of the States or the Territories +themselves to buy slaves wherever they can buy them cheapest; and if any +man can show a distinction, I should like to hear him try it. If any man +can show how the people of Kansas have a better right to slaves, because +they want them, than the people of Georgia have to buy them in Africa, I +want him to do it. I think it cannot be done. If it is "popular +sovereignty" for the people to have slaves because they want them, it is +popular sovereignty for them to buy them in Africa because they desire to +do so. + +I know that Douglas has recently made a little effort, not seeming to +notice that he had a different theory, has made an effort to get rid of +that. He has written a letter, addressed to somebody, I believe, who +resides in Iowa, declaring his opposition to the repeal of the laws that +prohibit the Africa slave trade. He bases his opposition to such repeal +upon the ground that these laws are themselves one of the compromises of +the Constitution of the United States. Now, it would be very interesting +to see Judge Douglas or any of his friends turn, to the Constitution of +the United States and point out that compromise, to show where there is +any compromise in the Constitution, or provision in the Constitution; +express or implied, by which the administrators of that Constitution are +under any obligation to repeal the African slave trade. I know, or at +least I think I know, that the framers of that Constitution did expect +the African slave trade would be abolished at the end of twenty years, to +which time their prohibition against its being abolished extended there +is abundant contemporaneous history to show that the framers of the +Constitution expected it to be abolished. But while they so expected, +they gave nothing for that expectation, and they put no provision in the +Constitution requiring it should be so abolished. The migration or +importation of such persons as the States shall see fit to admit shall +not be prohibited, but a certain tax might be levied upon such +importation. But what was to be done after that time? The Constitution is +as silent about that as it is silent, personally, about myself. There is +absolutely nothing in it about that subject; there is only the +expectation of the framers of the Constitution that the slave trade would +be abolished at the end of that time; and they expected it would be +abolished, owing to public sentiment, before that time; and the put that +provision in, in order that it should not be abolished before that time, +for reasons which I suppose they thought to be sound ones, but which I +will not now try to enumerate before you. + +But while, they expected the slave trade would be abolished at that time, +they expected that the spread of slavery into the new Territories should +also be restricted. It is as easy to prove that the framers of the +Constitution of the United States expected that slavery should be +prohibited from extending into the new Territories, as it is to prove +that it was expected that the slave trade should be abolished. Both these +things were expected. One was no more expected than the other, and one +was no more a compromise of the Constitution than the other. There was +nothing said in the Constitution in regard to the spread of slavery into +the Territory. I grant that; but there was something very important said +about it by the same generation of men in the adoption of the old +Ordinance of '87, through the influence of which you here in Ohio, our +neighbors in Indiana, we in Illinois, our neighbors in Michigan and +Wisconsin, are happy, prosperous, teeming millions of free men. That +generation of men, though not to the full extent members of the +convention that framed the Constitution, were to some extent members of +that convention, holding seats at the same time in one body and the +other, so that if there was any compromise on either of these subjects, +the strong evidence is that that compromise was in favor of the +restriction of slavery from the new Territories. + +But Douglas says that he is unalterably opposed to the repeal of those +laws because, in his view, it is a compromise of the Constitution. You +Kentuckians, no doubt, are somewhat offended with that. You ought not to +be! You ought to be patient! You ought to know that if he said less than +that, he would lose the power of "lugging" the Northern States to your +support. Really, what you would push him to do would take from him his +entire power to serve you. And you ought to remember how long, by +precedent, Judge Douglas holds himself obliged to stick by compromises. +You ought to remember that by the time you yourselves think you are ready +to inaugurate measures for the revival of the African slave trade, that +sufficient time will have arrived, by precedent, for Judge Douglas to +break through, that compromise. He says now nothing more strong than he +said in 1849 when he declared in favor of Missouri Compromise,--and +precisely four years and a quarter after he declared that Compromise to +be a sacred thing, which "no ruthless hand would ever daze to touch," he +himself brought forward the measure ruthlessly to destroy it. By a mere +calculation of time it will only be four years more until he is ready to +take back his profession about the sacredness of the Compromise +abolishing the slave trade. Precisely as soon as you are ready to have +his services in that direction, by fair calculation, you may be sure of +having them. + +But you remember and set down to Judge Douglas's debt, or discredit, that +he, last year, said the people of Territories can, in spite of the Dred +Scott decision, exclude your slaves from those Territories; that he +declared, by "unfriendly legislation" the extension of your property into +the new Territories may be cut off, in the teeth of the decision of the +Supreme Court of the United States. + +He assumed that position at Freeport on the 27th of August, 1858. He said +that the people of the Territories can exclude slavery, in so many words: +You ought, however, to bear in mind that he has never said it since. You +may hunt in every speech that he has since made, and he has never used +that expression once. He has never seemed to notice that he is stating +his views differently from what he did then; but by some sort of +accident, he has always really stated it differently. He has always since +then declared that "the Constitution does not carry slavery into the +Territories of the United States beyond the power of the people legally +to control it, as other property." Now, there is a difference in the +language used upon that former occasion and in this latter day. There may +or may not be a difference in the meaning, but it is worth while +considering whether there is not also a difference in meaning. + +What is it to exclude? Why, it is to drive it out. It is in some way to +put it out of the Territory. It is to force it across the line, or change +its character so that, as property, it is out of existence. But what is +the controlling of it "as other property"? Is controlling it as other +property the same thing as destroying it, or driving it away? I should +think not. I should think the controlling of it as other property would +be just about what you in Kentucky should want. I understand the +controlling of property means the controlling of it for the benefit of +the owner of it. While I have no doubt the Supreme Court of the United +States would say "God speed" to any of the Territorial Legislatures that +should thus control slave property, they would sing quite a different +tune if, by the pretence of controlling it, they were to undertake to +pass laws which virtually excluded it,--and that upon a very well known +principle to all lawyers, that what a Legislature cannot directly do, it +cannot do by indirection; that as the Legislature has not the power to +drive slaves out, they have no power, by indirection, by tax, or by +imposing burdens in any way on that property, to effect the same end, and +that any attempt to do so would be held by the Dred Scott court +unconstitutional. + +Douglas is not willing to stand by his first proposition that they can +exclude it, because we have seen that that proposition amounts to nothing +more nor less than the naked absurdity that you may lawfully drive out +that which has a lawful right to remain. He admitted at first that the +slave might be lawfully taken into the Territories under the Constitution +of the United States, and yet asserted that he might be lawfully driven +out. That being the proposition, it is the absurdity I have stated. He is +not willing to stand in the face of that direct, naked, and impudent +absurdity; he has, therefore, modified his language into that of being +"controlled as other property." + +The Kentuckians don't like this in Douglas! I will tell you where it will +go. He now swears by the court. He was once a leading man in Illinois to +break down a court, because it had made a decision he did not like. But +he now not only swears by the court, the courts having got to working for +you, but he denounces all men that do not swear by the courts, as +unpatriotic, as bad citizens. When one of these acts of unfriendly +legislation shall impose such heavy burdens as to, in effect, destroy +property in slaves in a Territory, and show plainly enough that there can +be no mistake in the purpose of the Legislature to make them so +burdensome, this same Supreme Court will decide that law to be +unconstitutional, and he will be ready to say for your benefit "I swear +by the court; I give it up"; and while that is going on he has been +getting all his men to swear by the courts, and to give it up with him. +In this again he serves you faithfully, and, as I say, more wisely than +you serve yourselves. + +Again: I have alluded in the beginning of these remarks to the fact that +Judge Douglas has made great complaint of my having expressed the opinion +that this government "cannot endure permanently, half slave and half +free." He has complained of Seward for using different language, and +declaring that there is an "irrepressible conflict" between the +principles of free and slave labor. [A voice: "He says it is not +original with Seward. That it is original with Lincoln."] I will attend +to that immediately, sir. Since that time, Hickman of Pennsylvania +expressed the same sentiment. He has never denounced Mr. Hickman: why? +There is a little chance, notwithstanding that opinion in the mouth of +Hickman, that he may yet be a Douglas man. That is the difference! It is +not unpatriotic to hold that opinion if a man is a Douglas man. + +But neither I, nor Seward, nor Hickman is entitled to the enviable or +unenviable distinction of having first expressed that idea. That same +idea was expressed by the Richmond Enquirer, in Virginia, in 1856,--quite +two years before it was expressed by the first of us. And while Douglas +was pluming himself that in his conflict with my humble self, last year, +he had "squelched out" that fatal heresy, as he delighted to call it, and +had suggested that if he only had had a chance to be in New York and meet +Seward he would have "squelched" it there also, it never occurred to him +to breathe a word against Pryor. I don't think that you can discover that +Douglas ever talked of going to Virginia to "squelch" out that idea +there. No. More than that. That same Roger A. Pryor was brought to +Washington City and made the editor of the par excellence Douglas paper, +after making use of that expression, which, in us, is so unpatriotic and +heretical. From all this, my Kentucky friends may see that this opinion +is heretical in his view only when it is expressed by men suspected of a +desire that the country shall all become free, and not when expressed by +those fairly known to entertain the desire that the whole country shall +become slave. When expressed by that class of men, it is in nowise +offensive to him. In this again, my friends of Kentucky, you have Judge +Douglas with you. + +There is another reason why you Southern people ought to nominate Douglas +at your convention at Charleston. That reason is the wonderful capacity +of the man,--the power he has of doing what would seem to be impossible. +Let me call your attention to one of these apparently impossible things: + +Douglas had three or four very distinguished men of the most extreme +anti-slavery views of any men in the Republican party expressing their +desire for his re-election to the Senate last year. That would, of +itself, have seemed to be a little wonderful; but that wonder is +heightened when we see that Wise of Virginia, a man exactly opposed to +them, a man who believes in the divine right of slavery, was also +expressing his desire that Douglas should be reelected; that another man +that may be said to be kindred to Wise, Mr. Breckinridge, the +Vice-President, and of your own State, was also agreeing with the +anti-slavery men in the North that Douglas ought to be re-elected. Still +to heighten the wonder, a senator from Kentucky, whom I have always loved +with an affection as tender and endearing as I have ever loved any man, +who was opposed to the anti-slavery men for reasons which seemed +sufficient to him, and equally opposed to Wise and Breckinridge, was +writing letters into Illinois to secure the reelection of Douglas. Now, +that all these conflicting elements should be brought, while at daggers' +points with one another, to support him, is a feat that is worthy for you +to note and consider. It is quite probable that each of these classes of +men thought, by the re-election of Douglas, their peculiar views would +gain something: it is probable that the anti-slavery men thought their +views would gain something; that Wise and Breckinridge thought so too, as +regards their opinions; that Mr. Crittenden thought that his views would +gain something, although he was opposed to both these other men. It is +probable that each and all of them thought that they were using Douglas; +and it is yet an unsolved problem whether he was not using them all. If +he was, then it is for you to consider whether that power to perform +wonders is one for you lightly to throw away. + +There is one other thing that I will say to you, in this relation. It is +but my opinion, I give it to you without a fee. It is my opinion that it +is for you to take him or be defeated; and that if you do take him you +may be beaten. You will surely be beaten if you do not take him. We, the +Republicans and others forming the opposition of the country, intend to +"stand by our guns," to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat +you, whether you take him or not. We know that before we fairly beat you +we have to beat you both together. We know that you are "all of a +feather," and that we have to beat you all together, and we expect to do +it. We don't intend to be very impatient about it. We mean to be as +deliberate and calm about it as it is possible to be, but as firm and +resolved as it is possible for men to be. When we do as we say,--beat +you,--you perhaps want to know what we will do with you. + +I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition, +what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as we possibly +can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean to leave +you alone, and in no way interfere with your institution; to abide by all +and every compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to +the original proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we +have degenerated) may, according to the examples of those noble fathers, +Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are as +good as we; that there is no difference between us other than the +difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and bear in mind always +that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we +claim to have, and treat you accordingly. We mean to marry your girls +when we have a chance, the white ones I mean; and I have the honor to +inform you that I once did have a chance in that way. + +I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, now, when that thing +takes place, what do you mean to do? I often hear it intimated that you +mean to divide the Union whenever a Republican, or anything like it, is +elected President of the United States. [A voice: "That is so."] "That is +so," one of them says; I wonder if he is a Kentuckian? [A voice: "He is a +Douglas man."] Well, then, I want to know what you are going to do with +your half of it? Are you going to split the Ohio down through, and push +your half off a piece? Or are you going to keep it right alongside of us +outrageous fellows? Or are you going to build up a wall some way between +your country and ours, by which that movable property of yours can't come +over here any more, to the danger of your losing it? Do you think you can +better yourselves, on that subject, by leaving us here under no +obligation whatever to return those specimens of your movable property +that come hither? You have divided the Union because we would not do +right with you, as you think, upon that subject; when we cease to be +under obligations to do anything for you, how much better off do you +think you will be? Will you make war upon us and kill us all? Why, +gentlemen, I think you are as gallant and as brave men as live; that you +can fight as bravely in a good cause, man for man, as any other people +living; that you have shown yourselves capable of this upon various +occasions: but, man for man, you are not better than we are, and there +are not so many of you as there are of us. You will never make much of a +hand at whipping us. If we were fewer in numbers than you, I think that +you could whip us; if we were equal, it would likely be a drawn battle; +but being inferior in numbers, you will make nothing by attempting to +master us. + +But perhaps I have addressed myself as long, or longer, to the +Kentuckians than I ought to have done, inasmuch as I have said that +whatever course you take we intend in the end to beat you. I propose to +address a few remarks to our friends, by way of discussing with them the +best means of keeping that promise that I have in good faith made. + +It may appear a little episodical for me to mention the topic of which I +will speak now. It is a favorite position of Douglas's that the +interference of the General Government, through the Ordinance of '87, or +through any other act of the General Government never has made or ever +can make a free State; the Ordinance of '87 did not make free States of +Ohio, Indiana, or Illinois; that these States are free upon his "great +principle" of popular sovereignty, because the people of those several +States have chosen to make them so. At Columbus, and probably here, he +undertook to compliment the people that they themselves have made the +State of Ohio free, and that the Ordinance of '87 was not entitled in any +degree to divide the honor with them. I have no doubt that the people of +the State of Ohio did make her free according to their own will and +judgment, but let the facts be remembered. + +In 1802, I believe, it was you who made your first constitution, with the +clause prohibiting slavery, and you did it, I suppose, very nearly +unanimously; but you should bear in mind that you--speaking of you as one +people--that you did so unembarrassed by the actual presence of the +institution amongst you; that you made it a free State not with the +embarrassment upon you of already having among you many slaves, which if +they had been here, and you had sought to make a free State, you would +not know what to do with. If they had been among you, embarrassing +difficulties, most probably, would have induced you to tolerate a slave +constitution instead of a free one, as indeed these very difficulties +have constrained every people on this continent who have adopted slavery. + +Pray what was it that made you free? What kept you free? Did you not find +your country free when you came to decide that Ohio should be a free +State? It is important to inquire by what reason you found it so. Let us +take an illustration between the States of Ohio and Kentucky. Kentucky is +separated by this River Ohio, not a mile wide. A portion of Kentucky, by +reason of the course of the Ohio, is farther north than this portion of +Ohio, in which we now stand. Kentucky is entirely covered with slavery; +Ohio is entirely free from it: What made that difference? Was it climate? +No. A portion of Kentucky was farther north than this portion of Ohio. +Was it soil? No. There is nothing in the soil of the one more favorable +to slave than the other. It was not climate or soil that mused one side +of the line to be entirely covered with slavery, and the other side free +of it. What was it? Study over it. Tell us, if you can, in all the range +of conjecture, if there be anything you can conceive of that made that +difference, other than that there was no law of any sort keeping it out +of Kentucky, while the Ordinance of '87 kept it out of Ohio. If there is +any other reason than this, I confess that it is wholly beyond my power +to conceive of it. This, then, I offer to combat the idea that that +Ordinance has never made any State free. + +I don't stop at this illustration. I come to the State of Indiana; and +what I have said as between Kentucky and Ohio, I repeat as between +Indiana and Kentucky: it is equally applicable. One additional argument +is applicable also to Indiana. In her Territorial condition she more than +once petitioned Congress to abrogate the Ordinance entirely, or at least +so far as to suspend its operation for a time, in order that they should +exercise the "popular sovereignty" of having slaves if they wanted them. +The men then controlling the General Government, imitating the men of the +Revolution, refused Indiana that privilege. And so we have the evidence +that Indiana supposed she could have slaves, if it were not for that +Ordinance; that she besought Congress to put that barrier out of the way; +that Congress refused to do so; and it all ended at last in Indiana being +a free State. Tell me not then that the Ordinance of '87 had nothing to +do with making Indiana a free State, when we find some men chafing +against, and only restrained by, that barrier. + +Come down again to our State of Illinois. The great Northwest Territory, +including Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, was acquired +first, I believe, by the British Government, in part at least, from the +French. Before the establishment of our independence it became a part of +Virginia, enabling Virginia afterward to transfer it to the General +Government. There were French settlements in what is now Illinois, and at +the same time there were French settlements in what is now Missouri, in +the tract of country that was not purchased till about 1803. In these +French settlements negro slavery had existed for many years, perhaps more +than a hundred; if not as much as two hundred years,--at Kaskaskia, in +Illinois, and at St. Genevieve, or Cape Girardeau, perhaps, in Missouri. +The number of slaves was not very great, but there was about the same +number in each place. They were there when we acquired the Territory. +There was no effort made to break up the relation of master and slave, +and even the Ordinance of 1787 was not so enforced as to destroy that +slavery in Illinois; nor did the Ordinance apply to Missouri at all. + +What I want to ask your attention to; at this point, is that Illinois and +Missouri came into the Union about the same time, Illinois in the latter +part of 1818, and Missouri, after a struggle, I believe sometime in 1820. +They had been filling up with American people about the same period of +time; their progress enabling them to come into the Union about the same +time. At the end of that ten years, in which they had been so preparing +(for it was about that period of time), the number of slaves in Illinois +had actually decreased; while in Missouri, beginning with very few, at +the end of that ten years there were about ten thousand. This being so, +and it being remembered that Missouri and Illinois are, to a certain +extent, in the same parallel of latitude, that the northern half of +Missouri and the southern half of Illinois are in the same parallel of +latitude, so that climate would have the same effect upon one as upon the +other, and that in the soil there is no material difference so far as +bears upon the question of slavery being settled upon one or the +other,--there being none of those natural causes to produce a difference +in filling them, and yet there being a broad difference to their filling +up, we are led again to inquire what was the cause of that difference. + +It is most natural to say that in Missouri there was no law to keep that +country from filling up with slaves, while in Illinois there was the +Ordinance of The Ordinance being there, slavery decreased during that ten +years; the Ordinance not being in the other, it increased from a few to +ten thousand. Can anybody doubt the reason of the difference? + +I think all these facts most abundantly prove that my friend Judge +Douglas's proposition, that the Ordinance of '87, or the national +restriction of slavery, never had a tendency to make a free State, is a +fallacy,--a proposition without the shadow or substance of truth about +it. + +Douglas sometimes says that all the States (and it is part of this same +proposition I have been discussing) that have become free have become so +upon his "great principle"; that the State of Illinois itself came into +the Union as a slave State, and that the people, upon the "great +principle" of popular sovereignty, have since made it a free State. Allow +me but a little while to state to you what facts there are to justify him +in saying that Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. + +I have mentioned to you that there were a few old French slaves there. +They numbered, I think, one or two hundred. Besides that, there had been +a Territorial law for indenturing black persons. Under that law, in +violation of the Ordinance of '87, but without any enforcement of the +Ordinance to overthrow the system, there had been a small number of +slaves introduced as indentured persons. Owing to this, the clause for +the prohibition of slavery was slightly modified. Instead of running like +yours, that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for crime, +of which the party shall have been duly convicted, should exist in the +State, they said that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should +thereafter be introduced; and that the children of indentured servants +should be born free; and nothing was said about the few old French +slaves. Out of this fact, that the clause for prohibiting slavery was +modified because of the actual presence of it, Douglas asserts again and +again that Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. How far the +facts sustain the conclusion that he draws, it is for intelligent and +impartial men to decide. I leave it with you, with these remarks, worthy +of being remembered, that that little thing, those few indentured +servants being there, was of itself sufficient to modify a constitution +made by a people ardently desiring to have a free constitution; showing +the power of the actual presence of the institution of slavery to prevent +any people, however anxious to make a free State, from making it +perfectly so. + +I have been detaining you longer, perhaps, than I ought to do. + +I am in some doubt whether to introduce another topic upon which I could +talk a while. [Cries of "Go on," and "Give us it."] It is this, then: +Douglas's Popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply this: If one man +chooses to make a slave of another man, neither that man nor anybody else +has a right to object. Apply it to government, as he seeks to apply it, +and it is this: If, in a new Territory into which a few people are +beginning to enter for the purpose of making their homes, they choose to +either exclude slavery from their limits, or to establish it there, +however one or the other may affect the persons to be enslaved, or the +infinitely greater number of persons who are afterward to inhabit that +Territory, or the other members of the family of communities of which +they are but an incipient member, or the general head of the family of +States as parent of all, however their action may affect one or the other +of these, there is no power or right to interfere. That is Douglas's +popular sovereignty applied. Now, I think that there is a real popular +sovereignty in the world. I think the definition of popular sovereignty, +in the abstract, would be about this: that each man shall do precisely as +he pleases with himself, and with all those things which exclusively +concern him. Applied in government, this principle would be that a +general government shall do all those things which pertain to it, and all +the local governments shall do precisely as they please in respect to +those matters which exclusively concern them. + +Douglas looks upon slavery as so insignificant that the people must +decide that question for themselves; and yet they are not fit to decide +who shall be their governor, judge, or secretary, or who shall be any of +their officers. These are vast national matters in his estimation; but +the little matter in his estimation is that of planting slavery there. +That is purely of local interest, which nobody should be allowed to say a +word about. + +Labor is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human +comforts and necessities are drawn. There is a difference in opinion +about the elements of labor in society. Some men assume that there is +necessary connection between capital and labor, and that connection draws +within it the whole of the labor of the community. They assume that +nobody works unless capital excites them to work. They begin next to +consider what is the best way. They say there are but two ways: one is to +hire men, and to allure them to labor by their consent; the other is to +buy the men, and drive them, to it, and that is slavery. Having assumed +that, they proceed to discuss the question of whether the laborers +themselves are better off in the condition of slaves or of hired +laborers, and they usually decide that they are better off in the +condition of slaves. + +In the first place, I say that the whole thing is a mistake. That there +is a certain relation between capital and labor, I admit. That it does +exist, and rightfully exists, I think is true. That men who are +industrious, and sober, and honest in the pursuit of their own interests +should after a while accumulate capital, and after that should be allowed +to enjoy it in peace, and also, if they should choose, when they have +accumulated it, to use it to save themselves from actual labor, and hire +other people to labor for them, is right. In doing so they do not wrong +the man they employ, for they find men who have not of their own land to +work upon, or shops to work in, and who are benefited by working for +others, hired laborers, receiving their capital for it. Thus a few men, +that own capital, hire a few others, and these establish the relation of +capital and labor rightfully, a relation of which I make no complaint. +But I insist that that relation, after all, does not embrace more than +one eighth of the labor of the country. + +[The speaker proceeded to argue that the hired laborer, with his ability +to become an employer, must have every precedence over him who labors +under the inducement of force. He continued:] + +I have taken upon myself in the name of some of you to say that we expect +upon these principles to ultimately beat them. In order to do so, I think +we want and must have a national policy in regard to the institution of +slavery that acknowledges and deals with that institution as being wrong. +Whoever desires the prevention of the spread of slavery and the +nationalization of that institution yields all when he yields to any +policy that either recognizes slavery as being right or as being an +indifferent thing. Nothing will make you successful but setting up a +policy which shall treat the thing as being wrong: When I say this, I do +not mean to say that this General Government is charged with the duty of +redressing or preventing all the wrongs in the world, but I do think that +it is charged with preventing and redressing all wrongs which are wrongs +to itself. This Government is expressly charged with the duty of +providing for the general welfare. We believe that the spreading out and +perpetuity of the institution of slavery impairs the general welfare. We +believe--nay, we know--that that is the only thing that has ever +threatened the perpetuity of the Union itself. The only thing which has +ever menaced the destruction of the government under which we live is +this very thing. To repress this thing, we think, is, Providing for the +general welfare. Our friends in Kentucky differ from us. We need not make +our argument for them, but we who think it is wrong in all its relations, +or in some of them at least, must decide as to our own actions and our +own course, upon our own judgment. + +I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in the +States where it exists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the +general welfare does not require us to do so. We must not withhold an +efficient Fugitive Slave law, because the Constitution requires us, as I +understand it, not to withhold such a law. But we must prevent the +outspreading of the institution, because neither the Constitution nor +general welfare requires us to extend it. We must prevent the revival of +the African slave trade, and the enacting by Congress of a Territorial +slave code. We must prevent each of these things being done by either +Congresses or courts. The people of these United States are the rightful +masters of both Congresses and courts, not to overthrow the Constitution, +but to overthrow the men who pervert the Constitution. + +To do these things we must employ instrumentalities. We must hold +conventions; we must adopt platforms, if we conform to ordinary custom; +we must nominate candidates; and we must carry elections. In all these +things, I think that we ought to keep in view our real purpose, and in +none do anything that stands adverse to our purpose. If we shall adopt a +platform that fails to recognize or express our purpose, or elect a man +that declares himself inimical to our purpose, we not only take nothing +by our success, but we tacitly admit that we act upon no other principle +than a desire to have "the loaves and fishes," by which, in the end, our +apparent success is really an injury to us. + +I know that this is very desirable with me, as with everybody else, that +all the elements of the opposition shall unite in the next Presidential +election and in all future time. I am anxious that that should be; but +there are things seriously to be considered in relation to that matter. +If the terms can be arranged, I am in favor of the union. But suppose we +shall take up some man, and put him upon one end or the other of the +ticket, who declares himself against us in regard to the prevention of +the spread of slavery, who turns up his nose and says he is tired of +hearing anything more about it, who is more against us than against the +enemy, what will be the issue? Why, he will get no slave States, after +all,--he has tried that already until being beat is the rule for him. If +we nominate him upon that ground, he will not carry a slave State; and +not only so, but that portion of our men who are high-strung upon the +principle we really fight for will not go for him, and he won't get a +single electoral vote anywhere, except, perhaps, in the State of +Maryland. There is no use in saying to us that we are stubborn and +obstinate because we won't do some such thing as this. We cannot do it. +We cannot get our men to vote it. I speak by the card, that we cannot +give the State of Illinois in such case by fifty thousand. We would be +flatter down than the "Negro Democracy" themselves have the heart to wish +to see us. + +After saying this much let me say a little on the other side. There are +plenty of men in the slave States that are altogether good enough for me +to be either President or Vice-President, provided they will profess +their sympathy with our purpose, and will place themselves on the ground +that our men, upon principle, can vote for them. There are scores of +them, good men in their character for intelligence and talent and +integrity. If such a one will place himself upon the right ground, I am +for his occupying one place upon the next Republican or opposition +ticket. I will heartily go for him. But unless he does so place himself, +I think it a matter of perfect nonsense to attempt to bring about a union +upon any other basis; that if a union be made, the elements will scatter +so that there can be no success for such a ticket, nor anything like +success. The good old maxims of the Bible axe applicable, and truly +applicable, to human affairs, and in this, as in other things, we may say +here that he who is not for us is against us; he who gathereth not with +us, scattereth. I should be glad to have some of the many good and able +and noble men of the South to place themselves where we can confer upon +them the high honor of an election upon one or the other end of our +ticket. It would do my soul good to do that thing. It would enable us to +teach them that, inasmuch as we select one of their own number to carry +out our principles, we are free from the charge that we mean more than we +say. + +But, my friends, I have detained you much longer than I expected to do. I +believe I may do myself the compliment to say that you have stayed and +heard me with great patience, for which I return you my most sincere +thanks. + + + + +ON PROTECTIVE TARIFFS + +TO EDWARD WALLACE. + +CLINTON, October 11, 1859 + +Dr. EDWARD WALLACE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am here just now attending court. Yesterday, before I +left Springfield, your brother, Dr. William S. Wallace, showed me a +letter of yours, in which you kindly mention my name, inquiring for my +tariff views, and suggest the propriety of my writing a letter upon the +subject. I was an old Henry-Clay-Tariff Whig. In old times I made more +speeches on that subject than any other. + +I have not since changed my views. I believe yet, if we could have a +moderate, carefully adjusted protective tariff, so far acquiesced in as +not to be a perpetual subject of political strife, squabbles changes, and +uncertainties, it would be better for us. Still it is my opinion that +just now the revival of that question will not advance the cause itself, +or the man who revives it. + +I have not thought much on the subject recently, but my general +impression is that the necessity for a protective tariff will ere long +force its old opponents to take it up; and then its old friends can join +in and establish it on a more firm and durable basis. We, the Old Whigs, +have been entirely beaten out on the tariff question, and we shall not be +able to re-establish the policy until the absence of it shall have +demonstrated the necessity for it in the minds of men heretofore opposed +to it. With this view, I should prefer to not now write a public letter +on the subject. I therefore wish this to be considered confidential. I +shall be very glad to receive a letter from you. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON MORTGAGES + +TO W. DUNGY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November, 2, 1859. + +WM. DUNGY, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of October 27 is received. When a mortgage is given to +secure two notes, and one of the notes is sold and assigned, if the +mortgaged premises are only sufficient to pay one note, the one assigned +will take it all. Also, an execution from a judgment on the assigned note +may take it all; it being the same thing in substance. There is +redemption on execution sales from the United States Court just as from +any other court. + +You did not mention the name of the plaintiff or defendant in the suit, +and so I can tell nothing about it as to sales, bids, etc. Write again. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS, + +DECEMBER, 1859. + +............. But you Democrats are for the Union; and you greatly fear +the success of the Republicans would destroy the Union. Why? Do the +Republicans declare against the Union? Nothing like it. Your own +statement of it is that if the Black Republicans elect a President, you +"won't stand it." You will break up the Union. If we shall +constitutionally elect a President, it will be our duty to see that you +submit. Old John Brown has been executed for treason against a State. We +cannot object, even though he agreed with us in thinking slavery wrong. +That cannot excuse violence, bloodshed and treason. It could avail him +nothing that he might think himself right. So, if we constitutionally +elect a President, and therefore you undertake to destroy the Union, it +will be our duty to deal with you as old John Brown has been dealt with. +We shall try to do our duty. We hope and believe that in no section will +a majority so act as to render such extreme measures necessary. + + + + +TO G. W. DOLE, G. S. HUBBARD, AND W. H. BROWN. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 14, 1859 + +MESSRS. DOLE, HUBBARD & BROWN. + +GENT.:--Your favor of the 12th is at hand, and it gives me pleasure to be +able to answer it. It is not my intention to take part in any of the +rivalries for the gubernatorial nomination; but the fear of being +misunderstood upon that subject ought not to deter me from doing justice +to Mr. Judd, and preventing a wrong being done to him by the use of nay +name in connection with alleged wrongs to me. + +In answer to your first question, as to whether Mr. Judd was guilty of +any unfairness to me at the time of Senator Trumbull's election, I answer +unhesitatingly in the negative; Mr. Judd owed no political allegiance to +any party whose candidate I was. He was in the Senate, holding over, +having been elected by a Democratic Constituency. He never was in any +caucus of the friends who sought to make me U. S. Senator, never gave me +any promises or pledges to support me, and subsequent events have greatly +tended to prove the wisdom, politically, of Mr. Judd's course. The +election of Judge Trumbull strongly tended to sustain and preserve the +position of that lion of the Democrats who condemned the repeal of the +Missouri Compromise, and left them in a position of joining with us in +forming the Republican party, as was done at the Bloomington convention +in 1856. + +During the canvass of 1858 for the senatorship my belief was, and still +is, that I had no more sincere and faithful friend than Mr. +Judd--certainly none whom I trusted more. His position as chairman of the +State Central Committee led to my greater intercourse with him, and to my +giving him a larger share of my confidence, than with or to almost any +other friend; and I have never suspected that that confidence was, to any +degree, misplaced. + +My relations with Mr. Judo since the organization of the Republican +party, in, our State, in 1856, and especially since the adjournment of +the Legislature in Feb., 1857, have been so very intimate that I deem it +an impossibility that he could have been dealing treacherously with me. +He has also, at all times, appeared equally true and faithful to the +party. In his position as chairman of the committee, I believe he did all +that any man could have done. The best of us are liable to commit errors, +which become apparent by subsequent developments; but I do not know of a +single error, even, committed by Mr. Judd, since he and I have acted +together politically. + +I, had occasionally heard these insinuations against Mr. Judd, before the +receipt of your letter; and in no instance have I hesitated to pronounce +them wholly unjust, to the full extent of my knowledge and belief. I have +been, and still am, very anxious to take no part between the many +friends, all good and true, who are mentioned as candidates for a +Republican gubernatorial nomination; but I can not feel that my own honor +is quite clear if I remain silent when I hear any one of them assailed +about matters of which I believe I know more than his assailants. + +I take pleasure in adding that, of all the avowed friends I had in the +canvass of last year, I do not suspect any of having acted treacherously +to me, or to our cause; and that there is not one of them in whose +honesty, honor, and integrity I, today, have greater confidence than I +have in those of Mr. Judd. + +I dislike to appear before the public in this matter; but you are at +liberty to make such use of this letter as you may think justice +requires. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 19, 1859. + +MESSRS. G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS, CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, ETC. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your letter of the 7th instant, accompanied by a similar one +from the governor-elect, the Republican State officers, and the +Republican members of the State Board of Equalization of Ohio, both +requesting of me, for publication in permanent form, copies of the +political debates between Senator Douglas and myself last year, has been +received. With my grateful acknowledgments to both you and them for the +very flattering terms in which the request is communicated, I transmit +you the copies. The copies I send you are as reported and printed by the +respective friends of Senator Douglas and myself, at the time--that is, +his by his friends, and mine by mine. It would be an unwarrantable +liberty for us to change a word or a letter in his, and the changes I +have made in mine, you perceive, are verbal only, and very few in number. +I wish the reprint to be precisely as the copies I send, without any +comment whatever. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH + +TO J. W. FELL, + +SPRINGFIELD, December 20, 1859. + +J. W. FELL, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is a little sketch, as you requested. There is not +much of it, for the reason, I suppose, that there is not much of me. If +anything be made out of it, I wish it to be modest, and not to go beyond +the material. If it were thought necessary to incorporate anything from +any of my speeches I suppose there would be no objection. Of course it +must not appear to have been written by myself. + +Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN + +----------------------- + +I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. My parents were +both born in Virginia, of undistinguished families--second families, +perhaps I should say. My mother, who died in my tenth year, was of a +family of the name of Hanks, some of whom now reside in Adams, and others +in Macon County, Illinois. My paternal grandfather, Abraham Lincoln, +emigrated from Rockingham County, Virginia, to Kentucky about 1781 or +1782, where a year or two later he was killed by the Indians, not in +battle, but by stealth, when he was laboring to open a farm in the +forest. His ancestors, who were Quakers, went to Virginia from Berks +County, Pennsylvania. An effort to identify them with the New England +family of the same name ended in nothing more definite than a similarity +of Christian names in both families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, +Solomon, Abraham, and the like. + +My father, at the death of his father, was but six years of age, and he +grew up literally without education. He removed from Kentucky to what is +now Spencer County, Indiana, in my eighth year. We reached our new home +about the time that State came into the Union. It was a wild region, with +many bears and other wild animals still in the woods. There I grew up. +There were some schools, so called, but no qualification was ever +required of a teacher beyond "readin', writin', and cipherin"' to the +Rule of Three. If a straggler supposed to understand Latin happened to +sojourn in the neighborhood he was looked upon as a wizard. There was +absolutely nothing to excite ambition for education. Of course, when I +came of age I did not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, and +cipher to the Rule of Three, but that was all. I have not been to school +since. The little advance I now have upon this store of education I have +picked up from time to time under the pressure of necessity. + +I was raised to farm work, which I continued till I was twenty-two. At +twenty-one I came to Illinois, Macon County. Then I got to New Salem, at +that time in Sangamon, now in Menard County, where I remained a year as a +sort of clerk in a store. Then came the Black Hawk war; and I was elected +a captain of volunteers, a success which gave me more pleasure than any I +have had since. I went the campaign, was elected, ran for the Legislature +the same year (1832), and was beaten--the only time I ever have been +beaten by the people. The next and three succeeding biennial elections I +was elected to the Legislature. I was not a candidate afterward. During +this legislative period I had studied law, and removed to Springfield to +practice it. In 1846 I was once elected to the lower House of Congress. +Was not a candidate for re-election. From 1849 to 1854, both inclusive, +practiced law more assiduously than ever before. Always a Whig in +politics; and generally on the Whig electoral tickets, making active +canvasses. I was losing interest in politics when the repeal of the +Missouri Compromise aroused me again. What I have done since then is +pretty well known. + +If any personal description of me is thought desirable, it may be said I +am, in height, six feet four inches, nearly; lean in flesh, weighing on +an average one hundred and eighty pounds; dark complexion, with coarse +black hair and gray eyes. No other marks or brands recollected. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON NOMINATION TO THE NATIONAL TICKET + +To N. B. JUDD. + +SPRINGFIELD, FEBRUARY 9, 1859 + +HON. N. B. JUDD. + +DEAR Sir:--I am not in a position where it would hurt much for me to not +be nominated on the national ticket; but I am where it would hurt some +for me to not get the Illinois delegates. What I expected when I wrote +the letter to Messrs. Dole and others is now happening. Your discomfited +assailants are most bitter against me; and they will, for revenge upon +me, lay to the Bates egg in the South, and to the Seward egg in the +North, and go far toward squeezing me out in the middle with nothing. +Can you help me a little in this matter in your end of the vineyard. I +mean this to be private. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + + + +1860 + + +SPEECH AT THE COOPER INSTITUTE, NEW YORK FEBRUARY 27, 1860 + +MR. PRESIDENT AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW YORK:--The facts with which I +shall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar; nor is there +anything new in the general use I shall make of them. If there shall be +any novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and the +inferences and observations following that presentation. + +In his speech last autumn at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in the New York +Times, Senator Douglas said: + +"Our fathers, when they framed the Government under which we live, +understood this question just as well, and even better than we do now." + +I fully indorse this, and I adopt it as a text for this discourse. I so +adopt it because it furnishes a precise and an agreed starting-point for +a discussion between Republicans and that wing of the Democracy headed by +Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry: What was the understanding +those fathers had of the question mentioned? + +What is the frame of Government under which we live? + +The answer must be--the Constitution of the United States. That +Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787 (and under which +the present Government first went into operation), and twelve +subsequently framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed in +1789. + +Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? I suppose the +"thirty-nine" who signed the original instrument may be fairly called our +fathers who framed that part of the present Government. It is almost +exactly true to say they framed it, and it is altogether true to say they +fairly represented the opinion and sentiment of the whole nation at that +time. + +Their names, being familiar to nearly all, and accessible to quite all, +need not now be repeated. + +I take these "thirty-nine," for the present, as being our "fathers who +framed the Government under which we live." + +What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers +understood "just as well, and even better than we do now"? + +It is this: Does the proper division of local from Federal authority, or +anything in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Government to control as +to slavery in our Federal Territories? + +Upon this Senator Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans the +negative. This affirmation and denial form an issue, and this issue--this +question is precisely what the text declares our fathers understood +"better than we." + +Let us now inquire whether the "thirty-nine," or any of them, acted upon +this question; and if they did, how they acted upon it--how they +expressed that better understanding. + +In 1784, three years before the Constitution--the United States then +owning the Northwestern Territory, and no other--the Congress of the +Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery in that +Territory; and four of the "thirty nine" who afterward framed the +Constitution were in that Congress and voted on that question. Of these, +Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin, and Hugh Williamson voted for the +prohibition, thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing +local from Federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbade the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. The +other of the four--James McHenry voted against the prohibition, showing +that, for some cause, he thought it improper to vote for it. + +In 1787, still before the Constitution, but while the convention was in +session framing it, and while the Northwestern Territory still was the +only Territory owned by the United States, the same question of +prohibiting slavery in the Territory again came before the Congress of +the Confederation; and two more of the "thirty-nine" who afterward signed +the Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on the question. They +were William Blount and William Few; and they both voted for the +prohibition thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing +local from Federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbade the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. This +time the prohibition became a law, being part of what is now well known +as the Ordinance of '87. + +The question of Federal control of slavery in the Territories seems not +to have been directly before the convention which framed the original +Constitution; and hence it is not recorded that the "thirty-nine," or any +of them, while engaged on that instrument, expressed any opinion on that +precise question. + +In 1789, by the first Congress which sat under the Constitution, an act +was passed to enforce the Ordinance of '87, including the prohibition of +slavery in the Northwestern Territory. The bill for this act was reported +by one of the "thirty-nine," Thomas Fitzsimmons, then a member of the +House of Representatives from Pennsylvania. It went through all its +stages without a word of opposition, and finally passed both branches +without yeas and nays, which is equivalent to a unanimous passage. In +this Congress there were sixteen of the thirty-nine fathers who framed +the original Constitution. They were John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman, Wm. +S. Johnnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thos. Fitzsimmons, William +Few, Abraham Baldwin, Rufus King, William Paterson, George Claimer, +Richard Bassett, George Read, Pierce Butler, Daniel Carroll, James +Madison. + +This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from +Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, properly forbade +Congress to prohibit slavery in the Federal territory; else both their +fidelity to correct principles and their oath to support the Constitution +would have constrained them to oppose the prohibition. + +Again: George Washington, another of the "thirty nine," was then +President of the United States, and, as such, approved and signed the +bill; thus completing its validity as a law, and thus showing that, in +his understanding, no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor +anything in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control +as to slavery in Federal territory. + +No great while after the adoption of the original Constitution, North +Carolina ceded to the Federal Government the country now constituting the +State of Tennessee; and, a few years later, Georgia ceded that which now +constitutes the States of Mississippi and Alabama. In both deeds of +cession it was made a condition by the ceding States that the Federal +Government should not prohibit slavery in the ceded country. Besides +this, slavery was then actually in the ceded country. Under these +circumstances, Congress, on taking charge of these countries, did not +absolutely prohibit slavery within them. But they did interfere with +it--take control of it--even there, to a certain extent. In 1798, +Congress organized the Territory of Mississippi: In the act of +organization they prohibited the bringing of slaves into the Territory +from any place without the United States, by fine and giving freedom to +slaves so brought. This act passed both branches of Congress without yeas +and nays. In that Congress were three of the "thirty-nine" who framed the +original Constitution. They were John Langdon, George Read, and Abraham +Baldwin. They all, probably, voted for it. Certainly they would have +placed their opposition to it upon record, if, in their understanding, +any line dividing local from Federal authority, or anything in the +Constitution, properly forbade the Federal Government to control as to +slavery in Federal territory. + +In 1803, the Federal Government purchased the Louisiana country. Our +former territorial acquisitions came from certain of our own States; but +this Louisiana country was acquired from a foreign nation. In 1804, +Congress gave a territorial organization to that part of it which now +constitutes the State of Lousiana. New Orleans, lying within that part, +was an old and comparatively large city. There were other considerable +towns and settlements, and slavery was extensively and thoroughly +intermingled with the people. Congress did not, in the Territorial Act, +prohibit slavery; but they did interfere with it take control of it--in a +more marked and extensive way than they did in the case of Mississippi. +The substance of the provision therein made in relation to slaves was: + +First. That no slave should be imported into the Territory from foreign +parts. + +Second. That no slave should be carried into it who had been imported +into the United States since the first day of May, 1798. + +Third. That no slave should be carried into it except by the owner, and +for his own use as a settler; the penalty in all the cases being a fine +upon the violator of the law, and freedom to the slave. + +This act also was passed without yeas and nays. In the Congress which +passed it there were two of the "thirty-nine." They were Abraham Baldwin +and Jonathan Dayton. As stated in the case of Mississippi, it is probable +they both voted for it. They would not have allowed it to pass without +recording their opposition to it, if, in their understanding, it violated +either the line properly dividing local from Federal authority, or any +provision of the Constitution. + +In 1819-20 came and passed the Missouri question. Many votes were taken, +by yeas and nays, in both branches of Congress, upon the various phases +of the general question. Two of the "thirty-nine"--Rufus King and Charles +Pinckney were members of that Congress. Mr. King steadily voted for +slavery prohibition and against all compromises, while Mr. Pinckney as +steadily voted against slavery prohibition, and against all compromises. +By this, Mr. King showed that, in his understanding, no line dividing +local from Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, was +violated by Congress prohibiting slavery in Federal territory; while Mr. +Pinckney, by his vote, showed that in his understanding there was some +sufficient reason for opposing such prohibition in that case. + +The cases I have mentioned are the only acts of the "thirty-nine," or of +any of them, upon the direct issue, which I have been able to discover. + +To enumerate the persons who thus acted, as being four in 1784, two in +1787, seventeen in 1789, three in 1798, two in 1804, and two in +1819-20--there would be thirty of them. But this would be counting, John +Langdon, Roger Sherman, William Few, Rufus King, and George Read, each +twice, and Abraham Baldwin three times. The true number of those of the +"thirty-nine" whom I have shown to have acted upon the question which, by +the text, they understood better than we, is twenty-three, leaving +sixteen not shown to have acted upon it in any way. + +Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our thirty-nine fathers "who +framed the Government under which we live," who have, upon their official +responsibility and their corporal oaths, acted upon the very question +which the text affirms they "understood just as well, and even better +than we do now"; and twenty-one of them--a clear majority of the whole +"thirty-nine"--so acting upon it as to make them guilty of gross +political impropriety and wilful perjury, if, in their understanding, any +proper division between local and Federal authority, or anything in the +Constitution they had made themselves, and sworn to support, forbade the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. +Thus the twenty-one acted; and, as actions speak louder than words, so +actions under such responsibilities speak still louder. + +Two of the twenty-three voted against Congressional prohibition of +slavery in the Federal Territories, in the instances in which they acted +upon the question. But for what reasons they so voted is not known. They +may have done so because they thought a proper division of local from +Federal authority, or some provision or principle of the Constitution, +stood in the way; or they may, without any such question, have voted +against the prohibition on what appeared to them to be sufficient grounds +of expediency. No one who has sworn to support the Constitution can +conscientiously vote for what he understands to be an unconstitutional +measure, however expedient he may think it; but one may and ought to vote +against a measure which he deems constitutional, if, at the same time, he +deems it inexpedient. It therefore would be unsafe to set down even the +two who voted against the prohibition as having done so because, in their +understanding, any proper division of local from Federal authority, or +anything in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control +as to slavery in Federal territory. + +The remaining sixteen of the "thirty-nine," so far as I have discovered, +have left no record of their understanding upon the direct question of +Federal control on slavery in the Federal Territories. But there is much +reason to believe that their understanding upon that question would not +have appeared different from that of their twenty-three compeers, had it +been manifested at all. + +For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have purposely omitted +whatever understanding may have been manifested by any person, however +distinguished, other than the thirty-nine fathers who framed the original +Constitution; and, for the same reason, I have also omitted whatever +understanding may have been manifested by any of the "thirty tine" even +on any other phase of the general question of slavery. If we should look +into their acts and declarations on those other phases, as the foreign +slave trade, and the morality and policy of slavery generally, it would +appear to us that on the direct question of Federal control of slavery in +Federal Territories, the sixteen, if they had acted at all, would +probably have acted just as the twenty-three did. Among that sixteen were +several of the most noted anti-slavery men of those times--as Dr. +Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, and Gouverneur Morris while there was not +one now known to have been otherwise, unless it may be John Rutledge, of +South Carolina. + +The sum of the whole is, that of our thirty-nine fathers who framed the +original Constitution, twenty-one--a clear majority of the +whole--certainly understood that no proper division of local from Federal +authority, nor any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal +Government to control slavery in the Federal Territories; whilst all the +rest probably had the same understanding. Such, unquestionably, was the +understanding of our fathers who framed the original Constitution; and +the text affirms that they understood the question "better than we." + +But, so far, I have been considering the understanding of the question +manifested by the framers of the original Constitution. In and by the +original instrument, a mode was provided for amending it; and, as I have +already stated, the present frame of "the Government under which we live" +consists of that original, and twelve amendatory articles framed and +adopted since. Those who now insist that Federal control of slavery in +Federal Territories violates the Constitution, point us to the provisions +which they suppose it thus violates; and, as I understand, they all fix +upon provisions in these amendatory articles, and not in the original +instrument. The Supreme Court, in the Dred Scott case, plant themselves +upon the fifth amendment, which provides that no person shall be deprived +of "life, liberty, or property without due process of law"; while Senator +Douglas and his peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth +amendment, providing that "the powers not delegated to the United States +by the Constitution" "are reserved to the States respectively, or to the +people." + +Now, it so happens that these amendments were framed by the first +Congress which sat under the Constitution--the identical Congress which +passed the act already mentioned, enforcing the prohibition of slavery in +the Northwestern Territory. Not only was it the same Congress, but they +were the identical same individual men who, at the same session, and at +the same time within the session, had under consideration, and in +progress toward maturity, these Constitutional amendments, and this act +prohibiting slavery in all the territory the nation then owned. The +Constitutional amendments were introduced before and passed after the act +enforcing the Ordinance of '87; so that, during the whole pendency of the +act to enforce the Ordinance, the Constitutional amendments were also +pending. + +The seventy-six members of that Congress, including sixteen of the +framers of the original Constitution, as before stated, were +pre-eminently our fathers who framed that part of "the Government under +which we live," which is now claimed as forbidding the Federal Government +to control slavery in the Federal Territories. + +Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day to affirm that the +two things which that Congress deliberately framed, and carried to +maturity at the same time, are absolutely inconsistent with each other? +And does not such affirmation become impudently absurd when coupled with +the other affirmation from the same mouth, that those who did the two +things alleged to be inconsistent understood whether they really were +inconsistent better than we--better than he who affirms that they are +inconsistent? + +It is surely safe to assume that the thirty-nine framers of the original +Constitution, and the seventy-six members of the Congress which framed +the amendments thereto, taken together, do certainly include those who +may be fairly called "our fathers who framed the Government under which +we live." And, so assuming, I defy any man to show that any one of them +ever, in his whole life, declared that, in his understanding, any proper +division of local from Federal authority, or any part of the +Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in +the Federal Territories. I go a step further. I defy any one to show that +any living man in the world ever did, prior to the beginning of the +present century (and I might almost say prior to the beginning of the +last half of the present century), declare that, in his understanding, +any proper division of local from Federal authority, or any part of the +Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in +the Federal Territories. To those who now so declare, I give not only +"our fathers who framed the Government under which we live," but with +them all other living men within the century in which it was framed, +among whom to search, and they shall not be able to find the evidence of +a single man agreeing with them. + +Now and here let me guard a little against being misunderstood. I do not +mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our fathers +did. To do so would be to discard all the lights of current experience to +reject all progress, all improvement. What I do say is that, if we would +supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in any case, we should do +so upon evidence so conclusive, and argument so clear, that even their +great authority, fairly considered and weighed, cannot stand; and most +surely not in a case whereof we ourselves declare they understood the +question better than we. + +If any man at this day sincerely believes that proper division of local +from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbids the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories, +he is right to say so, and to enforce his position by all truthful +evidence and fair argument which he can. But he has no right to mislead +others who have less access to history, and less leisure to study it, +into the false belief that "our fathers who framed the Government under +which we live" were of the same opinion thus substituting falsehood and +deception for truthful evidence and fair argument. If any man at this day +sincerely believes "our fathers, who framed the Government under which we +live," used and applied principles, in other cases, which ought to have +led them to understand that a proper division of local from Federal +authority, or some part of the Constitution, forbids the Federal +Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories, he is +right to say so. But he should, at the same time, brave the +responsibility of declaring that, in his opinion, he understands their +principles better than they did themselves; and especially should he not +shirk that responsibility by asserting that they "understood the question +just as well, and even better than we do now." + +But enough! Let all who believe that "our fathers, who framed the +Government under which we live, understood this question just as well, +and even better than we do now," speak as they spoke, and act as they +acted upon it. This is all Republicans ask--all Republicans desire--in +relation to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let it be again +marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected +only because of, and so far as, its actual presence among us makes that +toleration and protection a necessity. Let all the guaranties those +fathers gave it be not grudgingly, but fully and fairly maintained. For +this Republicans contend, and with this, so far as I know or believe, +they will be content. + +And now, if they would listen--as I suppose they will not--I would +address a few words to the Southern people. + +I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just +people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and +justice you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you speak +of us Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, or, at the +best, as no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing to pirates or +murderers, but nothing like it to "Black Republicans." In all your +contentions with one another, each of you deems an unconditional +condemnation of "Black Republicanism" as the first thing to be attended +to. Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable +prerequisite license, so to speak among you, to be admitted or permitted +to speak at all: Now; can you, or not, be prevailed upon to pause, and to +consider whether this is quite just to us, or even to yourselves? Bring +forward your charges and specifications, and then be patient long enough +to hear us deny or justify. + +You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the burden +of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? Why, that +our party has no existence in your section--gets no votes in your +section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove the issue? If +it does, then in case we should, without change of principle, begin to +get votes in your section, we should thereby cease to be sectional. You +cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, are you willing to abide by it? +If you are, you will probably soon find that we have ceased to be +sectional, for we shall get votes in your section this very year. You +will then begin to discover, as the truth plainly is, that your proof, +does not touch the issue. The fact that we get no votes in your section +is a fact of your making, and not of ours. And if there be fault in that +fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains so until you show that +we repel you by, some wrong principle or practice. If we do repel you by +any wrong principle or practice, the fault is ours; but this brings you +to where you ought to have started to a discussion of the right or wrong +of our principle. If our principle, put in practice, would wrong your +section for the benefit of ours, or for any other object, then our +principle, and we with it, are sectional, and are justly opposed and +denounced as such. Meet us, then, on the question of whether our +principle, put in practice, would wrong your section; and so meet us as +if it were possible that something may be said on our side. Do you accept +the challenge? No! Then you really believe that the principle which "our +fathers who framed the Government under which we live" thought so clearly +right as to adopt it, and indorse it again and again, upon their official +oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand your condemnation without +a moment's consideration. + +Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against sectional +parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less than eight +years before Washington gave that warning, he had, as President of the +United States, approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the +prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied +the policy of the Government upon that subject up to, and at, the very +moment he penned that warning; and about one year after he penned it, he +wrote La Fayette that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, +expressing in the same connection his hope that we should at some time +have a confederacy of free States. + +Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon +this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or +in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast +the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon +you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we +commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right +application of it. + +But you say you are conservative--eminently conservative--while we are +revolutionary, destructive, or something, of the sort. What is +conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against a new and +untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the point +in controversy which was adopted by "our fathers who framed the +Government under which we live"; while you with one accord reject, and +scout, and spit upon that old policy and insist upon substituting +something new. True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that +substitute shall be. You are divided on new propositions and plans, but +you are unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the +fathers. Some of you are for reviving the foreign slave trade; some for a +Congressional slave code for the Territories; some for Congress +forbidding the Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; some +for maintaining slavery in the Territories through the judiciary; some +for the "gur-reat pur-rinciple" that "if one man would enslave another, +no third man should object," fantastically called "popular sovereignty"; +but never a man among you in favor of Federal prohibition of slavery in +Federal Territories, according to the practice of "our fathers who framed +the Government under which we live." Not one of all your various plans +can show a precedent or an advocate in the century within which our +Government originated. Consider, then, whether your claim of conservatism +for yourselves, and your charge of destructiveness against us, are based +on the most clear and stable foundations. + +Again: You say we have made the slavery question more prominent than it +formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, but we deny +that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who discarded the old policy +of the fathers. We resisted and still resist your innovation; and thence +comes the greater prominence of the question. Would you have that +question reduced to its former proportions? Go back to that old policy. +What has been will be again, under the same conditions. If you would have +the peace of the old times, readopt the precepts and policy of the old +times. + +You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We deny it; +and what is your proof'? Harper's Ferry! John Brown!! John Brown was no +Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single Republican in his +Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our party is guilty in that +matter you know it or you do not know it. If you do know it, you are +inexcusable for not designating the man and proving the fact. If you do +not know it, you are inexcusable for asserting it, and especially for +persisting in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the +proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does +not know to be true is simply malicious slander. + +Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged the +Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that our doctrines and +declarations necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. We +know we hold to no doctrine, and make no declaration, which were not held +to and made by our fathers who framed the Government under which we live. +You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this affair. When it +occurred, some important State elections were near at hand, and you were +in evident glee with the belief that, by charging the blame upon us, you +could get an advantage of us in those elections. The elections came, and +your expectations were not quite fulfilled. Every Republican man knew +that, as to himself at least, your charge was a slander, and he was not +much inclined by it to cast his vote in your favor. Republican doctrines +and declarations are accompanied with a continued protest against any +interference whatever with your slaves, or with you about your slaves. +Surely, this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, in common +with "our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live," +declare our belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not hear us +declare even this. For any thing we say or do, the slaves would scarcely +know there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, in fact, +generally know it but for your misrepresentations of us in their hearing. +In your political contests among yourselves, each faction charges the +other with sympathy with Black Republicanism; and then, to give point to +the charge, defines Black Republicanism to simply be insurrection, blood, +and thunder among the slaves. + +Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the +Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton +insurrection, twenty-eight years ago, in which, at least, three times as +many lives were lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely stretch your +very elastic fancy to the conclusion that Southampton was "got up by +Black Republicanism." In the present state of things in the United +States, I do not think a general or even a very extensive slave +insurrection is possible. The indispensable concert of action cannot be +attained. The slaves have no means of rapid communication; nor can +incendiary freemen, black or white, supply it. The explosive materials +are everywhere in parcels; but there neither are, nor can be supplied the +indispensable connecting trains. + +Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for their +masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true. A plot for +an uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to twenty +individuals before some one of them, to save the life of a favorite +master or mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and the slave +revolution in Hayti was not an exception to it, but a case occurring +under peculiar circumstances. The gunpowder plot of British history, +though not connected with slaves, was more in point. In that case, only +about twenty were admitted to the secret; and yet one of them, in his +anxiety to save a friend, betrayed the plot to that friend, and, by +consequence, averted the calamity. Occasional poisonings from the +kitchen, and open or stealthy assassinations in the field, and local +revolts, extending to a score or so, will continue to occur as the +natural results of slavery; but no general insurrection of slaves, as I +think, can happen in this country for a long time. Whoever much fears or +much hopes for such an event will be alike disappointed. + +In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, "It is still in +our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation +peaceably, and in such slow degrees as that the evil will wear off +insensibly, and their places be, pari passu, filled up by free white +laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself on, human +nature must shudder at the prospect held up." + +Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of +emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia; and, as +to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slave holding States only. +The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the power of +restraining the extension of the institution--the power to insure that a +slave insurrection shall never occur on any American soil which is now +free from slavery. + +John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It was +an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in which the +slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd that the slaves, +with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not succeed. That +affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the many attempts related in +history at the assassination of kings and emperors. An enthusiast broods +over the oppression of a people till he fancies himself commissioned by +Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the attempt, which ends in little +else than his own execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon and John +Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry were, in their philosophy, precisely +the same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one case, and +on New England in the other, does not disprove the sameness of the two +things. + +And how much would it avail you, if you could, by the use of John Brown, +Helper's Book, and the like, break up the Republican organization? Human +action can be modified to some extent, but human nature cannot be +changed. There is a judgment and a feeling against slavery in this +nation, which cast at least a million and a half of votes. You cannot +destroy that judgment and feeling--that sentiment--by breaking up the +political organization which rallies around it. You can scarcely scatter +and disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of your +heaviest fire; but if you could, how much would you gain by forcing the +sentiment which created it out of the peaceful channel of the ballot-box, +into some other channel? What would that other channel probably be? Would +the number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by the operation? + +But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of your +constitutional rights. + +That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated, if not +fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to +deprive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. But +we are proposing no such thing. + +When you make these declarations, you have a specific and well-understood +allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to take slaves into +the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. But no such +right is specifically written in the Constitution. That instrument is +literally silent about any such right. We, on the contrary, deny that +such a right has any existence in the Constitution, even by implication. + +Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is that you will destroy the +Government unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the Constitution +as you please on all points in dispute between you and us. You will rule +or ruin, in all events. + +This, plainly stated, is your language. Perhaps you will say the Supreme +Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in your favor. Not +quite so. But, waiving the lawyer's distinction between dictum and +decision, the court have decided the question for you in a sort of way. +The court have substantially said it is your constitutional right to take +slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. +When I say, the decision was made in a sort of way, I mean it was made in +a divided court, by a bare majority of the judges, and they not quite +agreeing with one another in the reasons for making it; that it is so +made as that its avowed supporters disagree with one another about its +meaning, and that it was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of +fact--the statement in the opinion that "the right of property in a slave +is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution." + +An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property in +a slave is not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it. Bear in mind, +the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that such right is +impliedly affirmed in the Constitution; but they pledge their veracity +that it is "distinctly and expressly" affirmed there--"distinctly," that +is, not mingled with anything else; "expressly," that is, in words +meaning just that, without the aid of any inference, and susceptible of +no other meaning. + +If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right is +affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others to +show that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in the +Constitution, nor the word "property" even, in any connection with +language alluding to the things slave or slavery; and that wherever in +that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a "person"; and +wherever his master's legal right in relation to him is alluded to, it is +spoken of as "service or labor which may be due," as a debt payable in +service or labor. Also, it would be open to show, by contemporaneous +history, that this mode of alluding to slaves and slavery, instead of +speaking of them, was employed on purpose to exclude from the +Constitution the idea that there could be property in man. + +To show all this, is easy and certain. + +When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their notice, +is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the mistaken +statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it? + +And then it is to be remembered that "our fathers; who framed the +Government under which we live",--the men who made the Constitution +--decided this same constitutional question in our favor, long ago; +decided it without division among themselves, when making the decision, +without division among themselves about the meaning of it after it was +made, and, so far as any evidence is left, without basing it upon any +mistaken statement of facts. + +Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves justified to +break up this Government unless such a court decision as yours is shall +be at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule of political +action? But you will not abide the election of a Republican President! In +that supposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union; and then, you +say, the great crime of having destroyed it will be upon us! That is +cool. A highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters through his +teeth, "stand and deliver, or I shall kill you, and then you'll be a +murderer!" + +To be sure, what the robber demanded of me-my money was my own, and I had +a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my vote is my +own; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the threat of +destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely be +distinguished in principle. + +A few words now to Republicans: It is exceedingly desirable that all +parts of this great confederacy shall be at peace and in harmony one with +another. Let us Republicans do our part to have it so. Even though much +provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill temper. Even though +the Southern people will not so much as listen to us, let us calmly +consider their demands, and yield to them if, in our deliberate view of +our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all they say and do, and by the +subject and nature of their controversy with us, let us determine, if we +can, what will satisfy them. + +Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered +to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaints against +us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insurrections +are the rage now. Will it satisfy them if, in the future, we have nothing +to do with invasions and, insurrections? We know it will not. We so know +because we know we never had anything to do with invasions and +insurrections; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the +charge and the denunciation. + +The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: We must not +only let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do let +them alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so +trying to convince them from the very beginning of our organization, but +with no success. In all our platforms and speeches we have constantly +protested our purpose to let them alone; but this has had no tendency to +convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they +have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them. + +These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will +convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and join +them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly--done in acts +as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated--we must place +ourselves avowedly with them. Senator Douglas's new sedition law must be +enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong, +whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits; or in private. We must +arrest and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must +pull down our free State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be +disinfected from all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will +cease to believe that all their troubles proceed from us. + +I am quite aware they do not state their case precisely in this way. Most +of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to us, and +say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone have never +disturbed them--so that after all it is what we say which dissatisfies +them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we cease saying. + +I am also aware they have not as yet, in terms, demanded the overthrow of +our free State constitutions. Yet those constitutions declare the wrong +of slavery, with more solemn emphasis than do all other sayings against +it; and when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, the +overthrow of these constitutions will be demanded, and nothing be left to +resist the demand. It is nothing to the contrary, that they do not demand +the whole of this just now. Demanding what they do, and for the reason +they do, they can voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. +Holding, as they do, that slavery is morally right, and socially +elevating, they cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of it, +as a legal right and a social blessing. + +Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction +that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and +constitutions against it are themselves wrong, and should be silenced and +swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its nationality +its universality; if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its +extension--its enlargement. All they ask we could readily grant if we +thought slavery right; all we ask they could as readily grant, if they +thought it wrong. Their thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is +the precise fact upon which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it +right, as they do, they are not to blame for desiring its full +recognition, as being right; but thinking it wrong, as we do, can we +yield to them? Can we cast our votes with their view, and against our +own? In view of our moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we +do this? Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone +where it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its +actual presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent +it, allow it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us +here in these free States? If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us +stand by our duty, fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none +of those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied +and belabored-contrivances such as groping for some middle ground between +the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who should be +neither a living man nor a dead man-such as a policy of "don't care" on a +question about which all true men do care--such as Union appeals +beseeching true Union men to yield to Disunionists, reversing the divine +rule, and calling, not the sinners, but the righteous to repentance--such +as invocations to Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington +said, and undo what Washington did. + +Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against +us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government +nor of dungeons to ourselves. LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT MAKES MIGHT, +AND IN THAT FAITH LET US, TO THE END, DARE TO DO OUR DUTY AS WE +UNDERSTAND IT. + + + + +SPEECH AT NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, MARCH 6, 1860 + +MR. PRESIDENT, AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW HAVEN:--If the Republican party +of this nation shall ever have the national House entrusted to its +keeping, it will be the duty of that party to attend to all the affairs +of national housekeeping. Whatever matters of importance may come up, +whatever difficulties may arise in its way of administration of the +Government, that party will then have to attend to. It will then be +compelled to attend to other questions, besides this question which now +assumes an overwhelming importance--the question of slavery. It is true +that in the organization of the Republican party this question of slavery +was more important than any other: indeed, so much more important has it +become that no more national question can even get a hearing just at +present. The old question of tariff--a matter that will remain one of the +chief affairs of national house-keeping to all time; the question of the +management of financial affairs; the question of the disposition of the +public domain how shall it be managed for the purpose of getting it well +settled, and of making there the homes of a free and happy people? these +will remain open and require attention for a great while yet, and these +questions will have to be attended to by whatever party has the control +of the Government. Yet, just now, they cannot even obtain a hearing, and +I do not propose to detain you upon these topics or what sort of hearing +they should have when opportunity shall come. + +For, whether we will or not, the question of slavery is the question, the +all-absorbing topic of the day. It is true that all of us--and by that I +mean, not the Republican party alone, but the whole American people, here +and elsewhere--all of us wish this question settled, wish it out of the +way. It stands in the way, and prevents the adjustment, and the giving of +necessary attention to other questions of national house-keeping. The +people of the whole nation agree that this question ought to be settled, +and yet it is not settled. And the reason is that they are not yet agreed +how it shall be settled. All wish it done, but some wish one way and some +another, and some a third, or fourth, or fifth; different bodies are +pulling in different directions, and none of them, having a decided +majority, are able to accomplish the common object. + +In the beginning of the year 1854, a new policy was inaugurated with the +avowed object and confident promise that it would entirely and forever +put an end to the slavery agitation. It was again and again declared that +under this policy, when once successfully established, the country would +be forever rid of this whole question. Yet under the operation of that +policy this agitation has not only not ceased, but it has been constantly +augmented. And this too, although, from the day of its introduction, its +friends, who promised that it would wholly end all agitation, constantly +insisted, down to the time that the Lecompton Bill was introduced, that +it was working admirably, and that its inevitable tendency was to remove +the question forever from the politics of the country. Can you call to +mind any Democratic speech, made after the repeal of the Missouri +Compromise, down to the time of the Lecompton Bill, in which it was not +predicted that the slavery agitation was just at an end, that "the +abolition excitement was played out," "the Kansas question was dead," +"they have made the most they can out of this question and it is now +forever settled"? But since the Lecompton Bill no Democrat, within my +experience, has ever pretended that he could see the end. That cry has +been dropped. They themselves do not pretend, now, that the agitation of +this subject has come to an end yet. + +The truth is that this question is one of national importance, and we +cannot help dealing with it; we must do something about it, whether we +will or not. We cannot avoid it; the subject is one we cannot avoid +considering; we can no more avoid it than a man can live without eating. +It is upon us; it attaches to the body politic as much and closely as the +natural wants attach to our natural bodies. Now I think it important that +this matter should be taken up in earnest, and really settled: And one +way to bring about a true settlement of the question is to understand its +true magnitude. + +There have been many efforts made to settle it. Again and again it has +been fondly hoped that it was settled; but every time it breaks out +afresh, and more violently than ever. It was settled, our fathers hoped, +by the Missouri Compromise, but it did not stay settled. Then the +compromises of 1850 were declared to be a full and final settlement of +the question. The two great parties, each in national convention, adopted +resolutions declaring that the settlement made by the Compromise of 1850 +was a finality that it would last forever. Yet how long before it was +unsettled again? It broke out again in 1854, and blazed higher and raged +more furiously than ever before, and the agitation has not rested since. + +These repeated settlements must have some faults about them. There must +be some inadequacy in their very nature to the purpose to which they were +designed. We can only speculate as to where that fault, that inadequacy, +is, but we may perhaps profit by past experiences. + +I think that one of the causes of these repeated failures is that our +best and greatest men have greatly underestimated the size of this +question. They have constantly brought forward small cures for great +sores--plasters too small to cover the wound. That is one reason that all +settlements have proved temporary--so evanescent. + +Look at the magnitude of this subject: One sixth of our population, in +round numbers--not quite one sixth, and yet more than a seventh,--about +one sixth of the whole population of the United States are slaves. The +owners of these slaves consider them property. The effect upon the minds +of the owners is that of property, and nothing else it induces them to +insist upon all that will favorably affect its value as property, to +demand laws and institutions and a public policy that shall increase and +secure its value, and make it durable, lasting, and universal. The effect +on the minds of the owners is to persuade them that there is no wrong in +it. The slaveholder does not like to be considered a mean fellow for +holding that species of property, and hence, he has to struggle within +himself and sets about arguing himself into the belief that slavery is +right. The property influences his mind. The dissenting minister who +argued some theological point with one of the established church was +always met with the reply, "I can't see it so." He opened a Bible and +pointed him a passage, but the orthodox minister replied, "I can't see it +so." Then he showed him a single word--"Can you see that?" "Yes, I see +it," was the reply. The dissenter laid a guinea over the word and asked, +"Do you see it now?" So here. Whether the owners of this species of +property do really see it as it is, it is not for me to say, but if they +do, they see it as it is through two thousand millions of dollars, and +that is a pretty thick coating. Certain it is that they do not see it as +we see it. Certain it is that this two thousand millions of dollars, +invested in this species of property, all so concentrated that the mind +can grasp it at once--this immense pecuniary interest--has its influence +upon their minds. + +But here in Connecticut and at the North slavery does not exist, and we +see it through no such medium. + +To us it appears natural to think that slaves are human beings; men, not +property; that some of the things, at least, stated about men in the +Declaration of Independence apply to them as well as to us. I say we +think, most of us, that this charter of freedom applies to the slaves as +well as to ourselves; that the class of arguments put forward to batter +down that idea are also calculated to break down the very idea of a free +government, even for white men, and to undermine the very foundations of +free society. We think slavery a great moral wrong, and, while we do not +claim the right to touch it where it exists, we wish to treat it as a +wrong in the Territories, where our votes will reach it. We think that a +respect for ourselves, a regard for future generations and for the God +that made us, require that we put down this wrong where our votes will +properly reach it. We think that species of labor an injury to free white +men--in short, we think slavery a great moral, social, and political +evil, tolerable only because, and so far as, its actual existence makes +it necessary to tolerate it, and that beyond that it ought to be treated +as a wrong. + +Now these two ideas, the property idea that slavery is right, and the +idea that it is wrong, come into collision, and do actually produce that +irrepressible conflict which Mr. Seward has been so roundly abused for +mentioning. The two ideas conflict, and must conflict. + +Again, in its political aspect, does anything in any way endanger the +perpetuity of this Union but that single thing, slavery? Many of our +adversaries are anxious to claim that they are specially devoted to the +Union, and take pains to charge upon us hostility to the Union. Now we +claim that we are the only true Union men, and we put to them this one +proposition: Whatever endangers this Union, save and except slavery? Did +any other thing ever cause a moment's fear? All men must agree that this +thing alone has ever endangered the perpetuity of the Union. But if it +was threatened by any other influence, would not all men say that the +best thing that could be done, if we could not or ought not to destroy +it, would be at least to keep it from growing any larger? Can any man +believe, that the way to save the Union is to extend and increase the +only thing that threatens the Union, and to suffer it to grow bigger and +bigger? + +Whenever this question shall be settled, it must be settled on some +philosophical basis. No policy that does not rest upon some philosophical +opinion can be permanently maintained. And hence there are but two +policies in regard to slavery that can be at all maintained. The first, +based on the property view that slavery is right, conforms to that idea +throughout, and demands that we shall do everything for it that we ought +to do if it were right. We must sweep away all opposition, for opposition +to the right is wrong; we must agree that slavery is right, and we must +adopt the idea that property has persuaded the owner to believe that +slavery is morally right and socially elevating. This gives a +philosophical basis for a permanent policy of encouragement. + +The other policy is one that squares with the idea that slavery is wrong, +and it consists in doing everything that we ought to do if it is wrong. +Now, I don't wish to be misunderstood, nor to leave a gap down to be +misrepresented, even. I don't mean that we ought to attack it where it +exists. To me it seems that if we were to form a government anew, in view +of the actual presence of slavery we should find it necessary to frame +just such a government as our fathers did--giving to the slaveholder the +entire control where the system was established, while we possessed the +power to restrain it from going outside those limits. From the +necessities of the case we should be compelled to form just such a +government as our blessed fathers gave us; and, surely, if they have so +made it, that adds another reason why we should let slavery alone where +it exists. + +If I saw a venomous snake crawling in the road, any man would say I might +seize the nearest stick and kill it; but if I found that snake in bed +with my children, that would be another question. I might hurt the +children more than the snake, and it might bite them. Much more if I +found it in bed with my neighbor's children, and I had bound myself by a +solemn compact not to meddle with his children under any circumstances, +it would become me to let that particular mode of getting rid of the +gentleman alone. But if there was a bed newly made up, to which the +children were to be taken, and it was proposed to take a batch of young +snakes and put them there with them, I take it no man would say there was +any question how I ought to decide! + +That is just the case. The new Territories are the newly made bed to +which our children are to go, and it lies with the nation to say whether +they shall have snakes mixed up with them or not. It does not seem as if +there could be much hesitation what our policy should be! + +Now I have spoken of a policy based on the idea that slavery is wrong, +and a policy based on the idea that it is right. But an effort has been +made for a policy that shall treat it as neither right nor wrong. It is +based upon utter indifference. Its leading advocate [Douglas] has said, +"I don't care whether it be voted up or down." "It is merely a matter of +dollars and cents." "The Almighty has drawn a line across this continent, +on one side of which all soil must forever be cultivated by slave labor, +and on the other by free." "When the struggle is between the white man +and the negro, I am for the white man; when it is between the negro and +the crocodile, I am for the negro." Its central idea is indifference. It +holds that it makes no more difference to us whether the Territories +become free or slave States than whether my neighbor stocks his farm with +horned cattle or puts in tobacco. All recognize this policy, the +plausible sugar-coated name of which is "popular sovereignty." + +This policy chiefly stands in the way of a permanent settlement of the +question. I believe there is no danger of its becoming the permanent +policy of the country, for it is based on a public indifference. There is +nobody that "don't care." All the people do care one way or the other! I +do not charge that its author, when he says he "don't care," states his +individual opinion; he only expresses his policy for the government. I +understand that he has never said as an individual whether he thought +slavery right or wrong--and he is the only man in the nation that has +not! Now such a policy may have a temporary run; it may spring up as +necessary to the political prospects of some gentleman; but it is utterly +baseless: the people are not indifferent, and it can therefore have no +durability or permanence. + +But suppose it could: Then it could be maintained only by a public +opinion that shall say, "We don't care." There must be a change in public +opinion; the public mind must be so far debauched as to square with this +policy of caring not at all. The people must come to consider this as +"merely a question of dollars and cents," and to believe that in some +places the Almighty has made slavery necessarily eternal. This policy can +be brought to prevail if the people can be brought round to say honestly, +"We don't care"; if not, it can never be maintained. It is for you to say +whether that can be done. + +You are ready to say it cannot, but be not too fast! Remember what a long +stride has been taken since the repeal of the Missouri Compromise! Do you +know of any Democrat, of either branch of the party--do you know one who +declares that he believes that the Declaration of Independence has any +application to the negro? Judge Taney declares that it has not, and Judge +Douglas even vilifies me personally and scolds me roundly for saying that +the Declaration applies to all men, and that negroes are men. Is there a +Democrat here who does not deny that the Declaration applies to the +negro? Do any of you know of one? Well, I have tried before perhaps fifty +audiences, some larger and some smaller than this, to find one such +Democrat, and never yet have I found one who said I did not place him +right in that. I must assume that Democrats hold that, and now, not one +of these Democrats can show that he said that five years ago! I venture +to defy the whole party to produce one man that ever uttered the belief +that the Declaration did not apply to negroes, before the repeal of the +Missouri Compromise! Four or five years ago we all thought negroes were +men, and that when "all men" were named, negroes were included. But the +whole Democratic party has deliberately taken negroes from the class of +men and put them in the class of brutes. Turn it as you will it is simply +the truth! Don't be too hasty, then, in saying that the people cannot be +brought to this new doctrine, but note that long stride. One more as long +completes the journey from where negroes are estimated as men to where +they are estimated as mere brutes--as rightful property! + +That saying "In the struggle between white men and the negro," etc., +which I know came from the same source as this policy--that saying marks +another step. There is a falsehood wrapped up in that statement. "In the +struggle between the white man and the negro" assumes that there is a +struggle, in which either the white man must enslave the negro or the +negro must enslave the white. There is no such struggle! It is merely the +ingenious falsehood to degrade and brutalize the negro. Let each let the +other alone, and there is no struggle about it. If it was like two +wrecked seamen on a narrow plank, when each must push the other off or +drown himself, I would push the negro off or a white man either, but it +is not; the plank is large enough for both. This good earth is plenty +broad enough for white man and negro both, and there is no need of either +pushing the other off. + +So that saying, "In the struggle between the negro and the crocodile," +etc., is made up from the idea that down where the crocodile inhabits, a +white man can't labor; it must be nothing else but crocodile or negro; if +the negro does not the crocodile must possess the earth; in that case he +declares for the negro. The meaning of the whole is just this: As a white +man is to a negro, so is a negro to a crocodile; and as the negro may +rightfully treat the crocodile, so may the white man rightfully treat the +negro. This very dear phrase coined by its author, and so dear that he +deliberately repeats it in many speeches, has a tendency to still further +brutalize the negro, and to bring public opinion to the point of utter +indifference whether men so brutalized are enslaved or not. When that +time shall come, if ever, I think that policy to which I refer may +prevail. But I hope the good freemen of this country will never allow it +to come, and until then the policy can never be maintained. + +Now consider the effect of this policy. We in the States are not to care +whether freedom or slavery gets the better, but the people in the +Territories may care. They are to decide, and they may think what they +please; it is a matter of dollars and cents! But are not the people of +the Territories detailed from the States? If this feeling of indifference +this absence of moral sense about the question prevails in the States, +will it not be carried into the Territories? Will not every man say, "I +don't care, it is nothing to me"? If any one comes that wants slavery, +must they not say, "I don't care whether freedom or slavery be voted up +or voted down"? It results at last in nationalizing the institution of +slavery. Even if fairly carried out, that policy is just as certain to +nationalize slavery as the doctrine of Jeff Davis himself. These are only +two roads to the same goal, and "popular sovereignty" is just as sure and +almost as short as the other. + +What we want, and all we want, is to have with us the men who think +slavery wrong. But those who say they hate slavery, and are opposed to +it, but yet act with the Democratic party--where are they? Let us apply a +few tests. You say that you think slavery is wrong, but you denounce all +attempts to restrain it. Is there anything else that you think wrong that +you are not willing to deal with as wrong? Why are you so careful, so +tender, of this one wrong and no other? You will not let us do a single +thing as if it was wrong; there is no place where you will even allow it +to be called wrong! We must not call it wrong in the free States, because +it is not there, and we must not call it wrong in the slave States, +because it is there; we must not call it wrong in politics because that +is bringing morality into politics, and we must not call it wrong in the +pulpit because that is bringing politics into religion; we must not bring +it into the Tract Society or the other societies, because those are such +unsuitable places--and there is no single place, according to you, where +this wrong thing can properly be called wrong! + +Perhaps you will plead that if the people of the slave States should +themselves set on foot an effort for emancipation, you would wish them +success, and bid them God-speed. Let us test that: In 1858 the +emancipation party of Missouri, with Frank Blair at their head, tried to +get up a movement for that purpose, and having started a party contested +the State. Blair was beaten, apparently if not truly, and when the news +came to Connecticut, you, who knew that Frank Blair was taking hold of +this thing by the right end, and doing the only thing that you say can +properly be done to remove this wrong--did you bow your heads in sorrow +because of that defeat? Do you, any of you, know one single Democrat that +showed sorrow over that result? Not one! On the contrary every man threw +up his hat, and hallooed at the top of his lungs, "Hooray for Democracy!" + +Now, gentlemen, the Republicans desire to place this great question of +slavery on the very basis on which our fathers placed it, and no other. +It is easy to demonstrate that "our fathers, who framed this Government +under which we live," looked on slavery as wrong, and so framed it and +everything about it as to square with the idea that it was wrong, so far +as the necessities arising from its existence permitted. In forming the +Constitution they found the slave trade existing, capital invested in it, +fields depending upon it for labor, and the whole system resting upon the +importation of slave labor. They therefore did not prohibit the slave +trade at once, but they gave the power to prohibit it after twenty years. +Why was this? What other foreign trade did they treat in that way? Would +they have done this if they had not thought slavery wrong? + +Another thing was done by some of the same men who framed the +Constitution, and afterwards adopted as their own the act by the first +Congress held under that Constitution, of which many of the framers were +members, that prohibited the spread of slavery into Territories. Thus the +same men, the framers of the Constitution, cut off the supply and +prohibited the spread of slavery, and both acts show conclusively that +they considered that the thing was wrong. + +If additional proof is wanted it can be found in the phraseology of the +Constitution. When men are framing a supreme law and chart of government, +to secure blessings and prosperity to untold generations yet to come, +they use language as short and direct and plain as can be found, to +express their meaning In all matters but this of slavery the framers of +the Constitution used the very clearest, shortest, and most direct +language. But the Constitution alludes to slavery three times without +mentioning it once The language used becomes ambiguous, roundabout, and +mystical. They speak of the "immigration of persons," and mean the +importation of slaves, but do not say so. In establishing a basis of +representation they say "all other persons," when they mean to say +slaves--why did they not use the shortest phrase? In providing for the +return of fugitives they say "persons held to service or labor." If they +had said slaves it would have been plainer, and less liable to +misconstruction. Why did n't they do it? We cannot doubt that it was done +on purpose. Only one reason is possible, and that is supplied us by one +of the framers of the Constitution--and it is not possible for man to +conceive of any other--they expected and desired that the system would +come to an end, and meant that when it did, the Constitution should not +show that there ever had been a slave in this good free country of ours. + +I will dwell on that no longer. I see the signs of approaching triumph of +the Republicans in the bearing of their political adversaries. A great +deal of their war with us nowadays is mere bushwhacking. At the battle of +Waterloo, when Napoleon's cavalry had charged again and again upon the +unbroken squares of British infantry, at last they were giving up the +attempt, and going off in disorder, when some of the officers in mere +vexation and complete despair fired their pistols at those solid squares. +The Democrats are in that sort of extreme desperation; it is nothing +else. I will take up a few of these arguments. + +There is "the irrepressible conflict." How they rail at Seward for that +saying! They repeat it constantly; and, although the proof has been +thrust under their noses again and again that almost every good man since +the formation of our Government has uttered that same sentiment, from +General Washington, who "trusted that we should yet have a confederacy of +free States," with Jefferson, Jay, Monroe, down to the latest days, yet +they refuse to notice that at all, and persist in railing at Seward for +saying it. Even Roger A. Pryor, editor of the Richmond Enquirer, uttered +the same sentiment in almost the same language, and yet so little offence +did it give the Democrats that he was sent for to Washington to edit the +States--the Douglas organ there--while Douglas goes into hydrophobia and +spasms of rage because Seward dared to repeat it. This is what I call +bushwhacking, a sort of argument that they must know any child can see +through. + +Another is John Brown: "You stir up insurrections, you invade the South; +John Brown! Harper's Ferry!" Why, John Brown was not a Republican! You +have never implicated a single Republican in that Harper's Ferry +enterprise. We tell you that if any member of the Republican party is +guilty in that matter, you know it or you do not know it. If you do know +it, you are inexcusable not to designate the man and prove the fact. If +you do not know it, you are inexcusable to assert it, and especially to +persist in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the +proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does +not know to be true is simply malicious slander. Some of you admit that +no Republican designedly aided or encouraged the Harper's Ferry affair, +but still insist that our doctrines and declarations necessarily lead to +such results. We do not believe it. We know we hold to no doctrines, and +make no declarations, which were not held to and made by our fathers who +framed the Government 'under which we live, and we cannot see how +declarations that were patriotic when they made them are villainous when +we make them. You never dealt fairly by us in relation to that +affair--and I will say frankly that I know of nothing in your character +that should lead us to suppose that you would. You had just been soundly +thrashed in elections in several States, and others were soon to come. +You rejoiced at the occasion, and only were troubled that there were not +three times as many killed in the affair. You were in evident glee; there +was no sorrow for the killed nor for the peace of Virginia disturbed; you +were rejoicing that by charging Republicans with this thing you might get +an advantage of us in New York, and the other States. You pulled that +string as tightly as you could, but your very generous and worthy +expectations were not quite fulfilled. Each Republican knew that the +charge was a slander as to himself at least, and was not inclined by it +to cast his vote in your favor. It was mere bushwhacking, because you had +nothing else to do. You are still on that track, and I say, go on! If you +think you can slander a woman into loving you or a man into voting for +you, try it till you are satisfied! + +Another specimen of this bushwhacking, that "shoe strike." Now be it +understood that I do not pretend to know all about the matter. I am +merely going to speculate a little about some of its phases. And at the +outset, I am glad to see that a system of labor prevails in New England +under which laborers can strike when they want to, where they are not +obliged to work under all circumstances, and are not tied down and +obliged to labor whether you pay them or not! I like the system which +lets a man quit when he wants to, and wish it might prevail everywhere. +One of the reasons why I am opposed to slavery is just here. What is the +true condition of the laborer? I take it that it is best for all to leave +each man free to acquire property as fast as he can. Some will get +wealthy. I don't believe in a law to prevent a man from getting rich; it +would do more harm than good. So, while we do not propose any war upon +capital, we do wish to allow the humblest man an equal chance to get rich +with everybody else. When one starts poor, as most do in the race of +life, free society is such that he knows he can better his condition; he +knows that there is no fixed condition of labor for his whole life. I am +not ashamed to confess that twenty-five years ago I was a hired laborer, +mauling rails, at work on a flatboat--just what might happen to any poor +man's son! I want every man to have a chance--and I believe a Black man +is entitled to it--in which he can better his condition; when he may look +forward and hope to be a hired laborer this year and the next, work for +himself afterward, and finally to hire men to work for him! That is the +system. Up here in New England, you have a soil that scarcely sprouts +black-eyed beans, and yet where will you find wealthy men so wealthy, and +poverty so rarely in extremity? There is not another such place on earth! +I desire that if you get too thick here, and find it hard to better your +condition on this soil, you may have a chance to strike and go somewhere +else, where you may not be degraded, nor have your families corrupted, by +forced rivalry with negro slaves. I want you to have a clean bed and no +snakes in it! Then you can better your condition, and so it may go on and +on in one endless round so long as man exists on the face of the earth! + +Now, to come back to this shoe strike,--if, as the senator from Illinois +asserts, this is caused by withdrawal of Southern votes, consider briefly +how you will meet the difficulty. You have done nothing, and have +protested that you have done nothing, to injure the South. And yet, to +get back the shoe trade, you must leave off doing something which you are +now doing. What is it? You must stop thinking slavery wrong! Let your +institutions be wholly changed; let your State constitutions be +subverted; glorify slavery, and so you will get back the shoe trade--for +what? You have brought owned labor with it, to compete with your own +labor, to underwork you, and to degrade you! Are you ready to get back +the trade on those terms? + +But the statement is not correct. You have not lost that trade; orders +were never better than now! Senator Mason, a Democrat, comes into the +Senate in homespun, a proof that the dissolution of the Union has +actually begun! but orders are the same. Your factories have not struck +work, neither those where they make anything for coats, nor for pants nor +for shirts, nor for ladies' dresses. Mr. Mason has not reached the +manufacturers who ought to have made him a coat and pants! To make his +proof good for anything he should have come into the Senate barefoot! + +Another bushwhacking contrivance; simply that, nothing else! I find a +good many people who are very much concerned about the loss of Southern +trade. Now either these people are sincere or they are not. I will +speculate a little about that. If they are sincere, and are moved by any +real danger of the loss of Southern trade, they will simply get their +names on the white list, and then, instead of persuading Republicans to +do likewise, they will be glad to keep you away! Don't you see that they +cut off competition? They would not be whispering around to Republicans +to come in and share the profits with them. But if they are not sincere, +and are merely trying to fool Republicans out of their votes, they will +grow very anxious about your pecuniary prospects; they are afraid you are +going to get broken up and ruined; they do not care about Democratic +votes, oh, no, no, no! You must judge which class those belong to whom +you meet: I leave it to you to determine from the facts. + +Let us notice some more of the stale charges against Republicans. +You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the +burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? +Why, that our party has no existence in your section--gets no votes +in your section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove +the issue? If it does, then in case we should, without change of +principle, begin to get votes in your section, we should thereby +cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, +are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon +find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in +your section this very year. The fact that we get no votes in your +section is a fact of your making and not of ours. And if there be +fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains so +until you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or practice. + If we do repel you by any wrong principle or practice, the fault is +ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have started--to a +discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our principle, +put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of ours, or +for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are +sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, +then, on the question of whether our principle put in practice would +wrong your section; and so meet it as if it were possible that +something may be said on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No? +Then you really believe that the principle which our fathers who +framed the Government under which we live thought so clearly right as +to adopt it, and indorse it again and again, upon their official +oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand our condemnation +without a moment's consideration. Some of you delight to flaunt in +our faces the warning against sectional parties given by Washington +in his Farewell Address. Less than eight years before Washington +gave that warning, he had, as President of the United States, +approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the prohibition of +slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied the policy +of government upon that subject, up to and at the very moment he +penned that warning; and about one year after he penned it he wrote +La Fayette that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, +expressing in the same connection his hope that we should sometime +have a confederacy of free States. + +Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon +this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or +in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast +the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon +you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we +commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right +application of it. + +But you say you are conservative--eminently conservative--while we are +revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort. What is +conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against the new +and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the +point in controversy which was adopted by our fathers who framed the +Government under which we live; while you with one accord reject and +scout and spit upon that old policy, and insist upon substituting +something new. + +True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be. +You have considerable variety of new propositions and plans, but you are +unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some +of you are for reviving the foreign slave-trade; some for a congressional +slave code for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the +Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining +slavery in the Territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reat +pur-rinciple" that if one man would enslave another, no third man should +object--fantastically called "popular sovereignty." But never a man among +you in favor of prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, according +to the practice of our fathers who framed the Government under which we +live. Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an +advocate in the century within which our Government originated. And yet +you draw yourselves up and say, "We are eminently conservative." + +It is exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great confederacy +shall be at peace, and in harmony one with another. Let us Republicans do +our part to have it so. Even though much provoked, let us do nothing +through passion and ill-temper. Even though the Southern people will not +so much as listen to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and yield +to them if, in our deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can. Judging +by all they say and do, and by the subject and nature of their +controversy with us, let us determine, if we can, what will satisfy them. + +Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered +to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaints against +us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insurrections +are the rage now. Will it satisfy them, in the future, if we have nothing +to do with invasions and insurrections? We know it will not. We so know +because we know we never had anything to do with invasions and +insurrections; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the +charge and the denunciation. + +The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: we must not +only let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do let +them alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so +trying to convince them, from the very beginning of our organization, but +with no success. In all our platforms and speeches, we have constantly +protested our purpose to let them alone; but this had no tendency to +convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they +have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them. + +These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will +convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and join +them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly--done in acts +as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated--we must place +ourselves avowedly with them. Douglas's new sedition law must be enacted +and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong, whether +made in politics, in presses, in pulpits, or in private. We must arrest +and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must pull down +our free State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be disinfected of +all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will cease to believe +that all their troubles proceed from us. So long as we call slavery +wrong, whenever a slave runs away they will overlook the obvious fact +that he ran away because he was oppressed, and declare he was stolen off. +Whenever a master cuts his slaves with a lash, and they cry out under it, +he will overlook the obvious fact that the negroes cry out because they +are hurt, and insist that they were put up to it by some rascally +abolitionist. + +I am quite aware that they do not state their case precisely in this way. +Most of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to us, +and say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone--have +never disturbed them--so that, after all, it is what we say which +dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we +cease saying. + +I am also aware that they have not as yet in terms demanded the overthrow +of our free-State constitutions. Yet those constitutions declare the +wrong of slavery with more solemn emphasis than do all other sayings +against it; and when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, +the overthrow of these constitutions will be demanded. It is nothing to +the contrary that they do not demand the whole of this just now. +Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, they can voluntarily +stop nowhere short of this consummation. Holding as they do that slavery +is morally right, and socially elevating, they cannot cease to demand a +full national recognition of it, as a legal right, and a social blessing. + +Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction +that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and +constitutions against it are themselves wrong and should be silenced and +swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its +nationality--its universality: if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist +upon its extension--its enlargement. All they ask, we could readily +grant, if we thought slavery right; all we ask, they could as readily +grant, if they thought it wrong. Their thinking it right and our thinking +it wrong is the precise fact on which depends the whole controversy. +Thinking it right as they do, they are not to blame for desiring its full +recognition, as being right; but, thinking it wrong, as we do, can we +yield to them? Can we cast our votes with their view, and against our +own? In view of our moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we +do this? + +Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it +is because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual +presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow +it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us here in +these free States? + +If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty, +fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those +sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and +belabored--contrivances such as groping for some middle ground between +the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who would be +neither a living man nor a dead man--such as a policy of "don't care" on +a question about which all free men do care--such as Union appeals +beseeching true Union men to yield to Disunionists, reversing the divine +rule, and caning, not the sinners, but the righteous to repentance--such +as invocations of Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington did. + +Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against +us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government, +nor of dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that right makes might; +and in that faith, let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we +understand it. + +[As Mr. Lincoln concluded his address, there was witnessed the wildest +scene of enthusiasm and excitement that has been in New Haven for years. +The Palladium editorially says: "We give up most of our space to-day to a +very full report of the eloquent speech of the HON. Abraham Lincoln, of +Illinois, delivered last night at Union Hall."] + + + + +RESPONSE TO AN ELECTOR'S REQUEST FOR MONEY + +TO ________________ March 16, 1860 + +As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I cannot enter the +ring on the money basis--first, because in the main it is wrong; and +secondly, I have not and cannot get the money. + +I say, in the main, the use of money is wrong; but for certain objects in +a political contest, the use of some is both right and indispensable. +With me, as with yourself, the long struggle has been one of great +pecuniary loss. + +I now distinctly say this--if you shall be appointed a delegate to +Chicago, I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expenses of the +trip. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Extract from a letter to a Kansas delegate.] + + + + +TO J. W. SOMERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 17, 1860 + +JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Reaching home three days ago, I found your letter of February +26th. Considering your difficulty of hearing, I think you had better +settle in Chicago, if, as you say, a good man already in fair practice +there will take you into partnership. If you had not that difficulty, I +still should think it an even balance whether you would not better remain +in Chicago, with such a chance for copartnership. + +If I went west, I think I would go to Kansas, to Leavenworth or Atchison. +Both of them are and will continue to be fine growing places. + +I believe I have said all I can, and I have said it with the deepest +interest for your welfare. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ACCUSATION OF HAVING BEEN PAID FOR A +POLITICAL SPEECH + +TO C. F. McNEIL. + +SPRINGFIELD, April 6, 1860 + +C. F. MCNEIL, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Reaching home yesterday, I found yours of the 23d March, +inclosing a slip from The Middleport Press. It is not true that I ever +charged anything for a political speech in my life; but this much is +true: Last October I was requested by letter to deliver some sort of +speech in Mr. Beecher's church, in Brooklyn--two hundred dollars being +offered in the first letter. I wrote that I could do it in February, +provided they would take a political speech if I could find time to get +up no other. They agreed; and subsequently I informed them the speech +would have to be a political one. When I reached New York, I for the +first time learned that the place was changed to "Cooper Institute." I +made the speech, and left for New Hampshire, where I have a son at +school, neither asking for pay nor having any offered me. Three days +after a check for two hundred dollars was sent to me at New Hampshire; +and I took it, and did not know it was wrong. My understanding now +is--though I knew nothing of it at the time--that they did charge for +admittance to the Cooper Institute, and that they took in more than twice +two hundred dollars. + +I have made this explanation to you as a friend; but I wish no +explanation made to our enemies. What they want is a squabble and a fuss, +and that they can have if we explain; and they cannot have it if we +don't. + +When I returned through New York from New England, I was told by the +gentlemen who sent me the Check that a drunken vagabond in the club, +having learned something about the two hundred dollars, made the +exhibition out of which The Herald manufactured the article quoted by The +Press of your town. + +My judgment is, and therefore my request is, that you give no denial and +no explanation. + +Thanking you for your kind interest in the matter, I remain, Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. TAYLOR. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., April 21, 1860. + +HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th is just received. It surprises me that you +have written twice, without receiving an answer. I have answered all I +ever received from you; and certainly one since my return from the East. + +Opinions here, as to the prospect of Douglas being nominated, are quite +conflicting--some very confident he will, and others that he will not be. +I think his nomination possible, but that the chances are against him. + +I am glad there is a prospect of your party passing this way to Chicago. +Wishing to make your visit here as pleasant as we can, we wish you to +notify us as soon as possible whether you come this way, how many, and +when you will arrive. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TELEGRAM TO A MEMBER OF THE ILLINOIS DELEGATION + +AT THE CHICAGO CONVENTION. SPRINGFIELD, May 17? 1860. + +I authorize no bargains and will be bound by none. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE COMMITTEE SENT BY THE CHICAGO CONVENTION TO INFORM + +LINCOLN OF HIS NOMINATION, + +MAY 19, 1860. + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:--I tender to you, and +through you to the Republican National Convention, and all the people +represented in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done me, +which you now formally announce. Deeply and even painfully sensible of +the great responsibility which is inseparable from this high honor--a +responsibility which I could almost wish had fallen upon some one of the +far more eminent men and experienced statesmen whose distinguished names +were before the convention--I shall, by your leave, consider more fully +the resolutions of the convention, denominated their platform, and +without any unnecessary or unreasonable delay respond to you, Mr. +Chairman, in writing--not doubting that the platform will be found +satisfactory, and the nomination gratefully accepted. + +And now I will not longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each of +you, by the hand. + + + + +ACCEPTANCE OF NOMINATION AS REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE + FOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES + +TO GEORGE ASHMUN AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD ILLINOIS, May 23, 1860 + +HON. GEORGE ASHMUN, President of Republican National Convention. + +SIR:--I accept the nomination tendered me by the convention over which +you presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter of +yourself and others, acting as a committee of the convention for that +purpose. + +The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your +letter meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or +disregard it in any part. + +Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to the +views and feelings of all who were represented in the convention, to the +rights of all the States and Territories and people of the nation, to the +inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual union, harmony, and +prosperity of all--I am most happy to co-operate for the practical +success of the principles declared by the convention. + +Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +To C. B. SMITH. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., May 26, 1860. + +HON. C. B. SMITH. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Yours of the 21st was duly received, but have found no time +until now to say a word in the way of answer. I am indeed much indebted +to Indiana; and, as my home friends tell me, much to you personally. Your +saying, you no longer consider it a doubtful State is very gratifying. +The thing starts well everywhere--too well, I almost fear, to last. But +we are in, and stick or go through must be the word. + +Let me hear from Indiana occasionally. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FORM OF REPLY PREPARED BY MR. LINCOLN, WITH WHICH HIS PRIVATE + +SECRETARY WAS INSTRUCTED TO ANSWER A NUMEROUS CLASS OF LETTERS IN THE +CAMPAIGN OF 1860. + +(Doctrine.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, ______, 1860 + +DEAR SIR:--Your letter to Mr. Lincoln of and by which you seek to obtain +his opinions on certain political points, has been received by him. He +has received others of a similar character, but he also has a greater +number of the exactly opposite character. The latter class beseech him to +write nothing whatever upon any point of political doctrine. They say his +positions were well known when he was nominated, and that he must not now +embarrass the canvass by undertaking to shift or modify them. He regrets +that he cannot oblige all, but you perceive it is impossible for him to +do so. + +Yours, etc., + +JNO. J. NICOLAY. + + + + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, MAY 26, 1860 +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have several letters from you written since the +nomination, but till now have found no moment to say a word by way of +answer. Of course I am glad that the nomination is well received by our +friends, and I sincerely thank you for so informing me. So far as I can +learn, the nominations start well everywhere; and, if they get no +back-set, it would seem as if they are going through. I hope you will +write often; and as you write more rapidly than I do, don't make your +letters so short as mine. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO S. HAYCRAFT. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 4, 1860. + +HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Like yourself I belonged to the old Whig party from its +origin to its close. I never belonged to the American party organization, +nor ever to a party called a Union party; though I hope I neither am or +ever have been less devoted to the Union than yourself or any other +patriotic man. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ABRAHAM OR "ABRAM" + +TO G. ASHMUN. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. June 4, 1860 +HON. GEORGE ASHMUN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--It seems as if the question whether my first name is +"Abraham" or "Abram" will never be settled. It is "Abraham," and if the +letter of acceptance is not yet in print, you may, if you think fit, have +my signature thereto printed "Abraham Lincoln." Exercise your judgment +about this. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +UNAUTHORIZED BIOGRAPHY + +TO S. GALLOWAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 19, 1860 + +HON. SAM'L GALLOWAY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 15th is received. Messrs. +Follett, Foster, & Co.'s Life of me is not by my authority; and I have +scarcely been so much astounded by anything, as by their public +announcement that it is authorized by me. They have fallen into some +strange misunderstanding. I certainly knew they contemplated publishing a +biography, and I certainly did not object to their doing so, upon their +own responsibility. I even took pains to facilitate them. But, at the +same time, I made myself tiresome, if not hoarse, with repeating to Mr. +Howard, their only agent seen by me, my protest that I authorized +nothing--would be responsible for nothing. How they could so +misunderstand me, passes comprehension. As a matter wholly my own, I +would authorize no biography, without time and opportunity [sic] to +carefully examine and consider every word of it and, in this case, in the +nature of things, I can have no such time and Opportunity [sic]. But, in +my present position, when, by the lessons of the past, and the united +voice of all discreet friends, I can neither write nor speak a word for +the public, how dare I to send forth, by my authority, a volume of +hundreds of pages, for adversaries to make points upon without end? Were +I to do so, the convention would have a right to re-assemble and +substitute another name for mine. + +For these reasons, I would not look at the proof sheets--I am determined +to maintain the position of [sic] truly saying I never saw the proof +sheets, or any part of their work, before its publication. + +Now, do not mistake me--I feel great kindness for Messrs. F., F., & +Co.--do not think they have intentionally done wrong. There may be +nothing wrong in their proposed book--I sincerely hope there will not. I +barely suggest that you, or any of the friends there, on the party +account, look it over, and exclude what you may think would embarrass the +party bearing in mind, at all times, that I authorize nothing--will be +responsible for nothing. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + +[The custom then, and it may have been a good one, was for the +Presidential candidate to do no personal canvassing or speaking--or as we +have it now "running for election." He stayed at home and kept his mouth +shut. Ed.] + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, July 18, 1860. + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. MY DEAR SIR:--It appears to me that you and I ought +to be acquainted, and accordingly I write this as a sort of introduction +of myself to you. You first entered the Senate during the single term I +was a member of the House of Representatives, but I have no recollection +that we were introduced. I shall be pleased to receive a line from you. + +The prospect of Republican success now appears very flattering, so far as +I can perceive. Do you see anything to the contrary? + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. JONAS. + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, JULY 21, 1860. + +HON. A. JONAS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 20th is received. I suppose as good or even +better men than I may have been in American or Know-Nothing lodges; but +in point of fact, I never was in one at Quincy or elsewhere. I was never +in Quincy but one day and two nights while Know-Nothing lodges were in +existence, and you were with me that day and both those nights. I had +never been there before in my life, and never afterward, till the joint +debate with Douglas in 1858. It was in 1854 when I spoke in some hall +there, and after the speaking, you, with others, took me to an +oyster-saloon, passed an hour there, and you walked with me to, and +parted with me at, the Quincy House, quite late at night. I left by stage +for Naples before daylight in the morning, having come in by the same +route after dark the evening, previous to the speaking, when I found you +waiting at the Quincy House to meet me. A few days after I was there, +Richardson, as I understood, started this same story about my having been +in a Know-Nothing lodge. When I heard of the charge, as I did soon after; +I taxed my recollection for some incident which could have suggested it; +and I remembered that on parting with you the last night I went to the +office of the hotel to take my stage-passage for the morning, was told +that no stage-office for that line was kept there, and that I must see +the driver before retiring, to insure his calling for me in the morning; +and a servant was sent with me to find the driver, who, after taking me a +square or two, stopped me, and stepped perhaps a dozen steps farther, and +in my hearing called to some one, who answered him, apparently from the +upper part of a building, and promised to call with the stage for me at +the Quincy House. I returned, and went to bed, and before day the stage +called and took me. This is all. + +That I never was in a Know-Nothing lodge in Quincy, I should expect could +be easily proved by respectable men who were always in the lodges and +never saw me there. An affidavit of one or two such would put the matter +at rest. + +And now a word of caution. Our adversaries think they can gain a point if +they could force me to openly deny the charge, by which some degree of +offence would be given to the Americans. For this reason it must not +publicly appear that I am paying any attention to the charge. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOHN B. FRY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, August 15, 1860. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th, inclosing the letter of HON. John Minor +Botts, was duly received. The latter is herewith returned according to +your request. It contains one of the many assurances I receive from the +South, that in no probable event will there be any very formidable effort +to break up the Union. The people of the South have too much of good +sense and good temper to attempt the ruin of the government rather than +see it administered as it was administered by the men who made it. At +least so I hope and believe. I thank you both for your own letter and a +sight of that of Mr. Botts. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. August 17 1860. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 13th was received this morning. Douglas is +managing the Bell element with great adroitness. He had his men in +Kentucky to vote for the Bell candidate, producing a result which has +badly alarmed and damaged Breckenridge, and at the same time has induced +the Bell men to suppose that Bell will certainly be President, if they +can keep a few of the Northern States away from us by throwing them to +Douglas. But you, better than I, understand all this. + +I think there will be the most extraordinary effort ever made to carry +New York for Douglas. You and all others who write me from your State +think the effort cannot succeed, and I hope you are right. Still, it will +require close watching and great efforts on the other side. + +Herewith I send you a copy of a letter written at New York, which +sufficiently explains itself, and which may or may not give you a +valuable hint. You have seen that Bell tickets have been put on the track +both here and in Indiana. In both cases the object has been, I think, the +same as the Hunt movement in New York--to throw States to Douglas. In our +State, we know the thing is engineered by Douglas men, and we do not +believe they can make a great deal out of it. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SLOW TO LISTEN TO CRIMINATIONS + +TO HON. JOHN ______________ + +(Private.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Aug. 31, 1860 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 27th is duly received. It consists almost +exclusively of a historical detail of some local troubles, among some of +our friends in Pennsylvania; and I suppose its object is to guard me +against forming a prejudice against Mr. McC__________, I have not heard +near so much upon that subject as you probably suppose; and I am slow to +listen to criminations among friends, and never expose their quarrels on +either side. My sincere wish is that both sides will allow bygones to be +bygones, and look to the present and future only. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 4, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am annoyed some by a letter from a friend in Chicago, in +which the following passage occurs: "Hamlin has written Colfax that two +members of Congress will, he fears, be lost in Maine, the first and sixth +districts; and that Washburne's majority for governor will not exceed six +thousand." + +I had heard something like this six weeks ago, but had been assured since +that it was not so. Your secretary of state,--Mr. Smith, I think,--whom +you introduced to me by letter, gave this assurance; more recently, Mr. +Fessenden, our candidate for Congress in one of those districts, wrote a +relative here that his election was sure by at least five thousand, and +that Washburne's majority would be from 14,000 to 17,000; and still +later, Mr. Fogg, of New Hampshire, now at New York serving on a national +committee, wrote me that we were having a desperate fight in Maine, which +would end in a splendid victory for us. + +Such a result as you seem to have predicted in Maine, in your letter to +Colfax, would, I fear, put us on the down-hill track, lose us the State +elections in Pennsylvania and Indiana, and probably ruin us on the main +turn in November. + +You must not allow it. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 9, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR: Yours of the 5th was received last evening. I was right glad +to see it. It contains the freshest "posting" which I now have. It +relieved me some from a little anxiety I had about Maine. Jo Medill, on +August 30th, wrote me that Colfax had a letter from Mr. Hamlin saying we +were in great danger of losing two members of Congress in Maine, and that +your brother would not have exceeding six thousand majority for Governor. +I addressed you at once, at Galena, asking for your latest information. +As you are at Washington, that letter you will receive some time after +the Maine election. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. H. HERNDON. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., OCTOBER 10, 1860 + +DEAR WILLIAM:--I cannot give you details, but it is entirely certain that +Pennsylvania and Indiana have gone Republican very largely. Pennsylvania +25,000, and Indiana 5000 to 10,000. Ohio of course is safe. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO L. M. BOND. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 15, 1860 + +L. MONTGOMERY BOND, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR: I certainly am in no temper and have no purpose to +embitter the feelings of the South, but whether I am inclined to such a +course as would in fact embitter their feelings you can better judge by +my published speeches than by anything I would say in a short letter if I +were inclined now, as I am not, to define my position anew. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER SUGGESTING A BEARD + +TO MISS GRACE BEDELL, RIPLEY N.Y. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 19, 1860 + +MISS GRACE BEDELL. + +MY DEAR LITTLE MISS:--Your very agreeable letter of the 15th is received. +I regret the necessity of saying I have no daughter. I have three +sons--one seventeen, one nine, and one seven. They with their mother +constitute my whole family. As to the whiskers, as I have never worn any, +do you not think that people would call it a piece of silly affectation +were I to begin wearing them now? + +I am your true friend and sincere well-wisher, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EARLY INFORMATION ON ARMY DEFECTION IN SOUTH + +TO D. HUNTER. + +(Private and Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, October 26, 1860 + +MAJOR DAVID HUNTER + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 20th was duly received, for +which please accept my thanks. I have another letter, from a writer +unknown to me, saying the officers of the army at Fort Kearny have +determined in case of Republican success at the approaching Presidential +election, to take themselves, and the arms at that point, south, for the +purpose of resistance to the government. While I think there are many +chances to one that this is a humbug, it occurs to me that any real +movement of this sort in the Army would leak out and become known to you. +In such case, if it would not be unprofessional or dishonorable (of which +you are to be judge), I shall be much obliged if you will apprise me of +it. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD. ILLINOIS, November 8, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am anxious for a personal interview with you at as early +a day as possible. Can you, without much inconvenience, meet me at +Chicago? If you can, please name as early a day as you conveniently can, +and telegraph me, unless there be sufficient time before the day named to +communicate by mail. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +(Private and Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Nov.13, 1860 + +HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th is just received. I can only answer +briefly. Rest fully assured that the good people of the South who will +put themselves in the same temper and mood towards me which you do will +find no cause to complain of me. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REMARKS AT THE MEETING AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS +TO CELEBRATE LINCOLN'S ELECTION, + +NOVEMBER 20, 1860 + +FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:--Please excuse me on this occasion from +making a speech. I thank you in common with all those who have thought +fit by their votes to indorse the Republican cause. I rejoice with you in +the success which has thus far attended that cause. Yet in all our +rejoicings let us neither express nor cherish any hard feelings toward +any citizen who by his vote has differed with us. Let us at all times +remember that all American citizens are brothers of a common country, and +should dwell together in the bonds of fraternal feeling. Let me again beg +you to accept my thanks, and to excuse me from further speaking at this +time. + + + + +TO ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. NOV. 30, 1860 + +HON. A. H. STEPHENS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have read in the newspapers your speech recently +delivered (I think) before the Georgia Legislature, or its assembled +members. If you have revised it, as is probable, I shall be much obliged +if you will send me a copy. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +(Private) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 8, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 4th was duly received. The inclosed to Governor +Seward covers two notes to him, copies of which you find open for your +inspection. Consult with Judge Trumbull; and if you and he see no reason +to the contrary, deliver the letter to Governor Seward at once. If you +see reason to the contrary write me at once. + +I have an intimation that Governor Banks would yet accept a place in the +Cabinet. Please ascertain and write me how this is, + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +BLOCKING "COMPROMISE" ON SLAVERY ISSUE + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE + +(Private and Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., December 13, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your long letter received. Prevent, as far as possible, any +of our friends from demoralizing themselves and our cause by entertaining +propositions for compromise of any sort on "slavery extension." There is +no possible compromise upon it but which puts us under again, and leaves +all our work to do over again. Whether it be a Missouri line or Eli +Thayer's popular sovereignty, it is all the same. Let either be done, and +immediately filibustering and extending slavery recommences. On that +point hold firm, as with a chain of steel. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +OPINION ON SECESSION + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 17, 1860 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 11th was received two days ago. Should the +convocation of governors of which you speak seem desirous to know my +views on the present aspect of things, tell them you judge from my +speeches that I will be inflexible on the territorial question; but I +probably think either the Missouri line extended, or Douglas's and Eli +Thayer's popular sovereignty would lose us everything we gain by the +election; that filibustering for all south of us and making slave States +of it would follow in spite of us, in either case; also that I probably +think all opposition, real and apparent, to the fugitive slave clause of +the Constitution ought to be withdrawn. + +I believe you can pretend to find but little, if anything, in my +speeches, about secession. But my opinion is that no State can in any way +lawfully get out of the Union without the consent of the others; and that +it is the duty of the President and other government functionaries to run +the machine as it is. + +Truly yours, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SOME FORTS SURRENDERED TO THE SOUTH + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE + +(Confidential) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 21, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Last night I received your letter giving an account of your +interview with General Scott, and for which I thank you. Please present +my respects to the General, and tell him, confidentially, I shall be +obliged to him to be as well prepared as he can to either hold or retake +the forts, as the case may require, at and after the inauguration. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. H. STEPHENS. + +(For your own eye only) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 22, 1860 + +HON. ALEXANDER STEVENS + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your obliging answer to my short note is just received, and +for which please accept my thanks. I fully appreciate the present peril +the country is in, and the weight of responsibility on me. Do the people +of the South really entertain fear that a Republican administration +would, directly or indirectly, interfere with the slaves, or with them +about the slaves? If they do, I wish to assure you, as once a friend, and +still, I hope, not an enemy, that there is no cause for such fears. The +South would be in no more danger in this respect than it was in the days +of Washington. I suppose, however, this does not meet the case. You think +slavery is right and ought to be extended, while we think it is wrong and +ought to be restricted. That, I suppose, is the rub. It certainly is the +only substantial difference between us. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SUPPORT OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE CLAUSE + +MEMORANDUM + +December [22?], 1860 + +Resolved: That the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution ought to be +enforced by a law of Congress, with efficient provisions for that object, +not obliging private persons to assist in its execution, but punishing +all who resist it, and with the usual safeguards to liberty, securing +free men against being surrendered as slaves. + +That all State laws, if there be such, really or apparently in conflict +with such law of Congress, ought to be repealed; and no opposition to the +execution of such law of Congress ought to be made. + +That the Federal Union must be preserved. + +Prepared for the consideration of the Republican members of the Senate +Committee of Thirteen. + + + + +TO D. HUNTER. + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS December 22, 1860 + +MAJOR DAVID HUNTER. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am much obliged by the receipt of yours of the 18th. The +most we can do now is to watch events, and be as well prepared as +possible for any turn things may take. If the forts fall, my judgment is +that they are to be retaken. When I shall determine definitely my time of +starting to Washington, I will notify you. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO I. N. MORRIS + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Dec 24, 1860 + +HON. I. N. MORRIS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Without supposing that you and I are any nearer together, +politically, than heretofore, allow me to tender you my sincere thanks +for your Union resolution, expressive of views upon which we never were, +and, I trust, never will be at variance. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ATTEMPT TO FORM A COALITION CABINET + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 14, 1860. + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I need a man of Democratic antecedents from New England. I +cannot get a fair share of that element in without. This stands in the +way of Mr. Adams. I think of Governor Banks, Mr. Welles, and Mr. Tuck. +Which of them do the New England delegation prefer? Or shall I decide for +myself? + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + + + +1861 + + +TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + +(Private.) +SPRINGFIELD. ILL., January 3, 1861. + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours without signature was received last night. I have been +considering your suggestions as to my reaching Washington somewhat +earlier than is usual. It seems to me the inauguration is not the most +dangerous point for us. Our adversaries have us now clearly at +disadvantage on the second Wednesday of February, when the votes should +be officially counted. If the two houses refuse to meet at all, or meet +without a quorum of each, where shall we be? I do not think that this +counting is constitutionally essential to the election, but how are we to +proceed in the absence of it? In view of this, I think it is best for me +not to attempt appearing in Washington till the result of that ceremony +is known. + +It certainly would be of some advantage if you could know who are to be +at the heads of the War and Navy departments, but until I can ascertain +definitely whether I can get any suitable men from the South, and who, +and how many, I can not well decide. As yet, I have no word from Mr. +Gilmer in answer to my request for an interview with him. I look for +something on the subject, through you, before long. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. H. SEWARD. + +(Private.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., January 12, 1861 + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 8th received. I still hope Mr. Gilmer will, on +a fair understanding with us, consent to take a place in the Cabinet. The +preference for him over Mr. Hunt or Mr. Gentry is that, up to date--he +has a living position in the South, while they have not. He is only +better than Winter Davis in that he is farther south. I fear, if we +could get, we could not safely take more than one such man--that is, not +more than one who opposed us in the election--the danger being to lose +the confidence of our own friends. Your selection for the State +Department having become public, I am happy to find scarcely any +objection to it. I shall have trouble with every other Northern Cabinet +appointment--so much so that I shall have to defer them as long as +possible to avoid being teased into insanity, to make changes. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO E. D. MORGAN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. FEB. 4, 1861 + +SIR:--Your letter of the 30th ult. inviting me, on behalf of the +Legislature of New York, to pass through that State on my way to +Washington, and tendering me the hospitalities of her authorities and +people, has been duly received. With the feelings of deep gratitude to +you and them for this testimonial of regard and esteem I beg you to +notify them that I accept the invitation so kindly tendered. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN + +P.S.--Please let the ceremonies be only such as to take the least time +possible. A. L. + + + + +PATRONAGE CLAIMS + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., February 4, 1861 + +DEAR SIR:--I have both your letter to myself and that to Judge Davis, in +relation to a certain gentleman in your State claiming to dispense +patronage in my name, and also to be authorized to use my name to advance +the chances of Mr. Greeley for an election to the United States Senate. + +It is very strange that such things should be said by any one. The +gentleman you mention did speak to me of Mr. Greeley in connection with +the senatorial election, and I replied in terms of kindness toward Mr. +Greeley, which I really feel, but always with an expressed protest that +my name must not be used in the senatorial election in favor of or +against any one. Any other representation of me is a misrepresentation. + +As to the matter of dispensing patronage, it perhaps will surprise you to +learn that I have information that you claim to have my authority to +arrange that matter in New York. I do not believe you have so claimed; +but still so some men say. On that subject you know all I have said to +you is "justice to all," and I have said nothing more particular to any +one. I say this to reassure you that I have not changed my position. + +In the hope, however, that you will not use my name in the matter, I am, + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FAREWELL ADDRESS AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, + +FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +MY FRIENDS:--One who has never been placed in a like position cannot +understand my feelings at this hour, nor the oppressive sadness I feel at +this parting. For more than twenty-five years I have lived among you, and +during all that time I have received nothing but kindness at your hands. +Here the most cherished ties of earth were assumed. Here my children were +born, and here one of them lies buried. To you, my friends, I owe all +that I have, all that I am. All the strange checkered past seems to crowd +upon my mind. To-day I leave you. I go to assume a task more difficult +than that which devolved upon General Washington. Unless the great God +who assisted him shall be with and aid me I cannot prevail; but if the +same almighty arm that directed and protected him shall guide and support +me I shall not fail; I shall succeed. Let us pray that the God of our +fathers may not forsake us now. To Him I commend you all. Permit me to +ask that with equal sincerity and faith you will all invoke His wisdom +and goodness for me. + +With these words I must leave you; for how long I know not. Friends, one +and all, I must now wish you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +REMARKS AT TOLONO, ILLINOIS, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +I am leaving you on an errand of national importance, attended, as you +are aware, with considerable difficulties. Let us believe, as some poet +has expressed it, "Behind the cloud the sun is still shining." I bid you +an affectionate farewell. + + + + +REPLY TO ADDRESS OF WELCOME, INDIANAPOLIS, + +INDIANA, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +GOVERNOR MORTON AND FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA: + +Most heartily do I thank you for this magnificent reception, and while I +cannot take to myself any share of the compliment thus paid, more than +that which pertains to a mere instrument, an accidental instrument, +perhaps I should say, of a great cause, I yet must look upon it as a most +magnificent reception, and as such most heartily do thank you for it. You +have been pleased to address yourself to me chiefly in behalf of this +glorious Union in which we live, in all of which you have my hearty +sympathy, and, as far as may be within my power, will have, one and +inseparable, my hearty consideration. While I do not expect, upon this +occasion, or until I get to Washington, to attempt any lengthy speech, I +will only say to the salvation of the Union there needs but one single +thing--the hearts of a people like yours. + +The people--when they rise in mass in behalf of the Union and the +liberties of their country, truly may it be said, "The gates of hell +cannot prevail against them." In all trying positions in which I shall be +placed--and, doubtless, I shall be placed in many such--my reliance will +be placed upon you and the people of the United States; and I wish you to +remember, now and forever, that it is your business, and not mine; that +if the union of these States and the liberties of this people shall be +lost, it is but little to any one man of fifty-two years of age, but a +great deal to the thirty millions of people who inhabit these United +States, and to their posterity in all coming time. It is your business to +rise up and preserve the Union and liberty for yourselves, and not for +me. + +I desire they should be constitutionally performed. I, as already +intimated, am but an accidental instrument, temporary, and to serve but +for a limited time; and I appeal to you again to constantly bear in mind +that with you, and not with politicians, not with Presidents, not with +office-seekers, but with you is the question, Shall the Union and shall +the liberties of this country be preserved to the latest generations? + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF INDIANA, AT INDIANAPOLIS, + +FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA:--I am here to thank you much for +this magnificent welcome, and still more for the generous support given +by your State to that political cause which I think is the true and just +cause of the whole country and the whole world. + +Solomon says there is "a time to keep silence," and when men wrangle by +the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using the +same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence. + +The words "coercion" and "invasion" are much used in these days, and +often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, the +meaning of those who use them. Let us get the exact definitions of these +words, not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, who certainly +deprecate the things they would represent by the use of the words. + +What, then, is coercion? What is invasion? Would the marching of an army +into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and with hostile +intent toward them, be invasion? I certainly think it would, and it would +be coercion also, if the South Carolinians were forced to submit. But if +the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other +property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even +withhold the mails from places where they were habitually violated, would +any or all of these things be invasion or coercion? Do our professed +lovers of the Union, who spitefully resolve that they will resist +coercion and invasion, understand that such things as these, on the part +of the United States, would be coercion or invasion of a State? If so, +their idea of means to preserve the object of their great affection would +seem to be exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the +homoeopathist would be much too large for it to swallow. In their view, +the Union, as a family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, +but rather a sort of "free-love" arrangement, to be maintained on +passional attraction. + +By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I speak +not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the Constitution, +for that is a bond we all recognize. That position, however, a State +cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that assumed primary +right of a State to rule all which is less than itself, and to ruin all +which is larger than itself. If a State and a county, in a given case, +should be equal in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of +principle, is the State better than the county? Would an exchange of name +be an exchange of rights? Upon what principle, upon what rightful +principle, may a State, being no more than one fiftieth part of the +nation in soil and population, break up the nation, and then coerce a +proportionably large subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? +What mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of +country, with its people, by merely calling it a State? Fellow-citizens, +I am not asserting anything. I am merely asking questions for you to +consider. And now allow me to bid you farewell. + + + + +INTENTIONS TOWARD THE SOUTH + +ADDRESS TO THE MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF +CINCINNATI, OHIO, FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR, AND GENTLEMEN:--Twenty-four hours ago, at the capital of +Indiana, I said to myself, "I have never seen so many people assembled +together in winter weather." I am no longer able to say that. But it is +what might reasonably have been expected--that this great city of +Cincinnati would thus acquit herself on such an occasion. My friends, I +am entirely overwhelmed by the magnificence of the reception which has +been given, I will not say to me, but to the President-elect of the +United States of America. Most heartily do I thank you, one and all, for +it. + +I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati. That was a year +previous to the late Presidential election. On that occasion, in a +playful manner, but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I said +to the Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we, as Republicans, would +ultimately beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone that +result longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the Presidency than they +could by any other way. They did not, in any true sense of the word, +nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result has come certainly as soon as ever I +expected. I also told them how I expected they would be treated after +they should have been beaten, and I now wish to call their attention to +what I then said upon that subject. I then said: + +"When we do as we say, beat you, you perhaps want to know what we will do +with you. I will tell you, as far as I am authorized to speak for the +Opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as +we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We +mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your +institutions; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution, +and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you so +far as degenerate men, if we have degenerated, may, according to the +example of those noble fathers, Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. + +"We mean to remember that you are as good as we; that there is no +difference between us other than the difference of circumstances. We mean +to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your +bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you +accordingly." + +Fellow-citizens of Kentucky--friends and brethren, may I call you in my +new position?--I see no occasion and feel no inclination to retract a +word of this. If it shall not be made good, be assured the fault shall +not be mine. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN CLUB OF CINCINNATI, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN:--I thank you and those whom you represent for the +compliment you have paid me by tendering me this address. In so far as +there is an allusion to our present national difficulties, which +expresses, as you have said, the views of the gentlemen present, I shall +have to beg pardon for not entering fully upon the questions which the +address you have now read suggests. + +I deem it my duty--a duty which I owe to my constituents--to you, +gentlemen, that I should wait until the last moment for a development of +the present national difficulties before I express myself decidedly as to +what course I shall pursue. I hope, then, not to be false to anything +that you have expected of me. + +I agree with you, Mr. Chairman, that the working men are the basis of all +governments, for the plain reason that they are all the more numerous, +and as you added that those were the sentiments of the gentlemen present, +representing not only the working class, but citizens of other callings +than those of the mechanic, I am happy to concur with you in these +sentiments, not only of the native-born citizens, but also of the Germans +and foreigners from other countries. + +Mr. Chairman, I hold that while man exists it is his duty to improve not +only his own condition, but to assist in ameliorating the condition of +mankind; and therefore, without entering upon the details of the +question, I will simply say that I am for those means which will give the +greatest good to the greatest number. + +In regard to the Homestead law, I have to say that, in so far as the +government lands can be disposed of, I am in favor of cutting up the wild +lands into parcels, so that every poor man may have a home. + +In regard to the Germans and foreigners, I esteem them no better than +other people, nor any worse. It is not my nature, when I see a people +borne down by the weight of their shackles--the oppression of tyranny--to +make their life more bitter by heaping upon them greater burdens; but +rather would I do all in my power to raise the yoke than to add anything +that would tend to crush them. + +Inasmuch as our own country is extensive and new, and the countries of +Europe are densely populated, if there are any abroad who desire to make +this the land of their adoption, it is not in my heart to throw aught in +their way to prevent them from coming to the United States. + +Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I will bid you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF OHIO AT COLUMBUS + +FEBRUARY 13, 1861 + +Mr. PRESIDENT AND Mr. SPEAKER, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF +OHIO:--It is true, as has been said by the president of the Senate, that +very great responsibility rests upon me in the position to which the +votes of the American people have called me. I am deeply sensible of that +weighty responsibility. I cannot but know what you all know, that without +a name, perhaps without a reason why I should have a name, there has +fallen upon me a task such as did not rest even upon the Father of his +Country; and so feeling, I can turn and look for that support without +which it will be impossible for me to perform that great task. I turn, +then, and look to the American people and to that God who has never +forsaken them. Allusion has been made to the interest felt in relation to +the policy of the new administration. In this I have received from some a +degree of credit for having kept silence, and from others some +deprecation. I still think that I was right. + +In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, and without +a precedent which could enable me to judge by the past, it has seemed +fitting that before speaking upon the difficulties of the country I +should have gained a view of the whole field, being at liberty to modify +and change the course of policy as future events may make a change +necessary. + +I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a good +thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing going +wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we look out there is +nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon +political questions, but nobody is suffering anything. This is a most +consoling circumstance, and from it we may conclude that all we want is +time, patience, and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken this +people. + +Fellow-citizens, what I have said I have said altogether +extemporaneously, and I will now come to a close. + + + + +ADDRESS AT STEUBENVILLE, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 14, 1861 + +I fear that the great confidence placed in my ability is unfounded. +Indeed, I am sure it is. Encompassed by vast difficulties as I am, +nothing shall be wanting on my part, if sustained by God and the American +people. I believe the devotion to the Constitution is equally great on +both sides of the river. It is only the different understanding of that +instrument that causes difficulty. The only dispute on both sides is, +"What are their rights?" If the majority should not rule, who would be +the judge? Where is such a judge to be found? We should all be bound by +the majority of the American people; if not, then the minority must +control. Would that be right? Would it be just or generous? Assuredly +not. I reiterate that the majority should rule. If I adopt a wrong +policy, the opportunity for condemnation will occur in four years' time. +Then I can be turned out, and a better man with better views put in my +place. + + + + +ADDRESS AT PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA + +FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + +I most cordially thank his Honor Mayor Wilson, and the citizens of +Pittsburg generally, for their flattering reception. I am the more +grateful because I know that it is not given to me alone, but to the +cause I represent, which clearly proves to me their good-will, and that +sincere feeling is at the bottom of it. And here I may remark that in +every short address I have made to the people, in every crowd through +which I have passed of late, some allusion has been made to the present +distracted condition of the country. It is natural to expect that I +should say something on this subject; but to touch upon it at all would +involve an elaborate discussion of a great many questions and +circumstances, requiring more time than I can at present command, and +would, perhaps, unnecessarily commit me upon matters which have not yet +fully developed themselves. The condition of the country is an +extraordinary one, and fills the mind of every patriot with anxiety. It +is my intention to give this subject all the consideration I possibly can +before specially deciding in regard to it, so that when I do speak it may +be as nearly right as possible. When I do speak I hope I may say nothing +in opposition to the spirit of the Constitution, contrary to the +integrity of the Union, or which will prove inimical to the liberties of +the people, or to the peace of the whole country. And furthermore, when +the time arrives for me to speak on this great subject, I hope I may say +nothing to disappoint the people generally throughout the country, +especially if the expectation has been based upon anything which I may +have heretofore said. Notwithstanding the troubles across the river [the +speaker pointing southwardly across the Monongahela, and smiling], there +is no crisis but an artificial one. What is there now to warrant the +condition of affairs presented by our friends over the river? Take even +their own view of the questions involved, and there is nothing to justify +the course they are pursuing. I repeat, then, there is no crisis, +excepting such a one as may be gotten up at any time by turbulent men +aided by designing politicians, My advice to them, under such +circumstances, is to keep cool. If the great American people only keep +their temper on both sides of the line, the troubles will come to an end, +and the question which now distracts the country will be settled, just as +surely as all other difficulties of a like character which have +originated in this government have been adjusted. Let the people on both +sides keep their self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared +away in due time, so will this great nation continue to prosper as +heretofore. But, fellow-citizens, I have spoken longer on this subject +than I intended at the outset. + +It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of Pennsylvania. +Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adopted, the tariff question +must be as durable as the government itself. It is a question of +national housekeeping. It is to the government what replenishing the +meal-tub is to the family. Every varying circumstances will require +frequent modifications as to the amount needed and the sources of supply. +So far there is little difference of opinion among the people. It is as +to whether, and how far, duties on imports shall be adjusted to favor +home production in the home market, that controversy begins. One party +insists that such adjustment oppresses one class for the advantage of +another; while the other party argues that, with all its incidents, in +the long run all classes are benefited. In the Chicago platform there is +a plank upon this subject which should be a general law to the incoming +administration. We should do neither more nor less than we gave the +people reason to believe we would when they gave us their votes. Permit +me, fellow-citizens, to read the tariff plank of the Chicago platform, or +rather have it read in your hearing by one who has younger eyes. + +[Mr. Lincoln's private secretary then read Section 12 of the Chicago +platform, as follows:] + +"That, while providing revenue for the support of the General Government +by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these +imposts as will encourage the development of the industrial interest of +the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which +secures to working-men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, +to mechanics and manufacturers adequate return for their skill, labor, +and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and +independence." + +As with all general propositions, doubtless, there will be shades of +difference in construing this. I have by no means a thoroughly matured +judgment upon this subject, especially as to details; some general ideas +are about all. I have long thought it would be to our advantage to +produce any necessary article at home which can be made of as good +quality and with as little labor at home as abroad, at least by the +difference of the carrying from abroad. In such case the carrying is +demonstrably a dead loss of labor. For instance, labor being the true +standard of value, is it not plain that if equal labor get a bar of +railroad iron out of a mine in England and another out of a mine in +Pennsylvania, each can be laid down in a track at home cheaper than they +could exchange countries, at least by the carriage? If there be a present +cause why one can be both made and carried cheaper in money price than +the other can be made without carrying, that cause is an unnatural and +injurious one, and ought gradually, if not rapidly, to be removed. The +condition of the treasury at this time would seem to render an early +revision of the tariff indispensable. The Morrill [tariff] bill, now +pending before Congress, may or may not become a law. I am not posted as +to its particular provisions, but if they are generally satisfactory, and +the bill shall now pass, there will be an end for the present. If, +however, it shall not pass, I suppose the whole subject will be one of +the most pressing and important for the next Congress. By the +Constitution, the executive may recommend measures which he may think +proper, and he may veto those he thinks improper, and it is supposed that +he may add to these certain indirect influences to affect the action of +Congress. My political education strongly inclines me against a very free +use of any of these means by the executive to control the legislation of +the country. As a rule, I think it better that Congress should originate +as well as perfect its measures without external bias. I therefore would +rather recommend to every gentleman who knows he is to be a member of the +next Congress to take an enlarged view, and post himself thoroughly, so +as to contribute his part to such an adjustment of the tariff as shall +produce a sufficient revenue, and in its other bearings, so far as +possible, be just and equal to all sections of the country and classes of +the people. + + + + +ADDRESS AT CLEVELAND, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF CLEVELAND:--We have been marching +about two miles through snow, rain, and deep mud. The large numbers that +have turned out under these circumstances testify that you are in earnest +about something or other. But do I think so meanly of you as to suppose +that that earnestness is about me personally? I would be doing you an +injustice to suppose you did. You have assembled to testify your respect +for the Union, the Constitution, and the laws; and here let me say that +it is with you, the people, to advance the great cause of the Union and +the Constitution, and not with any one man. It rests with you alone. This +fact is strongly impressed upon my mind at present. In a community like +this, whose appearance testifies to their intelligence, I am convinced +that the cause of liberty and the Union can never be in danger. Frequent +allusion is made to the excitement at present existing in our national +politics, and it is as well that I should also allude to it here. I think +that there is no occasion for any excitement. 'The crisis, as it is +called, is altogether an artificial crisis. In all parts of the nation +there are differences of opinion on politics. There are differences of +opinion even here. You did not all vote for the person who now addresses +you. What is happening now will not hurt those who are farther away from +here. Have they not all their rights now as they ever have had? Do they +not have their fugitive slaves returned now as ever? Have they not the +same Constitution that they have lived under for seventy-odd years? Have +they not a position as citizens of this common country, and have we any +power to change that position? What, then, is the matter with them? Why +all this excitement? Why all these complaints? + +As I said before, this crisis is all artificial! It has no foundation in +facts. It is not argued up, as the saying is, and cannot, therefore, be +argued down. Let it alone and it will go down of itself. + +[Mr. Lincoln then said that they must be content with a few words from +him, as he was tired, etc. Having been given to understand that the crowd +was not all Republican, but consisted of men of all parties, he +continued:] + +This is as it should be. If Judge Douglas had been elected and had been +here on his way to Washington, as I am to-night, the Republicans should +have joined his supporters in welcoming him, just as his friends have +joined with mine tonight. If all do not join now to save the good old +ship of the Union this voyage, nobody will have a chance to pilot her on +another voyage. + + + + +ADDRESS AT BUFFALO, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 16, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF BUFFALO AND THE STATE OF NEW YORK:--I am +here to thank you briefly for this grand reception given to me, not +personally, but as the representative of our great and beloved country. +Your worthy mayor has been pleased to mention, in his address to me, the +fortunate and agreeable journey which I have had from home, on my rather +circuitous route to the Federal capital. I am very happy that he was +enabled in truth to congratulate myself and company on that fact. It is +true we have had nothing thus far to mar the pleasure of the trip. We +have not been met alone by those who assisted in giving the election to +me--I say not alone by them, but by the whole population of the country +through which we have passed. This is as it should be. Had the election +fallen to any other of the distinguished candidates instead of myself, +under the peculiar circumstances, to say the least, it would have been +proper for all citizens to have greeted him as you now greet me. It is an +evidence of the devotion of the whole people to the Constitution, the +Union, and the perpetuity of the liberties of this country. I am +unwilling on any occasion that I should be so meanly thought of as to +have it supposed for a moment that these demonstrations are tendered to +me personally. They are tendered to the country, to the institutions of +the country, and to the perpetuity of the liberties of the country, for +which these institutions were made and created. + +Your worthy mayor has thought fit to express the hope that I may be able +to relieve the country from the present, or, I should say, the threatened +difficulties. I am sure I bring a heart true to the work. For the ability +to perform it, I must trust in that Supreme Being who has never forsaken +this favored land, through the instrumentality of this great and +intelligent people. Without that assistance I shall surely fail; with it, +I cannot fail. When we speak of threatened difficulties to the Country, +it is natural that it should be expected that something should be said by +myself with regard to particular measures. Upon more mature reflection, +however, others will agree with me that, when it is considered that these +difficulties are without precedent, and have never been acted upon by any +individual situated as I am, it is most proper I should wait and see the +developments, and get all the light possible, so that when I do speak +authoritatively, I may be as near right as possible. When I shall speak +authoritatively, I hope to say nothing inconsistent with the +Constitution, the Union, the rights of all the States, of each State, and +of each section of the country, and not to disappoint the reasonable +expectations of those who have confided to me their votes. In this +connection allow me to say that you, as a portion of the great American +people, need only to maintain your composure, stand up to your sober +convictions of right, to your obligations to the Constitution, and act in +accordance with those sober convictions, and the clouds now on the +horizon will be dispelled, and we shall have a bright and glorious +future; and when this generation has passed away, tens of thousands will +inhabit this country where only thousands inhabit it now. I do not +propose to address you at length; I have no voice for it. Allow me again +to thank you for this magnificent reception, and bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT ROCHESTER, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861 + +I confess myself, after having seen many large audiences since leaving +home, overwhelmed with this vast number of faces at this hour of the +morning. I am not vain enough to believe that you are here from any wish +to see me as an individual, but because I am for the time being the +representative of the American people. I could not, if I would, address +you at any length. I have not the strength, even if I had the time, for a +speech at each of these many interviews that are afforded me on my way to +Washington. I appear merely to see you, and to let you see me, and to bid +you farewell. I hope it will be understood that it is from no +disinclination to oblige anybody that I do not address you at greater +length. + + + + +ADDRESS AT SYRACUSE, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I See you have erected a very fine and handsome +platform here for me, and I presume you expected me to speak from it. If +I should go upon it, you would imagine that I was about to deliver you a +much longer speech than I am. I wish you to understand that I mean no +discourtesy to you by thus declining. I intend discourtesy to no one. But +I wish you to understand that, though I am unwilling to go upon this +platform, you are not at liberty to draw inferences concerning any other +platform with which my name has been or is connected. I wish you long +life and prosperity individually, and pray that with the perpetuity of +those institutions under which we have all so long lived and prospered, +our happiness may be secured, our future made brilliant, and the glorious +destiny of our country established forever. I bid you a kind farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT UTICA, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1860 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I have no speech to make to you; and no time to +speak in. I appear before you that I may see you, and that you may see +me; and I am willing to admit that so far as the ladies are concerned I +have the best of the bargain, though I wish it to be understood that I do +not make the same acknowledgment concerning the men. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF ALBANY, NEW YORK + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +MR. MAYOR:--I can hardly appropriate to myself the flattering terms in +which you communicate the tender of this reception, as personal to +myself. I most gratefully accept the hospitalities tendered to me, and +will not detain you or the audience with any extended remarks at this +time. I presume that in the two or three courses through which I shall +have to go, I shall have to repeat somewhat, and I will therefore only +express to you my thanks for this kind reception. + + + + +REPLY TO GOVERNOR MORGAN OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +GOVERNOR MORGAN:--I was pleased to receive an invitation to visit the +capital of the great Empire State of this nation while on my way to the +Federal capital. I now thank you, Mr. Governor, and you, the people of +the capital of the State of New York, for this most hearty and +magnificent welcome. If I am not at fault, the great Empire State at this +time contains a larger population than did the whole of the United States +of America at the time they achieved their national independence, and I +was proud--to be invited to visit its capital, to meet its citizens, as I +now have the honor to do. I am notified by your governor that this +reception is tendered by citizens without distinction of party. Because +of this I accept it the more gladly. In this country, and in any country +where freedom of thought is tolerated, citizens attach themselves to +political parties. It is but an ordinary degree of charity to attribute +this act to the supposition that, in thus attaching themselves to the +various parties, each man in his own judgment supposes he thereby best +advances the interests of the whole country. And when an election is past +it is altogether befitting a free people, as I suppose, that, until the +next election, they should be one people. The reception you have extended +me to-day is not given to me personally,--it should not be so,--but as +the representative, for the time being, of the majority of the nation. If +the election had fallen to any of the more distinguished citizens who +received the support of the people, this same honor should have greeted +him that greets me this day, in testimony of the universal, unanimous +devotion of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and to the +perpetual liberties of succeeding generations in this country. + +I have neither the voice nor the strength to address you at any greater +length. I beg you will therefore accept my most grateful thanks for this +manifest devotion--not to me, but the institutions of this great and +glorious country. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF NEW +YORK:--It is with feelings of great diffidence, and, I may say, with +feelings of awe, perhaps greater than I have recently experienced, that I +meet you here in this place. The history of this great State, the renown +of those great men who have stood here, and have spoken here, and have +been heard here, all crowd around my fancy, and incline me to shrink from +any attempt to address you. Yet I have some confidence given me by the +generous manner in which you have invited me, and by the still more +generous manner in which you have received me, to speak further. You have +invited and received me without distinction of party. I cannot for a +moment suppose that this has been done in any considerable degree with +reference to my personal services, but that it is done in so far as I am +regarded, at this time, as the representative of the majesty of this +great nation. I doubt not this is the truth, and the whole truth of the +case, and this is as it should be. It is much more gratifying to me that +this reception has been given to me as the elected representative of a +free people, than it could possibly be if tendered merely as an evidence +of devotion to me, or to any one man personally. + +And now I think it were more fitting that I should close these hasty +remarks. It is true that, while I hold myself, without mock modesty, the +humblest of all individuals that have ever been elevated to the +Presidency, I have a more difficult task to perform than any one of them. + +You have generously tendered me the support--the united support--of the +great Empire State. For this, in behalf of the nation--in behalf of the +present and future of the nation--in behalf of civil and religious +liberty for all time to come, most gratefully do I thank you. I do not +propose to enter into an explanation of any particular line of policy, as +to our present difficulties, to be adopted by the incoming +administration. I deem it just to you, to myself, to all, that I should +see everything, that I should hear everything, that I should have every +light that can be brought within my reach, in order that, when I do so +speak, I shall have enjoyed every opportunity to take correct and true +ground; and for this reason I do not propose to speak at this time of the +policy of the Government. But when the time comes, I shall speak, as well +as I am able, for the good of the present and future of this country for +the good both of the North and of the South--for the good of the one and +the other, and of all sections of the country. In the meantime, if we +have patience, if we restrain ourselves, if we allow ourselves not to run +off in a passion, I still have confidence that the Almighty, the Maker of +the universe, will, through the instrumentality of this great and +intelligent people, bring us through this as He has through all the other +difficulties of our country. Relying on this, I again thank you for this +generous reception. + + + + +ADDRESS AT TROY, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +MR. MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF TROY:--I thank you very kindly for this great +reception. Since I left my home it has not been my fortune to meet an +assemblage more numerous and more orderly than this. I am the more +gratified at this mark of your regard since you assure me it is tendered, +not to the individual but to the high office you have called me to fill. +I have neither strength nor time to make any extended remarks on this +occasion, and I can only repeat to you my sincere thanks for the kind +reception you have thought proper to extend to me. + + + + +ADDRESS AT POUGHKEEPSIE, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--It is altogether impossible I should make myself heard +by any considerable portion of this vast assemblage; but, although I +appear before you mainly for the purpose of seeing you, and to let you +see rather than hear me, I cannot refrain from saying that I am highly +gratified--as much here, indeed, under the circumstances, as I have been +anywhere on my route--to witness this noble demonstration--made, not in +honor of an individual, but of the man who at this time humbly, but +earnestly, represents the majesty of the nation. + +This reception, like all the others that have been tendered to me, +doubtless emanates from all the political parties, and not from one +alone. As such I accept it the more gratefully, since it indicates an +earnest desire on the part of the whole people, with out regard to +political differences, to save--not the country, because the country will +save itself but to save the institutions of the country, those +institutions under which, in the last three quarters of a century, we +have grown to a great, and intelligent, and a happy people--the greatest, +the most intelligent, and the happiest people in the world. These noble +manifestations indicate, with unerring certainty, that the whole people +are willing to make common cause for this object; that if, as it ever +must be, some have been successful in the recent election and some have +been beaten, if some are satisfied and some are dissatisfied, the +defeated party are not in favor of sinking the ship, but are desirous of +running it through the tempest in safety, and willing, if they think the +people have committed an error in their verdict now, to wait in the hope +of reversing it and setting it right next time. I do not say that in the +recent election the people did the wisest thing, that could have been +done--indeed, I do not think they did; but I do say that in accepting the +great trust committed to me, which I do with a determination to endeavor +to prove worthy of it, I must rely upon you, upon the people of the whole +country, for support; and with their sustaining aid, even I, humble as I +am, cannot fail to carry the ship of state safely through the storm. + +I have now only to thank you warmly for your kind attendance, and bid you +all an affectionate farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT HUDSON, NEW YORK. + +FEBRUARY 19, 1860 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I see that you are providing a platform for me. I shall +have to decline standing upon it, because the president of the company +tells me that I shall not have time to wait until it is brought to me. As +I said yesterday, under similar circumstances at another gathering, you +must not draw the inference that I have any intention of deserting any +platform with which I have a legitimate connection because I do not stand +on yours. Allow me to thank you for this splendid reception, and I now +bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT PEEKSKILL, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I have but a moment to stand before you to listen +to and return your kind greeting. I thank you for this reception, and for +the pleasant manner in which it is tendered to me by our mutual friends. +I will say in a single sentence, in regard to the difficulties that lie +before me and our beloved country, that if I can only be as generously +and unanimously sustained as the demonstrations I have witnessed indicate +I shall be, I shall not fail; but without your sustaining hands I am sure +that neither I nor any other man can hope to surmount these difficulties. +I trust that in the course I shall pursue I shall be sustained not only +by the party that elected me, but by the patriotic people of the whole +country. + + + + +ADDRESS AT FISHKILL LANDING + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I appear before you not to make a speech. I have +not sufficient time, if I had the strength, to repeat speeches at every +station where the people kindly gather to welcome me as we go along. If I +had the strength, and should take the time, I should not get to +Washington until after the inauguration, which you must be aware would +not fit exactly. That such an untoward event might not transpire, I know +you will readily forego any further remarks; and I close by bidding you +farewell. + + + + +REMARKS AT THE ASTOR HOUSE, NEW YORK CITY, FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I have stepped before you merely in compliance with +what appears to be your wish, and not with the purpose of making a +speech. I do not propose making a speech this afternoon. I could not be +heard by any but a small fraction of you, at best; but, what is still +worse than that, I have nothing just now to say that is worthy of your +hearing. I beg you to believe that I do not now refuse to address you +from any disposition to disoblige you, but to the contrary. But, at the +same time, I beg of you to excuse me for the present. + + + + +ADDRESS AT NEW YORK CITY, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN:--I am rather an old man to avail myself of +such an excuse as I am now about to do. Yet the truth is so distinct, and +presses itself so distinctly upon me, that I cannot well avoid it--and +that is, that I did not understand when I was brought into this room that +I was to be brought here to make a speech. It was not intimated to me +that I was brought into the room where Daniel Webster and Henry Clay had +made speeches, and where one in my position might be expected to do +something like those men or say something worthy of myself or my +audience. I therefore beg you to make allowance for the circumstances in +which I have been by surprise brought before you. Now I have been in the +habit of thinking and sometimes speaking upon political questions that +have for some years past agitated the country; and, if I were disposed to +do so, and we could take up some one of the issues, as the lawyers call +them, and I were called upon to make an argument about it to the best of +my ability, I could do so without much preparation. But that is not what +you desire to have done here to-night. + +I have been occupying a position, since the Presidential election, of +silence--of avoiding public speaking, of avoiding public writing. I have +been doing so because I thought, upon full consideration, that was the +proper course for me to take. I am brought before you now, and required +to make a speech, when you all approve more than anything else of the +fact that I have been keeping silence. And now it seems to me that the +response you give to that remark ought to justify me in closing just +here. I have not kept silence since the Presidential election from any +party wantonness, or from any indifference to the anxiety that pervades +the minds of men about the aspect of the political affairs of this +country. I have kept silence for the reason that I supposed it was +peculiarly proper that I should do so until the time came when, according +to the custom of the country, I could speak officially. + +I still suppose that, while the political drama being enacted in this +country at this time is rapidly shifting its scenes--forbidding an +anticipation with any degree of certainty to-day of what we shall see +to-morrow--it is peculiarly fitting that I should see it all, up to the +last minute, before I should take ground that I might be disposed, by the +shifting of the scenes afterward, also to shift. I have said several +times upon this journey, and I now repeat it to you, that when the time +does come, I shall then take the ground that I think is right--right for +the North, for the South, for the East, for the West, for the whole +country. And in doing so I hope to feel no necessity pressing upon me to +say anything in conflict with the Constitution, in conflict with the +continued union of these States, in conflict with the perpetuation of the +liberties of this people, or anything in conflict with anything whatever +that I have ever given you reason to expect from me. And now, my friends, +have I said enough? [Loud cries of "No, no!" and, "Three cheers for +LINCOLN!"] Now, my friends, there appears to be a difference of opinion +between you and me, and I really feel called upon to decide the question +myself. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEW YORK CITY, + +FEBRUARY 20, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR:--It is with feelings of deep gratitude that I make my +acknowledgments for the reception that has been given me in the great +commercial city of New York. I cannot but remember that it is done by the +people who do not, by a large majority, agree with me in political +sentiment. It is the more grateful to me because in this I see that for +the great principles of our Government the people are pretty nearly or +quite unanimous. In regard to the difficulties that confront us at this +time, and of which you have seen fit to speak so becomingly and so +justly, I can only say I agree with the sentiments expressed. In my +devotion to the Union I hope I am behind no man in the nation. As to my +wisdom in conducting affairs so as to tend to the preservation of the +Union, I fear too great confidence may have been placed in me. I am sure +I bring a heart devoted to the work. There is nothing that could ever +bring me to consent--willingly to consent--to the destruction of this +Union (in which not only the great city of New York, but the whole +country, has acquired its greatness), unless it would be that thing for +which the Union itself was made. I understand that the ship is made for +the carrying and preservation of the cargo; and so long as the ship is +safe with the cargo, it shall not be abandoned. This Union shall never be +abandoned, unless the possibility of its existence shall cease to exist +without the necessity of throwing passengers and cargo overboard. So +long, then, as it is possible that the prosperity and liberties of this +people can be preserved within this Union, it shall be my purpose at all +tunes to preserve it. And now, Mr. Mayor, renewing my thanks for this +cordial reception, allow me to come to a close. + + + + +ADDRESS AT JERSEY CITY, NEW JERSEY + +FEBRUARY 21, 1860 + +MR. DAYTON AND GENTLEMEN OF THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY:--I shall only thank +you briefly for this very kind reception given me, not personally, but as +the temporary representative of the majesty of the nation. To the +kindness of your hearts, and of the hearts of your brethren in your +State, I should be very proud to respond, but I shall not have strength +to address you or other assemblages at length, even if I had the time to +do so. I appear before you, therefore, for little else than to greet you, +and to briefly say farewell. You have done me the very high honor to +present your reception courtesies to me through your great man a man with +whom it is an honor to be associated anywhere, and in owning whom no +State can be poor. He has said enough, and by the saying of it suggested +enough, to require a response of an hour, well considered. I could not in +an hour make a worthy response to it. I therefore, ladies and gentlemen +of New Jersey, content myself with saying, most heartily do I indorse all +the sentiments he has expressed. Allow me, most gratefully, to bid you +farewell. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEWARK, NEW JERSEY, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861. + +MR. MAYOR:--I thank you for this reception at the city of Newark. With +regard to the great work of which you speak, I will say that I bring to +it a heart filled with love for my country, and an honest desire to do +what is right. I am sure, however, that I have not the ability to do +anything unaided of God, and that without His support and that of this +free, happy, prosperous, and intelligent people, no man can succeed in +doing that the importance of which we all comprehend. Again thanking you +for the reception you have given me, I will now bid you farewell, and +proceed upon my journey. + + + + +ADDRESS IN TRENTON AT THE TRENTON HOUSE, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +I have been invited by your representatives to the Legislature to visit +this the capital of your honored State, and in acknowledging their kind +invitation, compelled to respond to the welcome of the presiding officers +of each body, and I suppose they intended I should speak to you through +them, as they are the representatives of all of you; and if I were to +speak again here, I should only have to repeat in a great measure much +that I have said, which would be disgusting to my friends around me who +have met here. I have no speech to make, but merely appear to see you and +let you look at me; and as to the latter I think I have greatly the best +of the bargain. My friends, allow me to bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE SENATE OF NEW JERSEY + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE OF THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY:--I +am very grateful to you for the honorable reception of which I have been +the object. I cannot but remember the place that New Jersey holds in our +early history. In the Revolutionary struggle few of the States among the +Old Thirteen had more of the battle-fields of the country within their +limits than New Jersey. May I be pardoned if, upon this occasion, I +mention that away back in my childhood, the earliest days of my being +able to read, I got hold of a small book, such a one as few of the +younger members have ever seen Weems's Life of Washington. I remember all +the accounts there given of the battle-fields and struggles for the +liberties of the country; and none fixed themselves upon my imagination +so deeply as the struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The crossing of +the river, the contest with the Hessians, the great hardships endured at +that time, all fixed themselves on my memory more than any single +Revolutionary event; and you all know, for you have all been boys, how +these early impressions last longer than any others. I recollect thinking +then, boy even though I was, that there must have been something more +than common that these men struggled for. I am exceedingly anxious that +that thing that something even more than national independence, that +something that held out a great promise to all the people of the world to +all time to come--I am exceedingly anxious that this Union, the +Constitution, and the liberties of the people shall be perpetuated in +accordance with the original idea for which that struggle was made; and I +shall be most happy indeed if I shall be a humble instrument in the hands +of the Almighty, and of this his almost chosen people, for perpetuating +the object of that great struggle. You give me this reception, as I +understand, without distinction of party. I learn that this body is +composed of a majority of gentlemen who, in the exercise of their best +judgment in the choice of a chief magistrate, did not think I was the +man. I understand, nevertheless, that they come forward here to greet me +as the constitutionally elected President of the United States--as +citizens of the United States to meet the man who, for the time being, is +the representative of the majesty of the nation--united by the single +purpose to perpetuate the Constitution, the union, and the liberties of +the people. As such, I accept this reception more gratefully than I could +do did I believe it were tendered to me as an individual. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF NEW JERSEY, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. SPEAKER AND GENTLEMEN: I have just enjoyed the honor of a reception +by the other branch of this Legislature, and I return to you and them my +thanks for the reception which the people of New Jersey have given +through their chosen representatives to me as the representative, for the +time being, of the majesty of the people of the United States. I +appropriate to myself very little of the demonstrations of respect with +which I have been greeted. I think little should be given to any man, but +that it should be a manifestation of adherence to the Union and the +Constitution. I understand myself to be received here by the +representatives of the people of New Jersey, a majority of whom differ in +opinion from those with whom I have acted. This manifestation is +therefore to be regarded by me as expressing their devotion to the Union, +the Constitution, and the liberties of the people. + +You, Mr. Speaker, have well said that this is a time when the bravest and +wisest look with doubt and awe upon the aspect presented by our national +affairs. Under these circumstances you will readily see why I should not +speak in detail of the course I shall deem it best to pursue. It is +proper that I should avail myself of all the information and all the time +at my command, in order that when the time arrives in which I must speak +officially, I shall be able to take the ground which I deem best and +safest, and from which I may have no occasion to swerve. I shall endeavor +to take the ground I deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the +South, and the whole country. I shall take it, I hope, in good temper, +certainly with no malice toward any section. I shall do all that may be +in my power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficulties. The +man does not live who is more devoted to peace than I am, none who would +do more to preserve it, but it may be necessary to put the foot down +firmly. And if I do my duty and do right, you will sustain me, will you +not? [Loud cheers, and cries of "Yes, yes; we will."] Received as I am by +the members of a Legislature the majority of whom do not agree with me in +political sentiments, I trust that I may have their assistance in +piloting the ship of state through this voyage, surrounded by perils as +it is; for if it should suffer wreck now, there will be no pilot ever +needed for another voyage. + +Gentlemen, I have already spoken longer than I intended, and must beg +leave to stop here. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA:--I appear before you to +make no lengthy speech, but to thank you for this reception. The +reception you have given me to-night is not to me, the man, the +individual, but to the man who temporarily represents, or should +represent, the majesty of the nation. It is true, as your worthy mayor +has said, that there is great anxiety amongst the citizens of the United +States at this time. I deem it a happy circumstance that this +dissatisfied portion of our fellow-citizens does not point us to anything +in which they are being injured or about to be injured; for which reason +I have felt all the while justified in concluding that the crisis, the +panic, the anxiety of the country at this time is artificial. If there be +those who differ with me upon this subject, they have not pointed out the +substantial difficulty that exists. I do not mean to say that an +artificial panic may not do considerable harm; that it has done such I do +not deny. The hope that has been expressed by your mayor, that I may be +able to restore peace, harmony, and prosperity to the country, is most +worthy of him; and most happy, indeed, will I be if I shall be able to +verify and fulfil that hope. I promise you that I bring to the work a +sincere heart. Whether I will bring a head equal to that heart will be +for future times to determine. It were useless for me to speak of details +of plans now; I shall speak officially next Monday week, if ever. If I +should not speak then, it were useless for me to do so now. If I do speak +then, it is useless for me to do so now. When I do speak, I shall take +such ground as I deem best calculated to restore peace, harmony, and +prosperity to the country, and tend to the perpetuity of the nation and +the liberty of these States and these people. Your worthy mayor has +expressed the wish, in which I join with him, that it were convenient for +me to remain in your city long enough to consult your merchants and +manufacturers; or, as it were, to listen to those breathings rising +within the consecrated walls wherein the Constitution of the United +States and, I will add, the Declaration of Independence, were originally +framed and adopted. I assure you and your mayor that I had hoped on this +occasion, and upon all occasions during my life, that I shall do nothing +inconsistent with the teachings of these holy and most sacred walls. I +have never asked anything that does not breathe from those walls. All my +political warfare has been in favor of the teachings that come forth from +these sacred walls. May my right hand forget its cunning and my tongue +cleave to the roof of my mouth if ever I prove false to those teachings. +Fellow-citizens, I have addressed you longer than I expected to do, and +now allow me to bid you goodnight. + + + + +ADDRESS IN THE HALL OF INDEPENDENCE, PHILADELPHIA, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. CUYLER:--I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing +here, in this place, where were collected together the wisdom, the +devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which we +live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of +restoring peace to the present distracted condition of the country. I can +say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments I entertain have +been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments +which originated and were given to the world from this hall. I have never +had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments +embodied in the Declaration of Independence. I have often pondered over +the dangers which were incurred by the men who assembled here and framed +and adopted that Declaration of Independence. I have pondered over the +toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who +achieved that independence. I have often inquired of myself what great +principle or idea it was that kept the confederacy so long together. It +was not the mere matter of separation of the colonies from the +motherland, but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which +gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but, I hope, to +the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due +time the weight would be lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is +the sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence. Now, my +friends, can the country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will +consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to +save it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, it will be truly +awful. But if this country cannot be saved without giving up that +principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot +than surrender it. Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, +there need be no bloodshed or war. There is no necessity for it. I am not +in favor of such a course, and I may say, in advance, that there will be +no bloodshed unless it is forced upon the Government, and then it will be +compelled to act in self-defence. + +My friends; this is wholly an unexpected speech, and I did not expect to +be called upon to say a word when I came here. I supposed it was merely +to do something toward raising the flag. I may, therefore, have said +something indiscreet. I have said nothing but what I am willing to live +by and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, die by. + + + + +REPLY TO THE WILMINGTON DELEGATION, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. CHAIRMAN:--I feel highly flattered by the encomiums you have seen fit +to bestow upon me. Soon after the nomination of General Taylor, I +attended a political meeting in the city of Wilmington, and have since +carried with me a fond remembrance of the hospitalities of the city on +that occasion. The programme established provides for my presence in +Harrisburg in twenty-four hours from this time. I expect to be in +Washington on Saturday. It is, therefore, an impossibility that I should +accept your kind invitation. There are no people whom I would more gladly +accommodate than those of Delaware; but circumstances forbid, gentlemen. +With many regrets for the character of the reply I am compelled to give +you, I bid you adieu. + + + + +ADDRESS AT LANCASTER, PENNSYLVANIA, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1860 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN OF OLD LANCASTER:--I appear not to make a speech. I +have not time to make a speech at length, and not strength to make them +on every occasion; and, worse than all, I have none to make. There is +plenty of matter to speak about in these times, but it is well known that +the more a man speaks the less he is understood--the more he says one +thing, the more his adversaries contend he meant something else. I shall +soon have occasion to speak officially, and then I will endeavor to put +my thoughts just as plain as I can express myself--true to the +Constitution and Union of all the States, and to the perpetual liberty of +all the people. Until I so speak, there is no need to enter upon details. +In conclusion, I greet you most heartily, and bid you an affectionate +farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA, AT HARRISBURG, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. SPEAKER OF THE SENATE, AND ALSO MR. SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF +REPRESENTATIVES, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF +PENNSYLVANIA:--I appear before you only for a very few brief remarks in +response to what has been said to me. I thank you most sincerely for this +reception, and the generous words in which support has been promised me +upon this occasion. I thank your great commonwealth for the overwhelming +support it recently gave, not me personally, but the cause which I think +a just one, in the late election. + +Allusion has been made to the fact--the interesting fact perhaps we +should say--that I for the first time appear at the capital of the great +commonwealth of Pennsylvania upon the birthday of the Father of his +Country. In connection with that beloved anniversary connected with the +history of this country, I have already gone through one exceedingly +interesting scene this morning in the ceremonies at Philadelphia. Under +the kind conduct of gentlemen there, I was for the first time allowed the +privilege of standing in old Independence Hall to have a few words +addressed to me there, and opening up to me an opportunity of manifesting +my deep regret that I had not more time to express something of my own +feelings excited by the occasion, that had been really the feelings of my +whole life. + +Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent flag of the +country. They had arranged it so that I was given the honor of raising it +to the head of its staff, and when it went up I was pleased that it went +to its place by the strength of my own feeble arm. When, according to the +arrangement, the cord was pulled, and it floated gloriously to the wind, +without an accident, in the bright, glowing sunshine of the morning, I +could not help hoping that there was in the entire success of that +beautiful ceremony at least something of an omen of what is to come. Nor +could I help feeling then, as I have often felt, that in the whole of +that proceeding I was a very humbled instrument. I had not provided the +flag; I had not made the arrangements for elevating it to its place; I +had applied but a very small portion of even my feeble strength in +raising it. In the whole transaction I was in the hands of the people who +had arranged it, and if I can have the same generous co-operation of the +people of this nation, I think the flag of our country may yet be kept +flaunting gloriously. + +I recur for a moment but to repeat some words uttered at the hotel in +regard to what has been said about the military support which the General +Government may expect from the commonwealth of Pennsylvania in a proper +emergency. To guard against any possible mistake do I recur to this. It +is not with any pleasure that I contemplate the possibility that a +necessity may arise in this country for the use of the military arm. +While I am exceedingly gratified to see the manifestation upon your +streets of your military force here, and exceedingly gratified at your +promise to use that force upon a proper emergency--while I make these +acknowledgments I desire to repeat, in order to preclude any possible +misconstruction, that I do most sincerely hope that we shall have no use +for them; that it will never become their duty to shed blood, and most +especially never to shed fraternal blood. I promise that so far as I may +have wisdom to direct, if so painful a result shall in any wise be +brought about, it shall be through no fault of mine. + +Allusion has also been made by one of your honored speakers to some +remarks recently made by myself at Pittsburg in regard to what is +supposed to be the especial interest of this great commonwealth of +Pennsylvania. I now wish only to say in regard to that matter, that the +few remarks which I uttered on that occasion were rather carefully +worded. I took pains that they should be so. I have seen no occasion +since to add to them or subtract from them. I leave them precisely as +they stand, adding only now that I am pleased to have an expression from +you, gentlemen of Pennsylvania, signifying that they are satisfactory to +you. + +And now, gentlemen of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of +Pennsylvania, allow me again to return to you my most sincere thanks. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF WASHINGTON, D.C., + +FEBRUARY 27, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR:--I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities of +this city who accompany you, for this welcome. And as it is the first +time in my life, since the present phase of politics has presented itself +in this country, that I have said anything publicly within a region of +country where the institution of slavery exists, I will take this +occasion to say that I think very much of the ill feeling that has +existed and still exists between the people in the section from which I +came and the people here, is dependent upon a misunderstanding of one +another. I therefore avail myself of this opportunity to assure you, Mr. +Mayor, and all the gentlemen present, that I have not now, and never have +had, any other than as kindly feelings toward you as to the people of my +own section. I have not now, and never have had, any disposition to treat +you in any respect otherwise than as my own neighbors. I have not now any +purpose to withhold from you any of the benefits of the Constitution, +under any circumstances, that I would not feel myself constrained to +withhold from my own neighbors; and I hope, in a word, that when we shall +become better acquainted--and I say it with great confidence--we shall +like each other better. I thank you for the kindness of this reception. + + + + +REPLY TO A SERENADE AT WASHINGTON, D.C., + +FEBRUARY 28, 1861 + +MY FRIENDS:--I suppose that I may take this as a compliment paid to me, +and as such please accept my thanks for it. I have reached this city of +Washington under circumstances considerably differing from those under +which any other man has ever reached it. I am here for the purpose of +taking an official position amongst the people, almost all of whom were +politically opposed to me, and are yet opposed to me, as I suppose. + +I propose no lengthy address to you. I only propose to say, as I did on +yesterday, when your worthy mayor and board of aldermen called upon me, +that I thought much of the ill feeling that has existed between you and +the people of your surroundings and that people from among whom I came, +has depended, and now depends, upon a misunderstanding. + +I hope that, if things shall go along as prosperously as I believe we all +desire they may, I may have it in my power to remove something of this +misunderstanding; that I may be enabled to convince you, and the people +of your section of the country, that we regard you as in all things our +equals, and in all things entitled to the same respect and the same +treatment that we claim for ourselves; that we are in no wise disposed, +if it were in our power, to oppress you, to deprive you of any of your +rights under the Constitution of the United States, or even narrowly to +split hairs with you in regard to these rights, but are determined to +give you, as far as lies in our hands, all your rights under the +Constitution--not grudgingly, but fully and fairly. I hope that, by thus +dealing with you, we will become better acquainted, and be better +friends. + +And now, my friends, with these few remarks, and again returning my +thanks for this compliment, and expressing my desire to hear a little +more of your good music, I bid you good-night. + + + + +WASHINGTON, SUNDAY, MARCH 3, 1861 + +[During the struggle over the appointments of LINCOLN's Cabinet, the +President-elect spoke as follows:] + +Gentlemen, it is evident that some one must take the responsibility of +these appointments, and I will do it. My Cabinet is completed. The +positions are not definitely assigned, and will not be until I announce +them privately to the gentlemen whom I have selected as my Constitutional +advisers. + + + + +FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS, + +MARCH 4, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES:--In compliance with a custom as old +as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and +to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the +United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the +execution of his office." + +I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters +of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. + +Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that +by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their +peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been +any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample +evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their +inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who +now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I +declare that + +"I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the +institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no +lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." + +Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had +made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. +And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and +as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which +I now read: + +"Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, +and especially the right of each State to order and control its own +domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is +essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance +of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by +armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what +pretext, as amongst the gravest of crimes." + +I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon the +public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is +susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to +be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, too, +that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the +laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when +lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to +another. + +There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from +service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the +Constitution as any other of its provisions: + +"No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, +escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation +therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered +up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." + +It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who +made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the +intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their +support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any +other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the +terms of this clause "shall be delivered up," their oaths are unanimous. +Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with +nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep +good that unanimous oath? + +There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be +enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that difference is +not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of +but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. +And should any one in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept +on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? + +Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of +liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so +that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it +not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of +that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of +each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens +in the several States"? + +I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no +purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. +And, while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as +proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, +both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all +those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting +to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. + +It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under +our national Constitution. During that period fifteen different and +greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the +executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many +perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of +precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional +term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of +the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. + +I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, +the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not +expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe +to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic +law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express +provisions of our national Constitution, and the Union will endure +forever--it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not +provided for in the instrument itself. + +Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an +association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it as a +contract be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? +One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak; but does +it not require all to lawfully rescind it? + +Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in +legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of +the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was +formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured +and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further +matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted +and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation +in 1778. And, finally, in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining +and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union." + +But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the +States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the +Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. + +It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can +lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that +effect are legally void; and that acts of violence, within any State or +States, against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary +or revolutionary, according to circumstances. + +I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the +Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as +the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the +Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be +only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform it so far as +practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall +withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the +contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the +declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and +maintain itself. + +In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there shall +be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power +confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and +places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and +imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will +be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. +Where hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, shall be +so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from +holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious +strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right +may exist in the government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the +attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable +withal, that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such +offices. + +The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of +the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that +sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and +reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current +events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, +and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised +according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope +of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of +fraternal sympathies and affections. + +That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the +Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither +affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To +those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak? + +Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national +fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not +be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate +a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you +fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly +to are greater than all the real ones you fly from--will you risk the +commission of so fearful a mistake? + +All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can +be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the +Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so +constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, +if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of +the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a +majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional +right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution--certainly +would if such a right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the +vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to +them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the +Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no +organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable +to every question which may occur in practical administration. No +foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, +express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor +be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does +not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The +Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the +Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. + +From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, +and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority +will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. +There is no other alternative; for continuing the Government is +acquiescence on one side or the other. + +If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a +precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; for a minority of +their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be +controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a +new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely +as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who +cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of +doing this. + +Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a +new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession? + +Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A +majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and +always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and +sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects +it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is +impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly +inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or +despotism in some form is all that is left. + +I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional +questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that such +decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, as to +the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high +respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments +of the government. And, while it is obviously possible that such decision +may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, +being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be +overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be +borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the +candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government, upon +vital questions affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by +decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary +litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have +ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned +the government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in +this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from +which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, +and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to +political purposes. + +One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be +extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be +extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause +of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave +trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a +community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the +law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal +obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, +cannot be perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases after the +separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now +imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, +in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, +would not be surrendered at all by the other. + +Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective +sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A +husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond +the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do +this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either +amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to +make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after +separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can +make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than +laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; +and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease +fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are +again upon you. + +This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit +it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can +exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their +revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of +the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having +the national Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of +amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over +the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in +the instrument itself, and I should, under existing circumstances, favor +rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act +upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems +preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people +themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject +propositions originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, +and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept +or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution which +amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect +that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic +institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To +avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not +to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a +provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to +its being made express and irrevocable. + +The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they +have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the +States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the +executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer +the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, +unimpaired by him, to his successors. + +Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of +the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our +present differences is either party without faith of being in the right? +If the Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be +on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that +justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the +American people. + +By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people have +wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; and +have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their +own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue +and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, +can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four +years. + +My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole +subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an +object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never +take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no +good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied +still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, +the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will +have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were +admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the +dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. +Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who +has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust +in the best way all our present difficulty. + +In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the +momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can +have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no +oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have +the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend" it. + +I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be +enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break, our bonds +of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every +battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all +over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again +touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. + + + + +REFUSAL OF SEWARD RESIGNATION + +TO WM. H. SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 4, 1861. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your note of the 2d instant, asking to withdraw your +acceptance of my invitation to take charge of the State Department, was +duly received. It is the subject of the most painful solicitude with me, +and I feel constrained to beg that you will countermand the withdrawal. +The public interest, I think, demands that you should; and my personal +feelings are deeply enlisted in the same direction. Please consider and +answer by 9 A.M. to-morrow. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION, + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE PENNSYLVANIAN DELEGATION:--As I have so +frequently said heretofore, when I have had occasion to address the +people of the Keystone, in my visits to that State, I can now but repeat +the assurance of my gratification at the support you gave me at the +election, and at the promise of a continuation of that support which is +now tendered to me. + +Allusion has been made to the hope that you entertain that you have a +President and a government. In respect to that I wish to say to you that +in the position I have assumed I wish to do more than I have ever given +reason to believe I would do. I do not wish you to believe that I assume +to be any better than others who have gone before me. I prefer rather to +have it understood that if we ever have a government on the principles we +profess, we should remember, while we exercise our opinion, that others +have also rights to the exercise of their opinions, and that we should +endeavor to allow these rights, and act in such a manner as to create no +bad feeling. I hope we have a government and a President. I hope, and +wish it to be understood, that there may be no allusion to unpleasant +differences. + +We must remember that the people of all the States are entitled to all +the privileges and immunities of the citizens of the several States. We +should bear this in mind, and act in such a way as to say nothing +insulting or irritating. I would inculcate this idea, so that we may not, +like Pharisees, set ourselves up to be better than other people. + +Now, my friends, my public duties are pressing to-day, and will prevent +my giving more time to you. Indeed, I should not have left them now, but +I could not well deny myself to so large and respectable a body. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION, + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + +I am thankful for this renewed assurance of kind feeling and confidence, +and the support of the old Bay State, in so far as you, Mr. Chairman, +have expressed, in behalf of those whom you represent, your sanction of +what I have enunciated in my inaugural address. This is very grateful to +my feelings. The object was one of great delicacy, in presenting views at +the opening of an administration under the peculiar circumstances +attending my entrance upon the official duties connected with the +Government. I studied all the points with great anxiety, and presented +them with whatever of ability and sense of justice I could bring to bear. +If it met the approbation of our good friends in Massachusetts, I shall +be exceedingly gratified, while I hope it will meet the approbation of +friends everywhere. I am thankful for the expressions of those who have +voted with us; and like every other man of you, I like them as certainly +as I do others. As the President in the administration of the Government, +I hope to be man enough not to know one citizen of the United States from +another, nor one section from another. I shall be gratified to have good +friends of Massachusetts and others who have thus far supported me in +these national views still to support me in carrying them out. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD + +EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, MARCH 7, 1861 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is the diplomatic address and my reply. To whom +the reply should be addressed--that is, by what title or style--I do not +quite understand, and therefore I have left it blank. + +Will you please bring with you to-day the message from the War +Department, with General Scott's note upon it, which we had here +yesterday? I wish to examine the General's opinion, which I have not yet +done. + +Yours very truly + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS + +WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, MARCH 7, 1861 + +Mr. FIGANIERE AND GENTLEMEN OF THE DIPLOMATIC BODY:--Please accept my +sincere thanks for your kind congratulations. It affords me pleasure to +confirm the confidence you so generously express in the friendly +disposition of the United States, through me, towards the sovereigns and +governments you respectively represent. With equal satisfaction I accept +the assurance you are pleased to give, that the same disposition is +reciprocated by your sovereigns, your governments, and yourselves. + +Allow me to express the hope that these friendly relations may remain +undisturbed, and also my fervent wishes for the health and happiness of +yourselves personally. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 11,1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. DEAR SIR:--What think you of sending ministers +at once as follows: Dayton to England; Fremont to France; Clay to Spain; +Corwin to Mexico? + +We need to have these points guarded as strongly and quickly as possible. +This is suggestion merely, and not dictation. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. COLLAMER + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 12, 1861 + +HON. JACOB COLLAMER. MY DEAR SIR:--God help me. It is said I have +offended you. I hope you will tell me how. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + +March 14, 1861. DEAR SIR:--I am entirely unconscious that you have any +way offended me. I cherish no sentiment towards you but that of kindness +and confidence. Your humble servant, J. COLLAMER. + + [Returned with indorsement:] + +Very glad to know that I have n't. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 13, 1861 + +HON. P. M. G. + +DEAR SIR:--The bearer of this, Mr. C. T. Hempstow, is a Virginian who +wishes to get, for his son, a small place in your Dept. I think Virginia +should be heard, in such cases. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +NOTE ASKING CABINET OPINIONS ON FORT SUMTER. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 15, 1861 + +THE HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort Sumter, +under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it? Please give me your +opinion in writing on this question. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Same to other members of the Cabinet.] + + + + +ON ROYAL ARBITRATION OF AMERICAN BOUNDARY LINE + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES + +The Senate has transmitted to me a copy of the message sent by my +predecessor to that body on the 21st of February last, proposing to take +its advice on the subject of a proposition made by the British Government +through its minister here to refer the matter in controversy between that +government and the Government of the United States to the arbitrament of +the King of Sweden and Norway, the King of the Netherlands, or the +Republic of the Swiss Confederation. + +In that message my predecessor stated that he wished to present to the +Senate the precise questions following, namely: + +"Will the Senate approve a treaty referring to either of the sovereign +powers above named the dispute now existing between the governments of +the United States and Great Britain concerning the boundary line between +Vancouver's Island and the American continent? In case the referee shall +find himself unable to decide where the line is by the description of it +in the treaty of June 15, 1846, shall he be authorized to establish a +line according to the treaty as nearly as possible? Which of the three +powers named by Great Britain as an arbiter shall be chosen by the United +States?" + +I find no reason to disapprove of the course of my predecessor in this +important matter; but, on the contrary, I not only shall receive the +advice of the Senate thereon cheerfully, but I respectfully ask the +Senate for their advice on the three questions before recited. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, March 16, 1861 + + + + +AMBASSADORIAL APPOINTMENTS + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 18, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I believe it is a necessity with us to make the +appointments I mentioned last night--that is, Charles F. Adams to +England, William L. Dayton to France, George P. Marsh to Sardinia, and +Anson Burlingame to Austria. These gentlemen all have my highest esteem, +but no one of them is originally suggested by me except Mr. Dayton. Mr. +Adams I take because you suggested him, coupled with his eminent fitness +for the place. Mr. Marsh and Mr. Burlingame I take because of the intense +pressure of their respective States, and their fitness also. + +The objection to this card is that locally they are so huddled up--three +being in New England and two from a single State. I have considered this, +and will not shrink from the responsibility. This, being done, leaves but +five full missions undisposed of--Rome, China, Brazil, Peru, and Chili. +And then what about Carl Schurz; or, in other words, what about our +German friends? + +Shall we put the card through, and arrange the rest afterward? What say +you? + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO G. E. PATTEN. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 19, 1861. + +TO MASTER GEO. EVANS PATTEN. + +WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:--I did see and talk with Master Geo. Evans Patten +last May at Springfield, Ill. + +Respectfully, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Written because of a denial that any interview with young Patten, then a +schoolboy, had ever taken place.] + + + + +RESPONSE TO SENATE INQUIRY RE. FORT SUMTER + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:--I have received a copy of the +resolution of the Senate, passed on the 25th instant, requesting me, if +in my opinion not incompatible with the public interest, to communicate +to the Senate the despatches of Major Robert Anderson to the War +Department during the time he has been in command of Fort Sumter. On +examination of the correspondence thus called for, I have, with the +highest respect for the Senate, come to the conclusion that at the +present moment the publication of it would be inexpedient. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 16, 1861 + + + + +PREPARATION OF FIRST NAVAL ACTION + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 29, 1861 + +HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +SIR:--I desire that an expedition to move by sea be got ready to sail as +early as the 6th of April next, the whole according to memorandum +attached, and that you cooperate with the Secretary of the Navy for that +object. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Inclosure.] + +Steamers Pocahontas at Norfolk, Paunee at Washington, Harriet Lane at New +York, to be under sailing orders for sea, with stores, etc., for one +month. Three hundred men to be kept ready for departure from on board the +receiving-ships at New York. Two hundred men to be ready to leave +Governor's Island in New York. Supplies for twelve months for one hundred +men to be put in portable shape, ready for instant shipping. A large +steamer and three tugs conditionally engaged. + + + + +TO ______ STUART. + +WASHINGTON, March 30, 1861 + +DEAR STUART: + +Cousin Lizzie shows me your letter of the 27th. The question of giving +her the Springfield post-office troubles me. You see I have already +appointed William Jayne a Territorial governor and Judge Trumbull's +brother to a land-office. Will it do for me to go on and justify the +declaration that Trumbull and I have divided out all the offices among +our relatives? Dr. Wallace, you know, is needy, and looks to me; and I +personally owe him much. + +I see by the papers, a vote is to be taken as to the post-office. Could +you not set up Lizzie and beat them all? She, being here, need know +nothing of it, so therefore there would be no indelicacy on her part. + +Yours as ever, + + + + +TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NEW YORK NAVY-YARD. + +NAVY DEPT., WASHINGTON, April 1, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NAVY-YARD, Brooklyn, N. Y. + +Fit out the Powhatan to go to sea at the earnest possible moment under +sealed orders. Orders by a confidential messenger go forward to-morrow. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861 + +LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER, United States Navy. + +SIR:--You will proceed to New York, and with the least possible delay, +assuming command of any naval steamer available, proceed to Pensacola +Harbor, and at any cost or risk prevent any expedition from the mainland +reaching Fort Pickens or Santa Rosa Island. + +You will exhibit this order to any naval officer at Pensacola, if you +deem it necessary, after you have established yourself within the harbor, +and will request co-operation by the entrance of at least one other +steamer. + +This order, its object, and your destination will be communicated to no +person whatever until you reach the harbor of Pensacola. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +Recommended, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + + + + +RELIEF EXPEDITION FOR FORT SUMTER + +ORDER TO OFFICERS OF THE ARMY AND NAVY. + +WASHINGTON, EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861. + +All officers of the army and navy to whom this order may be exhibited +will aid by every means in their power the expedition under the command +of Colonel Harvey Brown, supplying him with men and material, and +co-operating with him as he may desire. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO CAPTAIN SAMUEL MERCER. + +(Confidential.) + +WASHINGTON CITY, April 1, 1861 + +SIR:--Circumstances render it necessary to place in command of your ship +(and for a special purpose) an officer who is fully informed and +instructed in relation to the wishes of the Government, and you will +therefore consider yourself detached. But in taking this step the +Government does not in the least reflect upon your efficiency or +patriotism; on the contrary, have the fullest confidence in your ability +to perform any duty required of you. Hoping soon to be able to give you a +better command than the one you now enjoy, and trusting that you will +have full confidence in the disposition of the Government toward you, I +remain, etc., + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +SECRETARY SEWARD'S BID FOR POWER + +MEMORANDUM FROM SECRETARY SEWARD, APRIL 1, 1861 + +Some thoughts for the President's Consideration, + +First. We are at the end of a month's administration, and yet without a +policy either domestic or foreign. + +Second. This, however, is not culpable, and it has even been unavoidable. +The presence of the Senate, with the need to meet applications for +patronage, have prevented attention to other and more grave matters. + +Third. But further delay to adopt and prosecute our policies for both +domestic and foreign affairs would not only bring scandal on the +administration, but danger upon the country. + +Fourth. To do this we must dismiss the applicants for office. But how? I +suggest that we make the local appointments forthwith, leaving foreign or +general ones for ulterior and occasional action. + +Fifth. The policy at home. I am aware that my views are singular, and +perhaps not sufficiently explained. My system is built upon this idea as +a ruling one, namely, that we must CHANGE THE QUESTION BEFORE THE PUBLIC +FROM ONE UPON SLAVERY, OR ABOUT SLAVERY, for a question upon UNION OR +DISUNION: In other words, from what would be regarded as a party +question, to one of patriotism or union. + +The occupation or evacuation of Fort Sumter, although not in fact a +slavery or a party question, is so regarded. Witness the temper +manifested by the Republicans in the free States, and even by the Union +men in the South. + +I would therefore terminate it as a safe means for changing the issue. I +deem it fortunate that the last administration created the necessity. + +For the rest, I would simultaneously defend and reinforce all the ports +in the gulf, and have the navy recalled from foreign stations to be +prepared for a blockade. Put the island of Key West under martial law. + +This will raise distinctly the question of union or disunion. I would +maintain every fort and possession in the South. + + +FOR FOREIGN NATIONS, + +I would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at +once. + +I would seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia, and send agents +into Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous continental +spirit of independence on this continent against European intervention. + +And, if satisfactory explanations are not received from Spain and France, + +Would convene Congress and declare war against them. + +But whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of +it. + +For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it +incessantly. + +Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in +it, or Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on +it must end, and all agree and abide. + +It is not in my especial province; But I neither seek to evade nor assume +responsibility. + + + + +REPLY TO SECRETARY SEWARD'S MEMORANDUM + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, APRIL 1, 1861 + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Since parting with you I have been considering your paper +dated this day, and entitled "Some Thoughts for the President's +Consideration." The first proposition in it is, "First, We are at the end +of a month's administration, and yet without a policy either domestic or +foreign." + +At the beginning of that month, in the inaugural, I said: "The power +confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and +places belonging to the Government, and to Collect the duties and +imposts." This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken in +connection with the order I immediately gave General Scott, directing him +to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold the forts, +comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with the single +exception that it does not propose to abandon Fort Sumter. + +Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement of Fort Sumter would be +done on a slavery or a party issue, while that of Fort Pickens would be +on a more national and patriotic one. + +The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly brings a +new item within the range of our foreign policy; but up to that time we +have been preparing circulars and instructions to ministers and the like, +all in perfect harmony, without even a suggestion that we had no foreign +policy. + +Upon your Closing propositions--that, + +"Whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of it. + +"For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it +incessantly. + +"Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in +it, or, + +"Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it +must end, and all agree and abide"-- + +I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general line of +policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its being changed +without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of unnecessary debate; +still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and suppose I am +entitled to have, the advice of all the Cabinet. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO A COMMITTEE FROM THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION, APRIL 13, 1861 + +HON. WILLIAM BALLARD PRESTON, ALEXANDER H. H. STUART, GEORGE W. RANDOLPH, +Esq. + +GENTLEMEN:--As a committee of the Virginia Convention now in Session, you +present me a preamble and resolution in these words: + +"Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which +prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive +intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely injurious to the +industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an +excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment of pending +difficulties, and threatens a disturbance of the public peace: therefore + +"Resolved, that a committee of three delegates be appointed by this +Convention to wait upon the President of the United States, present to +him this preamble and resolution, and respectfully ask him to communicate +to this Convention the policy which the Federal Executive intends to +pursue in regard to the Confederate States. + +"Adopted by the Convention of the State of Virginia, Richmond, April 8, +1861." + +In answer I have to say that, having at the beginning of my official term +expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep +regret and some mortification I now learn that there is great and +injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and +what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to +change, it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the +inaugural address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole +document as the best expression I can give of my purposes. + +As I then and therein said, I now repeat: "The power confided to me will +be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to +the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what is +necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force +against or among the people anywhere." By the words "property and places +belonging to the Government," I chiefly allude to the military posts and +property which were in the possession of the Government when it came to +my hands. + +But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the +United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault has been +made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess, if I +can, like places which had been seized before the Government was devolved +upon me. And in every event I shall, to the extent of my ability, repel +force by force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been +assaulted, as is reported, I shall perhaps cause the United States mails +to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to have seceded, +believing that the commencement of actual war against the Government +justifies and possibly demands this. + +I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and property +situated within the States which claim to have seceded as yet belonging +to the Government of the United States as much as they did before the +supposed secession. + +Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect +the duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the country; +not meaning by this, however, that I may not land a force deemed +necessary to relieve a fort upon a border of the country. + +From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must +not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I +reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be regarded as +a modification. + + + + +PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 75,000 MILITIA, AND CONVENING CONGRESS IN +EXTRA SESSION, APRIL 15, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past and +now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of +South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and +Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary +course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals +bylaw: + +Now, therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, in +virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have +thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the +several States of the Union, to the aggregate number of seventy-five +thousand, in order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the laws +to be duly executed. + +The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the State +authorities through the War Department. + +I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort +to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our National +Union, and the perpetuity of popular government; and to redress wrongs +already long enough endured. + +I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces +hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and +property which have been seized from the Union; and in every event the +utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to +avoid any devastation, any destruction of or interference with property, +or any disturbance of peaceful citizens in any part of the country. + +And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid to +disperse and retire peacefully to their respective abodes within twenty +days from date. + +Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an +extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested +by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. Senators and +Representatives are therefore summoned to assemble at their respective +chambers, at twelve o'clock noon, on Thursday, the fourth day of July +next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their +wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the year +of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + +By the President: + WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 19, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF +AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas an insurrection against the Government of the United States has +broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, +Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the United States for +the collection of the revenue cannot be effectually executed therein +conformably to that provision of the Constitution which requires duties +to be uniform throughout the United States: + +And Whereas a combination of persons engaged in such insurrection have +threatened to grant pretended letters of marque to authorize the bearers +thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, and property of good +citizens of the country lawfully engaged in commerce on the high seas, +and in waters of the United States: + +And Whereas an executive proclamation has been already issued requiring +the persons engaged in these disorderly proceedings to desist therefrom, +calling out a militia force for the purpose of repressing the same, and +convening Congress in extraordinary session to deliberate and determine +thereon: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the United States, with +a view to the same purposes before mentioned, and to the protection of +the public peace, and the lives and property of quiet and orderly +citizens pursuing their lawful occupations, until Congress shall have +assembled and deliberated on the said unlawful proceedings, or until the +same shall have ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set on foot a +blockade of the ports within the States aforesaid, in pursuance of the +laws of the United States, and of the law of nations in such case +provided. For this purpose a competent force will be posted so as to +prevent entrance and exit of vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, +therefore, with a view to violate such blockade, a vessel shall approach +or shall attempt to leave either of the said ports, she will be duly +warned by the commander of one of the blockading vessels, who will +indorse on her register the fact and date of such warning, and if the +same vessel shall again attempt to enter or leave the blockaded port, she +will be captured and sent to the nearest convenient port, for such +proceedings against her and her cargo, as prize, as may be deemed +advisable. + +And I hereby proclaim and declare that if any person, under the pretended +authority of the said States, or under any other pretense, shall molest a +vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo on board of her, +such person will be held amenable to the laws of the United States for +the prevention and punishment of piracy. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of April, in the year +of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: + WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + +WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 +GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brune is received. I +tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to keep the peace in +the trying situation in which you are placed. + +For the future troops must be brought here, but I make no point of +bringing them through Baltimore. Without any military knowledge myself, +of course I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily said this +morning in the presence of these gentlemen, "March them around Baltimore, +and not through it." I sincerely hope the General, on fuller reflection, +will consider this practical and proper, and that you will not object to +it. By this a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops will +be avoided, unless they go out of their way to seek it. I hope you will +exert your influence to prevent this. + +Now and ever I shall do all in my power for peace consistently with the +maintenance of the Government. + +Your obedient servant, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR HICKS. + +WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 +GOVERNOR HICKS: + +I desire to consult with you and the Mayor of Baltimore relative to +preserving the peace of Maryland. Please come immediately by special +train, which you can take at Baltimore; or, if necessary, one can be sent +from here. Answer forthwith. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO DEFEND FROM A MARYLAND INSURRECTION + +ORDER TO GENERAL SCOTT. WASHINGTON, April 25, 1861 + +LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SCOTT. + +MY DEAR SIR--The Maryland Legislature assembles to-morrow at Annapolis, +and not improbably will take action to arm the people of that State +against the United States. The question has been submitted to and +considered by me whether it would not be justifiable, upon the ground of +necessary defense, for you, as General in Chief of the United States +Army, to arrest or disperse the members of that body. I think it would +not be justifiable nor efficient for the desired object. + +First. They have a clearly legal right to assemble, and we cannot know in +advance that their action will not be lawful and peaceful, and if we wait +until they shall have acted their arrest or dispersion will not lessen +the effect of their action. + +Secondly. We cannot permanently prevent their action. If we arrest them, +we cannot long hold them as prisoners, and when liberated they will +immediately reassemble and take their action; and precisely the same if +we simply disperse them--they will immediately reassemble in some other +place. + +I therefore conclude that it is only left to the Commanding General to +watch and await their action, which, if it shall be to arm their people +against the United States, he is to adopt the most prompt and efficient +means to counteract, even, if necessary, to the bombardment of their +cities and, in the extremist necessity, the suspension of the writ of +habeas corpus. + +Your obedient servant, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 27, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas, for the reasons assigned in my proclamation of the nineteenth +instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South Carolina, +Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas was ordered +to be established: + +And whereas, since that date, public property of the United States has +been seized, the collection of the revenue obstructed, and duly +commissioned officers of the United States, while engaged in executing +the orders of their superiors, have been arrested and held in custody as +prisoners, or have been impeded in the discharge of their official +duties, without due legal process, by persons claiming to act under +authorities of the States of Virginia and North Carolina: + +An efficient blockade of the ports of those States will also be +established. + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the +United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this twenty seventh day of April, in the +year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +REMARKS TO A MILITARY COMPANY, WASHINGTON, +APRIL 27, 1861 + +I have desired as sincerely as any man, and I sometimes think more than +any other man, that our present difficulties might be settled without the +shedding of blood. I will not say that all hope has yet gone; but if the +alternative is presented whether the Union is to be broken in fragments +and the liberties of the people lost, or blood be shed, you will probably +make the choice with which I shall not be dissatisfied. + + + + +LOCALIZED REPEAL OF WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS + +TO GENERAL SCOTT. + +TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES. + +You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of the +United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line +which is now or which shall be used between the City of Philadelphia and +the city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to +suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public safety, you personally, +or through the officer in command at the point at which resistance +occurs, are authorized to suspend that writ. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, April 17, 1861 + + + + +MILITARY ENROLLMENT OF ST. LOUIS CITIZENS + +FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR WAR DEPARTMENT, April 30, 1861 + +TO CAPTAIN NATHANIEL LYON. + +CAPT. NATHANIEL LYON, Commanding Department of the West. + +SIR:--The President of the United States directs that you enroll in the +military service of the United States the loyal citizens of Saint Louis +and vicinity, not exceeding, with those heretofore enlisted, ten thousand +in number, for the purpose of maintaining the authority of the United +States; for the protection of the peaceful inhabitants of Missouri; and +you will, if deemed necessary for that purpose by yourself, by Messrs. +Oliver F. Ferny, John How, James O. Broadhead, Samuel T. Glover, J. +Wilzie, Francis P. Blair, Jr., proclaim martial law in the city of Saint +Louis. + +The additional force hereby authorized shall be discharged in part or in +whole, if enlisted. As soon as it appears to you and the gentlemen above +mentioned that there is no danger of an attempt on the part of the +enemies of the Government to take military possession of the city of +Saint Louis, or put the city in control of the combination against the +Government of the United States; and whilst such additional force remains +in the service the same shall be governed by the Rules and Articles of +War, and such special regulations as you may prescribe. I shall like the +force hereafter directed to be enrolled to be under your command. + +The arms and other military stores in the Saint Louis Arsenal not needed +for the forces of the United States in Missouri must be removed to +Springfield, or some other safe place of deposit in the State of +Illinois, as speedily as practicable, by the ordnance officers in charge +at Saint Louis. + +(Indorsement.) + +It is revolutionary times, and therefore I do not object to the +irregularity of this. W. S. + +Approved, April 30, 1861. + +A. LINCOLN. + +Colonel Thomas will make this order. +SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War. + + + + +CONDOLENCE OVER FAILURE OF FT. SUMTER RELIEF + +TO GUSTAVUS V. FOX. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., May 1, 1861 + +CAPTAIN G. V. Fox. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I sincerely regret that the failure of the late attempt to +provision Fort Sumter should be the source of any annoyance to you. + +The practicability of your plan was not, in fact, brought to a test. By +reason of a gale, well known in advance to be possible and not +improbable, the tugs, an essential part of the plan, never reached the +ground; while, by an accident for which you were in no wise responsible, +and possibly I to some extent was, you were deprived of a war vessel, +with her men, which you deemed of great importance to the enterprise. + +I most cheerfully and truly declare that the failure of the undertaking +has not lowered you a particle, while the qualities you developed in the +effort have greatly heightened you in my estimation. + +For a daring and dangerous enterprise of a similar character you would +to-day be the man of all my acquaintances whom I would select. You and I +both anticipated that the cause of the country would be advanced by +making the attempt to provision Fort Sumter, even if it should fail; and +it is no small consolation now to feel that our anticipation is justified +by the result. + +Very truly your friend, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 42,034 VOLUNTEERS, + +MAY 3, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. + +A Proclamation.. + +Whereas existing exigencies demand immediate and adequate measures for +the protection of the National Constitution and the preservation of the +National Union by the suppression of the insurrectionary combinations now +existing in several States for opposing the laws of the Union and +obstructing the execution thereof, to which end a military force in +addition to that called forth by my proclamation of the 15th day of April +in the present year appears to be indispensably necessary: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States and +Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy thereof and of the militia of the +several States when called into actual service, do hereby call into the +service of the United States 42,034 volunteers to serve for the period of +three years, unless sooner discharged, and to be mustered into service as +infantry and cavalry. The proportions of each arm and the details of +enrollment and organization will be made known through the Department of +War. + +And I also direct that the Regular Army of the United States be increased +by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one regiment of cavalry, +and one regiment of artillery, making altogether a maximum aggregate +increase of 22,714 officers and enlisted men, the details of which +increase will also be made known through the Department of War. + +And I further direct the enlistment for not less than one or more than +three years of 18,000 seamen, in addition to the present force, for the +naval service of the United States. The details of the enlistment and +organization will be made known through the Department of the Navy. + +The call for volunteers hereby made and the direction for the increase of +the Regular Army and for the enlistment of seamen hereby given, together +with the plan of organization adopted for the volunteer and for the +regular forces hereby authorized, will be submitted to Congress as soon +as assembled. + +In the meantime I earnestly invoke the co-operation of all good citizens +in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual suppression of unlawful +violence, for the impartial enforcement of constitutional laws, and for +the speediest possible restoration of peace and order, and with these of +happiness and prosperity, throughout our country. + +In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my band and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed................ + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: + WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +COMMUNICATION WITH VICE-PRESIDENT + +TO VICE-PRESIDENT HAMLIN. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., May 6, 1861 + +HON. H. HAMLIN, New York. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Please advise me at the close of each day what troops left +during the day, where going, and by what route; what remaining at New +York, and what expected in the next day. Give the numbers, as near as +convenient, and what corps they are. This information, reaching us daily, +will be very useful as well as satisfactory. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO COLONEL ANDERSON, + +MAY 7, 1861 + +TO ALL WHO SHALL SEE THESE PRESENTS, GREETING: + +Know ye that, reposing special trust and confidence in the patriotism, +valor, fidelity, and ability of Colonel Robert Anderson, U. S. Army, I +have empowered him, and do hereby empower him, to receive into the army +of the United States as many regiments of volunteer troops from the State +of Kentucky and from the western part of the State of Virginia as shall +be willing to engage in the Service of the United States for the term of +three years, upon the terms and according to the plan proposed by the +proclamation of May 3, 1861, and General Orders No. 15, from the War +Department, of May 4, 1861. + +The troops whom he receives shall be on the same footing in every respect +as those of the like kind called for in the proclamation above cited, +except that the officers shall be commissioned by the United States. He +is therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the duty hereby +devolved upon him by doing and performing all manner of things thereunto +belonging. + +Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 7th day of May, A. +D. 1861, and in the eighty-fifth year of the independence of the United +States. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: + SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War, + + + + +PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING THE WRIT OF HABEAS +CORPUS IN FLORIDA, MAY 10, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas an insurrection exists in the State of Florida, by which the +lives, liberty, and property of loyal citizens of the United States are +endangered: + +And whereas it is deemed proper that all needful measures should be taken +for the protection of such citizens and all officers of the United States +in the discharge of their public duties in the State aforesaid: + +Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the +United States, do hereby direct the commander of the forces of the United +States on the Florida coast to permit no person to exercise any office or +authority upon the islands of Key West, the Tortugas, and Santa Rosa, +which may be inconsistent with the laws and Constitution of the United +States, authorizing him at the same time, if he shall find it necessary, +to suspend there the writ of habeas corpus, and to remove from the +vicinity of the United States fortresses all dangerous or suspected +persons. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed..................... + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: + WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY WELLES. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 11, 1861 + +TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. + +SIR:-Lieut. D. D. Porter was placed in command of the steamer Powhatan, +and Captain Samuel Mercer was detached therefrom, by my special order, +and neither of them is responsible for any apparent or real irregularity +on their part or in connection with that vessel. + +Hereafter Captain Porter is relieved from that special service and placed +under the direction of the Navy Department, from which he will receive +instructions and to which he will report. + +Very respectfully, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CORRECTIONS OF A DIPLOMATIC DESPATCH WRITTEN BY +THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO MINISTER ADAMS + +NO. 10. + +DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON, May 21, 1861 + +SIR:---Mr. Dallas, in a brief despatch of May 2d (No. 333), tells us that +Lord John Russell recently requested an interview with him on account of +the solicitude which his lordship felt concerning the effect of certain +measures represented as likely to be adopted by the President. In that +conversation the British secretary told Mr. Dallas that the three +representatives of the Southern Confederacy were then in London, that +Lord John Russell had not yet seen them, but that he was not unwilling to +see them unofficially. He further informed Mr. Dallas that an +understanding exists between the British and French governments which +would lead both to take one and the same course as to recognition. His +lordship then referred to the rumor of a meditated blockade by us of +Southern ports, and a discontinuance of them as ports of entry. Mr. +Dallas answered that he knew nothing on those topics, and therefore + + (The President's corrections, both in notes and text, are in + caps. All matter between brackets was to be marked out.) + +could say nothing. He added that you were expected to arrive in two +weeks. Upon this statement Lord John Russell acquiesced in the expediency +of waiting for the full knowledge you were expected to bring. + +Mr. Dallas transmitted to us some newspaper reports of ministerial +explanations made in Parliament. + +You will base no proceedings on parliamentary debates further than to +seek explanations when necessary and communicate them to this department. +[We intend to have a clear and simple record of whatever issue may arise +between us and Great Britain.] + +The President [is surprised and grieved] regrets that Mr. Dallas did not +protest against the proposed unofficial intercourse between the British +Government and the missionaries of the insurgents [as well as against the +demand for explanations made by the British Government]. It is due, +however, to Mr. Dallas to say that our instructions had been given only +to you and not to him, and that his loyalty and fidelity, too rare in +these times [among our late representatives abroad, are confessed and] +are appreciated. + +Intercourse of any kind with the so-called commissioners is liable to be +construed as a recognition of the authority which appointed them. Such +intercourse would be none the less [wrongful] hurtful to us for being +called unofficial, and it might be even more injurious, because we should +have no means of knowing what points might be resolved by it. Moreover, +unofficial intercourse is useless and meaningless if it is not expected +to ripen into official intercourse and direct recognition. It is left +doubtful here whether the proposed unofficial intercourse has yet +actually begun. Your own [present] antecedent instructions are deemed +explicit enough, and it is hoped that you have not misunderstood them. +You will in any event desist from all intercourse whatever, unofficial as +well as official, with the British Government, so long as it shall +continue intercourse of either kind with the domestic enemies of this +country [confining yourself to a delivery of a copy of this paper to the +Secretary of State. After doing this.] When intercourse shall have been +arrested for this cause, you will communicate with this department and +receive further directions. + +Lord John Russell has informed us of an understanding between the British +and French governments that they will act together in regard to our +affairs. This communication, however, loses something of its value from +the circumstance that the communication was withheld until after +knowledge of the fact had been acquired by us from other sources. We know +also another fact that has not yet been officially communicated to +us--namely, that other European States are apprised by France and England +of their agreement, and are expected to concur with or follow them in +whatever measures they adopt on the subject of recognition. The United +States have been impartial and just in all their conduct toward the +several nations of Europe. They will not complain, however, of the +combination now announced by the two leading powers, although they think +they had a right to expect a more independent, if not a more friendly, +course from each of them. You will take no notice of that or any other +alliance. Whenever the European governments shall see fit to communicate +directly with us, we shall be, as heretofore, frank and explicit in our +reply. + +As to the blockade, you will say that by [the] our own laws [of nature] +and the laws of nature and the laws of nations, this Government has a +clear right to suppress insurrection. An exclusion of commerce from +national ports which have been seized by the insurgents, in the equitable +form of blockade, is the proper means to that end. You will [admit] not +insist that our blockade is [not] to be respected if it be not maintained +by a competent force; but passing by that question as not now a +practical, or at least an urgent, one, you will add that [it] the +blockade is now, and it will continue to be so maintained, and therefore +we expect it to be respected by Great Britain. You will add that we have +already revoked the exequatur of a Russian consul who had enlisted in the +military service of the insurgents, and we shall dismiss or demand the +recall of every foreign agent, consular or diplomatic, who shall either +disobey the Federal laws or disown the Federal authority. + +As to the recognition of the so-called Southern Confederacy, it is not to +be made a subject of technical definition. It is, of course, [quasi] +direct recognition to publish an acknowledgment of the sovereignty and +independence of a new power. It is [quasi] direct recognition to receive +its ambassadors, ministers, agents, or commissioners officially. A +concession of belligerent rights is liable to be construed as a +recognition of them. No one of these proceedings will [be borne] pass +[unnoticed] unquestioned by the United States in this case. + +Hitherto recognition has been moved only on the assumption that the +so-called Confederate States are de facto a self-sustaining power. Now, +after long forbearance, designed to soothe discontent and avert the need +of civil war, the land and naval forces of the United States have been +put in motion to repress the insurrection. The true character of the +pretended new State is at once revealed. It is seen to be a power +existing in pronunciamento only, It has never won a field. It has +obtained no forts that were not virtually betrayed into its hands or +seized in breach of trust. It commands not a single port on the coast nor +any highway out from its pretended capital by land. Under these +circumstances Great Britain is called upon to intervene and give it body +and independence by resisting our measures of suppression. British +recognition would be British intervention to create within our own +territory a hostile state by overthrowing this republic itself. [When +this act of intervention is distinctly performed, we from that hour shall +cease to be friends, and become once more, as we have twice before been +forced to be, enemies of Great Britain.] + +As to the treatment of privateers in the insurgent service, you will say +that this is a question exclusively our own. We treat them as pirates. +They are our own citizens, or persons employed by our citizens, preying +on the commerce of our country. If Great Britain shall choose to +recognize them as lawful belligerents, and give them shelter from our +pursuit and punishment, the laws of nations afford an adequate and proper +remedy [and we shall avail ourselves of it. And while you need not say +this in advance, be sure that you say nothing inconsistent with it.] + +Happily, however, her Britannic Majesty's government can avoid all these +difficulties. It invited us in 1856 to accede to the declaration of the +Congress of Paris, of which body Great Britain was herself a member, +abolishing privateering everywhere in all cases and forever. You already +have our authority to propose to her our accession to that declaration. +If she refuse to receive it, it can only be because she is willing to +become the patron of privateering when aimed at our devastation. + +These positions are not elaborately defended now, because to vindicate +them would imply a possibility of our waiving them. + +1 We are not insensible of the grave importance of + +1 (Drop all from this line to the end, and in lieu of it write, "This +paper is for your own guidance only, and not [sic] to be read or shown to +any one.") + +(Secretary Seward, when the despatch was returned to him, added an +introductory paragraph stating that the document was strictly +confidential. For this reason these last two paragraphs remained as they +are here printed.) + +this occasion. We see how, upon the result of the debate in which we are +engaged, a war may ensue between the United States and one, two, or even +more European nations. War in any case is as exceptionable from the +habits as it is revolting from the sentiments of the American people. But +if it come, it will be fully seen that it results from the action of +Great Britain, not our own; that Great Britain will have decided to +fraternize with our domestic enemy, either without waiting to hear from +you our remonstrances and our warnings, or after having heard them. War +in defense of national life is not immoral, and war in defense of +independence is an inevitable part of the discipline of nations. + +The dispute will be between the European and the American branches of the +British race. All who belong to that race will especially deprecate it, +as they ought. It may well be believed that men of every race and kindred +will deplore it. A war not unlike it between the same parties occurred at +the close of the last century. Europe atoned by forty years of suffering +for the error that Great Britain committed in provoking that contest. If +that nation shall now repeat the same great error, the social convulsions +which will follow may not be so long, but they will be more general. When +they shall have ceased, it will, we think, be seen, whatever may have +been the fortunes of other nations, that it is not the United States that +will have come out of them with its precious Constitution altered or its +honestly obtained dominion in any degree abridged. Great Britain has but +to wait a few months and all her present inconveniences will cease with +all our own troubles. If she take a different course, she will calculate +for herself the ultimate as well as the immediate consequences, and will +consider what position she will hold when she shall have forever lost the +sympathies and the affections of the only nation on whose sympathies and +affections she has a natural claim. In making that calculation she will +do well to remember that in the controversy she proposes to open we shall +be actuated by neither pride, nor passion, nor cupidity, nor ambition; +but we shall stand simply on the principle of self-preservation, and that +our cause will involve the independence of nations and the rights of +human nature. + +I am, Sir, respectfully your obedient servant, W. H. S. + +CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., etc, + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 21, 1861. + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:--Why cannot Colonel Small's +Philadelphia regiment be received? I sincerely wish it could. There is +something strange about it. Give these gentlemen an interview, and take +their regiment. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR MORGAN. + +WASHINGTON, May 12, 1861 + +GOVERNOR E. D. MORGAN, Albany, N.Y. + +I wish to see you face to face to clear these difficulties about +forwarding troops from New York. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO CAPTAIN DAHLGREEN. + +EXECUTIVE, MANSION, May 23, 1863. + +CAPT. DAHLGREEN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Allow me to introduce Col. J. A. McLernand, M.C. of my own +district in Illinois. If he should desire to visit Fortress Monroe, +please introduce him to the captain of one of the vessels in our service, +and pass him down and back. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER OF CONDOLENCE TO ONE OF FIRST CASUALTIES + +TO COLONEL ELLSWORTH'S PARENTS, WASHINGTON, D.C., May 25, 1861 + +TO THE FATHER AND MOTHER OF COL. ELMER E. ELLSWORTH. + +MY DEAR SIR AND MADAME:--In the untimely loss of your noble son, our +affliction here is scarcely less than your own. So much of promised +usefulness to one's country, and of bright hopes for one's self and +friends, have never been so suddenly dashed as in his fall. In size, in +years, and in youthful appearance a boy only, his power to command men +was surpassingly great. This power, combined with a fine intellectual +and indomitable energy, and a taste altogether military, constituted in +him, as seemed to me, the best natural talent in that department I ever +knew. And yet he was singularly modest and deferential in social +intercourse. My acquaintance with him began less than two years ago; yet, +through the latter half of the intervening period, it was as intense as +the disparity of our ages and my engrossing engagements would permit. To +me he appeared to have no indulgences or pastimes, and I never heard him +utter a profane or an intemperate word. What was conclusive of his good +heart, he never forgot his parents. The honors he labored for so +laudably, and for which, in the sad end, he so gallantly gave his life, +he meant for them no less than for himself. + +In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon the sacredness of your +sorrow, I have ventured to address you this tribute to the memory of my +young friend and your brave and early fallen son. + +May God give you the consolation which is beyond all early power. + +Sincerely your friend in common affliction, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO COLONEL BARTLETT. + +WASHINGTON, May 27, 1861 + +COL. W. A. BARTLETT, New York. + +The Naval Brigade was to go to Fort Monroe without trouble to the +government, and must so go or not at all. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MEMORANDUM ABOUT INDIANA REGIMENTS. + +WASHINGTON, JUNE 11, 1861 + + The government has already accepted ten regiments from the State of +Indiana. I think at least six more ought to be received from that +State, two to be those of Colonel James W. McMillan and Colonel +William L. Brown, and the other four to be designated by the Governor +of the State of Indiana, and to be received into the volunteer +service of the United States according to the "Plan of Organization" +in the General Orders of the War Department, No.15. When they report +to Major-General McClellan in condition to pass muster according to +that order, and with the approval of the Secretary of War to be +indorsed hereon, and left in his department, I direct that the whole +six, or any smaller number of such regiments, be received. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--There is, it seems, a regiment in Massachusetts commanded +by Fletcher Webster, and which HON. Daniel Webster's old friends very +much wish to get into the service. If it can be received with the +approval of your department and the consent of the Governor of +Massachusetts I shall indeed be much gratified. Give Mr. Ashmun a chance +to explain fully. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR--I think it is entirely safe to accept a fifth regiment from +Michigan, and with your approbation I should say a regiment presented by +Col. T. B. W. Stockton, ready for service within two weeks from now, will +be received. Look at Colonel Stockton's testimonials. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 17, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY Of WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--With your concurrence, and that of the Governor of Indiana, +I am in favor of accepting into what we call the three years' service any +number not exceeding four additional regiments from that State. Probably +they should come from the triangular region between the Ohio and Wabash +Rivers, including my own old boyhood home. Please see HON. C. M. Allen, +Speaker of the Indiana House of Representatives, and unless you perceive +good reason to the contrary, draw up an order for him according to the +above. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 17,1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:--With your concurrence, and that of +the Governor of Ohio, I am in favor of receiving into what we call the +three years' service any number not exceeding six additional regiments +from that State, unless you perceive good reasons to the contrary. Please +see HON. John A. Gurley, who bears this, and make an order corresponding +with the above. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO N. W. EDWARDS + +WASHINGTON, D. C., June 19, 1861 + +Hon. N. W. EDWARDS MY DEAR SIR: ............. ............. When you +wrote me some time ago in reference to looking up something in the +departments here, I thought I would inquire into the thing and write you, +but the extraordinary pressure upon me diverted me from it, and soon it +passed out of my mind. The thing you proposed, it seemed to me, I ought +to understand myself before it was set on foot by my direction or +permission; and I really had no time to make myself acquainted with it. +Nor have I yet. And yet I am unwilling, of course, that you should be +deprived of a chance to make something, if it can be done without +injustice to the Government, or to any individual. If you choose to come +here and point out to me how this can be done I shall not only not +object, but shall be gratified to be able to oblige you. + +Your friend as ever + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 20, 1861. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Since you spoke to me yesterday about General J. H. Lane, +of Kansas, I have been reflecting upon the subject, and have concluded +that we need the service of such a man out there at once; that we had +better appoint him a brigadier-general of volunteers to-day, and send him +off with such authority to raise a force (I think two regiments better +than three, but as to this I am not particular) as you think will get him +into actual work quickest. Tell him, when he starts, to put it through +not to be writing or telegraphing back here, but put it through. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +[Indorsement.] + +General Lane has been authorized to raise two additional regiments of +volunteers. + +SIMON CAMERON, Secretary o f War. + + + + +TO THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 29, 1861. +GENTLEMEN OF THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION WHO ARE FOR THE UNION: + +I somewhat wish to authorize my friend Jesse Bayles to raise a Kentucky +regiment, but I do not wish to do it without your consent. If you +consent, please write so at the bottom of this. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + We consent: + R. MALLORY. + H. GRIDER. + G. W. DUNLAP. + J. S. JACKSON. + C. A. WICKLIFFE. + + + + +August 5, 1861. + +I repeat, I would like for Col. Bayles to raise a regiment of cavalry +whenever the Union men of Kentucky desire or consent to it. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL SCOTT TO SUSPEND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, +JULY 2, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES: + +You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of the +United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line +which is now or which shall be used between the city of New York and the +city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to +suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public safety, you personally, +or through the officer in command at the point where resistance occurs, +are authorized to suspend that writ. + +Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at the city of +Washington, this second day of July, A.D. 1861, and of the independence +of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: + WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 3, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--General Scott had sent me a copy of the despatch of which +you kindly sent one. Thanks to both him and you. Please assemble the +Cabinet at twelve to-day to look over the message and reports. + +And now, suppose you step over at once and let us see General Scott (and) +General Cameron about assigning a position to General Fremont. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS IN SPECIAL SESSION, + +JULY 4, 1861. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--Having been +convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the Constitution, +your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of legislation. + +At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four months ago, the +functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally suspended +within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, +Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of the +Post-Office Department. + +Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dockyards, custom-houses, +and the like, including the movable and stationary property in and about +them, had been seized, and were held in open hostility to this +government, excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on and +near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor, South +Carolina. The forts thus seized had been put in improved condition, new +ones had been built, and armed forces had been organized and were +organizing, all avowedly with the same hostile purpose. + +The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal Government in and +near these States were either besieged or menaced by warlike +preparations, and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by +well-protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the best +of its own, and outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. A +disproportionate share of the Federal muskets and rifles had somehow +found their way into these States, and had been seized to be used against +the government. Accumulations of the public revenue lying within them had +been seized for the same object. The navy was scattered in distant seas, +leaving but a very small part of it within the immediate reach of the +government. Officers of the Federal army and navy had resigned in great +numbers; and of those resigning a large proportion had taken up arms +against the government. Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, +the purpose to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance +with this purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States, +declaring the States respectively to be separated from the national +Union. A formula for instituting a combined government of these States +had been promulgated; and this illegal organization, in the character of +confederate States, was already invoking recognition, aid, and +intervention from foreign powers. + +Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an imperative +duty upon the incoming executive to prevent, if possible, the +consummation of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of +means to that end became indispensable. This choice was made and was +declared in the inaugural address. The policy chosen looked to the +exhaustion of all peaceful measures before a resort to any stronger ones. +It sought only to hold the public places and property not already wrested +from the government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on +time, discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the +mails, at government expense, to the very people who were resisting the +government; and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to any +of the people, or any of their rights. Of all that which a President +might constitutionally and justifiably do in such a case, everything was +forborne without which it was believed possible to keep the government on +foot. + +On the 5th of March (the present incumbent's first full day in office), a +letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written on the 28th +of February and received at the War Department on the 4th of March, was +by that department placed in his hands. This letter expressed the +professional opinion of the writer that reinforcements could not be +thrown into that fort within the time for his relief, rendered necessary +by the limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding +possession of the same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good +and well-disciplined men. This opinion was concurred in by all the +officers of his command, and their memoranda on the subject were made +inclosures of Major Anderson's letter. The whole was immediately laid +before Lieutenant-General Scott, who at once concurred with Major +Anderson in opinion. On reflection, however, he took full time, +consulting with other officers, both of the army and the navy, and at the +end of four days came reluctantly but decidedly to the same conclusion as +before. He also stated at the same time that no such sufficient force was +then at the control of the government, or could be raised and brought to +the ground within the time when the provisions in the fort would be +exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this reduced the duty of +the administration in the case to the mere matter of getting the garrison +safely out of the fort. + +It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the +circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity under which +it was to be done would not be fully understood; that by many it would be +construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home it would +discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far +to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; that in fact, it would be +our national destruction consummated. This could not be allowed. +Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and ere it would be reached +Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last would be a clear indication +of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the evacuation +of Fort Sumter as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to +be sent for the landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into +Fort Pickens. This order could not go by land, but must take the longer +and slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was +received just one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news itself +was that the officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops +had been transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi armistice +of the late administration (and of the existence of which the present +administration, up to the time the order was despatched, had only too +vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention), had refused to land the +troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would be reached at +Fort Sumter was impossible--rendered so by the near exhaustion of +provisions in the latter-named fort. In precaution against such a +conjuncture, the government had, a few days before, commenced preparing +an expedition as well adapted as might be to relieve Fort Sumter, which +expedition was intended to be ultimately used, or not, according to +circumstances. The strongest anticipated case for using it was now +presented, and it was resolved to send it forward. As had been intended +in this contingency, it was also resolved to notify the governor of South +Carolina that he might expect an attempt would be made to provision the +fort; and that, if the attempt should not be resisted, there would be no +effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or +in case of an attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given; +whereupon the fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even +awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition. + +It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sumter was in +no sense a matter of self-defense on the part of the assailants. They +well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no possibility commit +aggression upon them. They knew--they were expressly notified--that the +giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of the garrison was all +which would on that occasion be attempted, unless themselves, by +resisting so much, should provoke more. They knew that this government +desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail them, but merely +to maintain visible possession, and thus to preserve the Union from +actual and immediate dissolution--trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to +time, discussion, and the ballot-box for final adjustment; and they +assailed and reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object--to drive +out the visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to +immediate dissolution. That this was their object the executive well +understood; and having said to them in the inaugural address, "You can +have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors," he took pains +not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free +from the power of ingenious sophistry that the world should not be able +to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding +circumstances, that point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of +the government began the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in +expectancy to return their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to +that harbor years before for their own protection, and still ready to +give that protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all +else, they have forced upon the country the distinct issue, "immediate +dissolution or blood." + +And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It +presents to the whole family of man the question whether a constitutional +republic or democracy--a government of the people by the same people--can +or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic +foes. It presents the question whether discontented individuals, too few +in numbers to control administration according to organic law in any +case, can always, upon the pretenses made in this case, or on any other +pretenses, or arbitrarily without any pretense, break up their +government, and thus practically put an end to free government upon the +earth. It forces us to ask: Is there in all republics this inherent and +fatal weakness? Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the +liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence? + +So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power of +the government, and so to resist force employed for its destruction by +force for its preservation. + +The call was made, and the response of the country was most gratifying, +surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expectation. Yet +none of the States commonly called slave States, except Delaware, gave a +regiment through regular State organization. A few regiments have been +organized within some others of those States by individual enterprise, +and received into the government service. Of course the seceded States, +so called (and to which Texas had been joined about the time of the +inauguration), gave no troops to the cause of the Union. + +The border States, so called, were not uniform in their action, some of +them being almost for the Union, while in others--as Virginia, North +Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas--the Union sentiment was nearly +repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most +remarkable--perhaps the most important. A convention elected by the +people of that State to consider this very question of disrupting the +Federal Union was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter +fell. To this body the people had chosen a large majority of professed +Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, many members of +that majority went over to the original disunion minority, and with them +adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Union. Whether +this change was wrought by their great approval of the assault upon +Sumter, or their great resentment at the government's resistance to that +assault, is not definitely known. Although they submitted the ordinance +for ratification to a vote of the people, to be taken on a day then +somewhat more than a month distant, the convention and the Legislature +(which was also in session at the same time and place), with leading men +of the State not members of either, immediately commenced acting as if +the State were already out of the Union. They pushed military +preparations vigorously forward all over the State. They seized the +United States armory at Harper's Ferry, and the navy-yard at Gosport, +near Norfolk. They received perhaps invited--into their State large +bodies of troops, with their warlike appointments, from the so-called +seceded States. They formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance +and co-operation with the so-called "Confederate States," and sent +members to their congress at Montgomery. And finally, they permitted the +insurrectionary government to be transferred to their capital at +Richmond. + +The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to make +its nest within her borders; and this government has no choice left but +to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret as the +loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed its protection. Those loyal +citizens this government is bound to recognize and protect, as being +Virginia. + +In the border States, so called,--in fact, the middle States,--there are +those who favor a policy which they call "armed neutrality"; that is, an +arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one way, or +the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disunion +completed. Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an +impassable wall along the line of separation--and yet not quite an +impassable one, for under the guise of neutrality it would tie the hands +of Union men and freely pass supplies from among them to the +insurrectionists, which it could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke it +would take all the trouble off the hands of secession, except only what +proceeds from the external blockade. It would do for the disunionists +that which, of all things, they most desire--feed them well and give them +disunion without a struggle of their own. It recognizes no fidelity to +the Constitution, no obligation to maintain the Union; and while very +many who have favored it are doubtless loyal citizens, it is, +nevertheless, very injurious in effect. + +Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated that at first +a call was made for 75,000 militia; and, rapidly following this, a +proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insurrectionary +districts by proceedings in the nature of blockade. So far all was +believed to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrectionists +announced their purpose to enter upon the practice of privateering. + +Other calls were made for volunteers to serve for three years, unless +sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular army and +navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured upon, +under what appeared to be a popular demand and a public necessity; +trusting then, as now, that Congress would readily ratify them. It is +believed that nothing has been done beyond the constitutional competency +of Congress. + +Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to +authorize the commanding general in proper cases, according to his +discretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, or, in +other words, to arrest and detain, without resort to the ordinary +processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous +to the public safety. This authority has purposely been exercised but +very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and propriety of what has been +done under it are questioned, and the attention of the country has been +called to the proposition that one who has sworn to "take care that the +laws be faithfully executed" should not himself violate them. Of course +some consideration was given to the questions of power and propriety +before this matter was acted upon. The whole of the laws which were +required to be faithfully executed were being resisted and failing of +execution in nearly one third of the States. Must they be allowed to +finally fail of execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the +use of the means necessary to their execution some single law, made in +such extreme tenderness of the citizen's liberty that, practically, it +relieves more of the guilty than of the innocent, should to a very +limited extent be violated? To state the question more directly, are all +the laws but one to go unexecuted, and the government itself go to pieces +lest that one be violated? Even in such a case, would not the official +oath be broken if the government should be overthrown when it was +believed that disregarding the single law would tend to preserve it? But +it was not believed that this question was presented. It was not believed +that any law was violated. The provision of the Constitution that "the +privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless +when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require +it," is equivalent to a provision--is a provision--that such privilege +may be suspended when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public +safety does require it. It was decided that we have a case of rebellion, +and that the public safety does require the qualified suspension of the +privilege of the writ which was authorized to be made. Now it is insisted +that Congress, and not the executive, is vested with this power. But the +Constitution itself is silent as to which or who is to exercise the +power; and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, +it cannot be believed the framers of the instrument intended that in +every case the danger should run its course until Congress could be +called together, the very assembling of which might be prevented, as was +intended in this case, by the rebellion. + +No more extended argument is now offered, as an opinion at some length +will probably be presented by the attorney-general. Whether there shall +be any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is submitted +entirely to the better judgment of Congress. + +The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary and so long +continued as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as if +they supposed the early destruction of our national Union was probable. +While this, on discovery, gave the executive some concern, he is now +happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United States are now +everywhere practically respected by foreign powers; and a general +sympathy with the country is manifested throughout the world. + +The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy will +give the information in detail deemed necessary and convenient for your +deliberation and action; while the executive and all the departments will +stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate new facts considered +important for you to know. + +It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this +contest a short and decisive one: that you place at the control of the +government for the work at least four hundred thousand men and +$400,000,000. That number of men is about one-tenth of those of proper +ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to engage; and +the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money value owned by the +men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of $600,000,000 now is a +less sum per head than was the debt of our Revolution when we came out of +that struggle; and the money value in the country now bears even a +greater proportion to what it was then than does the population. Surely +each man has as strong a motive now to preserve our liberties as each had +then to establish them. + +A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten +times the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from the +country leaves no doubt that the material for the work is abundant, and +that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal sanction, and +the hand of the executive to give it practical shape and efficiency. One +of the greatest perplexities of the government is to avoid receiving +troops faster than it can provide for them. In a word, the people will +save their government if the government itself will do its part only +indifferently well. + +It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether the +present movement at the South be called "secession" or "rebellion." The +movers, however, well understand the difference. At the beginning they +knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude by +any name which implies violation of law. They knew their people possessed +as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and order, and as much +pride in and reverence for the history and government of their common +country as any other civilized and patriotic people. They knew they could +make no advancement directly in the teeth of these strong and noble +sentiments. Accordingly, they commenced by an insidious debauching of the +public mind. They invented an ingenious sophism which, if conceded, was +followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the incidents, to the +complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself is that any State +of the Union may consistently with the national Constitution, and +therefore lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from the Union without the +consent of the Union or of any other State. The little disguise that the +supposed right is to be exercised only for just cause, themselves to be +the sole judges of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice. + +With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been drugging the public mind +of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length they +have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against the +government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted the farcical +pretense of taking their State out of the Union, who could have been +brought to no such thing the day before. + +This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency from the +assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining +to a State--to each State of our Federal Union. Our States have neither +more nor less power than that reserved to them in the Union by the +Constitution--no one of them ever having been a State out of the Union. +The original ones passed into the Union even before they cast off their +British colonial dependence; and the new ones each came into the Union +directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas. And even Texas +in its temporary independence was never designated a State. The new ones +only took the designation of States on coming into the Union, while that +name was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of +Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were declared to be "free and +independent States"; but even then the object plainly was not to declare +their independence of one another or of the Union, but directly the +contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action before, at the +time, and afterward, abundantly show. The express plighting of faith by +each and all of the original thirteen in the Articles of Confederation, +two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive. +Having never been States either in substance or in name outside of the +Union, whence this magical omnipotence of "State rights," asserting a +claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is said about +the "sovereignty" of the States; but the word even is not in the national +Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State constitutions. +What is "sovereignty" in the political sense of the term? Would it be far +wrong to define it as "a political community without a political +superior"? Tested by this, no one of our States except Texas ever was a +sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the character on coming into the +Union; by which act she acknowledged the Constitution of the United +States, and the laws and treaties of the United States made in pursuance +of the Constitution, to be for her the supreme law of the land. The +States have their status in the Union, and they have no other legal +status. If they break from this, they can only do so against law and by +revolution. The Union, and not themselves separately, procured their +independence and their liberty. By conquest or purchase the Union gave +each of them whatever of independence or liberty it has. The Union is +older than any of the States, and, in fact, it created them as States. +Originally some dependent colonies made the Union, and, in turn, the +Union threw off their old dependence for them, and made them States, such +as they are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution independent of +the Union. Of course, it is not forgotten that all the new States framed +their constitutions before they entered the Union nevertheless, dependent +upon and preparatory to coming into the Union. + +Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to them in +and by the national Constitution; but among these surely are not included +all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive, but, at most, +such only as were known in the world at the time as governmental powers; +and certainly a power to destroy the government itself had never been +known as a governmental, as a merely administrative power. This relative +matter of national power and State rights, as a principle, is no other +than the principle of generality and locality. Whatever concerns the +whole should be confided to the whole--to the General Government; while +whatever concerns only the State should be left exclusively to the State. +This is all there is of original principle about it. Whether the national +Constitution in defining boundaries between the two has applied the +principle with exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. We are all bound +by that defining, without question. + +What is now combated is the position that secession is consistent with +the Constitution--is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that there +is any express law for it; and nothing should ever be implied as law +which leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The nation purchased with +money the countries out of which several of these States were formed. Is +it just that they shall go off without leave and without refunding? The +nation paid very large sums (in the aggregate, I believe, nearly a +hundred millions) to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just +that she shall now be off without consent or without making any return? +The nation is now in debt for money applied to the benefit of these +so-called seceding States in common with the rest. Is it just either that +creditors shall go unpaid or the remaining States pay the whole? A part +of the present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of +Texas. Is it just that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself? + +Again, if one State may secede, so may another; and when all shall have +seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just for creditors? +Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed their +money? If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the seceders to go +in peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if others choose to go or +to extort terms upon which they will promise to remain. + +The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They have +assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which of +necessity they have either discarded or retained the right of secession +as they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, they +thereby admit that on principle it ought not to be in ours. If they have +retained it, by their own construction of ours, they show that to be +consistent they must secede from one another whenever they shall find it +the easiest way of settling their debts, or effecting any other selfish +or unjust object. The principle itself is one of disintegration and upon +which no government can possibly endure. + +If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out +of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder politicians would +at once deny the power and denounce the act as the greatest outrage upon +State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being +called "driving the one out," should be called "the seceding of the +others from that one," it would be exactly what the seceders claim to do, +unless, indeed, they make the point that the one, because it is a +minority, may rightfully do what the others, because they are a majority, +may not rightfully do. These politicians are subtle and profound on the +rights of minorities. They are not partial to that power which made the +Constitution and speaks from the preamble calling itself "We, the +People." + +It may well be questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the +legally qualified voters of any State except perhaps South Carolina in +favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union men are +the majority in many, if not in every other one, of the so-called seceded +States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of them. It is +ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and Tennessee; for the result of +an election held in military camps, where the bayonets are all on one +side of the question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as +demonstrating popular sentiment. At such an election, all that large +class who are at once for the Union and against coercion would be coerced +to vote against the Union. + +It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institutions we +enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our whole +people beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking +and an impressive illustration. So large an army as the government has +now on foot was never before known without a soldier in it but who has +taken his place there of his own free choice. But more than this, there +are many single regiments whose members, one and another, possess full +practical knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever +else, whether useful or elegant, is known in the world; and there is +scarcely one from which there could not be selected a President, a +Cabinet, a Congress, and perhaps a court, abundantly competent to +administer the government itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in +the army of our late friends, now adversaries in this contest; but if it +is, so much better the reason why the government which has conferred such +benefits on both them and us should not be broken up. Whoever in any +section proposes to abandon such a government would do well to consider +in deference to what principle it is that he does it; what better he is +likely to get in its stead; whether the substitute will give, or be +intended to give, so much of good to the people. There are some +foreshadowings on this subject. Our adversaries have adopted some +declarations of independence in which, unlike the good old one, penned by +Jefferson, they omit the words "all men are created equal." Why? They +have adopted a temporary national constitution, in the preamble of which, +unlike our good old one, signed by Washington, they omit "We, the +People," and substitute, "We, the deputies of the sovereign and +independent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view the +rights of men and the authority of the people? + +This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a +struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of +government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men to +lift artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of +laudable pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and a fair +chance in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures, +from necessity; this is the leading object of the government for whose +existence we contend. + +I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and +appreciate this. It is worthy of note that, while in this the +government's hour of trial large numbers of those in the army and navy +who have been favored with the offices have resigned and proved false to +the hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier or common sailor +is known to have deserted his flag. + +Great honor is due to those officers who remained true, despite the +example of their treacherous associates; but the greatest honor, and most +important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common soldiers +and common sailors. To the last man, so far as known, they have +successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose commands, but +an hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic +instinct of the plain people. They understand, without an argument, that +the destroying of the government which was made by Washington means no +good to them. + +Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two points in +it our people have already settled--the successful establishing and the +successful administering of it. One still remains--its successful +maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is +now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry +an election can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are the rightful +and peaceful successors of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly and +constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back to +bullets; that there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots +themselves, at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of +peace: teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither +can they take it by a war; teaching all the folly of being the beginners +of a war. + +Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what is to +be the course of the government toward the Southern States after the +rebellion shall have been suppressed, the executive deems it proper to +say it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the +Constitution and the laws; and that he probably will have no different +understanding of the powers and duties of the Federal Government +relatively to the rights of the States and the people, under the +Constitution, than that expressed in the inaugural address. + +He desires to preserve the government, that it may be administered for +all as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens +everywhere have the right to claim this of their government, and the +government has no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived +that in giving it there is any coercion, any conquest, or any +subjugation, in any just sense of those terms. + +The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the +provision, that "the United States shall guarantee to every State in this +Union a republican form of government." But if a State may lawfully go +out of the Union, having done so it may also discard the republican form +of government, so that to prevent its going out is an indispensable means +to the end of maintaining the guarantee mentioned; and when an end is +lawful and obligatory, the indispensable means to it are also lawful and +obligatory. + +It was with the deepest regret that the executive found the duty of +employing the war power in defense of the government forced upon him. He +could but perform this duty or surrender the existence of the government. +No compromise by public servants could, in this case, be a cure; not that +compromises are not often proper, but that no popular government can long +survive a marked precedent that those who carry an election can only save +the government from immediate destruction by giving up the main point +upon which the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not +their servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions. + +As a private citizen the executive could not have consented that these +institutions shall perish; much less could he in betrayal of so vast and +so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him. He felt that +he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the chances of his own +life, in what might follow. In full view of his great responsibility he +has, so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to +your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and +your action may so accord with his as to assure all faithful citizens who +have been disturbed in their rights of a certain and speedy restoration +to them, under the Constitution and the laws. + +And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure purpose, +let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly +hearts. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, + +July 4, 1861 + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, July 6, 1861. + +HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Please ask the Comr. of Indian Affairs, and of the Gen'l +Land Office to come with you, and see me at once. I want the assistance +of all of you in overhauling the list of appointments a little before I +send them to the Senate. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th +instant, requesting a copy of correspondence upon the subject of the +incorporation of the Dominican republic with the Spanish monarchy, I +transmit a report from the Secretary of State; to whom the resolution was +referred. + +WASHINGTON, July 11, 1861. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a copy of correspondence between the Secretary of +State and her Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister +plenipotentiary accredited to this government, relative to the exhibition +of the products of industry of all nations, which is to take place at +London in the course of next year. As citizens of the United States may +justly pride themselves upon their proficiency in industrial arts, it is +desirable that they should have proper facilities toward taking part in +the exhibition. With this view I recommend such legislation by Congress +at this session as may be necessary for that purpose. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, July 16, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +As the United States have, in common with Great Britain and France, a +deep interest in the preservation and development of the fisheries +adjacent to the northeastern coast and islands of this continent, it +seems proper that we should concert with the governments of those +countries such measures as may be conducive to those important objects. +With this view I transmit to Congress a copy of a correspondence between +the Secretary of State and the British minister here, in which the latter +proposes, on behalf of his government, the appointment of a joint +commission to inquire into the matter, in order that such ulterior +measures may be adopted as may be advisable for the objects proposed. +Such legislation recommended as may be necessary to enable the executive +to provide for a commissioner on behalf of the United States: + +WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL + +WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861 + +ADJUTANT-GENERAL: + +I have agreed, and do agree, that the two Indian regiments named within +shall be accepted if the act of Congress shall admit it. Let there be no +further question about it. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MEMORANDA OF MILITARY POLICY SUGGESTED BY THE +BULL RUN DEFEAT. +JULY 23, 1861 + +1. Let the plan for making the blockade effective be pushed forward with +all possible despatch. + +2. Let the volunteer forces at Fort Monroe and vicinity under General +Butler be constantly drilled, disciplined, and instructed without more +for the present. + +3. Let Baltimore be held as now, with a gentle but firm and certain hand. + +4. Let the force now under Patterson or Banks be strengthened and made +secure in its position. + +5. Let the forces in Western Virginia act till further orders according +to instructions or orders from General McClellan. + +6. [Let] General Fremont push forward his organization and operations in +the West as rapidly as possible, giving rather special attention to +Missouri. + +7. Let the forces late before Manassas, except the three-months men, be +reorganized as rapidly as possible in their camps here and about +Arlington. + +8. Let the three-months forces who decline to enter the longer service be +discharged as rapidly as circumstances will permit. + +9. Let the new volunteer forces be brought forward as fast as possible, +and especially into the camps on the two sides of the river here. + +When the foregoing shall be substantially attended to: + +1. Let Manassas Junction (or some point on one or other of the railroads +near it) and Strasburg be seized, and permanently held, with an open line +from Washington to Manassas, and an open line from Harper's Ferry to +Strasburg the military men to find the way of doing these. + +2. This done, a joint movement from Cairo on Memphis; and from Cincinnati +on East Tennessee. + + + + +TO THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., July 24, 1861 + +THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + +SIR:--Together with the regiments of three years' volunteers which the +government already has in service in your State, enough to make eight in +all, if tendered in a reasonable time, will be accepted, the new +regiments to be taken, as far as convenient, from the three months' men +and officers just discharged, and to be organized, equipped, and sent +forward as fast as single regiments are ready, On the same terms as were +those already in the service from that State. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Indorsement.] + +This order is entered in the War Department, and the Governor of New +Jersey is authorized to furnish the regiments with wagons and horses. + +S. CAMERON, Secretary of War. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 22d +instant; requesting a copy of the correspondence between this, government +and foreign powers with reference to maritime right, I transmit a report +from the Secretary of State. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 15th +instant, requesting a copy of the correspondence between this government +and foreign powers on the subject of the existing insurrection in the +United States, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State. + +WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CHASE. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 16, 1861 + +MR CHASE:--The bearer, Mr.____, wants ______ in the custom house at +Baltimore. If his recommendations are satisfactory, and I recollect them +to have been so, the fact that he is urged by the Methodists should be in +his favor, as they complain of us some. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 24th +instant, asking the grounds, reasons, and evidence upon which the police +Commissioners of Baltimore were arrested and are now detained as +prisoners at Port McHenry, I have to state that it is judged to be +incompatible with the public interest at this time to furnish the +information called for by the resolution. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, JULY 27, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 19th instant requesting +information concerning the quasi armistice alluded to in my message of +the 4th instant, I transmit a report from the Secretary of the Navy. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +JULY 30, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 23d instant requesting +information concerning the imprisonment of Lieutenant John J. Worden +(John L. Worden) of the United States navy, I transmit a report from the +Secretary of the Navy. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +July 30, 1861 + + + + +ORDER TO UNITED STATES MARSHALS. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C., JULY 31, 1861 + +The Marshals of the United States in the vicinity of forts where +political prisoners are held will supply decent lodging and sustenance +for such prisoners unless they shall prefer to provide in those respects +for themselves, in which case they will be allowed to do so by the +commanding officer in charge. + +Approved, and the Secretary of the State will transmit the order to the +Marshals, to the Lieutenant-General, and the Secretary of the Interior. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of yesterday, +requesting information regarding the imprisonment of loyal citizens of +the United States by the forces now in rebellion against this government, +I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and the copy of a +telegraphic despatch by which it was accompanied. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, August 2, 1861. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of your honorable body of date July 31, 1861, +requesting the President to inform the Senate whether the Hon. James H. +Lane, a member of that body from Kansas, has been appointed a +brigadier-general in the army of the United States, and if so, whether he +has accepted such appointment, I have the honor to transmit herewith +certain papers, numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, which, taken together, +explain themselves, and which contain all the information I possess upon +the questions propounded. + +It was my intention, as shown by my letter of June 20, 1861, to appoint +Hon. James H. Lane, of Kansas, a brigadier-general of United States +volunteers in anticipation of the act of Congress, since passed, for +raising such volunteers; and I have no further knowledge upon the +subject, except as derived from the papers herewith enclosed. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 5, 1861 + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, AUGUST 7, 1861 +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR + +MY DEAR SIR:--The within paper, as you see, is by HON. John S. Phelps and +HON. Frank P. Blair, Jr., both members of the present Congress from +Missouri. The object is to get up an efficient force of Missourians in +the southwestern part of the State. It ought to be done, and Mr. Phelps +ought to have general superintendence of it. I see by a private report to +me from the department that eighteen regiments are already accepted from +Missouri. Can it not be arranged that part of them (not yet organized, as +I understand) may be taken from the locality mentioned and put under the +control of Mr. Phelps, and let him have discretion to accept them for a +shorter term than three years--or the war--understanding, however, that +he will get them for the full term if he can? I hope this can be done, +because Mr. Phelps is too zealous and efficient and understands his +ground too well for us to lose his service. Of course provision for +arming, equipping, etc., must be made. Mr. Phelps is here, and wishes to +carry home with him authority for this matter. + +Yours truly, A. LINCOLN + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF A NATIONAL FAST-DAY, +AUGUST 12, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas a joint committee of both houses of Congress has waited on the +President of the United States and requested him to "recommend a day of +public humiliation, prayer, and fasting to be observed by the people of +the United States with religious solemnities and the offering of fervent +supplications to Almighty God for the safety and welfare of these States, +His blessings on their arms, and a speedy restoration of peace"; and + +Whereas it is fit and becoming in all people at all times to acknowledge +and revere the supreme government of God, to bow in humble submission to +His chastisements, to confess and deplore their sins and transgressions +in the full conviction that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of +wisdom, and to pray with all fervency and contrition for the pardon of +their past offences and for a blessing upon their present and prospective +action; and + +Whereas when our own beloved country, once, by the blessing of God, +united, prosperous, and happy, is now afflicted with faction and civil +war, it is peculiarly fit for us to recognize the hand of God in this +terrible visitation, and in sorrowful remembrance of our own faults and +crimes as a nation and as individuals to humble ourselves before Him and +to pray for His mercy-to pray that we may be spared further punishment, +though most justly deserved, that our arms may be blessed and made +effectual for the re-establishment of order, law, and peace throughout +the wide extent of our country, and that the inestimable boon of civil +and religious liberty, earned under His guidance and blessing by the +labors and sufferings of our fathers, may be restored in all its original +excellence. + +Therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do appoint +the last Thursday in September next as a day of humiliation, prayer, and +fasting for all the people of the nation. And I do earnestly recommend to +all the people, and especially to all ministers and teachers of religion +of all denominations and to all heads of families, to observe and keep +that day according to their several creeds and modes of worship in all +humility and with all religious solemnity, to the end that the united +prayer of the nation may ascend to the Throne of Grace and bring down +plentiful blessings upon our country. + + In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand + and caused the seal of the United States to +[SEAL.] be affixed, this twelfth day of August, A. D. + 1861, and of the independence of the United + States of America the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO JAMES POLLOCK. + +WASHINGTON, AUGUST 15, 1861 + +HON. JAMES POLLOCK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--You must make a job for the bearer of this--make a job of +it with the collector and have it done. You can do it for me and you +must. + +Yours as ever, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 15, 1861 + +GOVERNOR MORTON, Indiana: Start your four regiments to St. Louis at the +earliest moment possible. Get such harness as may be necessary for your +rifled gums. Do not delay a single regiment, but hasten everything +forward as soon as any one regiment is ready. Have your three additional +regiments organized at once. We shall endeavor to send you the arms this +week. + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FREMONT, + +WASHINGTON, August 15, 1861 + +TO MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + +Been answering your messages since day before yesterday. Do you receive +the answers? The War Department has notified all the governors you +designate to forward all available force. So telegraphed you. Have you +received these messages? Answer immediately. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION FORBIDDING INTERCOURSE WITH +REBEL STATES, AUGUST 16, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas on the fifteenth day of April, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, +the President of the United States, in view of an insurrection against +the laws, Constitution, and government of the United States which had +broken out within the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, +Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and in pursuance of the +provisions of the act entitled "An act to provide for calling forth the +militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and +repel invasions, and to repeal the act now in force for that purpose," +approved February twenty-eighth, seventeen hundred and ninety-five, did +call forth the militia to suppress said insurrection, and to cause the +laws of the Union to be duly executed, and the insurgents have failed to +disperse by the time directed by the President; and whereas such +insurrection has since broken out and yet exists within the States of +Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas; and whereas the +insurgents in all the said States claim to act under the authority +thereof, and such claim is not disclaimed or repudiated by the persons +exercising the functions of government in such State or States, or in the +part or parts thereof in which such combinations exist, nor has such +insurrection been suppressed by said States: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in +pursuance of an act of Congress approved July thirteen, eighteen hundred +and sixty-one, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the said States +of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, +Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Florida (except the +inhabitants of that part of the State of Virginia lying west of the +Allegheny Mountains, and of such other parts of that State, and the other +States hereinbefore named, as may maintain a loyal adhesion to the Union +and the Constitution, or may be time to time occupied and controlled by +forces of the United States engaged in the dispersion of said +insurgents), are in a state of insurrection against the United States, +and that all commercial intercourse between the same and the inhabitants +thereof, with the exceptions aforesaid, and the citizens of other States +and other parts of the United States, is unlawful, and will remain +unlawful until such insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed; that +all goods and chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of said +States, with the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United +States, without the special license and permission of the President, +through the Secretary of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said +States, with the exceptions aforesaid, by land or water, together with +the vessel or vehicle conveying the same, or conveying persons to or from +said States, with said exceptions, will be forfeited to the United +States; and that from and after fifteen days from the issuing of this +proclamation all ships and vessels belonging in whole or in part to any +citizen or inhabitant of any of said States, with said exceptions, found +at sea, or in any port of the United States, will be forfeited to the +United States; and I hereby enjoin upon all district attorneys, marshals, +and officers of the revenue and of the military and naval forces of the +United States to be vigilant in the execution of said act, and in the +enforcement of the penalties and forfeitures imposed or declared by it; +leaving any party who may think himself aggrieved thereby to his +application to the Secretary of the Treasury for the remission of any +penalty or forfeiture, which the said Secretary is authorized by law to +grant if, in his judgment, the special circumstances of any case shall +require such remission. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand,................... + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of Sate. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 17, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Unless there be reason to the contrary, not known to me, +make out a commission for Simon B. Buckner, of Kentucky, as a +brigadier-general of volunteers. It is to be put into the hands of +General Anderson, and delivered to General Buckner or not, at the +discretion of General Anderson. Of course it is to remain a secret unless +and until the commission is delivered. + +Yours truly, A. LINCOLN + +Same day made. + +[Indorsement.] + + + + +TO GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN, + +WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 24, 1861 + +To HIS EXCELLENCY B. MAGOFFIN, Governor of the State of Kentucky. + +SIR:--Your letter of the 19th instant, in which you urge the "removal +from the limits of Kentucky of the military force now organized and in +camp within that State," is received. + +I may not possess full and precisely accurate knowledge upon this +subject; but I believe it is true that there is a military force in camp +within Kentucky, acting by authority of the United States, which force is +not very large, and is not now being augmented. + +I also believe that some arms have been furnished to this force by the +United States. + +I also believe this force consists exclusively of Kentuckians, having +their camp in the immediate vicinity of their own homes, and not +assailing or menacing any of the good people of Kentucky. + +In all I have done in the premises I have acted upon the urgent +solicitation of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with what I believed, +and still believe, to be the wish of a majority of all the Union-loving +people of Kentucky. + +While I have conversed on this subject with many eminent men of Kentucky, +including a large majority of her members of Congress, I do not remember +that any one of them, or any other person, except your Excellency and the +bearers of your Excellency's letter, has urged me to remove the military +force from Kentucky or to disband it. One other very worthy citizen of +Kentucky did solicit me to have the augmenting of the force suspended for +a time. + +Taking all the means within my reach to form a judgment, I do not believe +it is the popular wish of Kentucky that this force shall be removed +beyond her limits; and, with this impression, I must respectfully decline +to so remove it. + +I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in the wish to preserve +the peace of my own native State, Kentucky. It is with regret I search, +and cannot find, in your not very short letter, any declaration or +intimation that you entertain any desire for the preservation of the +Federal Union. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 2, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Two points in your proclamation of August 30 give me some +anxiety. + +First. Should you shoot a man, according to the proclamation, the +Confederates would very certainly shoot our best men in their hands in +retaliation; and so, man for man, indefinitely. It is, therefore, my +order that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation without +first having my approbation or consent. + +Second. I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in +relation to the confiscation of property and the liberating slaves of +traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends and turn them +against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky. Allow me, +therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion, modify that +paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth sections of the act of +Congress entitled "An act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary +purposes," approved August 6, 1861, and a copy of which act I herewith +send you. + +This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure. I send +it by special messenger, in order that it may certainly and speedily +reach you. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNORS WASHBURN OF MAINE, FAIRBANKS OF VERMONT, BERRY +OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, ANDREW OF MASSACHUSETTS, BUCKINGHAM OF CONNECTICUT, AND +SPRAGUE OF RHODE ISLAND. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, September 11, 1861. + +General Butler proposes raising in New England six regiments, to be +recruited and commanded by himself, and to go on special service. + +I shall be glad if you, as governor of ______, will answer by telegraph +if you consent. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 11, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN C. FREMONT. + +SIR:-Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just +received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the +necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing +your proclamation of August 30 I perceived no general objection to it. +The particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of +property and the liberation of slaves appeared to me to be objectionable +in its nonconformity to the act of Congress passed the 6th of last August +upon the same subjects; and hence I wrote you, expressing my wish that +that clause should be modified accordingly. Your answer, just received, +expresses the preference on your part that I should make an open order +for the modification, which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered +that the said clause of said proclamation be so modified, held, and +construed as to conform to, and not to transcend, the provisions on the +same subject contained in the act of Congress entitled "An act to +confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August +6, 1861, and that said act be published at length with this order. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO MRS. FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., September 12, 1861 + +Mrs. GENERAL FREMONT. + +MY DEAR MADAM:--Your two notes of to-day are before me. I answered the +letter you bore me from General Fremont on yesterday, and not hearing +from you during the day, I sent the answer to him by mail. It is not +exactly correct, as you say you were told by the elder Mr. Blair, to say +that I sent Postmaster-General Blair to St. Louis to examine into that +department and report. Postmaster-General Blair did go, with my +approbation, to see and converse with General Fremont as a friend. I do +not feel authorized to furnish you with copies of letters in my +possession without the consent of the writers. No impression has been +made on my mind against the honor or integrity of General Fremont, and I +now enter my protest against being understood as acting in any hostility +toward him. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOSEPH HOLT, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + +HON. JOSEPH HOLT. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of this day in relation to the late proclamation of +General Fremont is received yesterday I addressed a letter to him, by +mail, on the same subject, and which is to be made public when he +receives it. I herewith send you a copy of that letter, which perhaps +shows my position as distinctly as any new one I could write. I will +thank you not to make it public until General Fremont shall have had time +to receive the original. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL SCOTT + +WASHINGTON, D.C., September 16, 1861. + +DEAR SIR:--Since conversing with you I have concluded to request you to +frame an order for recruiting North Carolinians at Fort Hatteras. I +suggest it to be so framed as for us to accept a smaller force--even a +company--if we cannot get a regiment or more. What is necessary to now +say about officers you will judge. Governor Seward says he has a nephew +(Clarence A. Seward, I believe) who would be willing to go and play +colonel and assist in raising the force. Still it is to be considered +whether the North Carolinians will not prefer officers of their own. I +should expect they would. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 18, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:--To guard against misunderstanding, I +think fit to say that the joint expedition of the army and navy agreed +upon some time since, and in which General T. W. Sherman was and is to +bear a conspicuous part, is in no wise to be abandoned, but must be ready +to move by the 1st of, or very early in, October. Let all preparations +go forward accordingly. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT, + +WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + +Governor Morton telegraphs as follows: "Colonel Lane, just arrived by +special train, represents Owensborough, forty miles above Evansville, in +possession of secessionists. Green River is navigable. Owensborough must +be seized. We want a gunboat sent up from Paducah for that purpose." Send +up the gunboat if, in your discretion, you think it right. Perhaps you +had better order those in charge of the Ohio River to guard it vigilantly +at all points. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +To O. H. BROWNING. + +(Private and Confidential) + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON SEPTEMBER 22, 1861 + +HON. O. H. BROWNING. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 17th is just received; and coming from you, I +confess it astonishes me. That you should object to my adhering to a law +which you had assisted in making and presenting to me less than a month +before is odd enough. But this is a very small part. General Fremont's +proclamation as to confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves +is purely political and not within the range of military law or +necessity. If a commanding general finds a necessity to seize the farm of +a private owner for a pasture, an encampment, or a fortification, he has +the right to do so, and to so hold it as long as the necessity lasts; and +this is within military law, because within military necessity. But to +say the farm shall no longer belong to the owner, or his heirs forever, +and this as well when the farm is not needed for military purposes as +when it is, is purely political, without the savor of military law about +it. And the same is true of slaves. If the general needs them, he can +seize them and use them; but when the need is past, it is not for him to +fix their permanent future condition. That must be settled according to +laws made by law-makers, and not by military proclamations. The +proclamation in the point in question is simply "dictatorship." It +assumes that the general may do anything he pleases confiscate the lands +and free the slaves of loyal people, as well as of disloyal ones. And +going the whole figure, I have no doubt, would be more popular with some +thoughtless people than that which has been done, But I cannot assume +this reckless position, nor allow others to assume it on my +responsibility. + +You speak of it as being the only means of saving the government. On the +contrary, it is itself the surrender of the government. Can it be +pretended that it is any longer the Government of the United States--any +government of constitution and laws wherein a general or a president may +make permanent rules of property by proclamation? I do not say Congress +might not with propriety pass a law on the point, just such as General +Fremont proclaimed. + +I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote for it. What I +object to is, that I, as President, shall expressly or impliedly seize +and exercise the permanent legislative functions of the government. + +So much as to principle. Now as to policy. No doubt the thing was popular +in some quarters, and would have been more so if it had been a general +declaration of emancipation. The Kentucky Legislature would not budge +till that proclamation was modified; and General Anderson telegraphed me +that on the news of General Fremont having actually issued deeds of +manumission, a whole company of our volunteers threw down their arms and +disbanded. I was so assured as to think it probable that the very arms we +had furnished Kentucky would be turned against us. I think to lose +Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game. Kentucky gone, we +cannot hold Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all against us, +and the job on our hands is too large for us. We would as well consent to +separation at once, including the surrender of this Capital. On the +contrary, if you will give up your restlessness for new positions, and +back me manfully on the grounds upon which you and other kind friends +gave me the election and have approved in my public documents, we shall +go through triumphantly. You must not understand I took my course on the +proclamation because of Kentucky. I took the same ground in a private +letter to General Fremont before I heard from Kentucky. + +You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid General Fremont +to shoot men under the proclamation. I understand that part to be within +military law, but I also think, and so privately wrote General Fremont, +that it is impolitic in this, that our adversaries have the power, and +will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many of our men as we shoot of +theirs. I did not say this in the public letter, because it is a subject +I prefer not to discuss in the hearing of our enemies. + +There has been no thought of removing General Fremont on any ground +connected with his proclamation, and if there has been any wish for his +removal on any ground, our mutual friend Sam. Glover can probably tell +you what it was. I hope no real necessity for it exists on any ground. + +Your friend, as ever, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MEMORANDUM FOR A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN +[OCTOBER 1?] 1861 + +On or about the 5th of October (the exact date to be determined +hereafter) I wish a movement made to seize and hold a point on the +railroad connecting Virginia and Tennessee near the mountain-pass called +Cumberland Gap. That point is now guarded against us by Zollicoffer, with +6000 or 8000 rebels at Barboursville Ky.,--say twenty-five miles from the +Gap, toward Lexington. We have a force of 5000 or 6000 under General +Thomas, at Camp Dick Robinson, about twenty-five miles from Lexington and +seventy-five from Zollicoffer's camp, On the road between the two. There +is not a railroad anywhere between Lexington and the point to be seized, +and along the whole length of which the Union sentiment among the people +largely predominates. We have military possession of the railroad from +Cincinnati to Lexington, and from Louisville to Lexington, and some home +guards, under General Crittenden, are on the latter line. We have +possession of the railroad from Louisville to Nashville, Tenn., so far as +Muldraugh's Hill, about forty miles, and the rebels have possession of +that road all south of there. At the Hill we have a force of 8000, under +General Sherman, and about an equal force of rebels is a very short +distance south, under General Buckner. + +We have a large force at Paducah, and a smaller at Port Holt, both on the +Kentucky side, with some at Bird's Point, Cairo, Mound City, Evansville, +and New Albany, all on the other side, and all which, with the gunboats +on the river, are perhaps sufficient to guard the Ohio from Louisville to +its mouth. + +About supplies of troops, my general idea is that all from Wisconsin, +Minnesota, Iowa, Illinois, Missouri, and Kansas, not now elsewhere, be +left to Fremont. All from Indiana and Michigan, not now elsewhere, be +sent to Anderson at Louisville. All from Ohio needed in western Virginia +be sent there, and any remainder be sent to Mitchell at Cincinnati, for +Anderson. All east of the mountains be appropriated to McClellan and to +the coast. + +As to movements, my idea is that the one for the coast and that on +Cumberland Gap be simultaneous, and that in the meantime preparation, +vigilant watching, and the defensive only be acted upon; this, however, +not to apply to Fremont's operations in northern and middle Missouri. +That before these movements Thomas and Sherman shall respectively watch +but not attack Zollicoffer and Buckner. That when the coast and Gap +movements shall be ready Sherman is merely to stand fast, while all at +Cincinnati and all at Louisville, with all on the line, concentrate +rapidly at Lexington, and thence to Thomas's camp, joining him, and the +whole thence upon the Gap. It is for the military men to decide whether +they can find a pass through the mountains at or near the Gap which +cannot be defended by the enemy with a greatly inferior force, and what +is to be done in regard to this. + +The coast and Gap movements made, Generals McClellan and Fremont, in +their respective departments, will avail themselves of any advantages the +diversions may present. + +[He was entirely unable to get this started, Sherman would have taken an +active part if given him, the others were too busy getting lines of +communication guarded--and discovering many "critical" supply items that +had not been sent them. Also the commanding general did not like it. +D.W.] + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 4, 1861 + +HONORABLE SECRETARY OF STATE. + +DEAR SIR:--Please see Mr. Walker, well vouched as a Union man and +son-in-law of Governor Morehead, and pleading for his release. I +understand the Kentucky arrests were not made by special direction from +here, and I am willing if you are that any of the parties may be released +when James Guthrie and James Speed think they should be. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE VICEROY OF EGYPT. + +WASHINGTON, October 11, 1861. + +GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND:--I have received from Mr. Thayer, Consul-General +of the United States at Alexandria, a full account of the liberal, +enlightened, and energetic proceedings which, on his complaint, you have +adopted in bringing to speedy and condign punishment the parties, +subjects of your Highness in Upper Egypt, who were concerned in an act of +criminal persecution against Faris, an agent of certain Christian +missionaries in Upper Egypt. I pray your Highness to be assured that +these proceedings, at once so prompt and so just, will be regarded as a +new and unmistakable proof equally of your Highness's friendship for the +United States and of the firmness, integrity and wisdom, with which the +government of your Highness is conducted. Wishing you great prosperity +and success, I am your friend, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +HIS HIGHNESS MOHAMMED SAID PACHA, Viceroy of Egypt and its Dependencies, +etc. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OF +HABEAS CORPUS. + +October 14 1861 + +LIEUTENANT-GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT: + +The military line of the United States for the suppression of the +insurrection may be extended so far as Bangor, in Maine. You and any +officer acting under your authority are hereby authorized to suspend the +writ of habeas corpus in any place between that place and the city of +Washington. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY OF INTERIOR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 14, 1861 + +HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + +DEAR SIR:--How is this? I supposed I was appointing for register of wills +a citizen of this District. Now the commission comes to me "Moses Kelly, +of New Hampshire." I do not like this. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TWO SONS WHO WANT TO WORK + +TO MAJOR RAMSEY. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 17, 1861 +MAJOR RAMSEY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The lady bearer of this says she has two sons who want to +work. Set them at it if possible. Wanting to work is so rare a want that +it should be encouraged. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL THOMAS W. SHERMAN. + +WASHINGTON, October 18, 1861. + +GENERAL THOMAS SHERMAN, Annapolis, Md.: + +Your despatch of yesterday received and shown to General McClellan. I +have promised him not to direct his army here without his consent. I do +not think I shall come to Annapolis. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL CURTIS, WITH INCLOSURES. + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is a document--half letter, half order--which, +wishing you to see, but not to make public, I send unsealed. Please read +it and then inclose it to the officer who may be in command of the +Department of the West at the time it reaches him. I cannot now know +whether Fremont or Hunter will then be in command. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + +DEAR SIR:--On receipt of this, with the accompanying inclosures, you will +take safe, certain, and suitable measures to have the inclosure addressed +to Major-General Fremont delivered to him with all reasonable despatch, +subject to these conditions only: that if, when General Fremont shall be +reached by the messenger--yourself or any one sent by you--he shall then +have, in personal command, fought and won a battle, or shall then be +actually in a battle, or shall then be in the immediate presence of the +enemy in expectation of a battle, it is not to be delivered, but held for +further orders. After, and not till after, the delivery to General +Fremont, let the inclosure addressed to General Hunter be delivered to +him. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + +(General Orders No. 18.) HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +Major-General Fremont, of the United States Army, the present commander +of the Western Department of the same, will, on the receipt of this +order, call Major-General Hunter, of the United States Volunteers, to +relieve him temporarily in that command, when he (Major-General Fremont) +will report to general headquarters by letter for further orders. + +WINFIELD SCOTT. By command: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General. + + + + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDER OF THE DEPARTMENT OF THE WEST. + +SIR:--The command of the Department of the West having devolved upon you, +I propose to offer you a few suggestions. Knowing how hazardous it is to +bind down a distant commander in the field to specific lines and +operations, as so much always depends on a knowledge of localities and +passing events, it is intended, therefore, to leave a considerable margin +for the exercise of your judgment and discretion. + +The main rebel army (Price's) west of the Mississippi is believed to have +passed Dade County in full retreat upon northwestern Arkansas, leaving +Missouri almost freed from the enemy, excepting in the southeast of the +State. Assuming this basis of fact, it seems desirable, as you are not +likely to overtake Price, and are in danger of making too long a line +from your own base of supplies and reinforcements, that you should give +up the pursuit, halt your main army, divide it into two corps of +observation, one occupying Sedalia and the other Rolla, the present +termini of railroads; then recruit the condition of both corps by +re-establishing and improving their discipline and instructions, +perfecting their clothing and equipments, and providing less +uncomfortable quarters. Of course, both railroads must be guarded and +kept open, judiciously employing just so much force as is necessary for +this. From these two points, Sedalia and Rolla, and especially in +judicious cooperation with Lane on the Kansas border, it would be so easy +to concentrate and repel any army of the enemy returning on Missouri from +the southwest, that it is not probable any such attempt will be made +before or during the approaching cold weather. Before spring the people +of Missouri will probably be in no favorable mood to renew for next year +the troubles which have so much afflicted and impoverished them during +this. If you adopt this line of policy, and if, as I anticipate, you will +see no enemy in great force approaching, you will have a surplus of force +which you can withdraw from these points and direct to others as may be +needed, the railroads furnishing ready means of reinforcing these main +points if occasion requires. Doubtless local uprisings will for a time +continue to occur, but these can be met by detachments and local forces +of our own, and will ere long tire out of themselves. + +While, as stated in the beginning of the letter, a large discretion must +be and is left with yourself, I feel sure that an indefinite pursuit of +Price or an attempt by this long and circuitous route to reach Memphis +will be exhaustive beyond endurance, and will end in the loss of the +whole force engaged in it. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER RETIRING GENERAL SCOTT AND APPOINTING + +GENERAL McCLELLAN HIS SUCCESSOR. (General Orders, No.94.) + +WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE + +WASHINGTON, November 1, 1861 + +The following order from the President of the United States, announcing +the retirement from active command of the honored veteran Lieutenant +general Winfield Scott, will be read by the army with profound regret: + + + + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. + +November 1, 1861 + +On the 1st day of November, A.D. 1861, upon his own application to the +President of the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott +is ordered to be placed, and hereby is placed, upon the list of retired +officers of the army of the United States, without reduction in his +current pay, subsistence, or allowances. + +The American people will hear with sadness and deep emotion that General +Scott has withdrawn from the active control of the army, while the +President and a unanimous Cabinet express their own and the nation's +sympathy in his personal affliction and their profound sense of the +important public services rendered by him to his country during his long +and brilliant career, among which will ever be gratefully distinguished +his faithful devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the flag when +assailed by parricidal rebellion. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + + +The President is pleased to direct that Major general George B. McClellan +assume the command of the army of the United States. The headquarters of +the army will be established in the city of Washington. All +communications intended for the commanding general will hereafter be +addressed direct to the adjutant-general. The duplicate returns, orders, +and other papers heretofore sent to the assistant adjutant-general, +headquarters of the army, will be discontinued. + +By order of the Secretary of War: +L. THOMAS, Adjutant General. + + + + +ORDER APPROVING THE PLAN OF GOVERNOR GAMBLE +OF MISSOURI. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +November 5, 1861. + +The Governor of the State of Missouri, acting under the direction of the +convention of that State, proposes to the Government of the United States +that he will raise a military force to serve within the State as State +militia during the war there, to cooperate with the troops in the service +of the United States in repelling the invasion of the State and +suppressing rebellion therein; the said State militia to be embodied and +to be held in the camp and in the field, drilled, disciplined, and +governed according to the Army Regulations and subject to the Articles of +War; the said State militia not to be ordered out of the State except for +the immediate defense of the State of Missouri, but to co-operate with +the troops in the service of the United States in military operations +within the State or necessary to its defense, and when officers of the +State militia act with officers in the service of the United States of +the same grade the officers of the United States service shall command +the combined force; the State militia to be armed, equipped, clothed, +subsisted, transported, and paid by the United States during such time as +they shall be actually engaged as an embodied military force in service +in accordance with regulations of the United States Army or general +orders as issued from time to time. + +In order that the Treasury of the United States may not be burdened with +the pay of unnecessary officers, the governor proposes that, although the +State law requires him to appoint upon the general staff an +adjutant-general, a commissary-general, an inspector-general, a +quartermaster-general, a paymaster-general, and a surgeon-general, each +with the rank of colonel of cavalry, yet he proposes that the Government +of the United States pay only the adjutant-general, the +quartermaster-general, and inspector-general, their services being +necessary in the relations which would exist between the State militia +and the United States. The governor further proposes that while he is +allowed by the State law to appoint aides-de-camp to the governor at his +discretion, with the rank of colonel, three only shall be reported to the +United States for payment. He also proposes that the State militia shall +be commanded by a single major-general and by such number of +brigadier-generals as shall allow one for a brigade of not less than four +regiments, and that no greater number of staff officers shall be +appointed for regimental, brigade, and division duties than as provided +for in the act of Congress of the 22d July, 1861; and that, whatever be +the rank of such officers as fixed by the law of the State, the +compensation that they shall receive from the United States shall only be +that which belongs to the rank given by said act of Congress to officers +in the United States service performing the same duties. + +The field officers of a regiment in the State militia are one colonel, +one lieutenant-colonel, and one major, and the company officers are a +captain, a first lieutenant, and a second lieutenant. The governor +proposes that, as the money to be disbursed is the money of the United +States, such staff officers in the service of the United States as may be +necessary to act as disbursing officers for the State militia shall be +assigned by the War Department for that duty; or, if such cannot be +spared from their present duty, he will appoint such persons disbursing +officers for the State militia as the President of the United States may +designate. Such regulations as may be required, in the judgment of the +President, to insure regularity of returns and to protect the United +States from any fraudulent practices shall be observed and obeyed by all +in office in the State militia. + +The above propositions are accepted on the part of the United States, and +the Secretary of War is directed to make the necessary orders upon the +Ordnance, Quartermaster's, Commissary, Pay, and Medical departments to +carry this agreement into effect. He will cause the necessary staff +officers in the United States service to be detailed for duty in +connection with the Missouri State militia, and will order them to make +the necessary provision in their respective offices for fulfilling this +agreement. All requisitions upon the different officers of the United +States under this agreement to be made in substance in the same mode for +the Missouri State militia as similar requisitions are made for troops in +the service of the United States; and the Secretary of War will cause any +additional regulations that may be necessary to insure regularity and +economy in carrying this agreement into effect to be adopted and +communicated to the Governor of Missouri for the government of the +Missouri State militia. + +[Indorsement.] + +November 6, 1861. + +This plan approved, with the modification that the governor stipulates +that when he commissions a major-general of militia it shall be the same +person at the time in command of the United States Department of the +West; and in case the United States shall change such commander of the +department, he (the governor) will revoke the State commission given to +the person relieved and give one to the person substituted to the United +States command of said department. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MINISTER FROM SWEDEN. + +November 8, 1861. + +SIR:--I receive with great pleasure a Minister from Sweden. That pleasure +is enhanced by the information which preceded your arrival here, that his +Majesty, your sovereign, had selected you to fill the mission upon the +grounds of your derivation from an ancestral stock identified with the +most glorious era of your country's noble history, and your own eminent +social and political standing in Sweden. This country, sir, maintains, +and means to maintain, the rights of human nature, and the capacity of +men for self-government. The history of Sweden proves that this is the +faith of the people of Sweden, and we know that it is the faith and +practice of their respected sovereign. Rest assured, therefore, that we +shall be found always just and paternal in our transactions with your +government, and that nothing will be omitted on my part to make your +residence in this capital agreeable to yourself and satisfactory to your +government. + + + + +INDORSEMENT AUTHORIZING MARTIAL LAW IN SAINT LOUIS. + +St. Louis, November 20, 1861. (Received Nov. 20th.) + +GENERAL McCLELLAN, + +For the President of the United States. + +No written authority is found here to declare and enforce martial law in +this department. Please send me such written authority and telegraph me +that it has been sent by mail. + +H. W. HALLECK, Major-General. + +[Indorsement.] November 21, 1861. + +If General McClellan and General Halleck deem it necessary to declare and +maintain martial law in Saint Louis, the same is hereby authorized. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +OFFER TO COOPERATE AND GIVE SPECIAL LINE OF INFORMATION +TO HORACE GREELEY + +TO GOVERNOR WALKER. + +WASHINGTON, November 21, 1861 + +DEAR GOVERNOR:--I have thought over the interview which Mr. Gilmore has +had with Mr. Greeley, and the proposal that Greeley has made to Gilmore, +namely, that he [Gilmore] shall communicate to him [Greeley] all that he +learns from you of the inner workings of the administration, in return +for his [Greeley's] giving such aid as he can to the new magazine, and +allowing you [Walker] from time to time the use of his [Greeley's] +columns when it is desirable to feel of, or forestall, public opinion on +important subjects. The arrangement meets my unqualified approval, and I +shall further it to the extent of my ability, by opening to you--as I do +now--fully the policy of the Government,--its present views and future +intentions when formed, giving you permission to communicate them to +Gilmore for Greeley; and in case you go to Europe I will give these +things direct to Gilmore. But all this must be on the express and +explicit understanding that the fact of these communications coming from +me shall be absolutely confidential,--not to be disclosed by Greeley to +his nearest friend, or any of his subordinates. He will be, in effect, my +mouthpiece, but I must not be known to be the speaker. + +I need not tell you that I have the highest confidence in Mr. Greeley. He +is a great power. Having him firmly behind me will be as helpful to me as +an army of one hundred thousand men. + +This was to be most severely regretted, when Greeley became a traitor to +the cause, editorialized for compromise and separation--and promoted +McClellan as Democratic candidate for the Presidency. + +That he has ever kicked the traces has been owing to his not being fully +informed. Tell Gilmore to say to him that, if he ever objects to my +policy, I shall be glad to have him state to me his views frankly and +fully. I shall adopt his if I can. If I cannot, I will at least tell him +why. He and I should stand together, and let no minor differences come +between us; for we both seek one end, which is the saving of our country. +Now, Governor, this is a longer letter than I have written in a +month,--longer than I would have written for any other man than Horace +Greeley. + +Your friend, truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +P. S.--The sooner Gilmore sees Greeley the better, as you may before long +think it wise to ventilate our policy on the Trent affair. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL HALLECK TO SUSPEND +THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, + +DECEMBER 2, 1861. + +MAJOR-GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, Commanding in the Department of Missouri. + +GENERAL:--As an insurrection exists in the United States, and is in arms +in the State of Missouri, you are hereby authorized and empowered to +suspend the writ of habeas corpus within the limits of the military +division under your command, and to exercise martial law as you find it +necessary in your discretion to secure the public safety and the +authority of the United States. + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the +United States to be affixed at Washington, this second day of December, +A.D. 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, December 3, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--In the midst +of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great gratitude to +God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests. + +You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of the +times our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with +profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs. + +A disloyal portion of the American people have during the whole year been +engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation which +endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect abroad, and +one party, if not both, is sure sooner or later to invoke foreign +intervention. + +Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the +counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although measures +adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious +to those adopting them. + +The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of +our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked +abroad have received less patronage and encouragement than they probably +expected. If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have seemed to +assume, that foreign nations in this case, discarding all moral, social, +and treaty obligations, would act solely and selfishly for the most +speedy restoration of commerce, including especially the acquisition of +cotton, those nations appear as yet not to have seen their way to their +object more directly or clearly through the destruction than through the +preservation of the Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign +nations are actuated by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a +sound argument could be made to show them that they can reach their aim +more readily and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion than by giving +encouragement to it. + +The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign +nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the +embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably saw +from the first that it was the Union which made as well our foreign as +our domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that the +effort for disunion produces the existing difficulty, and that one strong +nation promises more durable peace and a more extensive, valuable, and +reliable commerce than can the same nation broken into hostile fragments. + +It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states, +because, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the integrity of +our country and the stability of our government mainly depend not upon +them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the +American people. The correspondence itself, with the usual reservations, +is herewith submitted. + +I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and +liberality toward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation and with +firmness maintaining our own rights and honor. + +Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state, +foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recommend +that adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the public +defenses on every side. While under this general recommendation provision +for defending our seacoast line readily occurs to the mind, I also in the +same connection ask the attention of Congress to our great lakes and +rivers. It is believed that some fortifications and depots of arms and +munitions, with harbor and navigation improvements, all at well-selected +points upon these, would be of great importance to the national defense +and preservation I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War, +expressed in his report, upon the same general subject. + +I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of east Tennessee and +western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky and other +faithful parts of the Union by rail-road. I therefore recommend, as a +military measure, that Congress provide for the construction of such +rail-road as speedily as possible. Kentucky will no doubt co-operate, and +through her Legislature make the most judicious selection of a line. The +northern terminus must connect with some existing railroad, and whether +the route shall be from Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, +or from Lebanon to the Tennessee line, in the direction of Knoxville, or +on some still different line, can easily be determined. Kentucky and the +General Government co-operating, the work can be completed in a very +short time, and when done it will be not only of vast present usefulness +but also a valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost in all the +future. + +Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and having +no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and will be +submitted to the Senate for their consideration. + +Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers to adopt +a desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we have removed all +obstructions from the way of this humane reform except such as are merely +of temporary and accidental occurrence. + +I invite your attention to the correspondence between her Britannic +Majesty's minister accredited to this government and the Secretary of +State relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire in June +last by the United States steamer Massachusetts for a supposed breach of +the blockade. As this detention was occasioned by an obvious +misapprehension of the facts, and as justice requires that we should +commit no belligerent act not founded in strict right as sanctioned by +public law, I recommend that an appropriation be made to satisfy the +reasonable demand of the owners of the vessel for her detention. + +I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor in his annual message to +Congress in December last in regard to the disposition of the surplus +which will probably remain after satisfying the claims of American +citizens against China, pursuant to the awards of the commissioners under +the act of the 3d of March, 1859. If, however, it should not be deemed +advisable to carry that recommendation into effect, I would suggest that +authority be given for investing the principal, or the proceeds of the +surplus referred to, in good securities, with a view to the satisfaction +of such other just claims of our citizens against China as are not +unlikely to arise hereafter in the course of our extensive trade with +that empire. + +By the act of the 5th of August last Congress authorized the President to +instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend themselves against +and to capture pirates. His authority has been exercised in a single +instance only. For the more effectual protection of our extensive and +valuable commerce in the Eastern seas especially, it seems to me that it +would also be advisable to authorize the commanders of sailing vessels to +recapture any prizes which pirates may make of United States vessels and +their cargoes, and the consular courts now established by law in Eastern +countries to adjudicate the cases in the event that this should not be +objected to by the local authorities. + +If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in withholding +our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Haiti and Liberia, +I am unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to inaugurate a novel +policy in regard to them without the approbation of Congress, I submit +for your consideration the expediency of an appropriation for maintaining +a charge d'affaires near each of those new States. It does not admit of +doubt that important commercial advantages might be secured by favorable +treaties with them. + +The operations of the treasury during the period which has elapsed since +your adjournment have been conducted with signal success. The patriotism +of the people has placed at the disposal of the government the large +means demanded by the public exigencies. Much of the national loan has +been taken by citizens of the industrial classes, whose confidence in +their country's faith and zeal for their country's deliverance from +present peril have induced them to contribute to the support of the +government the whole of their limited acquisitions. This fact imposes +peculiar obligations to economy in disbursement and energy in action. + +The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial year +ending on the 30th of June, 1861, was $86,835,900.27, and the +expenditures for the same period, including payments on account of the +public debt, were $84,578,834.47, leaving a balance in the treasury on +the 1st of July of $2,257,065.80. For the first quarter of the financial +year ending on the 30th of September, 1861, the receipts from all +sources, including the balance of the 1st of July, were $102,532,509.27, +and the expenses $98,239733.09, leaving a balance on the 1st of October, +1861, of $4,292,776.18. + +Estimates for the remaining three quarters of the year and for the +financial year 1863, together with his views of ways and means for +meeting the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to Congress +by the Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know that the +expenditures made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the resources +of the loyal people, and to believe that the same patriotism which has +thus far sustained the government will continue to sustain it till peace +and union shall again bless the land. + +I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War for +information respecting the numerical strength of the army and for +recommendations having in view an increase of its efficiency and the +well-being of the various branches of the service intrusted to his care. +It is gratifying to know that the patriotism of the people has proved +equal to the occasion, and that the number of troops tendered greatly +exceeds the force which Congress authorized me to call into the field. + +I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make allusion +to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by our troops and +to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire army. + +The recommendation of the Secretary for an organization of the militia +upon a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to the future +safety of the country, and is commended to the serious attention of +Congress. + +The large addition to the regular army, in connection with the defection +that has so considerably diminished the number of its officers, gives +peculiar importance to his recommendation for increasing the corps of +cadets to the greatest capacity of the Military Academy. + +By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chaplains for +hospitals occupied by volunteers. This subject was brought to my notice, +and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy of which, +properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the persons, and at the +dates respectively named and stated in a schedule, containing also the +form of the letter, marked A, and herewith transmitted. + +These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated at the +times respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored faithfully +therein ever since. I therefore recommend that they be compensated at the +same rate as chaplains in the army. I further suggest that general +provision be made for chaplains to serve at hospitals, as well as with +regiments. + +The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the operations +of that branch of the service, the activity and energy which have +characterized its administration, and the results of measures to increase +its efficiency and power such have been the additions, by construction +and purchase, that it may almost be said a navy has been created and +brought into service since our difficulties commenced. + +Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than ever before +assembled under our flag have been put afloat and performed deeds which +have increased our naval renown. + +I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the Secretary +for a more perfect organization of the navy by introducing additional +grades in the service. + +The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the +suggestions submitted by the department will, it is believed, if adopted, +obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote harmony, and increase the +efficiency of the navy. + +There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court--two by the +decease of Justices Daniel and McLean and one by the resignation of +Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne making nominations to fill these +vacancies for reasons which I will now state. Two of the outgoing judges +resided within the States now overrun by revolt, so that if successors +were appointed in the same localities they could not now serve upon their +circuits; and many of the most competent men there probably would not +take the personal hazard of accepting to serve, even here, upon the +Supreme bench. I have been unwilling to throw all the appointments +north-ward, thus disabling myself from doing justice to the South on the +return of peace; although I may remark that to transfer to the North one +which has heretofore been in the South would not, with reference to +territory and population, be unjust. + +During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean his circuit +grew into an empire-altogether too large for any one judge to give the +courts therein more than a nominal attendance--rising in population from +1,470,018 in 1830 to 6,151,405 in 1860. + +Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present judicial +system. If uniformity was at all intended, the system requires that all +the States shall be accommodated with circuit courts, attended by Supreme +judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Florida, +Texas, California, and Oregon have never had any such courts. Nor can +this well be remedied without a change in the system, because the adding +of judges to the Supreme Court, enough for the accommodation of all parts +of the country with circuit courts, would create a court altogether too +numerous for a judicial body of any sort. And the evil, if it be one, +will increase as new States come into the Union. Circuit courts are +useful or they are not useful. If useful, no State should be denied them; +if not useful, no State should have them. Let them be provided for all or +abolished as to all. + +Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would be an +improvement upon our present system. Let the Supreme Court be of +convenient number in every event; then, first, let the whole country be +divided into circuits of convenient size, the Supreme judges to serve in +a number of them corresponding to their own number, and independent +circuit judges be provided for all the rest; or, secondly, let the +Supreme judges be relieved from circuit duties and circuit judges +provided for all the circuits; or, thirdly, dispense with circuit courts +altogether, leaving the judicial functions wholly to the district courts +and an independent Supreme Court. + +I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the present +condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be able +to find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils which +constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical administration of +them. Since the Organization of the government, Congress has enacted some +5000 acts and joint resolutions, which fill more than 6000 closely +printed pages and are scattered through many volumes. Many of these acts +have been drawn in haste and without sufficient caution, so that their +provisions are often obscure in themselves or in conflict with each +other, or at least so doubtful as to render it very difficult for even +the best-informed persons to ascertain precisely what the statute law +really is. + +It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be made as +plain and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a compass +as may consist with the fullness and precision of the will of the +Legislature and the perspicuity of its language. This well done would, I +think, greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty it is to assist +in the administration of the laws, and would be a lasting benefit to the +people, by placing before them in a more accessible and intelligible form +the laws which so deeply concern their interests and their duties. + +I am informed by some whose opinions I respect that all the acts of +Congress now in force and of a permanent and general nature might be +revised and rewritten so as to be embraced in one volume (or at most two +volumes) of ordinary and convenient size; and I respectfully recommend to +Congress to consider of the subject, and if my suggestion be approved to +devise such plan as to their wisdom shall seem most proper for the +attainment of the end proposed. + +One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is the +entire suppression in many places of all the ordinary means of +administering civil justice by the officers and in the forms of existing +law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the insurgent States; +and as our armies advance upon and take possession of parts of those +States the practical evil becomes more apparent. There are no courts or +officers to whom the citizens of other States may apply for the +enforcement of their lawful claims against citizens of the insurgent +States, and there is a vast amount of debt constituting such claims. Some +have estimated it as high as $200,000,000, due in large part from +insurgents in open rebellion to loyal citizens who are even now making +great sacrifices in the discharge of their patriotic duty to support the +government. + +Under these circumstances I have been urgently solicited to establish, by +military power, courts to administer summary justice in such cases. I +have thus far declined to do it, not because I had any doubt that the end +proposed--the collection of the debts--was just and right in itself, but +because I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of necessity in +the unusual exercise of power. But the powers of Congress, I suppose, are +equal to the anomalous occasion, and therefore I refer the whole matter +to Congress, with the hope that a plan maybe devised for the +administration of justice in all such parts of the insurgent States and +Territories as may be under the control of this government, whether by a +voluntary return to allegiance and order or by the power of our arms; +this, however, not to be a permanent institution, but a temporary +substitute, and to cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be +reestablished in peace. + +It is important that some more convenient means should be provided, if +possible, for the adjustment of claims against the government, especially +in view of their increased number by reason of the war. It is as much the +duty of government to render prompt justice against itself in favor of +citizens as it is to administer the same between private individuals. The +investigation and adjudication of claims in their nature belong to the +judicial department. Besides, it is apparent that the attention of +Congress will be more than usually engaged for some time to come with +great national questions. It was intended by the organization of the +Court of Claims mainly to remove this branch of business from the halls +of Congress; but, while the court has proved to be an effective and +valuable means of investigation, it in great degree fails to effect the +object of its creation for want of power to make its judgments final. + +Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger of the subject, I +commend to your careful consideration whether this power of making +judgments final may not properly be given to the court, reserving the +right of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such other +provisions as experience may have shown to be necessary. + +I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster general, the following +being a summary statement of the condition of the department: + +The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1861, +including the annual permanent appropriation of $700,000 for the +transportation of "free mail matter," was $9,049,296.40, being about 2 +per cent. less than the revenue for 1860. + +The expenditures were $13,606,759.11, showing a decrease of more than 8 +per cent. as compared with those of the previous year and leaving an +excess of expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal year of +$4,557,462.71. + +The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated at an +increase of 4 per cent. on that of 1861, making $8,683,000, to which +should be added the earnings of the department in carrying free matter, +viz., $700,000, making $9,383,000. + +The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,528,000, leaving an +estimated deficiency of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the treasury in +addition to the permanent appropriation. + +The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this +District across the Potomac River at the time of establishing the capital +here was eminently wise, and consequently that the relinquishment of that +portion of it which lies within the State of Virginia was unwise and +dangerous. I submit for your consideration the expediency of regaining +that part of the District and the restoration of the original boundaries +thereof through negotiations with the State of Virginia. + +The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompanying +documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the public +business pertaining to that department. The depressing influences of the +insurrection have been specially felt in the operations of the Patent and +General Land Offices. The cash receipts from the sales of public lands +during the past year have exceeded the expenses of our land system only +about $200,000. The sales have been entirely suspended in the Southern +States, while the interruptions to the business of the country and the +diversion of large numbers of men from labor to military service have +obstructed settlements in the new States and Territories of the +Northwest. + +The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months about +$100,000.00 rendering a large reduction of the force employed necessary +to make it self-sustaining. + +The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by the +insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the +casualties of the existing war, have already been made. There is reason +to believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls and in receipt of +the bounty of the government are in the ranks of the insurgent army or +giving them aid and comfort. The Secretary of the Interior has directed a +suspension of the payment of the pensions of such persons upon proof of +their disloyalty. I recommend that Congress authorize that officer to +cause the names of such persons to be stricken from the pension rolls. + +The relations of the government with the Indian tribes have been greatly +disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the southern superintendency +and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south of Kansas is in the +possession of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. The agents of the +United States appointed since the 4th of March for this superintendency +have been unable to reach their posts, while the most of those who were +in office before that time have espoused the insurrectionary cause, and +assume to exercise the powers of agents by virtue of commissions from the +insurrectionists. It has been stated in the public press that a portion +of those Indians have been organized as a military force and are attached +to the army of the insurgents. Although the government has no official +information upon this subject, letters have been written to the +Commissioner of Indian Affairs by several prominent chiefs giving +assurance of their loyalty to the United States and expressing a wish for +the presence of Federal troops to protect them. It is believed that upon +the repossession of the country by the Federal forces the Indians will +readily cease all hostile demonstrations and resume their former +relations to the government. + +Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not a +department nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in the +government. While it is fortunate that this great interest is so +independent in its nature as not to have demanded and extorted more from +the government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether something +more cannot be given voluntarily with general advantage. + +Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture, commerce, and +manufactures would present a fund of information of great practical value +to the country. While I make no suggestion as to details, I venture the +opinion that an agricultural and statistical bureau might profitably be +organized. + +The execution of the laws for the suppression of the African slave trade +has been confided to the Department of the Interior. It is a subject of +gratulation that the efforts which have been made for the suppression of +this inhuman traffic have been recently attended with unusual success. +Five vessels being fitted out for the slave trade have been seized and +condemned. Two mates of vessels engaged in the trade and one person in +equipping a vessel as a slaver have been convicted and subjected to the +penalty of fine and imprisonment, and one captain, taken with a cargo of +Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted of the highest grade of +offense under our laws, the punishment of which is death. + +The Territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada, created by the last +Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been +inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying when it is +considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of these +new countries when the Federal officers arrived there. + +The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the security +and protection afforded by organized government, will doubtless invite to +them a large immigration when peace shall restore the business of the +country to its accustomed channels. I submit the resolutions of the +Legislature of Colorado, which evidence the patriotic spirit of the +people of the Territory. So far the authority of the United States has +been upheld in all the Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the +future. I commend their interests and defense to the enlightened and +generous care of Congress. + +I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the interests of +the District of Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause of much +suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants, and as they have no +representative in Congress that body should not overlook their just +claims upon the government. + +At your late session a joint resolution was adopted authorizing the +President to take measures for facilitating a proper representation of +the industrial interests of the United States at the exhibition of the +industry of all nations to be holden at London in the year 1862. I regret +to say I have been unable to give personal attention to this subject--a +subject at once so interesting in itself and so extensively and +intimately connected with the material prosperity of the world. Through +the Secretaries of State and of the Interior a plan or system has been +devised and partly matured, and which will be laid before you. + +Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate +property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, the +legal claims of certain persons to the labor and service of certain other +persons have become forfeited, and numbers of the latter thus liberated +are already dependent on the United States, and must be provided for in +some way. Besides this, it is not impossible that some of the States will +pass similar enactments for their own benefit respectively, and by +operation of which persons of the same class will be thrown upon them for +disposal. In such case I recommend that Congress provide for accepting +such persons from such States, according to some mode of valuation, in +lieu, pro tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed on +with such States respectively; that such persons, on such acceptance by +the General Government, be at once deemed free, and that in any event +steps be taken for colonizing both classes (or the one first mentioned if +the other shall not be brought into existence) at some place or places in +a climate congenial to them. It might be well to consider, too, whether +the free colored people already in the United States could not, so far as +individuals may desire, be included in such colonization. + +To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of +territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be expended +in the territorial acquisition. Having practised the acquisition of +territory for nearly sixty years, the question of constitutional power to +do so is no longer an open one with us. The power was questioned at first +by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the purchase of Louisiana, yielded his +scruples on the plea of great expediency. If it be said that the only +legitimate object of acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white +men, this measure effects that object, for emigration of colored men +leaves additional room for white men remaining or coming here. Mr. +Jefferson, however, placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on +political and commercial grounds than on providing room for population. + +On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with the +acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to absolute +necessity--that without which the government itself cannot be +perpetuated? + +The war continues. In considering the policy to be adopted for +suppressing the insurrection I have been anxious and careful that the +inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a violent +and remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have therefore in every case +thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Union prominent as the +primary object of the contest on our part, leaving all questions which +are not of vital military importance to the more deliberate action of the +Legislature. + +In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the blockade of +the ports held by the insurgents, instead of putting in force by +proclamation the law of Congress enacted at the late session for closing +those ports. + +So also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well as the obligations of +law, instead of transcending I have adhered to the act of Congress to +confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new law upon +the same subject shall be proposed, its propriety will be duly +considered. The Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable +means must be employed. We should not be in haste to determine that +radical and extreme measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the +disloyal, are indispensable. + +The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration and the +message to Congress at the late special session were both mainly devoted +to topics domestic controversy out of which the insurrection and +consequent war have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add or subtract to or +from the principles or general purposes stated and expressed in those +documents. + +The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expired at the +assault upon Fort Sumter, and a general review of what has occurred since +may not be unprofitable. What was painfully uncertain then is much better +defined and more distinct now, and the progress of events is plainly in +the right direction. The insurgents confidently claimed a strong support +from north of Mason and Dixon's line, and the friends of the Union were +not free from apprehension on the point. This, however, was soon settled +definitely, and on the right side. South of the line noble little +Delaware led off right from the first. Maryland was made to seem against +the Union. Our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and +railroads torn up within her limits, and we were many days at one time +without the ability to bring a single regiment over her soil to the +capital. Now her bridges and railroads are repaired and open to the +government; she already gives seven regiments to the cause of the Union, +and none to the enemy; and her people, at a regular election, have +sustained the Union by a larger majority and a larger aggregate vote than +they ever before gave to any candidate or any question. Kentucky, too, +for some time in doubt, is now decidedly and, I think, unchangeably +ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri is comparatively quiet, and, I +believe, can, not again be overrun by the insurrectionists. These three +States of Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, neither of which would +promise a single soldier at first, have now an aggregate of not less than +forty thousand in the field for the Union, while of their citizens +certainly not more than a third of that number, and they of doubtful +whereabouts and doubtful existence, are in arms against us. After a +somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter closes on the Union people of +western Virginia, leaving them masters of their own country. + +An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months dominating the +narrow peninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac and +Northampton, and known as Eastern Shore of Virginia, together with some +contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms, and the people +there have renewed their allegiance to and accepted the protection of the +old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist north of the Potomac or +east of the Chesapeake. + +Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points on the +southern coast of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island (near Savannah), and +Ship Island; and we likewise have some general accounts of popular +movements in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and Tennessee. + +These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing +steadily and certainly southward. + +Since your last adjournment Lieutenant-General Scott has retired from the +head of the army. During his long life the nation has not been unmindful +of his merit; yet on calling to mind how faithfully, ably, and +brilliantly he has served the country, from a time far back in our +history, when few of the now living had been born, and thenceforward +continually, I cannot but think we are still his debtors. I submit, +therefore, for your consideration what further mark of recognition is due +to him, and to ourselves as a grateful people. + +With the retirement of General Scott came the Executive duty of +appointing in his stead a general-in-chief of the army. It is a fortunate +circumstance that neither in council nor country was there, so far as I +know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person to be selected. +The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment in favor of General +McClellan for the position, and in this the nation seemed to give a +unanimous concurrence. The designation of General McClellan is therefore +in considerable degree the selection of the country as well as of the +Executive, and hence there is better reason to hope there will be given +him the confidence and cordial support thus by fair implication promised, +and without which he cannot with so full efficiency serve the country. + +It has been said that one bad general is better than two good ones, and +the saying is true if taken to mean no more than that an army is better +directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two superior ones at +variance and cross-purposes with each other. + +And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged can +have none but a common end in view and can differ only as to the choice +of means. In a storm at sea no one on hoard can wish the ship to sink, +and yet not unfrequently all go down together because too many will +direct and no single mind can be allowed to control. + +It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not +exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government--the +rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most +grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the general +tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the abridgment of the +existing right of suffrage and the denial to the people of all right to +participate in the selection of public officers except the legislative +boldly advocated, with labored arguments to prove that large control of +the people in government is the source of all political evil. Monarchy +itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the +people. + +In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit +raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. It +is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made in +favor of popular institutions, but there is one point, with its +connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief +attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if +not above, labor in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor +is available only in connection with capital; that nobody labors unless +somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the use of it induces him to +labor. This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that +capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own +consent, or buy them and drive them to it without their consent. Having +proceeded so far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either +hired laborers or what we call slaves. And further, it is assumed that +whoever is once a hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life. + +Now there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed, nor +is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the +condition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all +inferences from them are groundless. + +Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit +of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. +Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher +consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection +as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always +will be, a relation between labor and capital producing mutual benefits. +The error is in assuming that the whole labor of community exists within +that relation. A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor +themselves, and with their capital hire or buy another few to labor for +them. A large majority belong to neither class--neither work for others +nor have others working for them. In most of the Southern States a +majority of the whole people of all colors are neither slaves nor +masters, while in the Northern a large majority are neither hirers nor +hired. Men, with their families--wives, sons, and daughters,--work for +themselves on their farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking +the whole product to themselves, and asking no favors of capital on the +one hand nor of hired laborers or slaves on the other. It is not +forgotten that a considerable number of persons mingle their own labor +with capital; that is, they labor with their own hands and also buy or +hire others to labor for them; but this is only a mixed and not a +distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by the existence of this +mixed class. + +Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such thing +as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life. Many +independent men everywhere in these States a few years back in their +lives were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world +labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land +for himself, then labors on his own account another while, and at length +hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just and generous and +prosperous system which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and +consequent energy and progress and improvement of condition to all. No +men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from +poverty; none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have not +honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which +they already possess, and which if surrendered will surely be used to +close the door of advancement against such as they and to fix new +disabilities and burdens upon them till all of liberty shall be lost. + +From the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy +years, and we find our population at the end of the period eight times as +great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those other things +which men deem desirable has been even greater. We thus have at one view +what the popular principle, applied to government through the machinery +of the States and the Union, has produced in a given time, and also what +if firmly maintained it promises for the future. There are already among +us those who if the Union be preserved will live to see it contain +200,000,000. The struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-day; it is +for a vast future also. With a reliance on Providence all the more firm +and earnest, let us proceed in the great task which events have devolved +upon us. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, December 20, 1861. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a letter from the secretary of the executive +committee of the commission appointed to represent the interests of those +American citizens who may desire to become exhibitors at the industrial +exhibition to be held in London in 1862, and a memorial of that +commission, with a report of the executive committee thereof and copies +of circulars announcing the decisions of Her Majesty's commissioners in +London, giving directions to be observed in regard to articles intended +for exhibition, and also of circular forms of application, demands for +space, approvals, etc., according to the rules prescribed by the British +commissioners. + +As these papers fully set forth the requirements necessary to enable +those citizens of the United States who may wish to become exhibitors to +avail themselves of the privileges of the exhibition, I commend them to +your early consideration, especially in view of the near approach of the +time when the exhibition will begin. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER OF REPRIMAND TO GENERAL HUNTER + +TO GENERAL HUNTER. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +Dec.31, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 23d is received, and I am constrained to say it +is difficult to answer so ugly a letter in good temper. I am, as you +intimate, losing much of the great confidence I placed in you, not from +any act or omission of yours touching the public service, up to the time +you were sent to Leavenworth, but from the flood of grumbling despatches +and letters I have seen from you since. I knew you were being ordered to +Leavenworth at the time it was done; and I aver that with as tender a +regard for your honor and your sensibilities as I had for my own, it +never occurred to me that you were being "humiliated, insulted, and +disgraced"; nor have I, up to this day, heard an intimation that you have +been wronged, coming from any one but yourself. No one has blamed you for +the retrograde movement from Springfield, nor for the information you +gave General Cameron; and this you could readily understand, if it were +not for your unwarranted assumption that the ordering you to Leavenworth +must necessarily have been done as a punishment for some fault. I thought +then, and think yet, the position assigned to you is as responsible, and +as honorable, as that assigned to Buell--I know that General McClellan +expected more important results from it. My impression is that at the +time you were assigned to the new Western Department, it had not been +determined to replace General Sherman in Kentucky; but of this I am not +certain, because the idea that a command in Kentucky was very desirable, +and one in the farther West undesirable, had never occurred to me. You +constantly speak of being placed in command of only 3000. Now, tell me, +is this not mere impatience? Have you not known all the while that you +are to command four or five times that many. + +I have been, and am sincerely your friend; and if, as such, I dare to +make a suggestion, I would say you are adopting the best possible way to +ruin yourself. "Act well your part, there all the honor lies." He who +does something at the head of one regiment, will eclipse him who does +nothing at the head of a hundred. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HALLECK. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., December 31, 1861 + +GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + +General McClellan is sick. Are General Buell and yourself in concert? +When he moves on Bowling Green, what hinders it being reinforced from +Columbus? A simultaneous movement by you on Columbus might prevent it. + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Similar despatch to Buell same date.] + + + + + + +1862 + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +WASHINGTON CITY, January 1, 1862 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL, Louisville: + +General McClellan should not yet be disturbed with business. I think you +better get in concert with General Halleck at once. I write you to-night. +I also telegraph and write Halleck. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, January 1, 1862 + +DEAR GENERAL HALLECK: + +General McClellan is not dangerously ill, as I hope, but would better not +be disturbed with business. I am very anxious that, in case of General +Buell's moving toward Nashville, the enemy shall not be greatly +reinforced, and I think there is danger he will be from Columbus. It +seems to me that a real or feigned attack upon Columbus from up the river +at the same time would either prevent this or compensate for it by +throwing Columbus into our hands. I wrote General Buell a letter similar +to this, meaning that he and you shall communicate and act in concert, +unless it be your judgment and his that there is no necessity for it. You +and he will understand much better than I how to do it. Please do not +lose time in this matter. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND, + +In view of the recent declaration of the people of Maryland of their +adhesion to the Union, so distinctly made in their recent election, the +President directs that all the prisoners who having heretofore been +arrested in that State are now detained in military custody by the +President's authority, be released from their imprisonment on the +following conditions, namely: that if they were holding any civil or +military offices when arrested, the terms of which have expired, they +shall not resume or reclaim such office; and secondly, all persons +availing themselves of this proclamation shall engage by oath or parole +of honor to maintain the Union and the Constitution of the United States, +and in no way to aid or abet by arms, counsel, conversation, or +information of any kind the existing insurrection against the Government +of the United States. + +To guard against misapprehension it is proper to state that this +proclamation does not apply to prisoners of war. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 2, 1862 + +To THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES + +I transmit to Congress a copy of a letter to the Secretary of State from +James R. Partridge, secretary to the executive committee to the in +exhibition to be held in London in the course present year, and a copy of +the correspond which it refers, relative to a vessel for the of taking +such articles as persons in this country may wish to exhibit on that +occasion. As it appears no naval vessel can be spared for the purpose, I +recommend that authority be given to charter a suitable merchant vessel, +in order that facilities similar to those afforded by the government +exhibition of 1851 may also be extended to citizens of the United States +who may desire to contribute to the exhibition of this year. +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + + + + +MESSAGES OF DISAPPOINTMENT WITH HIS GENERALS + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +WASHINGTON, January 4, 1862. + +GENERAL BUELL: + +Have arms gone forward for East Tennessee? Please tell me the progress +and condition of the movement in that direction. Answer. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +January 6, 1862. + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your despatch of yesterday has been received, and it +disappoints and distresses me. I have shown it to General McClellan, who +says he will write you to-day. I am not competent to criticize your +views, and therefore what I offer is in justification of myself. Of the +two, I would rather have a point on the railroad south of Cumberland Gap +than Nashville. First, because it cuts a great artery of the enemy's +communication, which Nashville does not; and secondly, because it is in +the midst of loyal people who would rally around it, while Nashville is +not. Again, I cannot see why the movement on East Tennessee would not be +a diversion in your favor rather than a disadvantage, assuming that a +movement toward Nashville is the main object. But my distress is that our +friends in East Tennessee are being hanged and driven to despair, and +even now, I fear, are thinking of taking rebel arms for the sake of +personal protection. In this we lose the most valuable stake we have in +the South. My despatch, to which yours is an answer, was sent with the +knowledge of Senator Johnson and Representative Maynard of East +Tennessee, and they will be upon me to know the answer, which I cannot +safely show them. They would despair, possibly resign to go and save +their families somehow, or die with them. I do not intend this to be an +order in any sense, but merely, as intimated before, to show you the +grounds of my anxiety. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUELL. + +WASHINGTON, January 7, 1862. + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL D.C. BUELL, Louisville: + +Please name as early a day as you safely can on or before which you can +be ready to move southward in concert with Major-General Halleck. Delay +is ruining us, and it is indispensable for me to have something definite. +I send a like despatch to Major-General Halleck. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 10, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the minister of +his Majesty the Emperor of Austria accredited to this government, and a +copy of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State relative to +the questions involved in the taking from the British steamer Trent of +certain citizens of the United States by order of Captain Wilkes of the +United States Navy. This correspondence may be considered as a sequel to +that previously communicated to Congress relating to the same subject. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GENERAL HALLECK, + +JANUARY 10, 1862. + +HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSOURI ST. Louis, January 6, 1862. + +To His EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT: + +In reply to your Excellency's letter of the 1st instant, I have to state +that on receiving your telegram I immediately communicated with General +Buell and have since sent him all the information I could obtain of the +enemy's movements about Columbus and Camp Beauregard. No considerable +force has been sent from those places to Bowling Green. They have about +22,000 men at Columbus, and the place is strongly fortified. I have at +Cairo, Port Holt, and Paducah only about 15,000, which, after leaving +guards at these places, would give me but little over 10,000 men with +which to assist General Buell. It would be madness to attempt anything +serious with such a force, and I cannot at the present time withdraw any +from Missouri without risking the loss of this State. The troops recently +raised in other States of this department have, without my knowledge, +been sent to Kentucky and Kansas. + +I am satisfied that the authorities at Washington do not appreciate the +difficulties with which we have to contend here. The operations of Lane, +Jennison, and others have so enraged the people of Missouri that it is +estimated that there is a majority of 80,000 against the government. We +are virtually in an enemy's country. Price and others have a considerable +army in the southwest, against which I am operating with all my available +force. + +This city and most of the middle and northern counties are +insurrectionary,--burning bridges, destroying telegraph lines, etc.,--and +can be kept down only by the presence of troops. A large portion of the +foreign troops organized by General Fremont are unreliable; indeed, many +of them are already mutinous. They have been tampered with by +politicians, and made to believe that if they get up a mutiny and demand +Fremont's return the government will be forced to restore him to duty +here. It is believed that some high officers are in the plot I have +already been obliged to disarm several of these organizations, and I am +daily expecting more serious outbreaks. Another grave difficulty is the +want of proper general officers to command the troops and enforce order +and discipline, and especially to protect public property from robbery +and plunder. Some of the brigadier-generals assigned to this department +are entirely ignorant of their duties and unfit for any command. I assure +you, Mr. President, it is very difficult to accomplish much with such +means. I am in the condition of a carpenter who is required to build a +bridge with a dull axe, a broken saw, and rotten timber. It is true that +I have some very good green timber, which will answer the purpose as soon +as I can get it into shape and season it a little. + +I know nothing of General Buell's intended operations, never having +received any information in regard to the general plan of campaign. If it +be intended that his column shall move on Bowling Green while another +moves from Cairo or Paducah on Columbus or Camp Beauregard, it will be a +repetition of the same strategic error which produced the disaster of +Bull Run. To operate on exterior lines against an enemy occupying a +central position will fail, as it always has failed, in ninety-nine cases +out of a hundred. It is condemned by every military authority I have ever +read. + +General Buell's army and the forces at Paducah occupy precisely the same +position in relation to each other and to the enemy as did the armies of +McDowell and Patterson before the battle of Bull Run. + +Very respectfully, your obedient servant, + +H. W. HALLECK, Major-General + +[Indorsement] + +The within is a copy of a letter just received from General Halleck. It +is exceedingly discouraging. As everywhere else, nothing can be done. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR ANDREW. + +WASHINGTON, D. C., January 11, 1862 + +GOVERNOR JOHN A. ANDREW, Boston: + +I will be greatly obliged if you will arrange; somehow with General +Butler to officer his two un-officered regiments. + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 13, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + +MY DEAR SIR--Your despatch of yesterday is received, in which you say, "I +received your letter and General McClellan's, and will at once devote my +efforts to your views and his." In the midst of my many cares I have not +seen, nor asked to see, General McClellan's letter to you. For my own +views, I have not offered and do not now offer them as orders; and while +I am glad to have them respectfully considered, I would blame you to +follow them contrary to your own clear judgment, unless I should put them +in the form of orders. As to General McClellan's views, you understand +your duty in regard to them better than I do. + +With this preliminary I state my general idea of this war to be, that we +have the greater numbers and the enemy has the greater facility of +concentrating forces upon points of collision; that we must fail unless +we can find some way of making our advantage an overmatch for his; and +that this can only be done by menacing him with superior forces at +different points at the same time, so that we can safely attack one or +both if he makes no change; and if he weakens one to strengthen the +other, forbear to attack the strengthened one, but seize and hold the +weakened one, gaining so much. + +To illustrate: Suppose last summer, when Winchester ran away to reinforce +Manassas, we had forborne to attack Manassas, but had seized and held +Winchester. I mention this to illustrate and not to criticise. I did not +lose confidence in McDowell, and I think less harshly of Patterson than +some others seem to. . . . Applying the principle to your case, my idea +is that Halleck shall menace Columbus and "down river" generally, while +you menace Bowling Green and East Tennessee. If the enemy shall +concentrate at Bowling Green, do not retire from his front, yet do not +fight him there either, but seize Columbus and East Tennessee, one or +both, left exposed by the concentration at Bowling Green. It is a matter +of no small anxiety to me, and which I am sure you will not overlook, +that the East Tennessee line is so long and over so bad a road. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + +(Indorsement.) + +Having to-day written General Buell a letter, it occurs to me to send +General Halleck a copy of it. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 1, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The Germans are true and patriotic and so far as they have +got cross in Missouri it is upon mistake and misunderstanding. Without a +knowledge of its contents, Governor Koerner, of Illinois, will hand you +this letter. He is an educated and talented German gentleman, as true a +man as lives. With his assistance you can set everything right with the +Germans. . . . My clear judgment is that, with reference to the German +element in your command, you should have Governor Koerner with you; and +if agreeable to you and him, I will make him a brigadier-general, so that +he can afford to give his time. He does not wish to command in the field, +though he has more military knowledge than some who do. If he goes into +the place, he will simply be an efficient, zealous, and unselfish +assistant to you. I say all this upon intimate personal acquaintance with +Governor Koerner. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 17, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the minister of +his Majesty the King of Prussia accredited to this government, and a copy +of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State relating to the +capture and detention of certain citizens of the United States, +passengers on board the British steamer Trent, by order of Captain Wilkes +of the United States Navy. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + + + + +TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. + +January 20, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, + +Commanding Armies of the United States: + +You or any officer you may designate will in your discretion suspend the +writ of habeas corpus so far as may relate to Major Chase, lately of the +Engineer Corps of the Army of the United States, now alleged to be guilty +of treasonable practices against this government. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO. 1 + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 27, 1862. + +Ordered, That the 22d day of February, 1862, be the day for a general +movement of the land and the naval forces of the United States against +the insurgent forces. + +That especially the army at and about Fortress Monroe, the Army of the +Potomac, the Army of Western Virginia, the army near Munfordville, +Kentucky, the army and flotilla at Cairo, and a naval force in the Gulf +of Mexico, be ready for a movement on that day. + +That all other forces, both land and naval, with their respective +commanders, obey existing orders for the time, and be ready to obey +additional orders when duly given. + +That the heads of departments, and especially the Secretaries of War and +of the Navy, with all their subordinates, and the General-in-chief, with +all other commanders and subordinates of land and naval forces, will +severally be held to their strict and full responsibilities for the +prompt execution of this order. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY STANTON, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--It is my wish that the expedition commonly called the +"Lane Expedition" shall be, as much as has been promised at the +adjutant-general's office, under the supervision of General McClellan, +and not any more. I have not intended, and do not now intend, that it +shall be a great, exhausting affair, but a snug, sober column of 10,000 +or 15,000. General Lane has been told by me many times that he is under +the command of General Hunter, and assented to it as often as told. It +was the distinct agreement between him and me, when I appointed him, that +he was to be under Hunter. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO. 1. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862. + +Ordered, That all the disposable force of the Army of the Potomac, after +providing safely for the defence of Washington, be formed into an +expedition for the immediate object of seizing and occupying a point upon +the railroad southwestward of what is known as Manassas Junction, all +details to be in the discretion of the commander-in-chief, and the +expedition to move before or on the 22d day of February next. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +OPPOSITION TO McCLELLAN'S PLANS + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL MCCLELLAN. + +DEAR SIR--You and I have distinct and different plans for a movement of +the Army of the Potomac--yours to be down the Chesapeake, up the +Rappahannock to Urbana, and across land to the terminus of the railroad +on the York River; mine to move directly to a point on the railroad +southwest of Manassas. + +If you will give me satisfactory answers to the following questions, I +shall gladly yield my plan to yours. + +First. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of time +and money than mine? + +Second. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan than mine? + +Third. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine? + +Fourth. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it would +break no great line of the enemy's communications, while mine would? + +Fifth. In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult by your +plan than mine? + +Yours truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +Memorandum accompanying Letter of President Lincoln to General + +McClellan, dated February 3,1862. + +First. Suppose the enemy should attack us in force before we reach the +Occoquan, what? + +Second. Suppose the enemy in force shall dispute the crossing of the +Occoquan, what? In view of this, might it not be safest for us to cross +the Occoquan at Coichester, rather than at the village of Occoquan? This +would cost the enemy two miles of travel to meet us, but would, on the +contrary, leave us two miles farther from our ultimate destination. + +Third. Suppose we reach Maple Valley without an attack, will we not be +attacked there in force by the enemy marching by the several roads from +Manassas; and if so, what? + + + + +TO WM. H. HERNDON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1862. + +DEAR WILLIAM:--Yours of January 30th just received. Do just as you say +about the money matter. + +As you well know, I have not time to write a letter of respectable +length. God bless you, says + +Your friend, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +RESPITE FOR NATHANIEL GORDON + +February 4, 1862 + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, + +To all to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting: + +Whereas it appears that at a term of the Circuit Court of the United +States of America for the Southern District of New York held in the month +of November, A.D. 1861, Nathaniel Gordon was indicted and convicted for +being engaged in the slave trade, and was by the said court sentenced to +be put to death by hanging by the neck, on Friday the 7th day of +February, AD. 1862: + +And whereas a large number of respectable citizens have earnestly +besought me to commute the said sentence of the said Nathaniel Gordon to +a term of imprisonment for life, which application I have felt it to be +my duty to refuse: + +And whereas it has seemed to me probable that the unsuccessful +application made for the commutation of his sentence may have prevented +the said Nathaniel Gordon from making the necessary preparation for the +awful change which awaits him; + +Now, therefore, be it known, that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the +United States of America, have granted and do hereby grant unto him, the +said Nathaniel Gordon, a respite of the above recited sentence, until +Friday the twenty-first day of February, A.D. 1862, between the hours of +twelve o'clock at noon and three o'clock in the afternoon of the said +day, when the said sentence shall be executed. + +In granting this respite, it becomes my painful duty to admonish the +prisoner that, relinquishing all expectation of pardon by human +authority, he refer himself alone to the mercy of the common God and +Father of all men. + +In testimony whereof I have hereunto signed my name and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the City of Washington, this fourth day of February, A.D. 1862, +and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +WASHINGTON CITY, February 4. 1862 + +To THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the +Navy," approved December 21, 1862, provides: + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the +retired list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships +such officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to +be thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the +recommendation of the President of the United States they shall receive a +vote of thanks of Congress for their services and gallantry in action +against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, was +nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command of +the squadron which recently rendered such important service to the Union +in the expedition to the coast of South Carolina. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond +with the intention of the law, or be more pregnant with happy influence +as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Samuel F. Du Pont +receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry +displayed in the capture of Forts Walker and Beauregard, commanding the +entrance of Port Royal Harbor, on the 7th of November, 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERALS D. HUNTER AND J. H. LANE. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, FEBRUARY 4, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER AND BRIGADIER-GENERAL LANE, Leavenworth, Kansas: + +My wish has been and is to avail the government of the services of both +General Hunter and General Lane, and, so far as possible, to personally +oblige both. General Hunter is the senior officer, and must command when +they serve together; though in so far as he can consistently with the +public service and his own honor oblige General Lane, he will also oblige +me. If they cannot come to an amicable understanding, General Lane must +report to General Hunter for duty, according to the rules, or decline the +service. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 1, RELATING TO POLITICAL +PRISONERS. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, February 14,1862. + +The breaking out of a formidable insurrection based on a conflict of +political ideas, being an event without precedent in the United States, +was necessarily attended by great confusion and perplexity of the public +mind. Disloyalty before unsuspected suddenly became bold, and treason +astonished the world by bringing at once into the field military forces +superior in number to the standing army of the United States. + +Every department of the government was paralyzed by treason. Defection +appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in the Cabinet, +in the Federal courts; ministers and consuls returned from foreign +countries to enter the insurrectionary councils of land or naval forces; +commanding and other officers of the army and in the navy betrayed our +councils or deserted their posts for commands in the insurgent forces. +Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the post-office service, as +well as in the Territorial governments and in the Indian reserves. + +Not only governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in the +States, but even whole States rushed one after another with apparent +unanimity into rebellion. The capital was besieged and its connection +with all the States cut off. Even in the portions of the country which +were most loyal, political combinations and secret societies were formed +furthering the work of disunion, while, from motives of disloyalty or +cupidity or from excited passions or perverted sympathies, individuals +were found furnishing men, money, and materials of war and supplies to +the insurgents' military and naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications, +navy yards, arsenals, military posts, and garrisons one after another +were betrayed or abandoned to the insurgents. + +Congress had not anticipated, and so had not provided for, the emergency. +The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. The judicial +machinery seemed as if it had been designed, not to sustain the +government, but to embarrass and betray it. + +Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by the +abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has only been +prevented by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the most +perfect moderation, in our intercourse with nations. + +The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately not +distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the Federal +Government, which one year before had been thought a model worthy of +universal acceptance, had indeed the ability to defend and maintain +itself. + +Some reverses, which, perhaps, were unavoidable, suffered by newly levied +and inefficient forces, discouraged the loyal and gave new hopes to the +insurgents. Voluntary enlistments seemed about to cease and desertions +commenced. Parties speculated upon the question whether conscription had +not become necessary to fill up the armies of the United States. + +In this emergency the President felt it his duty to employ with energy +the extraordinary powers which the Constitution confides to him in cases +of insurrection. He called into the field such military and naval forces, +unauthorized by the existing laws, as seemed necessary. He directed +measures to prevent the use of the post-office for treasonable +correspondence. He subjected passengers to and from foreign countries to +new passport regulations, and he instituted a blockade, suspended the +writ of habeas corpus in various places, and caused persons who were +represented to him as being or about to engage in disloyal and +treasonable practices to be arrested by special civil as well as military +agencies and detained in military custody when necessary to prevent them +and deter others from such practices. Examinations of such cases were +instituted, and some of the persons so arrested have been discharged from +time to time under circumstances or upon conditions compatible, as was +thought, with the public safety. + +Meantime a favorable change of public opinion has occurred. The line +between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly defined. The whole structure of +the government is firm and stable. Apprehension of public danger and +facilities for treasonable practices have diminished with the passions +which prompted heedless persons to adopt them. The insurrection is +believed to have culminated and to be declining. + +The President, in view of these facts, and anxious to favor a return to +the normal course of the administration as far as regard for the public +welfare will allow, directs that all political prisoners or state +prisoners now held in military custody be released on their subscribing +to a parole engaging them to render no aid or comfort to the enemies in +hostility to the United States. + +The Secretary of War will, however, in his discretion, except from the +effect of this order any persons detained as spies in the service of the +insurgents, or others whose release at the present moment may be deemed +incompatible with the public safety. + +To all persons who shall be so released, and who shall keep their parole, +the President grants an amnesty for any past offences of treason or +disloyalty which they may have comminuted. + +Extraordinary arrests will hereafter be made under the direction of the +military authorities alone. + +By order of the President EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON CITY, February 15, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES: + +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the +Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the +retired list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships +such officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to +be thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the +recommendation of the President of the United States they shall receive a +vote of thanks of Congress for their services and gallantry in action +against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Louis M. Goldsborough, of the navy, +was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in +command of the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron, which recently +rendered such important service to the Union in the expedition to the +coast of North Carolina. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond +with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with happy influence as +an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Louis M. Goldsborough +receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry +displayed in the combined attack of the forces commanded by him and +Brigadier-General Burnside in the capture of Roanoke Island and the +destruction of rebel gunboats On the 7th, 8th, and 10th of February, +1862. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +FIRST WRITTEN NOTICE OF GRANT + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +February 16, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + +You have Fort Donelson safe, unless Grant shall be overwhelmed from +outside; to prevent which latter will, I think, require all the +vigilance, energy, and skill of yourself and Buell, acting in full +co-operation. Columbus will not get at Grant, but the force from Bowling +Green will. They hold the railroad from Bowling Green to within a few +miles of Fort Donelson, with the bridge at Clarksville undisturbed. It is +unsafe to rely that they will not dare to expose Nashville to Buell. A +small part of their force can retire slowly toward Nashville, breaking up +the railroad as they go, and keep Buell out of that city twenty days. +Meanwhile Nashville will be abundantly defended by forces from all South +and perhaps from hers at Manassas. Could not a cavalry force from General +Thomas on the upper Cumberland dash across, almost unresisted, and cut +the railroad at or near Knoxville, Tennessee? In the midst of a +bombardment at Fort Donelson, why could not a gunboat run up and destroy +the bridge at Clarksville? Our success or failure at Fort Donelson is +vastly important, and I beg you to put your soul in the effort. I send a +copy of this to Buell. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 2.--IN RELATION TO STATE PRISONERS. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, FEBRUARY 27, 1862 + +It is ordered: + +First. That a special commission of two persons, one of military rank and +the other in civil life, be appointed to examine the cases of the state +prisoners remaining in the military custody of the United States, and to +determine whether in view of the public Safety and the existing rebellion +they should be discharged, or remain in military custody, or be remitted +to the civil tribunals for trial. + +Second. That Major-General John A. Dix, commanding in Baltimore, and the +HON. Edwards Pierrepont, of New York, be, and they are hereby, appointed +commissioners for the purpose above mentioned; and they are authorized to +examine, hear, and determine the cases aforesaid ex parte and in a +summary manner, at such times and places as in their discretion they may +appoint, and make full report to the War Department. + +By order of the President EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + + + + +ORDER RELATING TO COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE. + +Considering that the existing circumstances of the country allow a +partial restoration of commercial intercourse between the inhabitants of +those parts of the United States heretofore declared to be in +insurrection and the citizens of the loyal States of the Union, and +exercising the authority and discretion confided to me by the act of +Congress, approved July 13, 1861, entitled "An act further to provide for +the collection of duties on imports, and for other purposes," I hereby +license and permit such commercial intercourse in all cases within the +rules and regulations which have been or may be prescribed by the +Secretary of the Treasury for conducting and carrying on the same on the +inland waters and ways of the United States. + +WASHINGTON, February 28, 1862. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +SPEECH TO THE PERUVIAN MINISTER, + +WASHINGTON, D. C., MARCH 4, 1862 + +The United States have no enmities, animosities, or rivalries, and no +interests which conflict with the welfare, safety, and rights or +interests of any other nation. Their own prosperity, happiness, and +aggrandizement are sought most safely and advantageously through the +preservation not only of peace on their own part, but peace among all +other nations. But while the United States are thus a friend to all other +nations, they do not seek to conceal the fact that they cherish especial +sentiments of friendship for, and sympathies with, those who, like +themselves, have founded their institutions on the principle of the equal +rights of men; and such nations being more prominently neighbors of the +United States, the latter are co-operating with them in establishing +civilization and culture on the American continent. Such being the +general principles which govern the United States in their foreign +relations, you may be assured, sir, that in all things this government +will deal justly, frankly, and, if it be possible, even liberally with +Peru, whose liberal sentiments toward us you have so kindly expressed. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS RECOMMENDING COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION. + +March 6, 1862 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--I recommend +the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable bodies which shall +be substantially as follows: + +"Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State +which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State +pecuniary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to compensate +for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of +system." + +If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the approval +of Congress and the country, there is the end; but if it does command +such approval, I deem it of importance that the States and people +immediately interested should be at once distinctly notified of the fact, +so that they may begin to consider whether to accept or reject it. The +Federal Government would find its highest interest in such a measure, as +one of the most efficient means of self-preservation. The leaders of the +existing insurrection entertain the hope that this government will +ultimately be forced to acknowledge the independence of some part of the +disaffected region, and that all the slave States north of such part will +then say, "The Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we +now choose to go with the Southern section." To deprive them of this hope +substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipation +completely deprives them of it as to all the States initiating it. The +point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would very soon, if +at all, initiate emancipation; but that, while the offer is equally made +to all, the more northern shall by such initiation make it certain to the +more southern that in no event will the former ever join the latter in +their proposed confederacy. I say "initiation" because, in my judgment, +gradual and not sudden emancipation is better for all. In the mere +financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress with the census +tables and treasury reports before him can readily see for himself how +very soon the current expenditures of this war would purchase, at fair +valuation, all the slaves in any named State. Such a proposition on the +part of the General Government sets up no claim of a right by Federal +authority to interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as it +does, the absolute control of the subject in each case to the State and +its people immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of +perfectly free choice with them. + +In the annual message last December, I thought fit to say, "The Union +must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed." I +said this not hastily, but deliberately. War has been made and continues +to be an indispensable means to this end. A practical reacknowledgment of +the national authority would render the war unnecessary, and it would at +once cease. If, however, resistance continues, the war must also +continue; and it is impossible to foresee all the incidents which may +attend and all the ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem +indispensable or may obviously promise great efficiency toward ending the +struggle must and will come. + +The proposition now made (though an offer only), I hope it may be +esteemed no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered +would not be of more value to the States and private persons concerned +than are the institution and property in it in the present aspect of +affairs. + +While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would be +merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it is +recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important practical +results. In full view of my great responsibility to my God and to my +country, I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the people to the +subject. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GOVERNOR YATES. + +STATE OF ILLINOIS, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, SPRINGFIELD, ILL., March 1, 1862 + +HON. EDWIN M. STANTON, SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington, D. C. + +SIR:--The government at my special request a few months since contracted +for fourteen batteries of the James rifled gun, 6-pounder calibre, and a +limited quantity of the James projectiles, weighing about fourteen pounds +each. The reports showing the superiority of this gun and projectile, +both as regards range, accuracy, and execution, for field service over +that of all others at the battle of Fort Donelson, leads me to request +that there be furnished to the State of Illinois in the shortest time +practicable seven batteries of 12-pounder calibre James rifled guns, with +carriages, harness, implements, etc., complete and ready for field +service, together with the following fixed ammunition to each gun, viz., +225 shells, 225 canister, and 50 solid projectiles, weighing about 24 +pounds each, and also 200 shells, 100 canister, and 100 solid projectiles +for each of the guns of the fourteen batteries named above, weighing +about 14 pounds each, all to be of the James model. + +Very respectfully, + +RICHARD YATES, Governor of Illinois. + +[Indorsement.] + +March 8, 1862. + +The within is from the Governor of Illinois. I understand the seven +additional batteries now sought are to be 6-gun batteries, and the object +is to mix them with the fourteen batteries they already have so as to +make each battery consist of four 6-pounders and two 12-pounders. I shall +be very glad to have the requisition filled if it can be without +detriment to the service. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.2. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON + +March 8, 1862. + +Ordered: 1. That the major-general commanding the Army of the Potomac +proceed forthwith to organize that part of the said army destined to +enter upon active operations (including the reserve, but excluding the +troops to be left in the fortifications about Washington) into four army +corps, to be commanded according to seniority of rank, as follows: + +First Corps to consist of four divisions, and to be commanded by +Major-General I. McDowell. Second Corps to consist of three divisions, +and to be commanded by Brigadier-General E. V. Sumner. Third Corps to +consist of three divisions, and to be commanded by Brigadier-General S. +P. Heintzelman. Fourth Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be +commanded by Brigadier-General E. D. Keyes. + +2. That the divisions now commanded by the officers above assigned to +the commands of army corps shall be embraced in and form part of their +respective corps. + +3. The forces left for the defense of Washington will be placed in +command of Brigadier-General James S. Wadsworth, who shall also be +military governor of the District of Columbia. + +4. That this order be executed with such promptness and dispatch as not +to delay the commencement of the operations already directed to be +underwritten by the Army of the Potomac. + +5. A fifth army corps, to be commanded by Major general N. P. Banks, will +be formed from his own and General Shields's (late General Lander's) +divisions. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 8,1862 + +Ordered: That no change of the base of operations of the Army of the +Potomac shall be made without leaving in and about Washington such a +force as in the opinion of the general-in-chief and the commanders of all +the army corps shall leave said city entirely secure. + +That no more than two army corps (about 50,000 troops) of said Army of +the Potomac shall be moved en route for a new base of operations until +the navigation of the Potomac from Washington to the Chesapeake Bay shall +be freed from enemy's batteries and other obstructions, or until the +President shall hereafter give express permission. + +That any movements as aforesaid en route for a new base of operations +which may be ordered by the general-in-chief, and which may be intended +to move upon the Chesapeake Bay, shall begin to move upon the bay as +early as the 18th day of March instant, and the general-in-chief shall be +responsible that it so move as early as that day. + +Ordered, That the army and navy co-operate in an immediate effort to +capture the enemy's batteries upon the Potomac between Washington and the +Chesapeake Bay. + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +MEMORANDUM OF AN INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME BORDER +SLAVE STATE REPRESENTATIVES, BY HON. J. W. CRISFIELD. + +"DEAR SIR:--I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to come +to the White House tomorrow morning, at nine o'clock, and bring such of +your colleagues as are in town." + +WASHINGTON, March 10, 1862. + +Yesterday, on my return from church, I found Mr. Postmaster-General Blair +in my room, writing the above note, which he immediately suspended, and +verbally communicated the President's invitation, and stated that the +President's purpose was to have some conversation with the delegations of +Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Virginia, and Delaware, in explanation of +his message of the 6th instant. + +This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town, +assembled at the White House at the appointed time, and after some little +delay were admitted to an audience. Mr. Leary and myself were the only +members from Maryland present, and, I think, were the only members of the +delegation at that time in the city. I know that Mr. Pearoe, of the +Senate, and Messrs. Webster and Calvert, of the House, were absent. + +After the usual salutations, and we were seated, the President said, in +substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some conversation +with us in explanation of his message of the 6th; that since he had sent +it in several of the gentlemen then present had visited him, but had +avoided any allusion to the message, and he therefore inferred that the +import of the message had been misunderstood, and was regarded as +inimical to the interests we represented; and he had resolved he would +talk with us, and disabuse our minds of that erroneous opinion. + +The President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests or wound +the sensibilities of the slave States. On the contrary, his purpose was +to protect the one and respect the other; that we were engaged in a +terrible, wasting, and tedious war; immense armies were in the field, and +must continue in the field as long as the war lasts; that these armies +must, of necessity, be brought into contact with slaves in the States we +represented and in other States as they advanced; that slaves would come +to the camps, and continual irritation was kept up; that he was +constantly annoyed by conflicting and antagonistic complaints: on the one +side a certain class complained if the slave was not protected by the +army; persons were frequently found who, participating in these views, +acted in a way unfriendly to the slaveholder; on the other hand, +slaveholders complained that their rights were interfered with, their +slaves induced to abscond and protected within the lines; these +complaints were numerous, loud and deep; were a serious annoyance to him +and embarrassing to the progress of the war; that it kept alive a spirit +hostile to the government in the States we represented; strengthened the +hopes of the Confederates that at some day the border States would unite +with them, and thus tend to prolong the war; and he was of opinion, if +this resolution should be adopted by Congress and accepted by our States, +these causes of irritation and these hopes would be removed, and more +would be accomplished toward shortening the war than could be hoped from +the greatest victory achieved by Union armies; that he made this +proposition in good faith, and desired it to be accepted, if at all, +voluntarily, and in the same patriotic spirit in which it was made; that +emancipation was a subject exclusively under the control of the States, +and must be adopted or rejected by each for itself; that he did not claim +nor had this government any right to coerce them for that purpose; that +such was no part of his purpose in making this proposition, and he wished +it to be clearly understood; that he did not expect us there to be +prepared to give him an answer, but he hoped we would take the subject +into serious consideration, confer with one another, and then take such +course as we felt our duty and the interests of our constituents required +of us. + +Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State slavery was not considered +a permanent institution; that natural causes were there in operation +which would at no distant day extinguish it, and he did not think that +this proposition was necessary for that; and, besides that, he and his +friends felt solicitous as to the message on account of the different +constructions which the resolution and message had received. The New York +Tribune was for it, and understood it to mean that we must accept gradual +emancipation according to the plan suggested, or get something worse. + +The President replied that he must not be expected to quarrel with the +New York Tribune before the right time; he hoped never to have to do it; +he would not anticipate events. In respect to emancipation in Missouri, +he said that what had been observed by Mr. Noell was probably true, but +the operation of these natural causes had not prevented the irritating +conduct to which he had referred, or destroyed the hopes of the +Confederates that Missouri would at some time merge herself alongside of +them, which, in his judgment, the passage of this resolution by Congress +and its acceptance by Missouri would accomplish. + +Mr. Crisfield, of Maryland, asked what would be the effect of the refusal +of the State to accept this proposal, and he desired to know if the +President looked to any policy beyond the acceptance or rejection of this +scheme. + +The President replied that he had no designs beyond the actions of the +States on this particular subject. He should lament their refusal to +accept it, but he had no designs beyond their refusal of it. + +Mr. Menzies, of Kentucky, inquired if the President thought there was any +power except in the States themselves to carry out his scheme of +emancipation. + +The President replied that he thought there could not be. He then went +off into a course of remarks not qualifying the foregoing declaration nor +material to be repeated to a just understanding of his meaning. + +Mr. Crisfield said he did not think the people of Maryland looked upon +slavery as a permanent institution; and he did not know that they would +be very reluctant to give it up if provision was made to meet the loss +and they could be rid of the race; but they did not like to be coerced +into emancipation, either by the direct action of the government or by +indirection, as through the emancipation of slaves in this District, or +the confiscation of Southern property as now threatened; and he thought +before they would consent to consider this proposition they would require +to be informed on these points. The President replied that, unless he was +expelled by the act of God or the Confederate armies he should occupy +that house for three years; and as long as he remained there Maryland had +nothing to fear either for her institutions or her interests on the +points referred to. + +Mr. Crisfield immediately added: "Mr. President, if what you now say +could be heard by the people of Maryland, they would consider your +proposition with a much better feeling than I fear without it they will +be inclined to do." + +The President: "That [meaning a publication of what he said] will not do; +it would force me into a quarrel before the proper time "; and, again +intimating, as he had before done, that a quarrel with the "Greeley +faction" was impending, he said he did not wish to encounter it before +the proper time, nor at all if it could be avoided. + +[The Greely faction wanted an immediate Emancipation Proclamation. D.W.] + +Governor Wickliffe, of Kentucky, then asked him respecting the +constitutionality of his scheme. + +The President replied: "As you may suppose, I have considered that; and +the proposition now submitted does not encounter any constitutional +difficulty. It proposes simply to co-operate with any State by giving +such State pecuniary aid"; and he thought that the resolution, as +proposed by him, would be considered rather as the expression of a +sentiment than as involving any constitutional question. + +Mr. Hall, of Missouri, thought that if this proposition was adopted at +all it should be by the votes of the free States, and come as a +proposition from them to the slave States, affording them an inducement +to put aside this subject of discord; that it ought not to be expected +that members representing slaveholding constituencies should declare at +once, and in advance of any proposition to them, for the emancipation of +slavery. + +The President said he saw and felt the force of the objection; it was a +fearful responsibility, and every gentleman must do as he thought best; +that he did not know how this scheme was received by the members from the +free States; some of them had spoken to him and received it kindly; but +for the most part they were as reserved and chary as we had been, and he +could not tell how they would vote. And in reply to some expression of +Mr. Hall as to his own opinion regarding slavery, he said he did not +pretend to disguise his anti-slavery feeling; that he thought it was +wrong, and should continue to think so; but that was not the question we +had to deal with now. Slavery existed, and that, too, as well by the act +of the North as of the South; and in any scheme to get rid of it the +North as well as the South was morally bound to do its full and equal +share. He thought the institution wrong and ought never to have existed; +but yet he recognized the rights of property which had grown out of it, +and would respect those rights as fully as similar rights in any other +property; that property can exist and does legally exist. He thought such +a law wrong, but the rights of property resulting must be respected; he +would get rid of the odious law, not by violating the rights, but by +encouraging the proposition and offering inducements to give it up. + +Here the interview, so far as this subject is concerned, terminated by +Mr. Crittenden's assuring the President that, whatever might be our final +action, we all thought him solely moved by a high patriotism and sincere +devotion to the happiness and glory of his country; and with that +conviction we should consider respectfully the important suggestions he +had made. + +After some conversation on the current war news, we retired, and I +immediately proceeded to my room and wrote out this paper. +J. W. CRISFIELD. + +We were present at the interview described in the foregoing paper of Mr. +Crisfield, and we certify that the substance of what passed on the +occasion is in this paper faithfully and fully given. + +J. W. MENZIES, J. J. CRITTENDEN, R. MALLORY. + +March 10, 1862. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 11, 1862. + +Major-General McClellan having personally taken the field at the head of +the Army of the Potomac, until otherwise ordered he is relieved from the +command of the other military departments, he retaining command of the +Department of the Potomac. + +Ordered further, That the departments now under the respective commands +of Generals Halleck and Hunter, together with so much of that under +General Buell as lies west of a north and south line indefinitely drawn +through Knoxville, Tenn., be consolidated and designated the Department +of the Mississippi, and that until otherwise ordered Major General +Halleck have command of said department. + +Ordered also, That the country west of the Department of the Potomac and +east of the Department of the Mississippi be a military department, to be +called the Mountain Department, and that the same be commanded by +Major-General Fremont. + +That all the commanders of departments, after the receipt of this order +by them, respectively report severally and directly to the Secretary of +War, and that prompt, full, and frequent reports will be expected of all +and each of them. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL MCCLELLAN. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, March 13, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN: + +The President, having considered the plan of operations agreed upon by +yourself and the commanders of army corps, makes no objection to the same +but gives the following directions as to its execution: + +1. Leave such force at Manassas Junction as shall make it entirely +certain that the enemy shall no repossess himself of that position and +line of communication. + +2. Leave Washington entirely secure. + +3. Move the remainder of the force down the Potomac, choosing a new base +at Fortress Monroe or anywhere between here and there, or, at all events, +move such remainder of the army at once in pursuit of the enemy by some +route. + +EDWARD M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + + + + +SPEECH TO A PARTY OF MASSACHUSETTS GENTLEMAN + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 13, 1862 + +I thank you, Mr. Train, for your kindness in presenting me with this +truly elegant and highly creditable specimen of the handiwork of the +mechanics of your State of Massachusetts, and I beg of you to express my +hearty thanks to the donors. It displays a perfection of workmanship +which I really wish I had time to acknowledge in more fitting words, and +I might then follow your idea that it is suggestive, for it is evidently +expected that a good deal of whipping is to be done. But as we meet here +socially let us not think only of whipping rebels, or of those who seem +to think only of whipping negroes, but of those pleasant days, which it +is to be hoped are in store for us, when seated behind a good pair of +horses we can crack our whips and drive through a peaceful, happy, and +prosperous land. With this idea, gentlemen, I must leave you for my +business duties. [It was likely a Buggy-Whip D.W.] + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON CITY, March 20, 1862. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the +Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides: + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the +retired list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships +such officers as he may believe the good of the service requires to be +thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation +of the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks +cf Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, +be restored to the active list, and not otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, was +nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command of +the squadron which recently rendered such important service to the Union +in the expedition to the coasts of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond +with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with happy influence as +an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Samuel F. Du Pont receive +a vote of thanks of Congress for his service and gallantry displayed in +the capture since the 21st December, 1861, of various ports on the coasts +of Georgia and Florida, particularly Brunswick, Cumberland Island and +Sound, Amelia Island, the towns of St. Mary's, St. Augustine, and +Jacksonville and Fernandina. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 31, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +MY DEAR SIR:-This morning I felt constrained to order Blenker's division +to Fremont, and I write this to assure you I did so with great pain, +understanding that you would wish it otherwise. If you could know the +full pressure of the case, I am confident that you would justify it, even +beyond a mere acknowledgment that the commander-in-chief may order what +he pleases. + +Yours very truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +GIFT OF SOME RABBITS + +TO MICHAEL CROCK. 360 N. Fourth St., Philadelphia. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 2, 1862. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Allow me to thank you in behalf of my little son for your +present of white rabbits. He is very much pleased with them. + +Yours truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +INSTRUCTION TO SECRETARY STANTON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 3, 1862. + +The Secretary of War will order that one or the other of the corps of +General McDowell and General Sumner remain in front of Washington until +further orders from the department, to operate at or in the direction of +Manassas Junction, or otherwise, as occasion may require; that the other +Corps not so ordered to remain go forward to General McClellan as +speedily as possible; that General McClellan commence his forward +movements from his new base at once, and that such incidental +modifications as the foregoing may render proper be also made. A. +LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 6, 1862. + +GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN: + +Yours of 11 A. M. today received. Secretary of War informs me that the +forwarding of transportation, ammunition, and Woodbury's brigade, under +your orders, is not, and will not be, interfered with. You now have over +one hundred thousand troops with you, independent of General Wool's +command. I think you better break the enemy's line from Yorktown to +Warwick River at once. This will probably use time as advantageously as +you can. + +A. LINCOLN, President + + + + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +MY DEAR SIR+--Your despatches, complaining that you are not properly +sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very much. + +Blenker's division was withdrawn from you before you left here, and you +knew the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought, acquiesced in +it certainly not without reluctance. + +After you left I ascertained that less than 20,000 unorganized men, +without a single field battery, were all you designed to be left for the +defense of Washington and Manassas Junction, and part of this even to go +to General Hooker's old position; General Banks's corps, once designed +for Manassas Junction, was divided and tied up on the line of Winchester +and Strasburg, and could not leave it without again exposing the upper +Potomac and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. This presented (or would +present when McDowell and Sumner should be gone) a great temptation to +the enemy to turn back from the Rappahannock and sack Washington. My +explicit order that Washington should, by the judgment of all the +Commanders of corps, be left entirely secure, had been neglected. It was +precisely this that drove me to detain McDowell. + +I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave Banks +at Manassas Junction; but when that arrangement was broken up and nothing +substituted for it, of course I was not satisfied. I was constrained to +substitute something for it myself. + +And now allow me to ask, do you really think I should permit the line +from Richmond via Manaasas Junction to this city to be entirely open, +except what resistance could be presented by less than 20,000 unorganized +troops? This is a question which the country will not allow me to evade. + +There is a curious mystery about the number of the troops now with you. +When I telegraphed you on the 6th, saying you had over 100,000 with you, +I had just obtained from the Secretary of War a statement, taken as he +said from your own returns, making 108,000 then with you and en route to +you. You now say you will have but 85,000 when all enroute to you shall +have reached you. How can this discrepancy of 23,000 be accounted for? + +As to General Wool's command, I understand it is doing for you precisely +what a like number of your own would have to do if that command was away. +I suppose the whole force which has gone forward to you is with you by +this time; and if so, I think it is the precise time for you to strike a +blow. By delay the enemy will relatively gain upon you--that is, he will +gain faster by fortifications and reinforcements than you can by +reinforcements alone. + +And once more let me tell you it is indispensable to you that you strike +a blow. I am powerless to help this. You will do me the justice to +remember I always insisted that going down the bay in search of a field, +instead of fighting at or near Manassas, was only shifting and not +surmounting a difficulty; that we would find the same enemy and the same +or equal entrenchments at either place. The country will not fail to +note--is noting now--that the present hesitation to move upon an +entrenched enemy is but the story of Manassas repeated. + +I beg to assure you that I have never written you or spoken to you in +greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller purpose to +sustain you, so far as in my most anxious judgment I consistently can; +but you must act. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Saint Louis, Mo.: If the rigor of the confinement +of Magoffin (Governor of Kentucky) at Alton is endangering his life, or +materially impairing his health, I wish it mitigated as far as it can be +consistently with his safe detention. + +A. LINCOLN. + +Please send above, by order of the President. JOHN HAY. + + + + +PROCLAMATION RECOMMENDING THANKSGIVING FOR VICTORIES, + +APRIL 10, 1862. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation + +It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal victories to the land and +naval forces engaged in suppressing, an internal rebellion, and at the +same time to avert from our country the dangers of foreign intervention +and invasion. + +It is therefore recommended to the people of the United States that at +their next weekly assemblages in their accustomed places of public +worship which shall occur after notice of this proclamation shall have +been received, they especially acknowledge and render thanks to our +Heavenly Father for these inestimable blessings, that they then and there +implore spiritual consolation in behalf of all who have been brought into +affliction by the casualties and calamities of sedition and civil war, +and that they reverently invoke the divine guidance for our national +counsels, to the end that they may speedily result in the restoration of +peace, harmony, and unity throughout our borders and hasten the +establishment of fraternal relations among all the countries of the +earth. + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the +United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of April, A.D. 1862, and +of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN WASHINGTON, D.C. + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. April 16, 1862. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: The act +entitled "An act for the relief of certain persons held to service or +labor in the District of Columbia" has this day been approved and signed. + +I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Congress to abolish +slavery in this District, and I have ever desired to see the national +capital freed from the institution in some satisfactory way. Hence there +has never been in my mind any question on the subject except the one of +expediency, arising in view of all the circumstances. If there be matters +within and about this act which might have taken a course or shape more +satisfactory to my judgment, I do not attempt to specify them. I am +gratified that the two principles of compensation and colonization are +both recognized and practically applied in the act. + +In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be +presented within ninety days from the passage of the act, "but not +thereafter"; and there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane or +absent persons. I presume this is an omission by mere oversight, and I +recommend that it be supplied by an amendatory or supplemental act. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 21, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Your despatch of the 19th was received that day. Fredericksburg is +evacuated and the bridges destroyed by the enemy, and a small part of +McDowell's command occupies this side of the Rappahannock, opposite the +town. He purposes moving his whole force to that point. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL + +A. LINCOLN. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 24, 1862. + +Hon. POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The member of Congress from the district including Tiffin, +O., calls on me about the postmaster at that place. I believe I turned +over a despatch to you from some persons there, asking a suspension, so +as for them to be heard, or something of the sort. If nothing, or nothing +amounting to anything, has been done, I think the suspension might now be +suspended, and the commission go forward. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 29, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Would it derange or embarrass your operations if I were to appoint +Captain Charles Griffin a brigadier-general of volunteers? Please answer. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE, MAY 1, 1862. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate [of April 22] in relation to +Brigadier-General Stone, I have the honor to state that he was arrested +and imprisoned under my general authority, and upon evidence which +whether he be guilty or innocent, required, as appears to me, such +proceedings to be had against him for the public safety. I deem it +incompatible with the public interest, as also, perhaps, unjust to +General Stone, to make a more particular statement of the evidence. + +He has not been tried because, in the state of military operations at the +time of his arrest and since, the officers to constitute a court martial +and for witnesses could not be withdrawn from duty without serious injury +to the service. He will be allowed a trial without any unnecessary delay; +the charges and specifications will be furnished him in due season, and +every facility for his defense will be afforded him by the War +Department. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, + +WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Your call for Parrott guns from Washington alarms me, chiefly because it +argues indefinite procrastination. Is anything to be done? + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, MAY 1, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Pittsburgh Landing, Tennessee: + +I am pressed by the Missouri members of Congress to give General +Schofield independent command in Missouri. They insist that for want of +this their local troubles gradually grow worse. I have forborne, so far, +for fear of interfering with and embarrassing your operations. Please +answer telling me whether anything, and what, I can do for them without +injuriously interfering with you. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +RESPONSE TO EVANGELICAL LUTHERANS, MAY 6, 1862 + +GENTLEMEN:--I welcome here the representatives of the Evangelical +Lutherans of the United States. I accept with gratitude their assurances +of the sympathy and support of that enlightened, influential, and loyal +class of my fellow citizens in an important crisis which involves, in my +judgment, not only the civil and religious liberties of our own dear +land, but in a large degree the civil and religious liberties of mankind +in many countries and through many ages. You well know, gentlemen, and +the world knows, how reluctantly I accepted this issue of battle forced +upon me on my advent to this place by the internal enemies of our +country. You all know, the world knows, the forces and the resources the +public agents have brought into employment to sustain a government +against which there has been brought not one complaint of real injury +committed against society at home or abroad. You all may recollect that +in taking up the sword thus forced into our hands this government +appealed to the prayers of the pious and the good, and declared that it +placed its whole dependence on the favor of God. I now humbly and +reverently, in your presence, reiterate the acknowledgment of that +dependence, not doubting that, if it shall please the Divine Being who +determines the destinies of nations, this shall remain a united people, +and that they will, humbly seeking the divine guidance, make their +prolonged national existence a source of new benefits to themselves and +their successors, and to all classes and conditions of mankind. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH. + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, MAY 7, 1862 + +FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + +SIR:--Major-General McClellan telegraphs that he has ascertained by a +reconnaissance that the battery at Jamestown has been abandoned, and he +again requests that gunboats may be sent up the James River. + +If you have tolerable confidence that you can successfully contend with +the Merrimac without the help of the Galena and two accompanying +gunboats, send the Galena and two gunboats up the James River at once. +Please report your action on this to me at once. I shall be found either +at General Wool's headquarters or on board the Miami. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FURTHER REPRIMAND OF McCLELLAN + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 9, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have just assisted the Secretary of War in framing part +of a despatch to you relating to army corps, which despatch, of course, +will have reached you long before this will. I wish to say a few words to +you privately on this subject. I ordered the army corps organization not +only on the unanimous opinion of the twelve generals whom you had +selected and assigned as generals of divisions, but also on the unanimous +opinion of every military man I could get an opinion from, and every +modern military book, yourself only excepted. Of course, I did not on my +own judgment pretend to understand the subject. I now think it +indispensable for you to know how your struggle against it is received in +quarters which we cannot entirely disregard. It is looked upon as merely +an effort to pamper one or two pets, and to persecute and degrade their +supposed rivals. I have had no word from Sumner, Heintzleman, or Keyes +the commanders of these corps are, of course, the three highest officers +with you; but I am constantly told that you have no consultation or +communication with them; that you consult and communicate with nobody but +General Fitz John Porter, and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say +these complaints are true or just; but at all events, it is proper you +should know of their existence. Do the commanders of corps disobey your +orders in anything? + +When you relieved General Hamilton of his command the other day, you +thereby lost the confidence of at least one of your best friends in the +Senate. And here let me say, not as applicable to you personally, that +Senators and Representatives speak of me in their places without +question, and that officers of the army must cease addressing insulting +letters to them for taking no greater liberty with them. + +But to return. Are you strong enough--are you strong enough even with my +help--to set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, Heintzelman, and Keyes +all at once? This is a practical and very serious question to you? + +The success of your army and the cause of the country are the same, and, +of course, I only desire the good of the cause. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH, + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 10, 1862 + +FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I send you this copy of your report of yesterday for the +purpose of saying to you in writing that you are quite right in supposing +the movement made by you and therein reported was made in accordance with +my wishes verbally expressed to you in advance. I avail myself of the +occasion to thank you for your courtesy and all your conduct, so far as +known to me, during my brief visit here. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION RAISING THE BLOCKADE OF CERTAIN PORTS. + +May 12, 1862. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas, by my proclamation of the 19th of April, one thousand eight +hundred and sixty-one, it was declared that the ports of certain States, +including those of Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina, Port Royal, +in the State of South Carolina, and New Orleans, in the State of +Louisiana, were, for reasons therein set forth, intended to be placed +under blockade; and whereas the said ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and +New Orleans have since been blockaded; but as the blockade of the same +ports may now be safely relaxed with advantage to the interests of +commerce: + +Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the +United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth +section of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July last, +entitled "An act further to provide for the collection of duties on +imports, and for other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade of +the said ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and New Orleans shall so far +cease and determine, from and after the first day of June next, that +commercial intercourse with those ports, except as to persons, things, +and information contraband of war, may from that time be carried on, +subject to the laws of the United States, and to the limitations and in +pursuance of the regulations which are prescribed by the Secretary of the +Treasury in his order of this date, which is appended to this +proclamation. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this twelfth day of May, in the year of +our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, +Volume 5, 1858-1862, by Abraham Lincoln + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS OF LINCOLN *** + +***** This file should be named 2657.txt or 2657.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.net/2/6/5/2657/ + +Produced by David Widger + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +http://gutenberg.net/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.net), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at http://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit http://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including including checks, online payments and credit card +donations. To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + http://www.gutenberg.net + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/old/20040930.2657.zip b/old/20040930.2657.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..7c13cc6 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/20040930.2657.zip diff --git a/old/5linc10.txt b/old/5linc10.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1b58be2 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/5linc10.txt @@ -0,0 +1,15026 @@ +Project Gutenberg Etext of The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Vol 5 + +Volume 5 of 7 + +Copyright laws are changing all over the world, be sure to check +the copyright laws for your country before posting these files!! + +Please take a look at the important information in this header. +We encourage you to keep this file on your own disk, keeping an +electronic path open for the next readers. Do not remove this. + +*It must legally be the first thing seen when opening the book.* +In fact, our legal advisors said we can't even change margins. + +**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** + +**Etexts Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** + +*These Etexts Prepared By Hundreds of Volunteers and Donations* + +Information on contacting Project Gutenberg to get Etexts, and +further information is included below. We need your donations. + + +Title: The Writings of Abraham Lincoln + +Author: Abraham Lincoln + +June, 2001 [Etext #2657] + + +Project Gutenberg Etext of The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Vol 5 +*******This file should be named 5linc10.txt or 5linc10.zip****** + +Corrected EDITIONS of our etexts get a new NUMBER, 5linc11.txt +VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, 5linc10a.txt + + +Etext prepared for Gutenberg by David Widger, widger@cecomet.net + +Project Gutenberg Etexts are usually created from multiple editions, +all of which are in the Public Domain in the United States, unless a +copyright notice is included. Therefore, we usually do NOT keep any +of these books in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +We are now trying to release all our books one month in advance +of the official release dates, leaving time for better editing. + +Please note: neither this list nor its contents are final till +midnight of the last day of the month of any such announcement. +The official release date of all Project Gutenberg Etexts is at +Midnight, Central Time, of the last day of the stated month. A +preliminary version may often be posted for suggestion, comment +and editing by those who wish to do so. To be sure you have an +up to date first edition [xxxxx10x.xxx] please check file sizes +in the first week of the next month. Since our ftp program has +a bug in it that scrambles the date [tried to fix and failed] a +look at the file size will have to do, but we will try to see a +new copy has at least one byte more or less. + + +Information about Project Gutenberg (one page) + +We produce about two million dollars for each hour we work. The +time it takes us, a rather conservative estimate, is fifty hours +to get any etext selected, entered, proofread, edited, copyright +searched and analyzed, the copyright letters written, etc. This +projected audience is one hundred million readers. If our value +per text is nominally estimated at one dollar then we produce $2 +million dollars per hour this year as we release thirty-six text +files per month, or 432 more Etexts in 1999 for a total of 2000+ +If these reach just 10% of the computerized population, then the +total should reach over 200 billion Etexts given away this year. + +The Goal of Project Gutenberg is to Give Away One Trillion Etext +Files by December 31, 2001. [10,000 x 100,000,000 = 1 Trillion] +This is ten thousand titles each to one hundred million readers, +which is only ~5% of the present number of computer users. + +At our revised rates of production, we will reach only one-third +of that goal by the end of 2001, or about 3,333 Etexts unless we +manage to get some real funding; currently our funding is mostly +from Michael Hart's salary at Carnegie-Mellon University, and an +assortment of sporadic gifts; this salary is only good for a few +more years, so we are looking for something to replace it, as we +don't want Project Gutenberg to be so dependent on one person. + +We need your donations more than ever! + + +All donations should be made to "Project Gutenberg/CMU": and are +tax deductible to the extent allowable by law. (CMU = Carnegie- +Mellon University). + +For these and other matters, please mail to: + +Project Gutenberg +P. O. Box 2782 +Champaign, IL 61825 + +When all other email fails. . .try our Executive Director: +Michael S. Hart <hart@pobox.com> +hart@pobox.com forwards to hart@prairienet.org and archive.org +if your mail bounces from archive.org, I will still see it, if +it bounces from prairienet.org, better resend later on. . . . + +We would prefer to send you this information by email. + +****** + +To access Project Gutenberg etexts, use any Web browser +to view http://promo.net/pg. This site lists Etexts by +author and by title, and includes information about how +to get involved with Project Gutenberg. You could also +download our past Newsletters, or subscribe here. This +is one of our major sites, please email hart@pobox.com, +for a more complete list of our various sites. + +To go directly to the etext collections, use FTP or any +Web browser to visit a Project Gutenberg mirror (mirror +sites are available on 7 continents; mirrors are listed +at http://promo.net/pg). + +Mac users, do NOT point and click, typing works better. + +Example FTP session: + +ftp metalab.unc.edu +login: anonymous +password: your@login +cd pub/docs/books/gutenberg +cd etext90 through etext99 or etext00 through etext01, etc. +dir [to see files] +get or mget [to get files. . .set bin for zip files] +GET GUTINDEX.?? [to get a year's listing of books, e.g., GUTINDEX.99] +GET GUTINDEX.ALL [to get a listing of ALL books] + +*** + +**Information prepared by the Project Gutenberg legal advisor** + +(Three Pages) + + +***START**THE SMALL PRINT!**FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS**START*** +Why is this "Small Print!" statement here? You know: lawyers. +They tell us you might sue us if there is something wrong with +your copy of this etext, even if you got it for free from +someone other than us, and even if what's wrong is not our +fault. So, among other things, this "Small Print!" statement +disclaims most of our liability to you. It also tells you how +you can distribute copies of this etext if you want to. + +*BEFORE!* YOU USE OR READ THIS ETEXT +By using or reading any part of this PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm +etext, you indicate that you understand, agree to and accept +this "Small Print!" statement. If you do not, you can receive +a refund of the money (if any) you paid for this etext by +sending a request within 30 days of receiving it to the person +you got it from. If you received this etext on a physical +medium (such as a disk), you must return it with your request. + +ABOUT PROJECT GUTENBERG-TM ETEXTS +This PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etext, like most PROJECT GUTENBERG- +tm etexts, is a "public domain" work distributed by Professor +Michael S. Hart through the Project Gutenberg Association at +Carnegie-Mellon University (the "Project"). Among other +things, this means that no one owns a United States copyright +on or for this work, so the Project (and you!) can copy and +distribute it in the United States without permission and +without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth +below, apply if you wish to copy and distribute this etext +under the Project's "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark. + +To create these etexts, the Project expends considerable +efforts to identify, transcribe and proofread public domain +works. Despite these efforts, the Project's etexts and any +medium they may be on may contain "Defects". Among other +things, Defects may take the form of incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other +intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged +disk or other etext medium, a computer virus, or computer +codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment. + +LIMITED WARRANTY; DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES +But for the "Right of Replacement or Refund" described below, +[1] the Project (and any other party you may receive this +etext from as a PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etext) disclaims all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including +legal fees, and [2] YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE OR +UNDER STRICT LIABILITY, OR FOR BREACH OF WARRANTY OR CONTRACT, +INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE +OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES, EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE +POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGES. + +If you discover a Defect in this etext within 90 days of +receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) +you paid for it by sending an explanatory note within that +time to the person you received it from. If you received it +on a physical medium, you must return it with your note, and +such person may choose to alternatively give you a replacement +copy. If you received it electronically, such person may +choose to alternatively give you a second opportunity to +receive it electronically. + +THIS ETEXT IS OTHERWISE PROVIDED TO YOU "AS-IS". NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, ARE MADE TO YOU AS +TO THE ETEXT OR ANY MEDIUM IT MAY BE ON, INCLUDING BUT NOT +LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR A +PARTICULAR PURPOSE. + +Some states do not allow disclaimers of implied warranties or +the exclusion or limitation of consequential damages, so the +above disclaimers and exclusions may not apply to you, and you +may have other legal rights. + +INDEMNITY +You will indemnify and hold the Project, its directors, +officers, members and agents harmless from all liability, cost +and expense, including legal fees, that arise directly or +indirectly from any of the following that you do or cause: +[1] distribution of this etext, [2] alteration, modification, +or addition to the etext, or [3] any Defect. + +DISTRIBUTION UNDER "PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm" +You may distribute copies of this etext electronically, or by +disk, book or any other medium if you either delete this +"Small Print!" and all other references to Project Gutenberg, +or: + +[1] Only give exact copies of it. Among other things, this + requires that you do not remove, alter or modify the + etext or this "small print!" statement. You may however, + if you wish, distribute this etext in machine readable + binary, compressed, mark-up, or proprietary form, + including any form resulting from conversion by word pro- + cessing or hypertext software, but only so long as + *EITHER*: + + [*] The etext, when displayed, is clearly readable, and + does *not* contain characters other than those + intended by the author of the work, although tilde + (~), asterisk (*) and underline (_) characters may + be used to convey punctuation intended by the + author, and additional characters may be used to + indicate hypertext links; OR + + [*] The etext may be readily converted by the reader at + no expense into plain ASCII, EBCDIC or equivalent + form by the program that displays the etext (as is + the case, for instance, with most word processors); + OR + + [*] You provide, or agree to also provide on request at + no additional cost, fee or expense, a copy of the + etext in its original plain ASCII form (or in EBCDIC + or other equivalent proprietary form). + +[2] Honor the etext refund and replacement provisions of this + "Small Print!" statement. + +[3] Pay a trademark license fee to the Project of 20% of the + net profits you derive calculated using the method you + already use to calculate your applicable taxes. If you + don't derive profits, no royalty is due. Royalties are + payable to "Project Gutenberg Association/Carnegie-Mellon + University" within the 60 days following each + date you prepare (or were legally required to prepare) + your annual (or equivalent periodic) tax return. + +WHAT IF YOU *WANT* TO SEND MONEY EVEN IF YOU DON'T HAVE TO? +The Project gratefully accepts contributions in money, time, +scanning machines, OCR software, public domain etexts, royalty +free copyright licenses, and every other sort of contribution +you can think of. Money should be paid to "Project Gutenberg +Association / Carnegie-Mellon University". + +We are planning on making some changes in our donation structure +in 2000, so you might want to email me, hart@pobox.com beforehand. + + + + +*END THE SMALL PRINT! FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS*Ver.04.29.93*END* + + + + + +Etext prepared for Gutenberg by David Widger, widger@cecomet.net + + + + + +THE WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN + +VOLUME 5. + + + + +TO SYDNEY SPRING, GRAYVILLE, ILL. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 19, 1858. + +SYDNEY SPRING, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your letter introducing Mr. Faree was duly received. +There was no opening to nominate him for Superintendent of Public +Instruction, but through him Egypt made a most valuable contribution +to the convention. I think it may be fairly said that he came off the +lion of the day--or rather of the night. Can you not elect him to the +Legislature? It seems to me he would be hard to beat. What +objection could be made to him? What is your Senator Martin saying +and doing? What is Webb about? + +Please write me. +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 24, 1858 + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +DEAR SIR:--Your letter enclosing the attack of the Times upon me was +received this morning. Give yourself no concern about my voting +against the supplies. Unless you are without faith that a lie can be +successfully contradicted, there is not a word of truth in the +charge, and I am just considering a little as to the best shape to +put a contradiction in. Show this to whomever you please, but do not +publish it in the paper. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. W. SOMERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 25, 1858. + +JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 22nd, inclosing a draft of two hundred +dollars, was duly received. I have paid it on the judgment, and +herewith you have the receipt. I do not wish to say anything as to +who shall be the Republican candidate for the Legislature in your +district, further than that I have full confidence in Dr. Hull. Have +you ever got in the way of consulting with McKinley in political +matters? He is true as steel, and his judgment is very good. The +last I heard from him, he rather thought Weldon, of De Witt, was our +best timber for representative, all things considered. But you there +must settle it among yourselves. It may well puzzle older heads than +yours to understand how, as the Dred Scott decision holds, Congress +can authorize a Territorial Legislature to do everything else, and +cannot authorize them to prohibit slavery. That is one of the things +the court can decide, but can never give an intelligible reason for. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. CAMPBELL. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 28, 1858. + +A. CAMPBELL, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--In 1856 you gave me authority to draw on you for any +sum not exceeding five hundred dollars. I see clearly that such a +privilege would be more available now than it was then. I am aware +that times are tighter now than they were then. Please write me at +all events, and whether you can now do anything or not I shall +continue grateful for the past. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. GILLESPIE. + +SPRINGFIELD, July 16, 1858. + +HON. JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I write this to say that from the specimens of Douglas +Democracy we occasionally see here from Madison, we learn that they +are making very confident calculation of beating you and your friends +for the lower house, in that county. They offer to bet upon it. +Billings and Job, respectively, have been up here, and were each as I +learn, talking largely about it. If they do so, it can only be done +by carrying the Fillmore men of 1856 very differently from what they +seem to [be] going in the other party. Below is the vote of 1856, in +your district: + +Counties. + + Counties. Buchanan. Fremont. Fillmore. + Bond ............ 607 153 659 + Madison ......... 1451 1111 1658 + Montgomery ...... 992 162 686 + ---- ---- ---- + 3050 1426 3003 + +By this you will see, if you go through the calculation, that if they +get one quarter of the Fillmore votes, and you three quarters, they +will beat you 125 votes. If they get one fifth, and you four fifths, +you beat them 179. In Madison, alone, if our friends get 1000 of the +Fillmore votes, and their opponents the remainder, 658, we win by +just two votes. + +This shows the whole field, on the basis of the election of 1856. + +Whether, since then, any Buchanan, or Fremonters, have shifted +ground, and how the majority of new votes will go, you can judge +better than I. + +Of course you, on the ground, can better determine your line of +tactics than any one off the ground; but it behooves you to be wide +awake and actively working. + +Don't neglect it; and write me at your first leisure. +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOHN MATHERS, JACKSONVILLE, ILL. + +SPRINGFIELD, JULY 20, 1858. + +JNO. MATHERS, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your kind and interesting letter of the 19th was duly +received. Your suggestions as to placing one's self on the offensive +rather than the defensive are certainly correct. That is a point +which I shall not disregard. I spoke here on Saturday night. The +speech, not very well reported, appears in the State journal of this +morning. You doubtless will see it; and I hope that you will +perceive in it that I am already improving. I would mail you a copy +now, but have not one [at] hand. I thank you for your letter and +shall be pleased to hear from you again. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + +SPRINGFIELD, JULY 25, 1858. + +HON. J. GILLESPIE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your doleful letter of the 8th was received on my +return from Chicago last night. I do hope you are worse scared than +hurt, though you ought to know best. We must not lose the district. +We must make a job of it, and save it. Lay hold of the proper +agencies, and secure all the Americans you can, at once. I do hope, +on closer inspection, you will find they are not half gone. Make a +little test. Run down one of the poll-books of the Edwardsville +precinct, and take the first hundred known American names. Then +quietly ascertain how many of them are actually going for Douglas. I +think you will find less than fifty. But even if you find fifty, +make sure of the other fifty, that is, make sure of all you can, at +all events. We will set other agencies to work which shall +compensate for the loss of a good many Americans. Don't fail to +check the stampede at once. Trumbull, I think, will be with you +before long. + +There is much he cannot do, and some he can. I have reason to hope +there will be other help of an appropriate kind. Write me again. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO B. C. COOK. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 2, 1858. + +Hon. B. C. COOK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have a letter from a very true and intelligent man +insisting that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and Bureau to run +Douglas Republicans for Congress and for the Legislature in those +counties, if they can only get the encouragement of our folks +nominating pretty extreme abolitionists. + +It is thought they will do nothing if our folks nominate men who are +not very obnoxious to the charge of abolitionism. Please have your +eye upon this. Signs are looking pretty fair. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HON. J. M. PALMER. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 5, 1858. + +HON. J. M. PALMER. + +DEAR SIR:--Since we parted last evening no new thought has occurred +to [me] on the subject of which we talked most yesterday. + +I have concluded, however, to speak at your town on Tuesday, August +31st, and have promised to have it so appear in the papers of +to-morrow. Judge Trumbull has not yet reached here. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO ALEXANDER SYMPSON. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 11, 1858. + +ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 6th received. If life and health continue I +shall pretty likely be at Augusta on the 25th. + +Things look reasonably well. Will tell you more fully when I see +you. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. O. CUNNINGHAM. + +OTTAWA, August 22, 1858. + +J. O. CUNNINGHAM, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 18th, signed as secretary of the +Republican club, is received. In the matter of making speeches I am +a good deal pressed by invitations from almost all quarters, and +while I hope to be at Urbana some time during the canvass, I cannot +yet say when. Can you not see me at Monticello on the 6th of +September? + +Douglas and I, for the first time this canvass, crossed swords here +yesterday; the fire flew some, and I am glad to know I am yet alive. +There was a vast concourse of people--more than could get near enough +to hear. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON SLAVERY IN A DEMOCRACY. + +August ??, 1858 + +As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This +expresses my idea of democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the +extent of the difference, is no democracy. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO B. C. COOK. + +SPRINGFIELD, August 2, 1858 + +HON. B. C. COOK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have a letter from a very true friend, and +intelligent man, writing that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and +Bureau, to run Douglas Republican for Congress and for the +Legislature in those counties, if they can only get the encouragement +of our folks nominating pretty extreme abolitionists. It is thought +they will do nothing if our folks nominate men who are not very +[undecipherable word looks like "obnoxious"] to the charge of +abolitionism. Please have your eye upon this. Signs are looking +pretty fair. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO DR. WILLIAM FITHIAN, DANVILLE, ILL. + +BLOOMINGTON, Sept. 3, 1858 + +DEAR DOCTOR:--Yours of the 1st was received this morning, as also one +from Mr. Harmon, and one from Hiram Beckwith on the same subject. +You will see by the Journal that I have been appointed to speak at +Danville on the 22d of Sept.,--the day after Douglas speaks there. +My recent experience shows that speaking at the same place the next +day after D. is the very thing,--it is, in fact, a concluding speech +on him. Please show this to Messrs. Harmon and Beckwith; and tell +them they must excuse me from writing separate letters to them. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + +P. S.--Give full notice to all surrounding country. +A.L. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT PARIS, ILL., + +SEPT. 8, 1858. + +Let us inquire what Judge Douglas really invented when he introduced +the Nebraska Bill? He called it Popular Sovereignty. What does that +mean? It means the sovereignty of the people over their own affairs-- +in other words, the right of the people to govern themselves. Did +Judge Douglas invent this? Not quite. The idea of popular +sovereignty was floating about several ages before the author of the +Nebraska Bill was born--indeed, before Columbus set foot on this +continent. In the year 1776 it took form in the noble words which +you are all familiar with: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, +that all men are created equal," etc. Was not this the origin of +popular sovereignty as applied to the American people? Here we are +told that governments are instituted among men deriving their just +powers from the consent of the governed. If that is not popular +sovereignty, then I have no conception of the meaning of words. If +Judge Douglas did not invent this kind of popular sovereignty, let us +pursue the inquiry and find out what kind he did invent. Was it the +right of emigrants to Kansas and Nebraska to govern themselves, and a +lot of "niggers," too, if they wanted them? Clearly this was no +invention of his because General Cass put forth the same doctrine in +1848 in his so called Nicholson letter, six years before Douglas +thought of such a thing. Then what was it that the "Little Giant" +invented? It never occurred to General Cass to call his discovery by +the odd name of popular sovereignty. He had not the face to say that +the right of the people to govern "niggers" was the right of the +people to govern themselves. His notions of the fitness of things +were not moulded to the brazenness of calling the right to put a +hundred "niggers" through under the lash in Nebraska a "sacred" right +of self-government. And here I submit to you was Judge Douglas's +discovery, and the whole of it: He discovered that the right to breed +and flog negroes in Nebraska was popular sovereignty. + + + + +SPEECH AT CLINTON, ILLINOIS, + +SEPTEMBER 8, 1858. + +The questions are sometimes asked "What is all this fuss that is +being made about negroes? What does it amount to? And where will it +end?" These questions imply that those who ask them consider the +slavery question a very insignificant matter they think that it +amounts to little or nothing and that those who agitate it are +extremely foolish. Now it must be admitted that if the great +question which has caused so much trouble is insignificant, we are +very foolish to have anything to do with it--if it is of no +importance we had better throw it aside and busy ourselves with +something else. But let us inquire a little into this insignificant +matter, as it is called by some, and see if it is not important +enough to demand the close attention of every well-wisher of the +Union. In one of Douglas's recent speeches, I find a reference to +one which was made by me in Springfield some time ago. The judge +makes one quotation from that speech that requires some little notice +from me at this time. I regret that I have not my Springfield speech +before me, but the judge has quoted one particular part of it so +often that I think I can recollect it. It runs I think as follows: + +"We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with +the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery +agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not +only not ceased but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will +not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. + +"A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this +government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do +not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to +fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become +all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will +arrest the further spread of it and place it where the public mind +shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate +extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall +become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as +well as South." + +Judge Douglas makes use of the above quotation, and finds a great +deal of fault with it. He deals unfairly with me, and tries to make +the people of this State believe that I advocated dangerous doctrines +in my Springfield speech. Let us see if that portion of my +Springfield speech of which Judge Douglas complains so bitterly, is +as objectionable to others as it is to him. We are, certainly, far +into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed +object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. +On the fourth day of January, 1854, Judge Douglas introduced the +Kansas-Nebraska bill. He initiated a new policy, and that policy, so +he says, was to put an end to the agitation of the slavery question. +Whether that was his object or not I will not stop to discuss, but at +all events some kind of a policy was initiated; and what has been the +result? Instead of the quiet and good feeling which were promised us +by the self-styled author of Popular Sovereignty, we have had nothing +but ill-feeling and agitation. According to Judge Douglas, the +passage of the Nebraska bill would tranquilize the whole country-- +there would be no more slavery agitation in or out of Congress, and +the vexed question would be left entirely to the people of the +Territories. Such was the opinion of Judge Douglas, and such were +the opinions of the leading men of the Democratic Party. Even as +late as the spring of 1856 Mr. Buchanan said, a short time subsequent +to his nomination by the Cincinnati convention, that the territory of +Kansas would be tranquil in less than six weeks. Perhaps he thought +so, but Kansas has not been and is not tranquil, and it may be a long +time before she may be so. + +We all know how fierce the agitation was in Congress last winter, and +what a narrow escape Kansas had from being admitted into the Union +with a constitution that was detested by ninety-nine hundredths of +her citizens. Did the angry debates which took place at Washington +during the last season of Congress lead you to suppose that the +slavery agitation was settled? + +An election was held in Kansas in the month of August, and the +constitution which was submitted to the people was voted down by a +large majority. So Kansas is still out of the Union, and there is a +probability that she will remain out for some time. But Judge +Douglas says the slavery question is settled. He says the bill he +introduced into the Senate of the United States on the 4th day of +January, 1854, settled the slavery question forever! Perhaps he can +tell us how that bill settled the slavery question, for if he is able +to settle a question of such great magnitude he ought to be able to +explain the manner in which he does it. He knows and you know that +the question is not settled, and that his ill-timed experiment to +settle it has made it worse than it ever was before. + +And now let me say a few words in regard to Douglas's great hobby of +negro equality. He thinks--he says at least--that the Republican +party is in favor of allowing whites and blacks to intermarry, and +that a man can't be a good Republican unless he is willing to elevate +black men to office and to associate with them on terms of perfect +equality. He knows that we advocate no such doctrines as these, but +he cares not how much he misrepresents us if he can gain a few votes +by so doing. To show you what my opinion of negro equality was in +times past, and to prove to you that I stand on that question where I +always stood, I will read you a few extracts from a speech that was +made by me in Peoria in 1854. It was made in reply to one of Judge +Douglas's speeches. + +(Mr. Lincoln then read a number of extracts which had the ring of the +true metal. We have rarely heard anything with which we have been +more pleased. And the audience after hearing the extracts read, and +comparing their conservative sentiments with those now advocated by +Mr. Lincoln, testified their approval by loud applause. How any +reasonable man can hear one of Mr. Lincoln's speeches without being +converted to Republicanism is something that we can't account for. +Ed.) + +Slavery, continued Mr. Lincoln, is not a matter of little importance, +it overshadows every other question in which we are interested. It +has divided the Methodist and Presbyterian churches, and has sown +discord in the American Tract Society. The churches have split and +the society will follow their example before long. So it will be +seen that slavery is agitated in the religious as well as in the +political world. +Judge Douglas is very much afraid in the triumph that the Republican +party will lead to a general mixture of the white and black races. +Perhaps I am wrong in saying that he is afraid, so I will correct +myself by saying that he pretends to fear that the success of our +party will result in the amalgamation of the blacks and whites. I +think I can show plainly, from documents now before me, that Judge +Douglas's fears are groundless. The census of 1800 tells us that in +that year there were over four hundred thousand mulattoes in the +United States. Now let us take what is called an Abolition State-- +the Republican, slavery-hating State of New Hampshire--and see how +many mulattoes we can find within her borders. The number amounts to +just one hundred and eighty-four. In the Old Dominion--in the +Democratic and aristocratic State of Virginia--there were a few more +mulattoes than the Census-takers found in New Hampshire. How many do +you suppose there were? Seventy-nine thousand, seven hundred and +seventy-five--twenty-three thousand more than there were in all the +free States! In the slave States there were in 1800, three +hundred and forty-eight thousand mulattoes all of home production; +and in the free States there were less than sixty thousand mulattoes +--and a large number of them were imported from the South. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT EDWARDSVILLE, ILL., + +SEPT. 13, 1858. + +I have been requested to give a concise statement of the difference, +as I understand it, between the Democratic and Republican parties, on +the leading issues of the campaign. This question has been put to me +by a gentleman whom I do not know. I do not even know whether he is +a friend of mine or a supporter of Judge Douglas in this contest, nor +does that make any difference. His question is a proper one. Lest I +should forget it, I will give you my answer before proceeding with +the line of argument I have marked out for this discussion. + +The difference between the Republican and the Democratic parties on +the leading issues of this contest, as I understand it, is that the +former consider slavery a moral, social and political wrong, while +the latter do not consider it either a moral, a social or a political +wrong; and the action of each, as respects the growth of the country +and the expansion of our population, is squared to meet these views. +I will not affirm that the Democratic party consider slavery morally, +socially and politically right, though their tendency to that view +has, in my opinion, been constant and unmistakable for the past five +years. I prefer to take, as the accepted maxim of the party, the +idea put forth by Judge Douglas, that he don't care whether slavery +is voted down or voted up." I am quite willing to believe that many +Democrats would prefer that slavery should be always voted down, and +I know that some prefer that it be always voted up"; but I have a +right to insist that their action, especially if it be their constant +action, shall determine their ideas and preferences on this subject. +Every measure of the Democratic party of late years, bearing directly +or indirectly on the slavery question, has corresponded with this +notion of utter indifference whether slavery or freedom shall outrun +in the race of empire across to the Pacific--every measure, I say, up +to the Dred Scott decision, where, it seems to me, the idea is boldly +suggested that slavery is better than freedom. The Republican party, +on the contrary, hold that this government was instituted to secure +the blessings of freedom, and that slavery is an unqualified evil to +the negro, to the white man, to the soil, and to the State. +Regarding it as an evil, they will not molest it in the States where +it exists, they will not overlook the constitutional guards which our +fathers placed around it; they will do nothing that can give proper +offence to those who hold slaves by legal sanction; but they will use +every constitutional method to prevent the evil from becoming larger +and involving more negroes, more white men, more soil, and more +States in its deplorable consequences. They will, if possible, place +it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in +course of ultimate peaceable extinction in God's own good time. And +to this end they will, if possible, restore the government to the +policy of the fathers, the policy of preserving the new Territories +from the baneful influence of human bondage, as the Northwestern +Territories were sought to be preserved by the Ordinance of 1787, and +the Compromise Act of 1820. They will oppose, in all its length and +breadth, the modern Democratic idea, that slavery is as good as +freedom, and ought to have room for expansion all over the continent, +if people can be found to carry it. All, or nearly all, of Judge +Douglas's arguments are logical, if you admit that slavery is as good +and as right as freedom, and not one of them is worth a rush if you +deny it. This is the difference, as I understand it, between the +Republican and Democratic parties. + +My friends, I have endeavored to show you the logical consequences of +the Dred Scott decision, which holds that the people of a Territory +cannot prevent the establishment of slavery in their midst. I have +stated what cannot be gainsaid, that the grounds upon which this +decision is made are equally applicable to the free States as to the +free Territories, and that the peculiar reasons put forth by Judge +Douglas for indorsing this decision commit him, in advance, to the +next decision and to all other decisions corning from the same +source. And when, by all these means, you have succeeded in +dehumanizing the negro; when you have put him down and made it +impossible for him to be but as the beasts of the field; when you +have extinguished his soul in this world and placed him where the ray +of hope is blown out as in the darkness of the damned, are you quite +sure that the demon you have roused will not turn and rend you? What +constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and independence? It is +not our frowning battlements, our bristling sea coasts, our army and +our navy. These are not our reliance against tyranny All of those +may be turned against us without making us weaker for the struggle. +Our reliance is in the love of liberty which God has planted in us. +Our defense is in the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of +all men, in all lands everywhere. Destroy this spirit and you have +planted the seeds of despotism at your own doors. Familiarize +yourselves with the chains of bondage and you prepare your own limbs +to wear them. Accustomed to trample on the rights of others, you +have lost the genius of your own independence and become the fit +subjects of the first cunning tyrant who rises among you. And let me +tell you, that all these things are prepared for you by the teachings +of history, if the elections shall promise that the next Dred Scott +decision and all future decisions will be quietly acquiesced in by +the people. + + + + +VERSE TO "LINNIE " + +September 30?, 1858. + +TO "LINNIE": + +A sweet plaintive song did I hear +And I fancied that she was the singer. +May emotions as pure as that song set astir +Be the wont that the future shall bring her. + + + + +NEGROES ARE MEN + +TO J. U. BROWN. + +SPRINGFIELD, OCT 18, 1858 + +HON. J. U. BROWN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I do not perceive how I can express myself more plainly +than I have in the fore-going extracts. In four of them I have +expressly disclaimed all intention to bring about social and +political equality between the white and black races and in all the +rest I have done the same thing by clear implication. + +I have made it equally plain that I think the negro is included in +the word "men" used in the Declaration of Independence. + +I believe the declaration that "all men are created equal "is the +great fundamental principle upon which our free institutions rest; +that negro slavery is violative of that principle; but that, by our +frame of government, that principle has not been made one of legal +obligation; that by our frame of government, States which have +slavery are to retain it, or surrender it at their own pleasure; and +that all others--individuals, free States and national Government-- +are constitutionally bound to leave them alone about it. + +I believe our Government was thus framed because of the necessity +springing from the actual presence of slavery, when it was framed. + +That such necessity does not exist in the Territories when slavery is +not present. + +In his Mendenhall speech Mr. Clay says: "Now as an abstract principle +there is no doubt of the truth of that declaration (all men created +equal), and it is desirable, in the original construction of society, +to keep it in view as a great fundamental principle." + +Again, in the same speech Mr. Clay says: "If a state of nature +existed and we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man +would be more strongly opposed than I should to incorporate the +institution of slavery among its elements." + +Exactly so. In our new free Territories, a state of nature does +exist. In them Congress lays the foundations of society; and in +laying those foundations, I say, with Mr. Clay, it is desirable that +the declaration of the equality of all men shall be kept in view as a +great fundamental principle, and that Congress, which lays the +foundations of society, should, like Mr. Clay, be strongly opposed to +the incorporation of slavery and its elements. + +But it does not follow that social and political equality between +whites and blacks must be incorporated because slavery must not. The +declaration does not so require. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + +[Newspaper cuttings of Lincoln's speeches at Peoria, in 1854, at +Springfield, Ottawa, Chicago, and Charleston, in 1858. They were +pasted in a little book in which the above letter was also written.] + + + + +TO A. SYMPSON. + +BLANDINSVILLE, Oct 26, 1858 + +A. SYMPSON, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Since parting with you this morning I heard some things +which make me believe that Edmunds and Morrill will spend this week +among the National Democrats, trying to induce them to content +themselves by voting for Jake Davis, and then to vote for the Douglas +candidates for senator and representative. Have this headed off, if +you can. Call Wagley's attention to it and have him and the National +Democrat for Rep. to counteract it as far as they can. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SENATORIAL ELECTION LOST AND OUT OF MONEY + +TO N. B. JUDD. + +SPRINGFIELD, NOVEMBER 16, 1858 + +HON. N. B. JUDD + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th is just received. I wrote you the same +day. As to the pecuniary matter, I am willing to pay according to my +ability; but I am the poorest hand living to get others to pay. I +have been on expenses so long without earning anything that I am +absolutely without money now for even household purposes. Still, if +you can put in two hundred and fifty dollars for me toward +discharging the debt of the committee, I will allow it when you and I +settle the private matter between us. This, with what I have already +paid, and with an outstanding note of mine, will exceed my +subscription of five hundred dollars. This, too, is exclusive of my +ordinary expenses during the campaign, all of which, being added to +my loss of time and business, bears pretty heavily upon one no better +off in [this] world's goods than I; but as I had the post of honor, +it is not for me to be over nice. You are feeling badly,--"And this +too shall pass away," never fear. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +THE FIGHT MUST GO ON + +TO H. ASBURY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November 19, 1858. + +HENRY ASBURY, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 13th was received some days ago. The fight +must go on. The cause of civil liberty must not be surrendered at +the end of one or even one hundred defeats. Douglas had the +ingenuity to be supported in the late contest both as the best means +to break down and to uphold the slave interest. No ingenuity can +keep these antagonistic elements in harmony long. Another explosion +will soon come. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REALIZATION THAT DEBATES MUST BE SAVED + +TO C. H. RAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, Nov.20, 1858 + +DR. C. H. RAY + +MY DEAR SIR:--I wish to preserve a set of the late debates (if they +may be called so), between Douglas and myself. To enable me to do +so, please get two copies of each number of your paper containing the +whole, and send them to me by express; and I will pay you for the +papers and for your trouble. I wish the two sets in order to lay one +away in the [undecipherable word] and to put the other in a +scrapbook. Remember, if part of any debate is on both sides of the +sheet it will take two sets to make one scrap-book. + +I believe, according to a letter of yours to Hatch, you are "feeling +like h-ll yet." Quit that--you will soon feel better. Another "blow +up" is coming; and we shall have fun again. Douglas managed to be +supported both as the best instrument to down and to uphold the slave +power; but no ingenuity can long keep the antagonism in harmony. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November 30, 1858 + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +MY DEAR SIR :--Being desirous of preserving in some permanent form +the late joint discussion between Douglas and myself, ten days ago I +wrote to Dr. Ray, requesting him to forward to me by express two +sets of the numbers of the Tribune which contain the reports of those +discussions. Up to date I have no word from him on the subject. +Will you, if in your power, procure them and forward them to me by +express? If you will, I will pay all charges, and be greatly obliged, +to boot. Hoping to visit you before long, I remain + +As ever your friend, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. D. SHARPE. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 8, 1858. + +H. D. SHARPE, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of Nov. 9th was duly received. I +do not know that you expected or desired an answer; but glancing over +the contents of yours again, I am prompted to say that, while I +desired the result of the late canvass to have been different, I +still regard it as an exceeding small matter. I think we have fairly +entered upon a durable struggle as to whether this nation is to +ultimately become all slave or all free, and though I fall early in +the contest, it is nothing if I shall have contributed, in the least +degree, to the final rightful result. + +Respectfully yours, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. SYMPSON. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec.12, 1858. + +ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I expect the result of the election went hard with you. +So it did with me, too, perhaps not quite so hard as you may have +supposed. I have an abiding faith that we shall beat them in the +long run. Step by step the objects of the leaders will become too +plain for the people to stand them. I write merely to let you know +that I am neither dead nor dying. Please give my respects to your +good family, and all inquiring friends. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON BANKRUPTCY + +NOTES OF AN ARGUMENT. + +December [?], 1858. + +Legislation and adjudication must follow and conform to the progress +of society. + +The progress of society now begins to produce cases of the transfer +for debts of the entire property of railroad corporations; and to +enable transferees to use and enjoy the transferred property, +1egislation and adjudication begin to be necessary. + +Shall this class of legislation just now beginning with us be general +or special? + +Section Ten of our Constitution requires that it should be general, +if possible. (Read the section.) + +Special legislation always trenches upon the judicial department; and +in so far violates Section Two of the Constitution. (Read it.) + +Just reasoning--policy--is in favor of general legis1ation--else the +Legislature will be loaded down with the investigation of smaller +cases--a work which the courts ought to perform, and can perform much +more perfectly. How can the Legislature rightly decide the facts +between P. & B. and S.C. + +It is said that under a general law, whenever a R. R. Co. gets tired +of its debts, it may transfer fraudulently to get rid of them. So +they may--so may individuals; and which--the Legislature or the +courts--is best suited to try the question of fraud in either case? + +It is said, if a purchaser have acquired legal rights, let him not be +robbed of them, but if he needs legislation let him submit to just +terms to obtain it. + +Let him, say we, have general law in advance (guarded in every +possible way against fraud), so that, when he acquires a legal right, +he will have no occasion to wait for additional legislation; and if +he has practiced fraud let the courts so decide. + + + + +A LEGAL OPINION BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +The 11th Section of the Act of Congress, approved Feb. 11, 1805, +prescribing rules for the subdivision of sections of land within the +United States system of surveys, standing unrepealed, in my opinion, +is binding on the respective purchasers of different parts of the +same section, and furnishes the true rule for surveyors in +establishing lines between them. That law, being in force at the +time each became a purchaser, becomes a condition of the purchase. + +And, by that law, I think the true rule for dividing into quarters +any interior section or sections, which is not fractional, is to run +straight lines through the section from the opposite quarter section +corners, fixing the point where such straight lines cross, or +intersect each other, as the middle or centre of the section. + +Nearly, perhaps quite, all the original surveys are to some extent +erroneous, and in some of the sections, greatly so. In each of the +latter, it is obvious that a more equitable mode of division than the +above might be adopted; but as error is infinitely various perhaps no +better single rules can be prescribed. + +At all events I think the above has been prescribed by the competent +authority. + +SPRINGFIELD, Jany. 6, 1859. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO M. W. DELAHAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 4, 1859. + +M. W. DELAHAY, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR: Your second letter in relation to my being with you at +your Republican convention was duly received. It is not at hand just +now, but I have the impression from it that the convention was to be +at Leavenworth; but day before yesterday a friend handed me a letter +from Judge M. F. Caraway, in which he also expresses a wish for me to +come, and he fixes the place at Ossawatomie. This I believe is off +of the river, and will require more time and labor to get to it. It +will push me hard to get there without injury to my own business; but +I shall try to do it, though I am not yet quite certain I shall +succeed. + +I should like to know before coming, that while some of you wish me +to come, there may not be others who would quite as lief I would stay +away. Write me again. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. M. MORRIS. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 28, 1859. + +W. M. MORRIS, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Your kind note inviting me to deliver a lecture at +Galesburg is received. I regret to say I cannot do so now; I must +stick to the courts awhile. I read a sort of lecture to three +different audiences during the last month and this; but I did so +under circumstances which made it a waste of no time whatever. + +Yours very truly, + + + + +TO H. L. PIERCE AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, April 6, 1859. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your kind note inviting me to attend a festival in +Boston, on the 28th instant, in honor of the birthday of Thomas +Jefferson, was duly received. My engagements are such that I cannot +attend. + +Bearing in mind that about seventy years ago two great political +parties were first formed in this country, that Thomas Jefferson was +the head of one of them and Boston the headquarters of the other, it +is both curious and interesting that those supposed to descend +politically from the party opposed to Jefferson should now be +celebrating his birthday in their own original seat of empire, while +those claiming political descent from him have nearly ceased to +breathe his name everywhere. + +Remembering, too, that the Jefferson party was formed upon its +supposed superior devotion to the personal rights of men, holding the +rights of property to be secondary only, and greatly inferior, and +assuming that the so-called Democracy of to-day are the Jefferson, +and their opponents the anti-Jefferson, party, it will be equally +interesting to note how completely the two have changed hands as to +the principle upon which they were originally supposed to be divided. +The Democracy of to-day hold the liberty of one man to be absolutely +nothing, when in conflict with another man's right of property; +Republicans, on the contrary, are for both the man and the dollar, +but in case of conflict the man before the dollar. + +I remember being once much amused at seeing two partially intoxicated +men engaged in a fight with their great-coats on, which fight, after +a long and rather harmless contest, ended in each having fought +himself out of his own coat and into that of the other. If the two +leading parties of this day are really identical with the two in the +days of Jefferson and Adams, they have performed the same feat as the +two drunken men. + +But soberly, it is now no child's play to save the principles of +Jefferson from total overthrow in this nation. One would state with +great confidence that he could convince any sane child that the +simpler propositions of Euclid are true; but nevertheless he would +fail, utterly, with one who should deny the definitions and axioms. +The principles of Jefferson are the definitions and axioms of free +society. And yet they are denied and evaded, with no small show of +success. One dashingly calls them "glittering generalities." +Another bluntly calls them "self-evident lies." And others +insidiously argue that they apply to "superior races." These +expressions, differing in form, are identical in object and effect-- +the supplanting the principles of free government, and restoring +those of classification, caste, and legitimacy. They would delight a +convocation of crowned heads plotting against the people. They are +the vanguard, the miners and sappers, of returning despotism. We +must repulse them, or they will subjugate us. This is a world of +compensation; and he who would be no slave must consent to have no +slave. Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for +themselves, and, under a just God, cannot long retain it. All honor +to Jefferson to the man who, in the concrete pressure of a struggle +for national independence by a single people, had the coolness, +forecast, and capacity to introduce into a mere revolutionary +document an abstract truth, applicable to all men and all times, and +so to embalm it there that to-day and in all coming days it shall be +a rebuke and a stumbling-block to the very harbingers of reappearing +tyranny and oppression. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO T. CANISIUS. + +SPRINGFIELD, May 17, 1859. + +DR. THEODORE CANISIUS. + +DEAR SIR:--Your note asking, in behalf of yourself and other German +citizens, whether I am for or against the constitutional provision in +regard to naturalized citizens, lately adopted by Massachusetts, and +whether I am for or against a fusion of the Republicans and other +opposition elements for the canvass of 1860, is received. + +Massachusetts is a sovereign and independent State; and it is no +privilege of mine to scold her for what she does. Still, if from +what she has done an inference is sought to be drawn as to what I +would do, I may without impropriety speak out. I say, then, that, as +I understand the Massachusetts provision, I am against its adoption +in Illinois, or in any other place where I have a right to oppose it. +Understanding the spirit of our institutions to aim at the elevation +of men, I am opposed to whatever tends to degrade them. I have some +little notoriety for commiserating the oppressed negro; and I should +be strangely inconsistent if I could favor any project for curtailing +the existing rights of white men, even though born in different +lands, and speaking different languages from myself. As to the +matter of fusion, I am for it if it can be had on Republican grounds; +and I am not for it on any other terms. A fusion on any other terms +would be as foolish as unprincipled. It would lose the whole North, +while the common enemy would still carry the whole South. The +question of men is a different one. There are good, patriotic men +and able statesmen in the South whom I would cheerfully support, if +they would now place themselves on Republican ground, but I am +against letting down the Republican standard a hairsbreadth. + +I have written this hastily, but I believe it answers your questions +substantially. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE GOVERNOR, AUDITOR, AND TREASURER OF THE STATE OF ILLINOIS. + +GENTLEMEN: + +In reply to your inquiry; requesting our written opinion as to what +your duty requires you to do in executing the latter clause of the +Seventh Section of "An Act in relation to the payment of the +principal and interest of the State debt," approved Feb'y 22, 1859, +we reply that said last clause of said section is certainly +indefinite, general, and ambiguous in its description of the bonds to +be issued by you; giving no time at which the bonds are to be made +payable, no place at which either principal or interest are to be +paid, and no rate of interest which the bonds are to bear; nor any +other description except that they are to be coupon bonds, which in +commercial usage means interest-paying bonds with obligations or +orders attached to them for the payment of annual or semiannual +interest; there is we suppose no difficulty in ascertaining, if this +act stood alone, what ought to be the construction of the terms +"coupon bonds" and that it, would mean bonds bearing interest from +the time of issuing the same. And under this act considered by +itself the creditors would have a right to require such bonds. But +your inquiry in regard to a class of bonds on which no interest is to +be paid or shall begin to run until January 1 , 1860, is whether the +Act of February 18, 1857, would not authorize you to refuse to give +bonds with any coupons attached payable before the first day of July, +1860. We have very maturely considered this question and have arrived +at the conclusion that you have a right to use such measures as will +secure the State against the loss of six months' interest on these +bonds by the indefiniteness of the Act of 1859. While it cannot be +denied that the letter of the laws favor the construction claimed by +some of the creditors that interest-bearing bonds were required to be +issued to them, inasmuch as the restriction that no interest is to +run on said bonds unti1 1st January, 1860, relates solely to the +bonds issued under the Act of 1857. And the Act of 1859 directing +you to issue new bonds does not contain this restriction, but directs +you to issue coupon bonds. Nevertheless the very indefiniteness and +generality of the Act of 1859, giving no rate of interest, no time +due, no place of payment, no postponement of the time when interest +commences, necessarily implies that the Legislature intended to +invest you with a discretion to impose such terms and restrictions as +would protect the interest of the State; and we think you have a +right and that it is your duty to see that the State Bonds are so +issued that the State shall not lose six months' interest. Two plans +present themselves either of which will secure the State. 1st. If in +literal compliance with the law you issue bonds bearing interest from +1st July, 1859, you may deduct from the bonds presented three +thousand from every $100,000 of bonds and issue $97,000 of coupon +bonds; by this plan $3000 out of $100,000 of principal would be +extinguished in consideration of paying $2910 interest on the first +of January, 1860--and the interest on the $3000 would forever cease; +this would be no doubt most advantageous to the State. But if the +Auditor will not consent to this, then, 2nd. Cut off of each bond +all the coupons payable before 1st July, 1860. + +One of these plans would undoubtedly have been prescribed by the +Legislature if its attention had been directed to this question. + +May 28, 1859. + + + + +ON LINCOLN'S SCRAP BOOK + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, December 25, 1858. + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have just received yours of the 23rd inquiring +whether I received the newspapers you sent me by express. I did +receive them, and am very much obliged. There is some probability +that my scrap-book will be reprinted, and if it shall, I will save +you a copy. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + + +1859 + + + +FIRST SUGGESTION OF A PRESIDENTIAL OFFER. + +TO S. GALLOWAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., July 28, 1859. + +HON. SAMUEL GALLOWAY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very complimentary, not to say flattering, letter +of the 23d inst. is received. Dr. Reynolds had induced me to expect +you here; and I was disappointed not a little by your failure to +come. And yet I fear you have formed an estimate of me which can +scarcely be sustained on a personal acquaintance. + +Two things done by the Ohio Republican convention--the repudiation of +Judge Swan, and the "plank" for a repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law--I +very much regretted. These two things are of a piece; and they are +viewed by many good men, sincerely opposed to slavery, as a struggle +against, and in disregard of, the Constitution itself. And it is the +very thing that will greatly endanger our cause, if it be not kept +out of our national convention. There is another thing our friends +are doing which gives me some uneasiness. It is their leaning toward +"popular sovereignty." There are three substantial objections to +this: First, no party can command respect which sustains this year +what it opposed last. Secondly, Douglas (who is the most dangerous +enemy of liberty, because the most insidious one) would have little +support in the North, and by consequence, no capital to trade on in +the South, if it were not for his friends thus magnifying him and his +humbug. But lastly, and chiefly, Douglas's popular sovereignty, +accepted by the public mind as a just principle, nationalizes +slavery, and revives the African slave trade inevitably. + +Taking slaves into new Territories, and buying slaves in Africa, are +identical things, identical rights or identical wrongs, and the +argument which establishes one will establish the other. Try a +thousand years for a sound reason why Congress shall not hinder the +people of Kansas from having slaves, and, when you have found it, it +will be an equally good one why Congress should not hinder the people +of Georgia from importing slaves from Africa. + +As to Governor Chase, I have a kind side for him. He was one of the +few distinguished men of the nation who gave us, in Illinois, their +sympathy last year. I never saw him, but suppose him to be able and +right-minded; but still he may not be the most suitable as a +candidate for the Presidency. + +I must say I do not think myself fit for the Presidency. As you +propose a correspondence with me, I shall look for your letters +anxiously. + +I have not met Dr. Reynolds since receiving your letter; but when I +shall, I will present your respects as requested. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +IT IS BAD TO BE POOR. + +TO HAWKINS TAYLOR + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. Sept. 6, 1859. + +HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 3d is just received. There is some mistake +about my expected attendance of the U.S. Court in your city on the 3d +Tuesday of this month. I have had no thought of being there. + +It is bad to be poor. I shall go to the wall for bread and meat if I +neglect my business this year as well as last. It would please me +much to see the city and good people of Keokuk, but for this year it +is little less than an impossibility. I am constantly receiving +invitations which I am compelled to decline. I was pressingly urged +to go to Minnesota; and I now have two invitations to go to Ohio. +These last are prompted by Douglas going there; and I am really +tempted to make a flying trip to Columbus and Cincinnati. + +I do hope you will have no serious trouble in Iowa. What thinks +Grimes about it? I have not known him to be mistaken about an +election in Iowa. Present my respects to Col. Carter, and any other +friends, and believe me + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SPEECH AT COLUMBUS, OHIO. + +SEPTEMBER 16, 1859. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF OHIO: I cannot fail to remember that +I appear for the first time before an audience in this now great +State,--an audience that is accustomed to hear such speakers as +Corwin, and Chase, and Wade, and many other renowned men; and, +remembering this, I feel that it will be well for you, as for me, +that you should not raise your expectations to that standard to which +you would have been justified in raising them had one of these +distinguished men appeared before you. You would perhaps be only +preparing a disappointment for yourselves, and, as a consequence of +your disappointment, mortification to me. I hope, therefore, that +you will commence with very moderate expectations; and perhaps, if +you will give me your attention, I shall be able to interest you to a +moderate degree. + +Appearing here for the first time in my life, I have been somewhat +embarrassed for a topic by way of introduction to my speech; but I +have been relieved from that embarrassment by an introduction which +the Ohio Statesman newspaper gave me this morning. In this paper I +have read an article, in which, among other statements, I find the +following: + +"In debating with Senator Douglas during the memorable contest of +last fall, Mr. Lincoln declared in favor of negro suffrage, and +attempted to defend that vile conception against the Little Giant." + +I mention this now, at the opening of my remarks, for the purpose of +making three comments upon it. The first I have already announced,-- +it furnishes me an introductory topic; the second is to show that the +gentleman is mistaken; thirdly, to give him an opportunity to correct +it. + +In the first place, in regard to this matter being a mistake. I have +found that it is not entirely safe, when one is misrepresented under +his very nose, to allow the misrepresentation to go uncontradicted. +I therefore propose, here at the outset, not only to say that this is +a misrepresentation, but to show conclusively that it is so; and you +will bear with me while I read a couple of extracts from that very +"memorable" debate with Judge Douglas last year, to which this +newspaper refers. In the first pitched battle which Senator Douglas +and myself had, at the town of Ottawa, I used the language which I +will now read. Having been previously reading an extract, I +continued as follows: + +"Now, gentlemen, I don't want to read at any greater length, but this +is the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to the +institution of slavery and the black race. This is the whole of it; +and anything that argues me into his idea of perfect social and +political equality with the negro, is but a specious and fantastic +arrangement of words, by which a man can prove a horse-chestnut to be +a chestnut horse. I will say here, while upon this subject, that I +have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the +institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I +have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. I +have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between +the white and the black races. There is a physical difference +between the two which, in my judgment, will probably forbid their +ever living together upon the footing of perfect equality; and +inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, +I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I +belong having the superior position. I have never said anything to +the contrary, but I hold that, notwithstanding all this, there is no +reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural +rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence,--the right to +life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as +much entitled to these as the white man. I agree with judge Douglas, +he is not my equal in many respects,--certainly not in color, perhaps +not in moral or intellectual endowments. But in the right to eat the +bread, without leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is +my equal, and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every +living man." + +Upon a subsequent occasion, when the reason for making a statement +like this occurred, I said: + +"While I was at the hotel to-day an elderly gentleman called upon me +to know whether I was really in favor of producing perfect equality +between the negroes and white people. While I had not proposed to +myself on this occasion to say much on that subject, yet, as the +question was asked me, I thought I would occupy perhaps five minutes +in saying something in regard to it. I will say, then, that I am +not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the +social and political equality of the white and black races; that I am +not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of +negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, or intermarry with +the white people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a +physical difference between the white and black races which I believe +will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social +and political equality. And inasmuch as they can not so live, while +they do remain together there must be the position of superior and +inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the +superior position assigned to the white race. I say upon this +occasion I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the +superior position, the negro should be denied everything. I do not +understand that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I +must necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is that I can +just let her alone. I am now in my fiftieth year, and I certainly +never have had a black woman for either a slave or a wife. So it +seems to me quite possible for us to get along without making either +slaves or wives of negroes. I will add to this that I have never +seen, to my knowledge, a man, woman, or child, who was in favor of +producing perfect equality, social and political, between negroes and +white men. I recollect of but one distinguished instance that I ever +heard of so frequently as to be satisfied of its correctness, and +that is the case of Judge Douglas's old friend Colonel Richard M. +Johnson. I will also add to the remarks I have made (for I am not +going to enter at large upon this subject, that I have never had the +least apprehension that I or my friends would marry negroes, if there +was no law to keep them from it; but as judge Douglas and his friends +seem to be in great apprehension that they might, if there were no +law to keep them from it, I give him the most solemn pledge that I +will to the very last stand by the law of the State which forbids the +marrying of white people with negroes." + +There, my friends, you have briefly what I have, upon former +occasions, said upon this subject to which this newspaper, to the +extent of its ability, has drawn the public attention. In it you not +only perceive, as a probability, that in that contest I did not at +any time say I was in favor of negro suffrage, but the absolute proof +that twice--once substantially, and once expressly--I declared +against it. Having shown you this, there remains but a word of +comment upon that newspaper article. It is this, that I presume the +editor of that paper is an honest and truth-loving man, and that he +will be greatly obliged to me for furnishing him thus early an +opportunity to correct the misrepresentation he has made, before it +has run so long that malicious people can call him a liar. + +The Giant himself has been here recently. I have seen a brief report +of his speech. If it were otherwise unpleasant to me to introduce +the subject of the negro as a topic for discussion, I might be +somewhat relieved by the fact that he dealt exclusively in that +subject while he was here. I shall, therefore, without much +hesitation or diffidence, enter upon this subject. + +The American people, on the first day of January, 1854, found the +African slave trade prohibited by a law of Congress. In a majority +of the States of this Union, they found African slavery, or any other +sort of slavery, prohibited by State constitutions. They also found +a law existing, supposed to be valid, by which slavery was excluded +from almost all the territory the United States then owned. This was +the condition of the country, with reference to the institution of +slavery, on the first of January, 1854. A few days after that, a +bill was introduced into Congress, which ran through its regular +course in the two branches of the national legislature, and finally +passed into a law in the month of May, by which the Act of Congress +prohibiting slavery from going into the Territories of the United +States was repealed. In connection with the law itself, and, in +fact, in the terms of the law, the then existing prohibition was not +only repealed, but there was a declaration of a purpose on the part +of Congress never thereafter to exercise any power that they might +have, real or supposed, to prohibit the extension or spread of +slavery. This was a very great change; for the law thus repealed was +of more than thirty years' standing. Following rapidly upon the +heels of this action of Congress, a decision of the Supreme Court is +made, by which it is declared that Congress, if it desires to +prohibit the spread of slavery into the Territories, has no +constitutional power to do so. Not only so, but that decision lays +down principles which, if pushed to their logical conclusion,--I say +pushed to their logical conclusion,--would decide that the +constitutions of free States, forbidding slavery, are themselves +unconstitutional. Mark me, I do not say the judges said this, and +let no man say I affirm the judges used these words; but I only say +it is my opinion that what they did say, if pressed to its logical +conclusion, will inevitably result thus. + +Looking at these things, the Republican party, as I understand its +principles and policy, believes that there is great danger of the +institution of slavery being spread out and extended until it is +ultimately made alike lawful in all the States of this Union; so +believing, to prevent that incidental and ultimate consummation is +the original and chief purpose of the Republican organization. I say +"chief purpose" of the Republican organization; for it is certainly +true that if the National House shall fall into the hands of the +Republicans, they will have to attend to all the other matters of +national house-keeping, as well as this. The chief and real purpose +of the Republican party is eminently conservative. It proposes +nothing save and except to restore this government to its original +tone in regard to this element of slavery, and there to maintain it, +looking for no further change in reference to it than that which the +original framers of the Government themselves expected and looked +forward to. + +The chief danger to this purpose of the Republican party is not just +now the revival of the African slave trade, or the passage of a +Congressional slave code, or the declaring of a second Dred Scott +decision, making slavery lawful in all the States. These are not +pressing us just now. They are not quite ready yet. The authors of +these measures know that we are too strong for them; but they will be +upon us in due time, and we will be grappling with them hand to hand, +if they are not now headed off. They are not now the chief danger to +the purpose of the Republican organization; but the most imminent +danger that now threatens that purpose is that insidious Douglas +popular sovereignty. This is the miner and sapper. While it does +not propose to revive the African slave trade, nor to pass a slave +code, nor to make a second Dred Scott decision, it is preparing us +for the onslaught and charge of these ultimate enemies when they +shall be ready to come on, and the word of command for them to +advance shall be given. I say this "Douglas popular sovereignty"; +for there is a broad distinction, as I now understand it, between +that article and a genuine popular sovereignty. + +I believe there is a genuine popular sovereignty. I think a +definition of "genuine popular sovereignty," in the abstract, would +be about this: That each man shall do precisely as he pleases with +himself, and with all those things which exclusively concern him. +Applied to government, this principle would be, that a general +government shall do all those things which pertain to it, and all the +local governments shall do precisely as they please in respect to +those matters which exclusively concern them. I understand that this +government of the United States, under which we live, is based upon +this principle; and I am misunderstood if it is supposed that I have +any war to make upon that principle. + +Now, what is judge Douglas's popular sovereignty? It is, as a +principle, no other than that if one man chooses to make a slave of +another man neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to +object. Applied in government, as he seeks to apply it, it is this: +If, in a new Territory into which a few people are beginning to enter +for the purpose of making their homes, they choose to either exclude +slavery from their limits or to establish it there, however one or +the other may affect the persons to be enslaved, or the infinitely +greater number of persons who are afterwards to inhabit that +Territory, or the other members of the families of communities, of +which they are but an incipient member, or the general head of the +family of States as parent of all, however their action may affect +one or the other of these, there is no power or right to interfere. +That is Douglas's popular sovereignty applied. + +He has a good deal of trouble with popular sovereignty. His +explanations explanatory of explanations explained are interminable. +The most lengthy, and, as I suppose, the most maturely considered of +this long series of explanations is his great essay in Harper's +Magazine. I will not attempt to enter on any very thorough +investigation of his argument as there made and presented. I will +nevertheless occupy a good portion of your time here in drawing your +attention to certain points in it. Such of you as may have read this +document will have perceived that the judge early in the document +quotes from two persons as belonging to the Republican party, without +naming them, but who can readily be recognized as being Governor +Seward of New York and myself. It is true that exactly fifteen +months ago this day, I believe, I for the first time expressed a +sentiment upon this subject, and in such a manner that it should get +into print, that the public might see it beyond the circle of my +hearers; and my expression of it at that time is the quotation that +Judge Douglas makes. He has not made the quotation with accuracy, but +justice to him requires me to say that it is sufficiently accurate +not to change the sense. + +The sense of that quotation condensed is this: that this slavery +element is a durable element of discord among us, and that we shall +probably not have perfect peace in this country with it until it +either masters the free principle in our government, or is so far +mastered by the free principle as for the public mind to rest in the +belief that it is going to its end. This sentiment, which I now +express in this way, was, at no great distance of time, perhaps in +different language, and in connection with some collateral ideas, +expressed by Governor Seward. Judge Douglas has been so much annoyed +by the expression of that sentiment that he has constantly, I +believe, in almost all his speeches since it was uttered, been +referring to it. I find he alluded to it in his speech here, as well +as in the copyright essay. I do not now enter upon this for the +purpose of making an elaborate argument to show that we were right in +the expression of that sentiment. In other words, I shall not stop +to say all that might properly be said upon this point, but I only +ask your attention to it for the purpose of making one or two points +upon it. + +If you will read the copyright essay, you will discover that judge +Douglas himself says a controversy between the American Colonies and +the Government of Great Britain began on the slavery question in +1699, and continued from that time until the Revolution; and, while +he did not say so, we all know that it has continued with more or +less violence ever since the Revolution. + +Then we need not appeal to history, to the declarations of the +framers of the government, but we know from judge Douglas himself +that slavery began to be an element of discord among the white people +of this country as far back as 1699, or one hundred and sixty years +ago, or five generations of men,--counting thirty years to a +generation. Now, it would seem to me that it might have occurred to +Judge Douglas, or anybody who had turned his attention to these +facts, that there was something in the nature of that thing, slavery, +somewhat durable for mischief and discord. + +There is another point I desire to make in regard to this matter, +before I leave it. From the adoption of the Constitution down to 1820 +is the precise period of our history when we had comparative peace +upon this question,--the precise period of time when we came nearer +to having peace about it than any other time of that entire one +hundred and sixty years in which he says it began, or of the eighty +years of our own Constitution. Then it would be worth our while to +stop and examine into the probable reason of our coming nearer to +having peace then than at any other time. This was the precise +period of time in which our fathers adopted, and during which they +followed, a policy restricting the spread of slavery, and the whole +Union was acquiescing in it. The whole country looked forward to the +ultimate extinction of the institution. It was when a policy had +been adopted, and was prevailing, which led all just and right-minded +men to suppose that slavery was gradually coming to an end, and that +they might be quiet about it, watching it as it expired. I think +Judge Douglas might have perceived that too; and whether he did or +not, it is worth the attention of fair-minded men, here and +elsewhere, to consider whether that is not the truth of the case. If +he had looked at these two facts,--that this matter has been an +element of discord for one hundred and sixty years among this people, +and that the only comparative peace we have had about it was when +that policy prevailed in this government which he now wars upon, he +might then, perhaps, have been brought to a more just appreciation of +what I said fifteen months ago,--that "a house divided against itself +cannot stand. I believe that this government cannot endure +permanently, half slave and half free. I do not expect the house to +fall, I do not expect the Union to dissolve; but I do expect it will +cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. +Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, +and place it where the public mind will rest in the belief that it is +in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it +forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as +well as new, North as well as South." That was my sentiment at that +time. In connection with it, I said: "We are now far into the fifth +year since a policy was inaugurated with the avowed object and +confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the +operation of the policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but +has constantly augmented." I now say to you here that we are +advanced still farther into the sixth year since that policy of Judge +Douglas--that popular sovereignty of his--for quieting the slavery +question was made the national policy. Fifteen months more have been +added since I uttered that sentiment; and I call upon you and all +other right-minded men to say whether that fifteen months have belied +or corroborated my words. + +While I am here upon this subject, I cannot but express gratitude +that this true view of this element of discord among us--as I believe +it is--is attracting more and more attention. I do not believe that +Governor Seward uttered that sentiment because I had done so before, +but because he reflected upon this subject and saw the truth of it. +Nor do I believe because Governor Seward or I uttered it that Mr. +Hickman of Pennsylvania, in, different language, since that time, has +declared his belief in the utter antagonism which exists between the +principles of liberty and slavery. You see we are multiplying. Now, +while I am speaking of Hickman, let me say, I know but little about +him. I have never seen him, and know scarcely anything about the +man; but I will say this much of him: Of all the anti-Lecompton +Democracy that have been brought to my notice, he alone has the true, +genuine ring of the metal. And now, without indorsing anything else +he has said, I will ask this audience to give three cheers for +Hickman. [The audience responded with three rousing cheers for +Hickman.] + +Another point in the copyright essay to which I would ask your +attention is rather a feature to be extracted from the whole thing, +than from any express declaration of it at any point. It is a +general feature of that document, and, indeed, of all of Judge +Douglas's discussions of this question, that the Territories of the +United States and the States of this Union are exactly alike; that +there is no difference between them at all; that the Constitution +applies to the Territories precisely as it does to the States; and +that the United States Government, under the Constitution, may not do +in a State what it may not do in a Territory, and what it must do in +a State it must do in a Territory. Gentlemen, is that a true view of +the case? It is necessary for this squatter sovereignty, but is it +true? + +Let us consider. What does it depend upon? It depends altogether +upon the proposition that the States must, without the interference +of the General Government, do all those things that pertain +exclusively to themselves,--that are local in their nature, that have +no connection with the General Government. After Judge Douglas has +established this proposition, which nobody disputes or ever has +disputed, he proceeds to assume, without proving it, that slavery is +one of those little, unimportant, trivial matters which are of just +about as much consequence as the question would be to me whether my +neighbor should raise horned cattle or plant tobacco; that there is +no moral question about it, but that it is altogether a matter of +dollars and cents; that when a new Territory is opened for +settlement, the first man who goes into it may plant there a thing +which, like the Canada thistle or some other of those pests of the +soil, cannot be dug out by the millions of men who will come +thereafter; that it is one of those little things that is so trivial +in its nature that it has nor effect upon anybody save the few men +who first plant upon the soil; that it is not a thing which in any +way affects the family of communities composing these States, nor any +way endangers the General Government. Judge Douglas ignores +altogether the very well known fact that we have never had a serious +menace to our political existence, except it sprang from this thing, +which he chooses to regard as only upon a par with onions and +potatoes. + +Turn it, and contemplate it in another view. He says that, according +to his popular sovereignty, the General Government may give to the +Territories governors, judges, marshals, secretaries, and all the +other chief men to govern them, but they, must not touch upon this +other question. Why? The question of who shall be governor of a +Territory for a year or two, and pass away, without his track being +left upon the soil, or an act which he did for good or for evil being +left behind, is a question of vast national magnitude; it is so much +opposed in its nature to locality that the nation itself must decide +it: while this other matter of planting slavery upon a soil,--a thing +which, once planted, cannot be eradicated by the succeeding millions +who have as much right there as the first comers, or, if eradicated, +not without infinite difficulty and a long struggle, he considers the +power to prohibit it as one of these little local, trivial things +that the nation ought not to say a word about; that it affects nobody +save the few men who are there. + +Take these two things and consider them together, present the +question of planting a State with the institution of slavery by the +side of a question who shall be Governor of Kansas for a year or two, +and is there a man here, is there a man on earth, who would not say +the governor question is the little one, and the slavery question is +the great one? I ask any honest Democrat if the small, the local, +and the trivial and temporary question is not, Who shall be governor? +while the durable, the important, and the mischievous one is, Shall +this soil be planted with slavery? + +This is an idea, I suppose, which has arisen in Judge Douglas's mind +from his peculiar structure. I suppose the institution of slavery +really looks small to him. He is so put up by nature that a lash +upon his back would hurt him, but a lash upon anybody else's back +does not hurt him. That is the build of the man, and consequently he +looks upon the matter of slavery in this unimportant light. + +Judge Douglas ought to remember, when he is endeavoring to force this +policy upon the American people, that while he is put up in that way, +a good many are not. He ought to remember that there was once in +this country a man by the name of Thomas Jefferson, supposed to be a +Democrat,--a man whose principles and policy are not very prevalent +amongst Democrats to-day, it is true; but that man did not take +exactly this view of the insignificance of the element of slavery +which our friend judge Douglas does. In contemplation of this thing, +we all know he was led to exclaim, "I tremble for my country when I +remember that God is just!" We know how he looked upon it when he +thus expressed himself. There was danger to this country,--danger of +the avenging justice of God, in that little unimportant popular +sovereignty question of judge Douglas. He supposed there was a +question of God's eternal justice wrapped up in the enslaving of any +race of men, or any man, and that those who did so braved the arm of +Jehovah; that when a nation thus dared the Almighty, every friend of +that nation had cause to dread his wrath. Choose ye between +Jefferson and Douglas as to what is the true view of this element +among us. + +There is another little difficulty about this matter of treating the +Territories and States alike in all things, to which I ask your +attention, and I shall leave this branch of the case. If there is no +difference between them, why not make the Territories States at once? +What is the reason that Kansas was not fit to come into the Union +when it was organized into a Territory, in Judge Douglas's view? Can +any of you tell any reason why it should not have come into the Union +at once? They are fit, as he thinks, to decide upon the slavery +question,--the largest and most important with which they could +possibly deal: what could they do by coming into the Union that they +are not fit to do, according to his view, by staying out of it? Oh, +they are not fit to sit in Congress and decide upon the rates of +postage, or questions of ad valorem or specific duties on foreign +goods, or live-oak timber contracts, they are not fit to decide these +vastly important matters, which are national in their import, but +they are fit, "from the jump," to decide this little negro question. +But, gentlemen, the case is too plain; I occupy too much time on this +head, and I pass on. + +Near the close of the copyright essay, the judge, I think, comes very +near kicking his own fat into the fire. I did not think, when I +commenced these remarks, that I would read that article, but I now +believe I will: + +"This exposition of the history of these measures shows conclusively +that the authors of the Compromise measures of 1850 and of the +Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, as well as the members of the +Continental Congress of 1774., and the founders of our system of +government subsequent to the Revolution, regarded the people of the +Territories and Colonies as political communities which were entitled +to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their provisional +legislatures, where their representation could alone be preserved, in +all cases of taxation and internal polity." + +When the judge saw that putting in the word "slavery" would +contradict his own history, he put in what he knew would pass +synonymous with it,"internal polity." Whenever we find that in one +of his speeches, the substitute is used in this manner; and I can +tell you the reason. It would be too bald a contradiction to say +slavery; but "internal polity" is a general phrase, which would pass +in some quarters, and which he hopes will pass with the reading +community for the same thing. + +"This right pertains to the people collectively, as a law-abiding and +peaceful community, and not in the isolated individuals who may +wander upon the public domain in violation of the law. It can only be +exercised where there are inhabitants sufficient to constitute a +government, and capable of performing its various functions and +duties,--a fact to be ascertained and determined by "who do you +think? Judge Douglas says "by Congress!" "Whether the number shall +be fixed at ten, fifteen or twenty thousand inhabitants, does not +affect the principle." + +Now, I have only a few comments to make. Popular sovereignty, by his +own words, does not pertain to the few persons who wander upon the +public domain in violation of law. We have his words for that. When +it does pertain to them, is when they are sufficient to be formed +into an organized political community, and he fixes the minimum for +that at ten thousand, and the maximum at twenty thousand. Now, I +would like to know what is to be done with the nine thousand? Are +they all to be treated, until they are large enough to be organized +into a political community, as wanderers upon the public land, in +violation of law? And if so treated and driven out, at what point of +time would there ever be ten thousand? If they were not driven out, +but remained there as trespassers upon the public land in violation +of the law, can they establish slavery there? No; the judge says +popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. Can they exclude it +then? No; popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. I would +like to know, in the case covered by the essay, what condition the +people of the Territory are in before they reach the number of ten +thousand? + +But the main point I wish to ask attention to is, that the question +as to when they shall have reached a sufficient number to be formed +into a regular organized community is to be decided "by Congress." +Judge Douglas says so. Well, gentlemen, that is about all we want. +No, that is all the Southerners want. That is what all those who are +for slavery want. They do not want Congress to prohibit slavery from +coming into the new Territories, and they do not want popular +sovereignty to hinder it; and as Congress is to say when they are +ready to be organized, all that the South has to do is to get +Congress to hold off. Let Congress hold off until they are ready to +be admitted as a State, and the South has all it wants in taking +slavery into and planting it in all the Territories that we now have +or hereafter may have. In a word, the whole thing, at a dash of the +pen, is at last put in the power of Congress; for if they do not have +this popular sovereignty until Congress organizes them, I ask if it +at last does not come from Congress? If, at last, it amounts to +anything at all, Congress gives it to them. I submit this rather for +your reflection than for comment. After all that is said, at last, +by a dash of the pen, everything that has gone before is undone, and +he puts the whole question under the control of Congress. After +fighting through more than three hours, if you undertake to read it, +he at last places the whole matter under the control of that power +which he has been contending against, and arrives at a result +directly contrary to what he had been laboring to do. He at last +leaves the whole matter to the control of Congress. + +There are two main objects, as I understand it, of this Harper's +Magazine essay. One was to show, if possible, that the men of our +Revolutionary times were in favor of his popular sovereignty, and the +other was to show that the Dred Scott decision had not entirely +squelched out this popular sovereignty. I do not propose, in regard +to this argument drawn from the history of former times, to enter +into a detailed examination of the historical statements he has made. +I have the impression that they are inaccurate in a great many +instances,--sometimes in positive statement, but very much more +inaccurate by the suppression of statements that really belong to the +history. But I do not propose to affirm that this is so to any very +great extent, or to enter into a very minute examination of his +historical statements. I avoid doing so upon this principle,--that +if it were important for me to pass out of this lot in the least +period of time possible, and I came to that fence, and saw by a +calculation of my known strength and agility that I could clear it at +a bound, it would be folly for me to stop and consider whether I +could or not crawl through a crack. So I say of the whole history +contained in his essay where he endeavored to link the men of the +Revolution to popular sovereignty. It only requires an effort to +leap out of it, a single bound to be entirely successful. If you +read it over, you will find that he quotes here and there from +documents of the Revolutionary times, tending to show that the people +of the colonies were desirous of regulating their own concerns in +their own way, that the British Government should not interfere; that +at one time they struggled with the British Government to be +permitted to exclude the African slave trade,--if not directly, to be +permitted to exclude it indirectly, by taxation sufficient to +discourage and destroy it. From these and many things of this sort, +judge Douglas argues that they were in favor of the people of our own +Territories excluding slavery if they wanted to, or planting it there +if they wanted to, doing just as they pleased from the time they +settled upon the Territory. Now, however his history may apply and +whatever of his argument there may be that is sound and accurate or +unsound and inaccurate, if we can find out what these men did +themselves do upon this very question of slavery in the Territories, +does it not end the whole thing? If, after all this labor and effort +to show that the men of the Revolution were in favor of his popular +sovereignty and his mode of dealing with slavery in the Territories, +we can show that these very men took hold of that subject, and dealt +with it, we can see for ourselves how they dealt with it. It is not +a matter of argument or inference, but we know what they thought +about it. + +It is precisely upon that part of the history of the country that one +important omission is made by Judge Douglas. He selects parts of the +history of the United States upon the subject of slavery, and treats +it as the whole, omitting from his historical sketch the legislation +of Congress in regard to the admission of Missouri, by which the +Missouri Compromise was established and slavery excluded from a +country half as large as the present United States. All this is left +out of his history, and in nowise alluded to by him, so far as I can +remember, save once, when he makes a remark, that upon his principle +the Supreme Court were authorized to pronounce a decision that the +act called the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional. All that +history has been left out. But this part of the history of the +country was not made by the men of the Revolution. + +There was another part of our political history, made by the very men +who were the actors in the Revolution, which has taken the name of +the Ordinance of '87. Let me bring that history to your attention. +In 1784, I believe, this same Mr. Jefferson drew up an ordinance for +the government of the country upon which we now stand, or, rather, a +frame or draft of an ordinance for the government of this country, +here in Ohio, our neighbors in Indiana, us who live in Illinois, our +neighbors in Wisconsin and Michigan. In that ordinance, drawn up not +only for the government of that Territory, but for the Territories +south of the Ohio River, Mr. Jefferson expressly provided for the +prohibition of slavery. Judge Douglas says, and perhaps is right, +that that provision was lost from that ordinance. I believe that is +true. When the vote was taken upon it, a majority of all present in +the Congress of the Confederation voted for it; but there were so +many absentees that those voting for it did not make the clear +majority necessary, and it was lost. But three years after that, the +Congress of the Confederation were together again, and they adopted a +new ordinance for the government of this Northwest Territory, not +contemplating territory south of the river, for the States owning +that territory had hitherto refrained from giving it to the General +Government; hence they made the ordinance to apply only to what the +Government owned. In fact, the provision excluding slavery was +inserted aside, passed unanimously, or at any rate it passed and +became a part of the law of the land. Under that ordinance we live. +First here in Ohio you were a Territory; then an enabling act was +passed, authorizing you to form a constitution and State Government, +provided it was republican and not in conflict with the Ordinance of +'87. When you framed your constitution and presented it for +admission, I think you will find the legislation upon the subject +will show that, whereas you had formed a constitution that was +republican, and not in conflict with the Ordinance of '87, therefore +you were admitted upon equal footing with the original States. The +same process in a few years was gone through with in Indiana, and so +with Illinois, and the same substantially with Michigan and +Wisconsin. + +Not only did that Ordinance prevail, but it was constantly looked to +whenever a step was taken by a new Territory to become a State. +Congress always turned their attention to it, and in all their +movements upon this subject they traced their course by that +Ordinance of '87. When they admitted new States, they advertised +them of this Ordinance, as a part of the legislation of the country. +They did so because they had traced the Ordinance of '87 throughout +the history of this country. Begin with the men of the Revolution, +and go down for sixty entire years, and until the last scrap of that +Territory comes into the Union in the form of the State of Wisconsin, +everything was made to conform with the Ordinance of '87, excluding +slavery from that vast extent of country. + +I omitted to mention in the right place that the Constitution of the +United States was in process of being framed when that Ordinance was +made by the Congress of the Confederation; and one of the first Acts +of Congress itself, under the new Constitution itself, was to give +force to that Ordinance by putting power to carry it out in the hands +of the new officers under the Constitution, in the place of the old +ones, who had been legislated out of existence by the change in the +Government from the Confederation to the Constitution. Not only so, +but I believe Indiana once or twice, if not Ohio, petitioned the +General Government for the privilege of suspending that provision and +allowing them to have slaves. A report made by Mr. Randolph, of +Virginia, himself a slaveholder, was directly against it, and the +action was to refuse them the privilege of violating the Ordinance of +'87. + +This period of history, which I have run over briefly, is, I presume, +as familiar to most of this assembly as any other part of the history +of our country. I suppose that few of my hearers are not as familiar +with that part of history as I am, and I only mention it to recall +your attention to it at this time. And hence I ask how extraordinary +a thing it is that a man who has occupied a position upon the floor +of the Senate of the United States, who is now in his third term, and +who looks to see the government of this whole country fall into his +own hands, pretending to give a truthful and accurate history o the +slavery question in this country, should so entirely ignore the whole +of that portion of our history--the most important of all. Is it not +a most extraordinary spectacle that a man should stand up and ask for +any confidence in his statements who sets out as he does with +portions of history, calling upon the people to believe that it is a +true and fair representation, when the leading part and controlling +feature of the whole history is carefully suppressed? + +But the mere leaving out is not the most remarkable feature of this +most remarkable essay. His proposition is to establish that the +leading men of the Revolution were for his great principle of +nonintervention by the government in the question of slavery in the +Territories, while history shows that they decided, in the cases +actually brought before them, in exactly the contrary way, and he +knows it. Not only did they so decide at that time, but they stuck +to it during sixty years, through thick and thin, as long as there +was one of the Revolutionary heroes upon the stage of political +action. Through their whole course, from first to last, they clung +to freedom. And now he asks the community to believe that the men of +the Revolution were in favor of his great principle, when we have the +naked history that they themselves dealt with this very subject +matter of his principle, and utterly repudiated his principle, acting +upon a precisely contrary ground. It is as impudent and absurd as if +a prosecuting attorney should stand up before a jury and ask them +to convict A as the murderer of B, while B was walking alive before +them. + +I say, again, if judge Douglas asserts that the men of the Revolution +acted upon principles by which, to be consistent with themselves, +they ought to have adopted his popular sovereignty, then, upon a +consideration of his own argument, he had a right to make ,you +believe that they understood the principles of government, but +misapplied them, that he has arisen to enlighten the world as to the +just application of this principle. He has a right to try to +persuade you that he understands their principles better than they +did, and, therefore, he will apply them now, not as they did, but as +they ought to have done. He has a right to go before the community +and try to convince them of this, but he has no right to attempt to +impose upon any one the belief that these men themselves approved of +his great principle. There are two ways of establishing a +proposition. One is by trying to demonstrate it upon reason, and the +other is, to show that great men in former times have thought so and +so, and thus to pass it by the weight of pure authority. Now, if +Judge Douglas will demonstrate somehow that this is popular +sovereignty,--the right of one man to make a slave of another, +without any right in that other or any one else to object,- +-demonstrate it as Euclid demonstrated propositions,--there is no +objection. But when he comes forward, seeking to carry a principle +by bringing to it the authority of men who themselves utterly +repudiate that principle, I ask that he shall not be permitted to do +it. + +I see, in the judge's speech here, a short sentence in these words: +"Our fathers, when they formed this government under which we live, +understood this question just as well, and even better than, we do +now." That is true; I stick to that. I will stand by Judge Douglas +in that to the bitter end. And now, Judge Douglas, come and stand by +me, and truthfully show how they acted, understanding it better than +we do. All I ask of you, Judge Douglas, is to stick to the +proposition that the men of the Revolution understood this subject +better than we do now, and with that better understanding they acted +better than you are trying to act now. + +I wish to say something now in regard to the Dred Scott decision, as +dealt with by Judge Douglas. In that "memorable debate" between +Judge Douglas and myself, last year, the judge thought fit to +commence a process of catechising me, and at Freeport I answered his +questions, and propounded some to him. Among others propounded to +him was one that I have here now. The substance, as I remember it, +is, "Can the people of a United States Territory, under the Dred +Scott decision, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of +the United States, exclude slavery from its limits, prior to the +formation of a State constitution?" He answered that they could +lawfully exclude slavery from the United States Territories, +notwithstanding the Dred Scot decision. There was something about +that answer that has probably been a trouble to the judge ever since. + +The Dred Scott decision expressly gives every citizen of the United +States a right to carry his slaves into the United States +Territories. And now there was some inconsistency in saying that the +decision was right, and saying, too, that the people of the Territory +could lawfully drive slavery out again. When all the trash, the +words, the collateral matter, was cleared away from it, all the chaff +was fanned out of it, it was a bare absurdity,--no less than that a +thing may be lawfully driven away from where it has a lawful right to +be. Clear it of all the verbiage, and that is the naked truth of his +proposition,--that a thing may be lawfully driven from the place +where it has a lawful right to stay. Well, it was because the judge +could n't help seeing this that he has had so much trouble with it; +and what I want to ask your especial attention to, just now, is to +remind you, if you have not noticed the fact, that the judge does not +any longer say that the people can exclude slavery. He does not say +so in the copyright essay; he did not say so in the speech that he +made here; and, so far as I know, since his re-election to the Senate +he has never said, as he did at Freeport, that the people of the +Territories can exclude slavery. He desires that you, who wish the +Territories to remain free, should believe that he stands by that +position; but he does not say it himself. He escapes to some extent +the absurd position I have stated, by changing his language entirely. +What he says now is something different in language, and we will +consider whether it is not different in sense too. It is now that +the Dred Scott decision, or rather the Constitution under that +decision, does not carry slavery into the Territories beyond the +power of the people of the Territories to control it as other +property. He does not say the people can drive it out, but they can +control it as other property. The language is different; we should +consider whether the sense is different. Driving a horse out of this +lot is too plain a proposition to be mistaken about; it is putting +him on the other side of the fence. Or it might be a sort of +exclusion of him from the lot if you were to kill him and let the +worms devour him; but neither of these things is the same as +"controlling him as other property." That would be to feed him, to +pamper him, to ride him, to use and abuse him, to make the most money +out of him, "as other property"; but, please you, what do the men who +are in favor of slavery want more than this? What do they really +want, other than that slavery, being in the Territories, shall be +controlled as other property? If they want anything else, I do not +comprehend it. I ask your attention to this, first, for the purpose +of pointing out the change of ground the judge has made; and, in the +second place, the importance of the change,--that that change is not +such as to give you gentlemen who want his popular sovereignty the +power to exclude the institution or drive it out at all. I know the +judge sometimes squints at the argument that in controlling it as +other property by unfriendly legislation they may control it to +death; as you might, in the case of a horse, perhaps, feed him so +lightly and ride him so much that he would die. But when you come to +legislative control, there is something more to be attended to. I +have no doubt, myself, that if the Territories should undertake to +control slave property as other property that is, control it in such +a way that it would be the most valuable as property, and make it +bear its just proportion in the way of burdens as property, really +deal with it as property,--the Supreme Court of the United States +will say, "God speed you, and amen." But I undertake to give the +opinion, at least, that if the Territories attempt by any direct +legislation to drive the man with his slave out of the Territory, or +to decide that his slave is free because of his being taken in there, +or to tax him to such an extent that he cannot keep him there, the +Supreme Court will unhesitatingly decide all such legislation +unconstitutional, as long as that Supreme Court is constructed as the +Dred Scott Supreme Court is. The first two things they have already +decided, except that there is a little quibble among lawyers between +the words "dicta" and "decision." They have already decided a negro +cannot be made free by Territorial legislation. + +What is the Dred Scott decision? Judge Douglas labors to show that +it is one thing, while I think it is altogether different. It is a +long opinion, but it is all embodied in this short statement: "The +Constitution of the United States forbids Congress to deprive a man +of his property, without due process of law; the right of property in +slaves is distinctly and expressly affirmed in that Constitution: +therefore, if Congress shall undertake to say that a man's slave is +no longer his slave when he crosses a certain line into a Territory, +that is depriving him of his property without due process of law, and +is unconstitutional." There is the whole Dred Scott decision. They +add that if Congress cannot do so itself, Congress cannot confer any +power to do so; and hence any effort by the Territorial Legislature +to do either of these things is absolutely decided against. It is a +foregone conclusion by that court. + +Now, as to this indirect mode by "unfriendly legislation," all +lawyers here will readily understand that such a proposition cannot +be tolerated for a moment, because a legislature cannot indirectly do +that which it cannot accomplish directly. Then I say any legislation +to control this property, as property, for its benefit as property, +would be hailed by this Dred Scott Supreme Court, and fully +sustained; but any legislation driving slave property out, or +destroying it as property, directly or indirectly, will most +assuredly, by that court, be held unconstitutional. + +Judge Douglas says if the Constitution carries slavery into the +Territories, beyond the power of the people of the Territories to +control it as other property; then it follows logically that every +one who swears to support the Constitution of the United States must +give that support to that property which it needs. And, if the +Constitution carries slavery into the Territories, beyond the power +of the people, to control it as other property, then it also carries +it into the States, because the Constitution is the supreme law of +the land. Now, gentlemen, if it were not for my excessive modesty, I +would say that I told that very thing to Judge Douglas quite a year +ago. This argument is here in print, and if it were not for my +modesty, as I said, I might call your attention to it. If you read +it, you will find that I not only made that argument, but made it +better than he has made it since. + +There is, however, this difference: I say now, and said then, there +is no sort of question that the Supreme Court has decided that it is +the right of the slave holder to take his slave and hold him in the +Territory; and saying this, judge Douglas himself admits the +conclusion. He says if that is so, this consequence will follow; and +because this consequence would follow, his argument is, the decision +cannot, therefore, be that way,--" that would spoil my popular +sovereignty; and it cannot be possible that this great principle has +been squelched out in this extraordinary way. It might be, if it +were not for the extraordinary consequences of spoiling my humbug." + +Another feature of the judge's argument about the Dred Scott case is, +an effort to show that that decision deals altogether in declarations +of negatives; that the Constitution does not affirm anything as +expounded by the Dred Scott decision, but it only declares a want of +power a total absence of power, in reference to the Territories. It +seems to be his purpose to make the whole of that decision to result +in a mere negative declaration of a want of power in Congress to do +anything in relation to this matter in the Territories. I know the +opinion of the Judges states that there is a total absence of power; +but that is, unfortunately; not all it states: for the judges add +that the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly +affirmed in the Constitution. It does not stop at saying that the +right of property in a slave is recognized in the Constitution, is +declared to exist somewhere in the Constitution, but says it is +affirmed in the Constitution. Its language is equivalent to saying +that it is embodied and so woven in that instrument that it cannot be +detached without breaking the Constitution itself. In a word, it is +part of the Constitution. + +Douglas is singularly unfortunate in his effort to make out that +decision to be altogether negative, when the express language at the +vital part is that this is distinctly affirmed in the Constitution. +I think myself, and I repeat it here, that this decision does not +merely carry slavery into the Territories, but by its logical +conclusion it carries it into the States in which we live. One +provision of that Constitution is, that it shall be the supreme law +of the land,--I do not quote the language,--any constitution or law +of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. This Dred Scott +decision says that the right of property in a slave is affirmed in +that Constitution which is the supreme law of the land, any State +constitution or law notwithstanding. Then I say that to destroy a +thing which is distinctly affirmed and supported by the supreme law +of the land, even by a State constitution or law, is a violation of +that supreme law, and there is no escape from it. In my judgment +there is no avoiding that result, save that the American people shall +see that constitutions are better construed than our Constitution is +construed in that decision. They must take care that it is more +faithfully and truly carried out than it is there expounded. + +I must hasten to a conclusion. Near the beginning of my remarks I +said that this insidious Douglas popular sovereignty is the measure +that now threatens the purpose of the Republican party to prevent +slavery from being nationalized in the United States. I propose to +ask your attention for a little while to some propositions in +affirmance of that statement. Take it just as it stands, and apply +it as a principle; extend and apply that principle elsewhere; and +consider where it will lead you. I now put this proposition, that +Judge Douglas's popular sovereignty applied will reopen the African +slave trade; and I will demonstrate it by any variety of ways in +which you can turn the subject or look at it. + +The Judge says that the people of the Territories have the right, by +his principle, to have slaves, if they want them. Then I say that +the people in Georgia have the right to buy slaves in Africa, if they +want them; and I defy any man on earth to show any distinction +between the two things,--to show that the one is either more wicked +or more unlawful; to show, on original principles, that one is better +or worse than the other; or to show, by the Constitution, that one +differs a whit from the other. He will tell me, doubtless, that +there is no constitutional provision against people taking slaves +into the new Territories, and I tell him that there is equally no +constitutional provision against buying slaves in Africa. He will +tell you that a people, in the exercise of popular sovereignty, ought +to do as they please about that thing, and have slaves if they want +them; and I tell you that the people of Georgia are as much entitled +to popular sovereignty and to buy slaves in Africa, if they want +them, as the people of the Territory are to have slaves if they want +them. I ask any man, dealing honestly with himself, to point out a +distinction. + +I have recently seen a letter of Judge Douglas's in which, without +stating that to be the object, he doubtless endeavors to make a +distinction between the two. He says he is unalterably opposed to +the repeal of the laws against the African slave trade. And why? He +then seeks to give a reason that would not apply to his popular +sovereignty in the Territories. What is that reason? "The abolition +of the African slave trade is a compromise of the Constitution!" I +deny it. There is no truth in the proposition that the abolition of +the African slave trade is a compromise of the Constitution. No man +can put his finger on anything in the Constitution, or on the line of +history, which shows it. It is a mere barren assertion, made simply +for the purpose of getting up a distinction between the revival of +the African slave trade and his "great principle." + +At the time the Constitution of the United States was adopted, it was +expected that the slave trade would be abolished. I should assert and +insist upon that, if judge Douglas denied it. But I know that it was +equally expected that slavery would be excluded from the Territories, +and I can show by history that in regard to these two things public +opinion was exactly alike, while in regard to positive action, there +was more done in the Ordinance of '87 to resist the spread of slavery +than was ever done to abolish the foreign slave trade. Lest I be +misunderstood, I say again that at the time of the formation of the +Constitution, public expectation was that the slave trade would be +abolished, but no more so than the spread of slavery in the +Territories should be restrained. They stand alike, except that in +the Ordinance of '87 there was a mark left by public opinion, showing +that it was more committed against the spread of slavery in the +Territories than against the foreign slave trade. + +Compromise! What word of compromise was there about it? Why, the +public sense was then in favor of the abolition of the slave trade; +but there was at the time a very great commercial interest involved +in it, and extensive capital in that branch of trade. There were +doubtless the incipient stages of improvement in the South in the way +of farming, dependent on the slave trade, and they made a proposition +to Congress to abolish the trade after allowing it twenty years,--a +sufficient time for the capital and commerce engaged in it to be +transferred to other channel. They made no provision that it should +be abolished in twenty years; I do not doubt that they expected it +would be, but they made no bargain about it. The public sentiment +left no doubt in the minds of any that it would be done away. I +repeat, there is nothing in the history of those times in favor of +that matter being a compromise of the constitution. It was the +public expectation at the time, manifested in a thousand ways, that +the spread of slavery should also be restricted. + +Then I say, if this principle is established, that there is no wrong +in slavery, and whoever wants it has a right to have it, is a matter +of dollars and cents, a sort of question as to how they shall deal +with brutes, that between us and the negro here there is no sort of +question, but that at the South the question is between the negro and +the crocodile, that is all, it is a mere matter of policy, there is a +perfect right, according to interest, to do just as you please,--when +this is done, where this doctrine prevails, the miners and sappers +will have formed public opinion for the slave trade. They will be +ready for Jeff. Davis and Stephens and other leaders of that company +to sound the bugle for the revival of the slave trade, for the second +Dred Scott decision, for the flood of slavery to be poured over the +free States, while we shall be here tied down and helpless and run +over like sheep. + +It is to be a part and parcel of this same idea to say to men who +want to adhere to the Democratic party, who have always belonged to +that party, and are only looking about for some excuse to stick to +it, but nevertheless hate slavery, that Douglas's popular sovereignty +is as good a way as any to oppose slavery. They allow themselves to +be persuaded easily, in accordance with their previous dispositions, +into this belief, that it is about as good a way of opposing slavery +as any, and we can do that without straining our old party ties or +breaking up old political associations. We can do so without being +called negro-worshipers. We can do that without being subjected to +the jibes and sneers that are so readily thrown out in place of +argument where no arguement can be found. So let us stick to this +popular sovereignty,--this insidious popular sovereignty. + +Now let me call your attention to one thing that has really happened, +which shows this gradual and steady debauching of public opinion, +this course of preparation for the revival of the slave trade, for +the Territorial slave code, and the new Dred Scott decision that is +to carry slavery into the Free States. Did you ever, five years ago, +hear of anybody in the world saying that the negro had no share in +the Declaration of National Independence; that it does not mean +negroes at all; and when "all men" were spoken of, negroes were not +included? + +I am satisfied that five years ago that proposition was not put upon +paper by any living being anywhere. I have been unable at any time +to find a man in an audience who would declare that he had ever known +of anybody saying so five years ago. But last year there was not a +Douglas popular sovereign in Illinois who did not say it. Is there +one in Ohio but declares his firm belief that the Declaration of +Independence did not mean negroes at all? I do not know how this is; +I have not been here much; but I presume you are very much alike +everywhere. Then I suppose that all now express the belief that the +Declaration of Independence never did mean negroes. I call upon one +of them to say that he said it five years ago. + +If you think that now, and did not think it then, the next thing that +strikes me is to remark that there has been a change wrought in you,- +-and a very significant change it is, being no less than changing the +negro, in your estimation, from the rank of a man to that of a brute. +They are taking him down and placing him, when spoken of, among +reptiles and crocodiles, as Judge Douglas himself expresses it. + +Is not this change wrought in your minds a very important change? +Public opinion in this country is everything. In a nation like ours, +this popular sovereignty and squatter sovereignty have already +wrought a change in the public mind to the extent I have stated. +There is no man in this crowd who can contradict it. + +Now, if you are opposed to slavery honestly, as much as anybody, I +ask you to note that fact, and the like of which is to follow, to be +plastered on, layer after layer, until very soon you are prepared to +deal with the negro every where as with the brute. If public +sentiment has not been debauched already to this point, a new turn of +the screw in that direction is all that is wanting; and this is +constantly being done by the teachers of this insidious popular +sovereignty. You need but one or two turns further, until your +minds, now ripening under these teachings, will be ready for all +these things, and you will receive and support, or submit to, the +slave trade, revived with all its horrors, a slave code enforced in +our Territories, and a new Dred Scott decision to bring slavery up +into the very heart of the free North. This, I must say, is but +carrying out those words prophetically spoken by Mr. Clay,--many, +many years ago,--I believe more than thirty years, when he told an +audience that if they would repress all tendencies to liberty and +ultimate emancipation they must go back to the era of our +independence, and muzzle the cannon which thundered its annual joyous +return on the Fourth of July; they must blow out the moral lights +around us; they must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate the love +of liberty: but until they did these things, and others eloquently +enumerated by him, they could not repress all tendencies to ultimate +emancipation. + +I ask attention to the fact that in a pre-eminent degree these +popular sovereigns are at this work: blowing out the moral lights +around us; teaching that the negro is no longer a man, but a brute; +that the Declaration has nothing to do with him; that he ranks with +the crocodile and the reptile; that man, with body and soul, is a +matter of dollars and cents. I suggest to this portion of the Ohio +Republicans, or Democrats, if there be any present, the serious +consideration of this fact that there is now going on among you a +steady process of debauching public opinion on this subject. With +this, my friends, I bid you adieu. + + + + +SPEECH AT CINCINNATI OHIO, SEPTEMBER 17, 1859 + +My Fellow-Citizens of the State of Ohio: This is the first time in +my life that I have appeared before an audience in so great a city as +this: I therefore--though I am no longer a young man--make this +appearance under some degree of embarrassment. But I have found that +when one is embarrassed, usually the shortest way to get through with +it is to quit talking or thinking about it, and go at something else. + +I understand that you have had recently with you my very +distinguished friend Judge Douglas, of Illinois; and I understand, +without having had an opportunity (not greatly sought, to be sure) of +seeing a report of the speech that he made here, that he did me the +honor to mention my humble name. I suppose that he did so for the +purpose of making some objection to some sentiment at some time +expressed by me. I should expect, it is true, that judge Douglas had +reminded you, or informed you, if you had never before heard it, that +I had once in my life declared it as my opinion that this government +cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free; that a house +divided against itself cannot stand, and, as I had expressed it, I +did not expect the house to fall, that I did not expect the Union to +be dissolved, but that I did expect that it would cease to be +divided, that it would become all one thing, or all the other; that +either the opponents of slavery would arrest the further spread of +it, and place it where the public mind would rest in the belief that +it was in the course of ultimate extinction, or the friends of +slavery will push it forward until it becomes alike lawful in all the +States, old or new, free as well as slave. I did, fifteen months ago, +express that opinion, and upon many occasions Judge Douglas has +denounced it, and has greatly, intentionally or unintentionally, +misrepresented my purpose in the expression of that opinion. + +I presume, without having seen a report of his speech, that he did so +here. I presume that he alluded also to that opinion, in different +language, having been expressed at a subsequent time by Governor +Seward of New York, and that he took the two in a lump and denounced +them; that he tried to point out that there was something couched in +this opinion which led to the making of an entire uniformity of the +local institutions of the various States of the Union, in utter +disregard of the different States, which in their nature would seem +to require a variety of institutions and a variety of laws, +conforming to the differences in the nature of the different States. + +Not only so: I presume he insisted that this was a declaration of war +between the free and slave States, that it was the sounding to the +onset of continual war between the different States, the slave and +free States. + +This charge, in this form, was made by Judge Douglas on, I believe, +the 9th of July, 1858, in Chicago, in my hearing. On the next +evening, I made some reply to it. I informed him that many of the +inferences he drew from that expression of mine were altogether +foreign to any purpose entertained by me, and in so far as he should +ascribe these inferences to me, as my purpose, he was entirely +mistaken; and in so far as he might argue that, whatever might be my +purpose, actions conforming to my views would lead to these results, +he might argue and establish if he could; but, so far as purposes +were concerned, he was totally mistaken as to me. + +When I made that reply to him, I told him, on the question of +declaring war between the different States of the Union, that I had +not said that I did not expect any peace upon this question until +slavery was exterminated; that I had only said I expected peace when +that institution was put where the public mind should rest in the +belief that it was in course of ultimate extinction; that I believed, +from the organization of our government until a very recent period of +time, the institution had been placed and continued upon such a +basis; that we had had comparative peace upon that question through a +portion of that period of time, only because the public mind rested +in that belief in regard to it, and that when we returned to that +position in relation to that matter, I supposed we should again have +peace as we previously had. I assured him, as I now, assure you, that +I neither then had, nor have, or ever had, any purpose in any way of +interfering with the institution of slavery, where it exists. I +believe we have no power, under the Constitution of the United +States, or rather under the form of government under which we live, +to interfere with the institution of slavery, or any other of the +institutions of our sister States, be they free or slave States. I +declared then, and I now re-declare, that I have as little +inclination to interfere with the institution of slavery where it now +exists, through the instrumentality of the General Government, or any +other instrumentality, as I believe we have no power to do so. I +accidentally used this expression: I had no purpose of entering into +the slave States to disturb the institution of slavery. So, upon the +first occasion that Judge Douglas got an opportunity to reply to me, +he passed by the whole body of what I had said upon that subject, and +seized upon the particular expression of mine that I had no purpose +of entering into the slave States to disturb the institution of +slavery. "Oh, no," said he, "he [Lincoln] won't enter into the slave +States to disturb the institution of slavery, he is too prudent a man +to do such a thing as that; he only means that he will go on to the +line between the free and slave States, and shoot over at them. This +is all he means to do. He means to do them all the harm he can, to +disturb them all he can, in such a way as to keep his own hide in +perfect safety." + +Well, now, I did not think, at that time, that that was either a very +dignified or very logical argument but so it was, I had to get along +with it as well as I could. + +It has occurred to-me here to-night that if I ever do shoot over the +line at the people on the other side of the line into a slave State, +and purpose to do so, keeping my skin safe, that I have now about the +best chance I shall ever have. I should not wonder if there are some +Kentuckians about this audience--we are close to Kentucky; and +whether that be so or not, we are on elevated ground, and, by +speaking distinctly, I should not wonder if some of the Kentuckians +would hear me on the other side of the river. For that reason I +propose to address a portion of what I have to say to the +Kentuckians. + +I say, then, in the first place, to the Kentuckians, that I am what +they call, as I understand it, a "Black Republican." I think slavery +is wrong, morally and politically. I desire that it should be no +further spread in--these United States, and I should not object if it +should gradually terminate in the whole Union. While I say this for +myself, I say to you Kentuckians that I understand you differ +radically with me upon this proposition; that you believe slavery is +a good thing; that slavery is right; that it ought to be extended and +perpetuated in this Union. Now, there being this broad difference +between us, I do not pretend, in addressing myself to you +Kentuckians, to attempt proselyting you; that would be a vain effort. +I do not enter upon it. I only propose to try to show you that you +ought to nominate for the next Presidency, at Charleston, my +distinguished friend Judge Douglas. In all that there is a +difference between you and him, I understand he is sincerely for you, +and more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. I will try to +demonstrate that proposition. Understand, now, I say that I believe +he is as sincerely for you, and more wisely for you, than you are for +yourselves. + +What do you want more than anything else to make successful your +views of slavery,--to advance the outspread of it, and to secure and +perpetuate the nationality of it? What do you want more than +anything else? What--is needed absolutely? What is indispensable to +you? Why, if I may, be allowed to answer the question, it is to +retain a hold upon the North, it is to retain support and strength +from the free States. If you can get this support and strength from +the free States, you can succeed. If you do not get this support and +this strength from the free States, you are in the minority, and you +are beaten at once. + +If that proposition be admitted,--and it is undeniable,--then the +next thing I say to you is, that Douglas, of all the men in this +nation, is the only man that affords you any hold upon the free +States; that no other man can give you any strength in the free +States. This being so, if you doubt the other branch of the +proposition, whether he is for you--whether he is really for you, as +I have expressed it,--I propose asking your attention for a while to +a few facts. + +The issue between you and me, understand, is, that I think slavery is +wrong, and ought not to be outspread; and you think it is right, and +ought to be extended and perpetuated. [A voice, "Oh, Lord!"] That is +my Kentuckian I am talking to now. + +I now proceed to try to show you that Douglas is as sincerely for you +and more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. + +In the first place, we know that in a government like this, in a +government of the people, where the voice of all the men of the +country, substantially, enters into the execution--or administration, +rather--of the government, in such a government, what lies at the +bottom of all of it is public opinion. I lay down the proposition, +that Judge Douglas is not only the man that promises you in advance a +hold upon the North, and support in the North, but he constantly +moulds public opinion to your ends; that in every possible way he can +he constantly moulds the public opinion of the North to your ends; +and if there are a few things in which he seems to be against you,- +-a, few things which he says that appear to be against you, and a few +that he forbears to say which you would like to have him say you +ought to remember that the saying of the one, or the forbearing to +say the other, would lose his hold upon the North, and, by +consequence, would lose his capacity to serve you. + +Upon this subject of moulding public opinion I call your attention to +the fact--for a well established fact it is--that the Judge never +says your institution of slavery is wrong. There is not a public man +in the United States, I believe, with the exception of Senator +Douglas, who has not, at some time in his life, declared his opinion +whether the thing is right or wrong; but Senator Douglas never +declares it is wrong. He leaves himself at perfect liberty to do all +in your favor which he would be hindered from doing if he were to +declare the thing to be wrong. On the contrary, he takes all the +chances that he has for inveigling the sentiment of the North, +opposed to slavery, into your support, by never saying it is right. +This you ought to set down to his credit: You ought to give him full +credit for this much; little though it be, in comparison to the whole +which he does for you. + +Some other, things I will ask your attention to. He said upon the +floor of the United States Senate, and he has repeated it, as I +understand, a great many times, that he does not care whether slavery +is "voted up or voted down." This again shows you, or ought to show +you, if you would reason upon it, that he does not believe it to be +wrong; for a man may say when he sees nothing wrong in a thing; that +he, dues not care whether it be voted up or voted down but no man can +logically say that he cares not whether a thing goes up or goes down +which to him appears to be wrong. You therefore have a demonstration +in this that to Judge Douglas's mind your favorite institution, which +you would have spread out and made perpetual, is no wrong. + +Another thing he tells you, in a speech made at Memphis in Tennessee, +shortly after the canvass in Illinois, last year. He there +distinctly told the people that there was a "line drawn by the +Almighty across this continent, on the one side of which the soil +must always be cultivated by slaves"; that he did not pretend to know +exactly where that line was, but that there was such a line. I want +to ask your attention to that proposition again; that there is one +portion of this continent where the Almighty has signed the soil +shall always be cultivated by slaves; that its being cultivated by +slaves at that place is right; that it has the direct sympathy and +authority of the Almighty. Whenever you can get these Northern +audiences to adopt the opinion that slavery is right on the other +side of the Ohio, whenever you can get them, in pursuance of +Douglas's views, to adopt that sentiment, they will very readily make +the other argument, which is perfectly logical, that that which is +right on that side of the Ohio cannot be wrong on this, and that if +you have that property on that side of the Ohio, under the seal and +stamp of the Almighty, when by any means it escapes over here it is +wrong to have constitutions and laws "to devil" you about it. So +Douglas is moulding the public opinion of the North, first to say +that the thing is right in your State over the Ohio River, and hence +to say that that which is right there is not wrong here, and that all +laws and constitutions here recognizing it as being wrong are +themselves wrong, and ought to be repealed and abrogated. He will +tell you, men of Ohio, that if you choose here to have laws against +slavery, it is in conformity to the idea that your climate is not +suited to it, that your climate is not suited to slave labor, and +therefore you have constitutions and laws against it. + +Let us attend to that argument for a little while and see if it be +sound. You do not raise sugar-cane (except the new-fashioned +sugar-cane, and you won't raise that long), but they do raise it in +Louisiana. You don't raise it in Ohio, because you can't raise it +profitably, because the climate don't suit it. They do raise it in +Louisiana, because there it is profitable. Now, Douglas will tell +you that is precisely the slavery question: that they do have slaves +there because they are profitable, and you don't have them here +because they are not profitable. If that is so, then it leads to +dealing with the one precisely as with the other. Is there, then, +anything in the constitution or laws of Ohio against raising +sugar-cane? Have you found it necessary to put any such provision in +your law? Surely not! No man desires to raise sugar-cane in Ohio, +but if any man did desire to do so, you would say it was a tyrannical +law that forbids his doing so; and whenever you shall agree with +Douglas, whenever your minds are brought to adopt his argument, as +surely you will have reached the conclusion that although it is not +profitable in Ohio, if any man wants it, is wrong to him not to let +him have it. + +In this matter Judge Douglas is preparing the public mind for you of +Kentucky to make perpetual that good thing in your estimation, about +which you and I differ. + +In this connection, let me ask your attention to another thing. I +believe it is safe to assert that five years ago no living man had +expressed the opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration +of Independence. Let me state that again: five years ago no living +man had expressed the opinion that the negro had no share in the +Declaration of Independence. If there is in this large audience any +man who ever knew of that opinion being put upon paper as much as +five years ago, I will be obliged to him now or at a subsequent time +to show it. + +If that be true I wish you then to note the next fact: that within +the space of five years Senator Douglas, in the argument of this +question, has got his entire party, so far as I know, without +exception, in saying that the negro has no share in the Declaration +of Independence. If there be now in all these United States one +Douglas man that does not say this, I have been unable upon any +occasion to scare him up. Now, if none of you said this five years +ago, and all of you say it now, that is a matter that you Kentuckians +ought to note. That is a vast change in the Northern public +sentiment upon that question. + +Of what tendency is that change? The tendency of that change is to +bring the public mind to the conclusion that when men are spoken of, +the negro is not meant; that when negroes are spoken of, brutes alone +are contemplated. That change in public sentiment has already +degraded the black man in the estimation of Douglas and his followers +from the condition of a man of some sort, and assigned him to the +condition of a brute. Now, you Kentuckians ought to give Douglas +credit for this. That is the largest possible stride that can be +made in regard to the perpetuation of your thing of slavery. + +A voice: Speak to Ohio men, and not to Kentuckians! + +Mr. LINCOLN: I beg permission to speak as I please. + +In Kentucky perhaps, in many of the slave States certainly, you are +trying to establish the rightfulness of slavery by reference to the +Bible. You are trying to show that slavery existed in the Bible +times by divine ordinance. Now, Douglas is wiser than you, for your +own benefit, upon that subject. Douglas knows that whenever you +establish that slavery was--right by the Bible, it will occur that +that slavery was the slavery of the white man, of men without +reference to color; and he knows very well that you may entertain +that idea in Kentucky as much as you please, but you will never win +any Northern support upon it. He makes a wiser argument for you: he +makes the argument that the slavery of the black man; the slavery of +the man who has a skin of a different color from your own, is right. +He thereby brings to your support Northern voters who could not for a +moment be brought by your own argument of the Bible right of slavery. +Will you give him credit for that? Will you not say that in this +matter he is more wisely for you than you are for yourselves? + +Now, having established with his entire party this doctrine, having +been entirely successful in that branch of his efforts in your +behalf, he is ready for another. + +At this same meeting at Memphis he declared that in all contests +between the negro and the white man he was for the white man, but +that in all questions between the negro and the crocodile he was for +the negro. He did not make that declaration accidentally at Memphis. +He made it a great many times in the canvass in Illinois last year +(though I don't know that it was reported in any of his speeches +there, but he frequently made it). I believe he repeated it at +Columbus, and I should not wonder if be repeated it here. It is, +then, a deliberate way of expressing himself upon that subject. It +is a matter of mature deliberation with him thus to express himself +upon that point of his case. It therefore requires deliberate +attention. + +The first inference seems to be that if you do not enslave the negro, +you are wronging the white man in some way or other, and that whoever +is opposed to the negro being enslaved, is, in some way or other, +against the white man. Is not that a falsehood? If there was a +necessary conflict between the white man and the negro, I should be +for the white man as much as Judge Douglas; but I say there is no +such necessary conflict. I say that there is room enough for us all +to be free, and that it not only does not wrong the white man that +the negro should be free, but it positively wrongs the mass of the +white men that the negro should be enslaved; that the mass of white +men are really injured by the effects of slave labor in the vicinity +of the fields of their own labor. + +But I do not desire to dwell upon this branch of the question more +than to say that this assumption of his is false, and I do hope that +that fallacy will not long prevail in the minds of intelligent white +men. At all events, you ought to thank Judge Douglas for it; it is +for your benefit it is made. + +The other branch of it is, that in the struggle between the negro and +the crocodile; he is for the negro. Well, I don't know that there is +any struggle between the negro and the crocodile, either. I suppose +that if a crocodile (or, as we old Ohio River boatmen used to call +them, alligators) should come across a white man, he would kill him +if he could; and so he would a negro. But what, at last, is this +proposition? I believe it is a sort of proposition in proportion, +which may be stated thus: "As the negro is to the white man, so is +the crocodile to the negro; and as the negro may rightfully treat the +crocodile as a beast or reptile, so the white man may rightfully +treat the negro as a beast or a reptile." That is really the "knip" +of all that argument of his. + +Now, my brother Kentuckians, who believe in this, you ought to thank +Judge Douglas for having put that in a much more taking way than any +of yourselves have done. + +Again, Douglas's great principle, "popular sovereignty," as he calls +it, gives you, by natural consequence, the revival of the slave trade +whenever you want it. If you question this, listen awhile, consider +awhile what I shall advance in support of that proposition. + +He says that it is the sacred right of the man who goes into the +Territories to have slavery if he wants it. Grant that for +argument's sake. Is it not the sacred right of the man who don't go +there equally to buy slaves in Africa, if he wants them? Can you +point out the difference? The man who goes into the Territories of +Kansas and Nebraska, or any other new Territory, with the sacred +right of taking a slave there which belongs to him, would certainly +have no more right to take one there than I would, who own no slave, +but who would desire to buy one and take him there. You will not say +you, the friends of Judge Douglas but that the man who does not own a +slave has an equal right to buy one and take him to the Territory as +the other does. + +A voice: I want to ask a question. Don't foreign nations interfere +with the slave trade? + +Mr. LINCOLN: Well! I understand it to be a principle of Democracy to +whip foreign nations whenever, they interfere with us. + +Voice: I only asked for information. I am a Republican myself. + +Mr. LINCOLN: You and I will be on the best terms in the world, but +I do not wish to be diverted from the point I was trying to press. + +I say that Douglas's popular sovereignty, establishing his sacred +right in the people, if you please, if carried to its logical +conclusion gives equally the sacred right to the people of the States +or the Territories themselves to buy slaves wherever they can buy +them cheapest; and if any man can show a distinction, I should like +to hear him try it. If any man can show how the people of Kansas +have a better right to slaves, because they want them, than the +people of Georgia have to buy them in Africa, I want him to do it. +I think it cannot be done. If it is "popular sovereignty" for the +people to have slaves because they want them, it is popular +sovereignty for them to buy them in Africa because they desire to do +so. + +I know that Douglas has recently made a little effort, not seeming to +notice that he had a different theory, has made an effort to get rid +of that. He has written a letter, addressed to somebody, I believe, +who resides in Iowa, declaring his opposition to the repeal of the +laws that prohibit the Africa slave trade. He bases his opposition +to such repeal upon the ground that these laws are themselves one of +the compromises of the Constitution of the United States. Now, it +would be very interesting to see Judge Douglas or any of his friends +turn, to the Constitution of the United States and point out that +compromise, to show where there is any compromise in the +Constitution, or provision in the Constitution; express or implied, +by which the administrators of that Constitution are under any +obligation to repeal the African slave trade. I know, or at least I +think I know, that the framers of that Constitution did expect the +African slave trade would be abolished at the end of twenty years, to +which time their prohibition against its being abolished extended. +there is abundant contemporaneous history to show that the framers of +the Constitution expected it to be abolished. But while they so +expected, they gave nothing for that expectation, and they put no +provision in the Constitution requiring it should be so abolished. +The migration or importation of such persons as the States shall see +fit to admit shall not be prohibited, but a certain tax might be +levied upon such importation. But what was to be done after that +time? The Constitution is as silent about that as it is silent, +personally, about myself. There is absolutely nothing in it about +that subject; there is only the expectation of the framers of the +Constitution that the slave trade would be abolished at the end of +that time; and they expected it would be abolished, owing to public +sentiment, before that time; and the put that provision in, in order +that it should not be abolished before that time, for reasons which I +suppose they thought to be sound ones, but which I will not now try +to enumerate before you. + +But while, they expected the slave trade would be abolished at that +time, they expected that the spread of slavery into the new +Territories should also be restricted. It is as easy to prove that +the framers of the Constitution of the United States expected that +slavery should be prohibited from extending into the new Territories, +as it is to prove that it was expected that the slave trade should be +abolished. Both these things were expected. One was no more +expected than the other, and one was no more a compromise of the +Constitution than the other. There was nothing said in the +Constitution in regard to the spread of slavery into the Territory. +I grant that; but there was something very important said about it by +the same generation of men in the adoption of the old Ordinance of +'87, through the influence of which you here in Ohio, our neighbors +in Indiana, we in Illinois, our neighbors in Michigan and Wisconsin, +are happy, prosperous, teeming millions of free men. That generation +of men, though not to the full extent members of the convention that +framed the Constitution, were to some extent members of that +convention, holding seats at the same time in one body and the other, +so that if there was any compromise on either of these subjects, the +strong evidence is that that compromise was in favor of the +restriction of slavery from the new Territories. + +But Douglas says that he is unalterably opposed to the repeal of +those laws because, in his view, it is a compromise of the +Constitution. You Kentuckians, no doubt, are somewhat offended with +that. You ought not to be! You ought to be patient! You ought to +know that if he said less than that, he would lose the power of +"lugging" the Northern States to your support. Really, what you +would push him to do would take from him his entire power to serve +you. And you ought to remember how long, by precedent, Judge Douglas +holds himself obliged to stick by compromises. You ought to remember +that by the time you yourselves think you are ready to inaugurate +measures for the revival of the African slave trade, that sufficient +time will have arrived, by precedent, for Judge Douglas to break +through, that compromise. He says now nothing more strong than he +said in 1849 when he declared in favor of Missouri Compromise,--and +precisely four years and a quarter after he declared that Compromise +to be a sacred thing, which "no ruthless hand would ever daze to +touch," he himself brought forward the measure ruthlessly to destroy +it. By a mere calculation of time it will only be four years more +until he is ready to take back his profession about the sacredness of +the Compromise abolishing the slave trade. Precisely as soon as you +are ready to have his services in that direction, by fair +calculation, you may be sure of having them. + +But you remember and set down to Judge Douglas's debt, or discredit, +that he, last year, said the people of Territories can, in spite of +the Dred Scott decision, exclude your slaves from those Territories; +that he declared, by "unfriendly legislation" the extension of your +property into the new Territories may be cut off, in the teeth of the +decision of the Supreme Court of the United States. + +He assumed that position at Freeport on the 27th of August, 1858. He +said that the people of the Territories can exclude slavery, in so +many words: You ought, however, to bear in mind that he has never +said it since. You may hunt in every speech that he has since made, +and he has never used that expression once. He has never seemed to +notice that he is stating his views differently from what he did +then; but by some sort of accident, he has always really stated it +differently. He has always since then declared that "the +Constitution does not carry slavery into the Territories of the +United States beyond the power of the people legally to control it, +as other property." Now, there is a difference in the language used +upon that former occasion and in this latter day. There may or may +not be a difference in the meaning, but it is worth while considering +whether there is not also a difference in meaning. + +What is it to exclude? Why, it is to drive it out. It is in some +way to put it out of the Territory. It is to force it across the +line, or change its character so that, as property, it is out of +existence. But what is the controlling of it "as other property"? +Is controlling it as other property the same thing as destroying it, +or driving it away? I should think not. I should think the +controlling of it as other property would be just about what you in +Kentucky should want. I understand the controlling of property means +the controlling of it for the benefit of the owner of it. While I +have no doubt the Supreme Court of the United States would say "God +speed" to any of the Territorial Legislatures that should thus +control slave property, they would sing quite a different tune if, by +the pretence of controlling it, they were to undertake to pass laws +which virtually excluded it,--and that upon a very well known +principle to all lawyers, that what a Legislature cannot directly do, +it cannot do by indirection; that as the Legislature has not the +power to drive slaves out, they have no power, by indirection, by +tax, or by imposing burdens in any way on that property, to effect +the same end, and that any attempt to do so would be held by the Dred +Scott court unconstitutional. + +Douglas is not willing to stand by his first proposition that they +can exclude it, because we have seen that that proposition amounts to +nothing more nor less than the naked absurdity that you may lawfully +drive out that which has a lawful right to remain. He admitted at +first that the slave might be lawfully taken into the Territories +under the Constitution of the United States, and yet asserted that he +might be lawfully driven out. That being the proposition, it is the +absurdity I have stated. He is not willing to stand in the face of +that direct, naked, and impudent absurdity; he has, therefore, +modified his language into that of being "controlled as other +property." + +The Kentuckians don't like this in Douglas! I will tell you where it +will go. He now swears by the court. He was once a leading man in +Illinois to break down a court, because it had made a decision he did +not like. But he now not only swears by the court, the courts having +got to working for you, but he denounces all men that do not swear by +the courts, as unpatriotic, as bad citizens. When one of these acts +of unfriendly legislation shall impose such heavy burdens as to, in +effect, destroy property in slaves in a Territory, and show plainly +enough that there can be no mistake in the purpose of the Legislature +to make them so burdensome, this same Supreme Court will decide that +law to be unconstitutional, and he will be ready to say for your +benefit "I swear by the court; I give it up"; and while that is going +on he has been getting all his men to swear by the courts, and to +give it up with him. In this again he serves you faithfully, and, as +I say, more wisely than you serve yourselves. + +Again: I have alluded in the beginning of these remarks to the fact +that Judge Douglas has made great complaint of my having expressed +the opinion that this government "cannot endure permanently, half +slave and half free." He has complained of Seward for using +different language, and declaring that there is an "irrepressible +conflict" between the principles of free and slave labor. [A voice: +" He says it is not original with Seward. That it is original with +Lincoln."] I will attend to that immediately, sir. Since that time, +Hickman of Pennsylvania expressed the same sentiment. He has never +denounced Mr. Hickman: why? There is a little chance, +notwithstanding that opinion in the mouth of Hickman, that he may yet +be a Douglas man. That is the difference! It is not unpatriotic to +hold that opinion if a man is a Douglas man. + +But neither I, nor Seward, nor Hickman is entitled to the enviable or +unenviable distinction of having first expressed that idea. That +same idea was expressed by the Richmond Enquirer, in Virginia, in +1856,--quite two years before it was expressed by the first of us. +And while Douglas was pluming himself that in his conflict with my +humble self, last year, he had "squelched out" that fatal heresy, as +he delighted to call it, and had suggested that if he only had had a +chance to be in New York and meet Seward he would have "squelched" it +there also, it never occurred to him to breathe a word against Pryor. +I don't think that you can discover that Douglas ever talked of going +to Virginia to "squelch" out that idea there. No. More than that. +That same Roger A. Pryor was brought to Washington City and made the +editor of the par excellence Douglas paper, after making use of that +expression, which, in us, is so unpatriotic and heretical. From all +this, my Kentucky friends may see that this opinion is heretical in +his view only when it is expressed by men suspected of a desire that +the country shall all become free, and not when expressed by those +fairly known to entertain the desire that the whole country shall +become slave. When expressed by that class of men, it is in nowise +offensive to him. In this again, my friends of Kentucky, you have +Judge Douglas with you. + +There is another reason why you Southern people ought to nominate +Douglas at your convention at Charleston. That reason is the +wonderful capaciity of the man,--the power he has of doing what would +seem to be impossible. Let me call your attention to one of these +apparently impossible things: + +Douglas had three or four very distinguished men of the most extreme +anti-slavery views of any men in the Republican party expressing +their desire for his re-election to the Senate last year. That +would, of itself, have seemed to be a little wonderful; but that +wonder is heightened when we see that Wise of Virginia, a man exactly +opposed to them, a man who believes in the divine right of slavery, +was also expressing his desire that Douglas should be reelected; that +another man that may be said to be kindred to Wise, Mr. Breckinridge, +the Vice-President, and of your own State, was also agreeing with the +anti-slavery men in the North that Douglas ought to be re-elected. +Still to heighten the wonder, a senator from Kentucky, whom I have +always loved with an affection as tender and endearing as I have ever +loved any man, who was opposed to the anti-slavery men for reasons +which seemed sufficient to him, and equally opposed to Wise and +Breckinridge, was writing letters into Illinois to secure the +reelection of Douglas. Now, that all these conflicting elements +should be brought, while at daggers' points with one another, to +support him, is a feat that is worthy for you to note and consider. +It is quite probable that each of these classes of men thought, by +the re-election of Douglas, their peculiar views would gain +something: it is probable that the anti-slavery men thought their +views would gain something; that Wise and Breckinridge thought so +too, as regards their opinions; that Mr. Crittenden thought that his +views would gain something, although he was opposed to both these +other men. It is probable that each and all of them thought that +they were using Douglas; and it is yet an unsolved problem whether he +was not using them all. If he was, then it is for you to consider +whether that power to perform wonders is one for you lightly to throw +away. + +There is one other thing that I will say to you, in this relation. It +is but my opinion, I give it to you without a fee. It is my opinion +that it is for you to take him or be defeated; and that if you do +take him you may be beaten. You will surely be beaten if you do not +take him. We, the Republicans and others forming the opposition of +the country, intend to "stand by our guns," to be patient and firm, +and in the long run to beat you, whether you take him or not. We +know that before we fairly beat you we have to beat you both +together. We know that you are "all of a feather," and that we have +to beat you all together, and we expect to do it. We don't intend to +be very impatient about it. We mean to be as deliberate and calm +about it as it is possible to be, but as firm and resolved as it is +possible for men to be. When we do as we say,--beat you,--you +perhaps want to know what we will do with you. + +I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the +opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as +near as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison +treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way interfere +with your institution; to abide by all and every compromise of the +Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to the original +proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we have +degenerated) may, according to the examples of those noble fathers, +Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are +as good as we; that there is no difference between us other than the +difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and bear in mind +always that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, +or as we claim to have, and treat you accordingly. We mean to marry +your girls when we have a chance, the white ones I mean; and I have +the honor to inform you that I once did have a chance in that way. + +I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, now, when that +thing takes place, what do you mean to do? I often hear it intimated +that you mean to divide the Union whenever a Republican, or anything +like it, is elected President of the United States. [A voice: "That +is so."] "That is so," one of them says; I wonder if he is a +Kentuckian? [A voice: "He is a Douglas man."] Well, then, I want to +know what you are going to do with your half of it? Are you going to +split the Ohio down through, and push your half off a piece? Or are +you going to keep it right alongside of us outrageous fellows? Or +are you going to build up a wall some way between your country and +ours, by which that movable property of yours can't come over here +any more, to the danger of your losing it? Do you think you can +better yourselves, on that subject, by leaving us here under no +obligation whatever to return those specimens of your movable +property that come hither? You have divided the Union because we +would not do right with you, as you think, upon that subject; when we +cease to be under obligations to do anything for you, how much better +off do you think you will be? Will you make war upon us and kill us +all? Why, gentlemen, I think you are as gallant and as brave men as +live; that you can fight as bravely in a good cause, man for man, as +any other people living; that you have shown yourselves capable of +this upon various occasions: but, man for man, you are not better +than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are of us. You +will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were fewer in +numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were equal, +it would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, you +will make nothing by attempting to master us. + +But perhaps I have addressed myself as long, or longer, to the +Kentuckians than I ought to have done, inasmuch as I have said that +whatever course you take we intend in the end to beat you. I propose +to address a few remarks to our friends, by way of discussing with +them the best means of keeping that promise that I have in good faith +made. + +It may appear a little episodical for me to mention the topic of +which I will speak now. It is a favorite position of Douglas's that +the interference of the General Government, through the Ordinance of +'87, or through any other act of the General Government never has +made or ever can make a free State; the Ordinance of '87 did not make +free States of Ohio, Indiana, or Illinois; that these States are free +upon his "great principle" of popular sovereignty, because the people +of those several States have chosen to make them so. At Columbus, +and probably here, he undertook to compliment the people that they +themselves have made the State of Ohio free, and that the Ordinance +of '87 was not entitled in any degree to divide the honor with them. +I have no doubt that the people of the State of Ohio did make her +free according to their own will and judgment, but let the facts be +remembered. + +In 1802, I believe, it was you who made your first constitution, with +the clause prohibiting slavery, and you did it, I suppose, very +nearly unanimously; but you should bear in mind that you--speaking of +you as one people--that you did so unembarrassed by the actual +presence of the, institution amongst you; that you made it a free +State not with the embarrassment upon you of already having among you +many slaves, which if they had been here, and you had sought to make +a free State, you would not know what to do with. If they had been +among you, embarrassing difficulties, most probably, would have +induced you to tolerate a slave constitution instead of a free one, +as indeed these very difficulties have constrained every people on +this continent who have adopted slavery. + +Pray what was it that made you free? What kept you free? Did you +not find your country free when you came to decide that Ohio should +be a free State? It is important to inquire by what reason you found +it so. Let us take an illustration between the States of Ohio and +Kentucky. Kentucky is separated by this River Ohio, not a mile wide. +A portion of Kentucky, by reason of the course of the Ohio, is +farther north than this portion of Ohio, in which we now stand. +Kentucky is entirely covered with slavery; Ohio is entirely free from +it: What made that difference? Was it climate? No. A portion of +Kentucky was farther north than this portion of Ohio. Was it soil? +No. There is nothing in the soil of the one more favorable to slave +than the other. It was not climate or soil that mused one side of the +line to be entirely covered with slavery, and the other side free of +it. What was it? Study over it. Tell us, if you can, in all the +range of conjecture, if there be anything you can conceive of that +made that difference, other than that there was no law of any sort +keeping it out of Kentucky, while the Ordinance of '87 kept it out of +Ohio. If there is any other reason than this, I confess that it is +wholly beyond my power to conceive of it. This, then, I offer to +combat the idea that that Ordinance has never made any State free. + +I don't stop at this illustration. I come to the State of Indiana; +and what I have said as between Kentucky and Ohio, I repeat as +between Indiana and Kentucky: it is equally applicable. One +additional argument is applicable also to Indiana. In her +Territorial condition she more than once petitioned Congress to +abrogate the Ordinance entirely, or at least so far as to suspend its +operation for a, time, in order that they should exercise the +"popular sovereignty" of having slaves if they wanted them. The men +then controlling the General Government, imitating the men of the +Revolution, refused Indiana that privilege. And so we have the +evidence that Indiana supposed she could have slaves, if it were not +for that Ordinance; that she besought Congress to put that barrier +out of the way; that Congress refused to do so; and it all ended at +last in Indiana being a free State. Tell me not then that the +Ordinance of '87 had nothing to do with making Indiana a free State, +when we find some men chafing against, and only restrained by, that +barrier. + +Come down again to our State of Illinois. The great Northwest +Territory, including Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and +Wisconsin, was acquired first, I believe, by the British Government, +in part at least, from the French. Before the establishment of our +independence it became a part of Virginia, enabling Virginia +afterward to transfer it to the General Government. There were +French settlements in what is now Illinois, and at the same time +there were French settlements in what is now Missouri, in the tract +of country that was not purchased till about 1803. In these French +settlements negro slavery had existed for many years, perhaps more +than a hundred; if not as much as two hundred years,--at Kaskaskia, +in Illinois, and at St. Genevieve, or Cape Girardeau, perhaps, in +Missouri. The number of slaves was not very great, but there was +about the same number in each place. They were there when we +acquired the Territory. There was no effort made to break up the +relation of master and slave, and even the Ordinance of 1787 was not +so enforced as to destroy that slavery in Illinois; nor did the +Ordinance apply to Missouri at all. + +What I want to ask your attention to; at this point, is that Illinois +and Missouri came into the Union about the same time, Illinois in the +latter part of 1818, and Missouri, after a struggle, I believe +sometime in 1820. They had been filling up with American people +about the same period of time; their progress enabling them to come +into the Union about the same time. At the end of that ten years, in +which they had been so preparing (for it was about that period of +time), the number of slaves in Illinois had actually decreased; while +in Missouri, beginning with very few, at the end of that ten years +there were about ten thousand. This being so, and it being +remembered that Missouri and Illinois are, to a certain extent, in +the same parallel of latitude, that the northern half of Missouri and +the southern half of Illinois are in the same parallel of latitude, +so that climate would have the same effect upon one as upon the +other, and that in the soil there is no material difference so far as +bears upon the question of slavery being settled upon one or the +other,--there being none of those natural causes to produce a +difference in filling them, and yet there being a broad difference to +their filling up, we are led again to inquire what was the cause of +that difference. + +It is most natural to say that in Missouri there was no law to keep +that country from filling up with slaves, while in Illinois there was +the Ordinance of The Ordinance being there, slavery decreased during +that ten years; the Ordinance not being in the other, it increased +from a few to ten thousand. Can anybody doubt the reason of the +difference? + +I think all these facts most abundantly prove that my friend Judge +Douglas's proposition, that the Ordinance of '87, or the national +restriction of slavery, never had a tendency to make a free State, is +a fallacy,--a proposition without the shadow or substance of truth +about it. + +Douglas sometimes says that all the States (and it is part of this +same proposition I have been discussing) that have become free have +become so upon his "great principle"; that the State of Illinois +itself came into the Union as a slave State, and that the people, +upon the "great principle" of popular sovereignty, have since made it +a free State. Allow me but a little while to state to you what facts +there are to justify him in saying that Illinois came into the Union +as a slave State. + +I have mentioned to you that there were a few old French slaves +there. They numbered, I think, one or two hundred. Besides that, +there had been a Territorial law for indenturing black persons. +Under that law, in violation of the Ordinance of '87, but without any +enforcement of the Ordinance to overthrow the system, there had been +a small number of slaves introduced as indentured persons. Owing to +this, the clause for the prohibition of slavery was slightly +modified. Instead of running like yours, that neither slavery nor +involuntary servitude, except for crime, of which the party shall +have been duly convicted, should exist in the State, they said that +neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should thereafter be +introduced; and that the children of indentured servants should be +born free; and nothing was said about the few old French slaves. Out +of this fact, that the clause for prohibiting slavery was modified +because of the actual presence of it, Douglas asserts again and again +that Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. How far the +facts sustain the conclusion that he draws, it is for intelligent and +impartial men to decide. I leave it with you, with these remarks, +worthy of being remembered, that that little thing, those few +indentured servants being there, was of itself sufficient to modify a +constitution made by a people ardently desiring to have a free +constitution; showing the power of the actual presence of the +institution of slavery to prevent any people, however anxious to make +a free State, from making it perfectly so. + +I have been detaining you longer, perhaps, than I ought to do. + +I am in some doubt whether to introduce another topic upon which I +could talk a while. [Cries of "Go on," and "Give us it."] It is this, +then: Douglas's Popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply this: +If one man chooses to make a slave of another man, neither that man +nor anybody else has a right to object. Apply it to government, as +he seeks to apply it, and it is this: If, in a new Territory into +which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose of making +their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their limits, +or to establish it there, however one or the other may affect the +persons to be enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons +who are afterward to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of +the family of communities of which they are but an incipient member, +or the general head of the family of States as parent of all, however +their action may affect one or the other of these, there is no power +or right to interfere. That is Douglas's popular sovereignty +applied. Now, I think that there is a real popular sovereignty in +the world. I think the definition of popular sovereignty, in the +abstract, would be about this: that each man shall do precisely as he +pleases with himself, and with all those things which exclusively +concern him. Applied in government, this principle would be that a +general government shall do all those things which pertain to it, and +all the local governments shall do precisely as they please in +respect to those matters which exclusively concern them. + +Douglas looks upon slavery as so insignificant that the people must +decide that question for themselves; and yet they are not fit to +decide who shall be their governor, judge, or secretary, or who shall +be any of their officers. These are vast national matters in his +estimation; but the little matter in his estimation is that of +planting slavery there. That is purely of local interest, which +nobody should be allowed to say a word about. + +Labor is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human +comforts and necessities are drawn. There is a difference in opinion +about the elements of labor in society. Some men assume that there +is necessary connection between capital and labor, and that +connection draws within it the whole of the labor of the community. +They assume that nobody works unless capital excites them to work. +They begin next to consider what is the best way. They say there are +but two ways: one is to hire men, and to allure them to labor by +their consent; the other is to buy the men, and drive them, to it, +and that is slavery. Having assumed that, they proceed to discuss +the question of whether the laborers themselves are better off in the +condition of slaves or of hired laborers, and they usually decide +that they are better off in the condition of slaves. + +In the first place, I say that the whole thing is a mistake. That +there is a certain relation between capital and labor, I admit. That +it does exist, and rightfully exists, I think is true. That men who +are industrious, and sober, and honest in the pursuit of their own +interests should after a while accumulate capital, and after that +should be allowed to enjoy it in peace, and also, if they should +choose, when they have accumulated it, to use it to save themselves +from actual labor, and hire other people to labor for them, is right. +In doing so they do not wrong the man they employ, for they find men +who have not of their own land to work upon, or shops to work in, and +who are benefited by working for others, hired laborers, receiving +their capital for it. Thus a few men, that own capital, hire a few +others, and these establish the relation of capital and labor +rightfully, a relation of which I make no complaint. But I insist +that that relation, after all, does not embrace more than one eighth +of the labor of the country. + +[The speaker proceeded to argue that the hired laborer, with his +ability to become an employer, must have every precedence over him +who labors under the inducement of force. He continued:] + +I have taken upon myself in the name of some of you to say that we +expect upon these principles to ultimately beat them. In order to do +so, I think we want and must have a national policy in regard to the +institution of slavery that acknowledges and deals with that +institution as being wrong. Whoever desires the prevention of the +spread of slavery and the nationalization of that institution yields +all when he yields to any policy that either recognizes slavery as +being right or as being an indifferent thing. Nothing will make you +successful but setting up a policy which shall treat the thing as +being wrong: When I say this, I do not mean to say that this General +Government is charged with the duty of redressing or preventing all +the wrongs in the world, but I do think that it is charged with +preventing and redressing all wrongs which are wrongs to itself. +This Government is expressly charged with the duty of providing for +the general welfare. We believe that the spreading out and +perpetuity of the institution of slavery impairs the general welfare. +We believe--nay, we know--that that is the only thing that has ever +threatened the perpetuity of the Union itself. The only thing which +has ever menaced the destruction of the government under which we +live is this very thing. To repress this thing, we think, is, +Providing for the general welfare. Our friends in Kentucky differ +from us. We need not make our argument for them, but we who think it +is wrong in all its relations, or in some of them at least, must +decide as to our own actions and our own course, upon our own +judgment. + +I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in +the States where it exists, because the Constitution forbids it, and +the general welfare does not require us to do so. We must not +withhold an efficient Fugitive Slave law, because the Constitution +requires us, as I understand it, not to withhold such a law. But we +must prevent the outspreading of the institution, because neither the +Constitution nor general welfare requires us to extend it. We must +prevent the revival of the African slave trade, and the enacting by +Congress of a Territorial slave code. We must prevent each of these +things being done by either Congresses or courts. The people of +these United States are the rightful masters of both Congresses and +courts, not to overthrow the Constitution, but to overthrow the men +who pervert the Constitution. + +To do these things we must employ instrumentalities. We must hold +conventions; we must adopt platforms, if we conform to ordinary +custom; we must nominate candidates; and we must carry elections. In +all these things, I think that we ought to keep in view our real +purpose, and in none do anything that stands adverse to our purpose. +If we shall adopt a platform that fails to recognize or express our +purpose, or elect a man that declares himself inimical to our +purpose, we not only take nothing by our success, but we tacitly +admit that we act upon no other principle than a desire to have "the +loaves and fishes," by which, in the end, our apparent success is +really an injury to us. + +I know that this is very desirable with me, as with everybody else, +that all the elements of the opposition shall unite in the next +Presidential election and in all future time. I am anxious that that +should be; but there are things seriously to be considered in +relation to that matter. If the terms can be arranged, I am in favor +of the union. But suppose we shall take up some man, and put him +upon one end or the other of the ticket, who declares himself against +us in regard to the prevention of the spread of slavery, who turns up +his nose and says he is tired of hearing anything more about it, who +is more against us than against the enemy, what will be the issue? +Why, he will get no slave States, after all,--he has tried that +already until being beat is the rule for him. If we nominate him +upon that ground, he will not carry a slave State; and not only so, +but that portion of our men who are high-strung upon the principle we +really fight for will not go for him, and he won't get a single +electoral vote anywhere, except, perhaps, in the State of Maryland. +There is no use in saying to us that we are stubborn and obstinate +because we won't do some such thing as this. We cannot do it. We +cannot get our men to vote it. I speak by the card, that we cannot +give the State of Illinois in such case by fifty thousand. We would +be flatter down than the "Negro Democracy" themselves have the heart +to wish to see us. + +After saying this much let me say a little on the other side. There +are plenty of men in the slave States that are altogether good enough +for me to be either President or Vice-President, provided they will +profess their sympathy with our purpose, and will place themselves on +the ground that our men, upon principle, can vote for them. There +are scores of them, good men in their character for intelligence and +talent and integrity. If such a one will place himself upon the +right ground, I am for his occupying one place upon the next +Republican or opposition ticket. I will heartily go for him. But +unless he does so place himself, I think it a matter of perfect +nonsense to attempt to bring about a union upon any other basis; that +if a union be made, the elements will scatter so that there can be no +success for such a ticket, nor anything like success. The good old +maxims of the Bible axe applicable, and truly applicable, to human +affairs, and in this, as in other things, we may say here that he who +is not for us is against us; he who gathereth not with us, +scattereth. I should be glad to have some of the many good and able +and noble men of the South to place themselves where we can confer +upon them the high honor of an election upon one or the other end of +our ticket. It would do my soul good to do that thing. It would +enable us to teach them that, inasmuch as we select one of their own +number to carry out our principles, we are free from the charge that +we mean more than we say. + +But, my friends, I have detained you much longer than I expected to +do. I believe I may do myself the compliment to say that you have +stayed and heard me with great patience, for which I return you my +most sincere thanks. + + + + +ON PROTECTIVE TARIFFS + +TO EDWARD WALLACE. + +CLINTON, October 11, 1859 + +Dr. EDWARD WALLACE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am here just now attending court. Yesterday, before +I left Springfield, your brother, Dr. William S. Wallace, showed me a +letter of yours, in which you kindly mention my name, inquiring for +my tariff views, and suggest the propriety of my writing a letter +upon the subject. I was an old Henry-Clay-Tariff Whig. In old times +I made more speeches on that subject than any other. + +I have not since changed my views. I believe yet, if we could have a +moderate, carefully adjusted protective tariff, so far acquiesced in +as not to be a perpetual subject of political strife, squabbles +changes, and uncertainties, it would be better for us. Still it is +my opinion that just now the revival of that question will not +advance the cause itself, or the man who revives it. + +I have not thought much on the subject recently, but my general +impression is that the necessity for a protective tariff will ere +long force its old opponents to take it up; and then its old friends +can join in and establish it on a more firm and durable basis. We, +the Old Whigs, have been entirely beaten out on the tariff question, +and we shall not be able to re-establish the policy until the absence +of it shall have demonstrated the necessity for it in the minds of +men heretofore opposed to it. With this view, I should prefer to not +now write a public letter on the subject. I therefore wish this to +be considered confidential. I shall be very glad to receive a +letter from you. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON MORTGAGES + +TO W. DUNGY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November, 2, 1859. + +WM. DUNGY, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of October 27 is received. When a mortgage is given +to secure two notes, and one of the notes is sold and assigned, if +the mortgaged premises are only sufficient to pay one note, the one +assigned will take it all. Also, an execution from a judgment on the +assigned note may take it all; it being the same thing in substance. +There is redemption on execution sales from the United States Court +just as from any other court. + +You did not mention the name of the plaintiff or defendant in the +suit, and so I can tell nothing about it as to sales, bids, etc. +Write again. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS, +DECEMBER, 1859. + +............. But you Democrats are for the Union; and you greatly +fear the success of the Republicans would destroy the Union. Why? Do +the Republicans declare against the Union? Nothing like it. Your own +statement of it is that if the Black Republicans elect a President, +you "won't stand it." You will break up the Union. If we shall +constitutionally elect a President, it will be our duty to see that +you submit. Old John Brown has been executed for treason against a +State. We cannot object, even though he agreed with us in thinking +slavery wrong. That cannot excuse violence, bloodshed and treason. +It could avail him nothing that he might think himself right. So, if +we constitutionally elect a President, and therefore you undertake to +destroy the Union, it will be our duty to deal with you as old John +Brown has been dealt with. We shall try to do our duty. We hope and +believe that in no section will a majority so act as to render such +extreme measures necessary. + + + + +TO G. W. DOLE, G. S. HUBBARD, AND W. H. BROWN. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 14, 1859 + +MESSRS. DOLE, HUBBARD & BROWN. + +GENT.:--Your favor of the 12th is at hand, and it gives me pleasure +to be able to answer it. It is not my intention to take part in any +of the rivalries for the gubernatorial nomination; but the fear of +being misunderstood upon that subject ought not to deter me from +doing justice to Mr. Judd, and preventing a wrong being done to him +by the use of nay name in connection with alleged wrongs to me. + +In answer to your first question, as to whether Mr. Judd was guilty +of any unfairness to me at the time of Senator Trumbull's election, I +answer unhesitatingly in the negative; Mr. Judd owed no political +allegiance to any party whose candidate I was. He was in the Senate, +holding over, having been elected by a Democratic Constituency. He +never was in any caucus of the friends who sought to make me U. S. +Senator, never gave me any promises or pledges to support me, and +subsequent events have greatly tended to prove the wisdom, +politically, of Mr. Judd's course. The election of Judge Trumbull +strongly tended to sustain and preserve the position of that lion of +the Democrats who condemned the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, +and left them in a position of joining with us in forming the +Republican party, as was done at the Bloomington convention in 1856. + +During the canvass of 1858 for the senatorship my belief was, and +still is, that I had no more sincere and faithful friend than Mr. +Judd--certainly none whom I trusted more. His position as chairman +of the State Central Committee led to my greater intercourse with +him, and to my giving him a larger share of my confidence, than with +or to almost any other friend; and I have never suspected that that +confidence was, to any degree, misplaced. + +My relations with Mr. Judo since the organization of the Republican +party, in, our State, in 1856, and especially since the adjournment +of the Legislature in Feb., 1857, have been so very intimate that I +deem it an impossibility that he could have been dealing +treacherously with me. He has also, at all times, appeared equally +true and faithful to the party. In his position as chairman of the +committee, I believe he did all that any man could have done. The +best of us are liable to commit errors, which become apparent by +subsequent developments; but I do not know of a single error, even, +committed by Mr. Judd, since he and I have acted together +politically. + +I, had occasionally heard these insinuations against Mr. Judd, before +the receipt of your letter; and in no instance have I hesitated to +pronounce them wholly unjust, to the full extent of my knowledge and +belief. I have been, and still am, very anxious to take no part +between the many friends, all good and true, who are mentioned as +candidates for a Republican gubernatorial nomination; but I can not +feel that my own honor is quite clear if I remain silent when I hear +any one of them assailed about matters of which I believe I know more +than his assailants. + +I take pleasure in adding that, of all the avowed friends I had in +the canvass of last year, I do not suspect any of having acted +treacherously to me, or to our cause; and that there is not one of +them in whose honesty, honor, and integrity I, today, have greater +confidence than I have in those of Mr. Judd. + +I dislike to appear before the public in this matter; but you are at +liberty to make such use of this letter as you may think justice +requires. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 19, 1859. + +MESSRS. G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS, CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, ETC. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your letter of the 7th instant, accompanied by a similar +one from the governor-elect, the Republican State officers, and the +Republican members of the State Board of Equalization of Ohio, both +requesting of me, for publication in permanent form, copies of the +political debates between Senator Douglas and myself last year, has +been received. With my grateful acknowledgments to both you and them +for the very flattering terms in which the request is communicated, I +transmit you the copies. The copies I send you are as reported and +printed by the respective friends of Senator Douglas and myself, at +the time--that is, his by his friends, and mine by mine. It would be +an unwarrantable liberty for us to change a word or a letter in his, +and the changes I have made in mine, you perceive, are verbal only, +and very few in number. I wish the reprint to be precisely as the +copies I send, without any comment whatever. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH + +TO J. W. FELL, + +SPRINGFIELD, December 20, 1859. + +J. W. FELL, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is a little sketch, as you requested. There +is not much of it, for the reason, I suppose, that there is not much +of me. If anything be made out of it, I wish it to be modest, and +not to go beyond the material. If it were thought necessary to +incorporate anything from any of my speeches I suppose there would be +no objection. Of course it must not appear to have been written by +myself. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN + +----------------------- + +I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. My parents +were both born in Virginia, of undistinguished families--second +families, perhaps I should say. My mother, who died in my tenth +year, was of a family of the name of Hanks, some of whom now reside +in Adams, and others in Macon County, Illinois. My paternal +grandfather, Abraham Lincoln, emigrated from Rockingham County, +Virginia, to Kentucky about 1781 or 1782, where a year or two later +he was killed by the Indians, not in battle, but by stealth, when he +was laboring to open a farm in the forest. His ancestors, who were +Quakers, went to Virginia from Berks County, Pennsylvania. An effort +to identify them with the New England family of the same name ended +in nothing more definite than a similarity of Christian names in both +families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, Solomon, Abraham, and the +like. + +My father, at the death of his father, was but six years of age, and +he grew up literally without education. He removed from Kentucky to +what is now Spencer County, Indiana, in my eighth year. We reached +our new home about the time that State came into the Union. It was a +wild region, with many bears and other wild animals still in the +woods. There I grew up. There were some schools, so called, but no +qualification was ever required of a teacher beyond "readin', +writin', and cipherin"' to the Rule of Three. If a straggler +supposed to understand Latin happened to sojourn in the neighborhood +he was looked upon as a wizard. There was absolutely nothing to +excite ambition for education. Of course, when I came of age I did +not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, and cipher to +the Rule of Three, but that was all. I have not been to school +since. The little advance I now have upon this store of education I +have picked up from time to time under the pressure of necessity. + +I was raised to farm work, which I continued till I was twenty-two. +At twenty-one I came to Illinois, Macon County. Then I got to New +Salem, at that time in Sangamon, now in Menard County, where I +remained a year as a sort of clerk in a store. Then came the Black +Hawk war; and I was elected a captain of volunteers, a success which +gave me more pleasure than any I have had since. I went the +campaign, was elected, ran for the Legislature the same year (1832), +and was beaten--the only time I ever have been beaten by the people. +The next and three succeeding biennial elections I was elected to the +Legislature. I was not a candidate afterward. During this +legislative period I had studied law, and removed to Springfield to +practice it. In 1846 I was once elected to the lower House of +Congress. Was not a candidate for re-election. From 1849 to 1854, +both inclusive, practiced law more assiduously than ever before. +Always a Whig in politics; and generally on the Whig electoral +tickets, making active canvasses. I was losing interest in politics +when the repeal of the Missouri Compromise aroused me again. What I +have done since then is pretty well known. + +If any personal description of me is thought desirable, it may be +said I am, in height, six feet four inches, nearly; lean in flesh, +weighing on an average one hundred and eighty pounds; dark +complexion, with coarse black hair and gray eyes. No other marks or +brands recollected. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON NOMINATION TO THE NATIONAL TICKET + +To N. B. JUDD. + +SPRINGFIELD, FEBRUARY 9, 1859 + +HON. N. B. JUDD. + +DEAR Sir:--I am not in a position where it would hurt much for me to +not be nominated on the national ticket; but I am where it would hurt +some for me to not get the Illinois delegates. What I expected when +I wrote the letter to Messrs. Dole and others is now happening. +Your discomfited assailants are most bitter against me; and they +will, for revenge upon me, lay to the Bates egg in the South, and to +the Seward egg in the North, and go far toward squeezing me out in +the middle with nothing. Can you help me a little in this matter in +your end of the vineyard. I mean this to be private. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + + +1860 + + +SPEECH AT THE COOPER INSTITUTE, NEW YORK +FEBRUARY 27, 1860 + + +MR. PRESIDENT AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW YORK:--The facts with which +I shall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar; nor is there +anything new in the general use I shall make of them. If there shall +be any novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and +the inferences and observations following that presentation. + +In his speech last autumn at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in the New +York Times, Senator Douglas said: + +"Our fathers, when they framed the Government under which we live, +understood this question just as well, and even better than we do +now." + +I fully indorse this, and I adopt it as a text for this discourse. +I so adopt it because it furnishes a precise and an agreed starting- +point for a discussion between Republicans and that wing of the +Democracy headed by Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry: +What was the understanding those fathers had of the question +mentioned? + +What is the frame of Government under which we live? + +The answer must be--the Constitution of the United States. That +Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787 (and under +which the present Government first went into operation), and twelve +subsequently framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed in +1789. + +Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? I suppose the +"thirty-nine" who signed the original instrument may be fairly called +our fathers who framed that part of the present Government. It is +almost exactly true to say they framed it, and it is altogether true +to say they fairly represented the opinion and sentiment of the whole +nation at that time. + +Their names, being familiar to nearly all, and accessible to quite +all, need not now be repeated. + +I take these "thirty-nine," for the present, as being our "fathers +who framed the Government under which we live." + +What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers +understood "just as well, and even better than we do now"? + +It is this: Does the proper division of local from Federal authority, +or anything in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Government to +control as to slavery in our Federal Territories? + +Upon this Senator Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans the +negative. This affirmation and denial form an issue, and this issue- +-this question is precisely what the text declares our fathers +understood "better than we." + +Let us now inquire whether the "thirty-nine," or any of them, acted +upon this question; and if they did, how they acted upon it -how they +expressed that better understanding. + +In 1784, three years before the Constitution--the United States then +owning the Northwestern Territory, and no other--the Congress of the +Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery in +that Territory; and four of the "thirty nine" who afterward framed +the Constitution were in that Congress and voted on that question. +Of these, Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin, and Hugh Williamson voted +for the prohibition, thus showing that, in their understanding, no +line dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything else, +properly forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in +Federal territory. The other of the four--James McHenry voted +against the prohibition, showing that, for some cause, he thought it +improper to vote for it. + +In 1787, still before the Constitution, but while the convention was +in session framing it, and while the Northwestern Territory still was +the only Territory owned by the United States, the same question of +prohibiting slavery in the Territory again came before the Congress +of the Confederation; and two more of the "thirty-nine" who afterward +signed the Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on the +question. They were William Blount and William Few; and they both +voted for the prohibition thus showing that, in their understanding, +no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything else, +properly forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in +Federal territory. This time the prohibition became a law, being part +of what is now well known as the Ordinance of '87. + +The question of Federal control of slavery in the Territories seems +not to have been directly before the convention which framed the +original Constitution; and hence it is not recorded that the +"thirty-nine," or any of them, while engaged on that instrument, +expressed any opinion on that precise question. + +In 1789, by the first Congress which sat under the Constitution, an +act was passed to enforce the Ordinance of '87, including the +prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory. The bill for +this act was reported by one of the "thirty-nine," Thomas +Fitzsimmons, then a member of the House of Representatives from +Pennsylvania. It went through all its stages without a word of +opposition, and finally passed both branches without yeas and nays, +which is equivalent to a unanimous passage. In this Congress there +were sixteen of the thirty-nine fathers who framed the original +Constitution. They were John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman, Wm. S. +Johnnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thos. Fitzsimmons, William +Few, Abraham Baldwin, Rufus King, William Paterson, George Claimer, +Richard Bassett, George Read, Pierce Butler, Daniel Carroll, James +Madison. + +This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from +Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, properly forbade +Congress to prohibit slavery in the Federal territory; else both +their fidelity to correct principles and their oath to support the +Constitution would have constrained them to oppose the prohibition. + +Again: George Washington, another of the "thirty nine," was then +President of the United States, and, as such, approved and signed the +bill; thus completing its validity as a law, and thus showing that, +in his understanding, no line dividing local from Federal authority, +nor anything in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to +control as to slavery in Federal territory. + +No great while after the adoption of the original Constitution, North +Carolina ceded to the Federal Government the country now constituting +the State of Tennessee; and, a few years later, Georgia ceded that +which now constitutes the States of Mississippi and Alabama. In both +deeds of cession it was made a condition by the ceding States that +the Federal Government should not prohibit slavery in the ceded +country. Besides this, slavery was then actually in the ceded +country. Under these circumstances, Congress, on taking charge of +these countries, did not absolutely prohibit slavery within them. +But they did interfere with it--take control of it--even there, to a +certain extent. In 1798, Congress organized the Territory of +Mississippi: In the act of organization they prohibited the bringing +of slaves into the Territory from any place without the United +States, by fine and giving freedom to slaves so brought. This act +passed both branches of Congress without yeas and nays. In that +Congress were three of the "thirty-nine" who framed the original +Constitution. They were John Langdon, George Read, and Abraham +Baldwin. They all, probably, voted for it. Certainly they would have +placed their opposition to it upon record, if, in their +understanding, any line dividing local from Federal authority, or +anything in the Constitution, properly forbade the Federal Government +to control as to slavery in Federal territory. + +In 1803, the Federal Government purchased the Louisiana country. Our +former territorial acquisitions came from certain of our own States; +but this Louisiana country was acquired from a foreign nation. In +1804, Congress gave a territorial organization to that part of it +which now constitutes the State of Lousiana. New Orleans, lying +within that part, was an old and comparatively large city. There +were other considerable towns and settlements, and slavery was +extensively and thoroughly intermingled with the people. Congress +did not, in the Territorial Act, prohibit slavery; but they did +interfere with it take control of it--in a more marked and extensive +way than they did in the case of Mississippi. The substance of the +provision therein made in relation to slaves was: + +First. That no slave should be imported into the Territory from +foreign parts. + +Second. That no slave should be carried into it who had been imported +into the United States since the first day of May, 1798. + +Third. That no slave should be carried into it except by the owner, +and for his own use as a settler; the penalty in all the cases being +a fine upon the violator of the law, and freedom to the slave. + +This act also was passed without yeas and nays. In the Congress which +passed it there were two of the "thirty-nine." They were Abraham +Baldwin and Jonathan Dayton. As stated in the case of Mississippi, +it is probable they both voted for it. They would not have allowed it +to pass without recording their opposition to it, if, in their +understanding, it violated either the line properly dividing local +from Federal authority, or any provision of the Constitution. + +In 1819-20 came and passed the Missouri question. Many votes were +taken, by yeas and nays, in both branches of Congress, upon the +various phases of the general question. Two of the "thirty-nine"- +-Rufus King and Charles Pinckney were members of that Congress. Mr. +King steadily voted for slavery prohibition and against all +compromises, while Mr. Pinckney as steadily voted against slavery +prohibition, and against all compromises. By this, Mr. King showed +that, in his understanding, no line dividing local from Federal +authority, nor anything in the Constitution, was violated by Congress +prohibiting slavery in Federal territory; while Mr. Pinckney, by his +vote, showed that in his understanding there was some sufficient +reason for opposing such prohibition in that case. + +The cases I have mentioned are the only acts of the "thirty-nine," or +of any of them, upon the direct issue, which I have been able to +discover. + +To enumerate the persons who thus acted, as being four in 1784, two +in 1787, seventeen in 1789, three in 1798, two in 1804, and two in +1819-20--there would be thirty of them. But this would be counting, +John Langdon, Roger Sherman, William Few, Rufus King, and George +Read, each twice, and Abraham Baldwin three times. The true number +of those of the "thirty-nine" whom I have shown to have acted upon +the question which, by the text, they understood better than we, is +twenty-three, leaving sixteen not shown to have acted upon it in any +way. + +Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our thirty-nine fathers "who +framed the Government under which we live," who have, upon their +official responsibility and their corporal oaths, acted upon the very +question which the text affirms they "understood just as well, and +even better than we do now"; and twenty-one of them--a clear majority +of the whole "thirty-nine"--so acting upon it as to make them guilty +of gross political impropriety and wilful perjury, if, in their +understanding, any proper division between local and Federal. +authority, or anything in the Constitution they had made themselves, +and sworn to support, forbade the Federal Government to control as to +slavery in the Federal Territories. Thus the twenty-one acted; and, +as actions speak louder than words, so actions under such +responsibilities speak still louder. + +Two of the twenty-three voted against Congressional prohibition of +slavery in the Federal Territories, in the instances in which they +acted upon the question. But for what reasons they so voted is not +known. They may have done so because they thought a proper division +of local from Federal authority, or some provision or principle of +the Constitution, stood in the way; or they may, without any such +question, have voted against the prohibition on what appeared to them +to be sufficient grounds of expediency. No one who has sworn to +support the Constitution can conscientiously vote for what he +understands to be an unconstitutional measure, however expedient he +may think it; but one may and ought to vote against a measure which +he deems constitutional, if, at the same time, he deems it +inexpedient. It therefore would be unsafe to set down even the two +who voted against the prohibition as having done so because, in their +understanding, any proper division of local from Federal authority, +or anything in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to +control as to slavery in Federal territory. + +The remaining sixteen of the "thirty-nine," so far as I have +discovered, have left no record of their understanding upon the +direct question of Federal control on slavery in the Federal +Territories. But there is much reason to believe that their +understanding upon that question would not have appeared different +from that of their twenty-three compeers, had it been manifested at +all. + +For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have purposely +omitted whatever understanding may have been manifested by any +person, however distinguished, other than the thirty-nine fathers who +framed the original Constitution; and, for the same reason, I have +also omitted whatever understanding may have been manifested by any +of the "thirty tine" even on any other phase of the general question +of slavery. If we should look into their acts and declarations on +those other phases, as the foreign slave trade, and the morality and +policy of slavery generally, it would appear to us that on the direct +question of Federal control of slavery in Federal Territories, the +sixteen, if they had acted at all, would probably have acted just as +the twenty-three did. Among that sixteen were several of the most +noted anti-slavery men of those times--as Dr. Franklin, Alexander +Hamilton, and Gouverneur Morris while there was not one now known to +have been otherwise, unless it may be John Rutledge, of South +Carolina. + +The sum of the whole is, that of our thirty-nine fathers who framed +the original Constitution, twenty-one--a clear majority of the +whole--certainly understood that no proper division of local from +Federal authority, nor any part of the Constitution, forbade the +Federal Government to control slavery in the Federal Territories; +whilst all the rest probably had the same understanding. Such, +unquestionably, was the understanding of our fathers who framed the +original Constitution; and the text affirms that they understood the +question "better than we." + +But, so far, I have been considering the understanding of the +question manifested by the framers of the original Constitution. In +and by the original instrument, a mode was provided for amending it; +and, as I have already stated, the present frame of "the Government +under which we live" consists of that original, and twelve amendatory +articles framed and adopted since. Those who now insist that Federal +control of slavery in Federal Territories violates the Constitution, +point us to the provisions which they suppose it thus violates; and, +as I understand, they all fix upon provisions in these amendatory +articles, and not in the original instrument. The Supreme Court, in +the Dred Scott case, plant themselves upon the fifth amendment, which +provides that no person shall be deprived of "life, liberty, or +property without due process of law"; while Senator Douglas and his +peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth amendment, +providing that "the powers not delegated to the United States by the +Constitution" "are reserved to the States respectively, or to the +people." + +Now, it so happens that these amendments were framed by the first +Congress which sat under the Constitution--the identical Congress +which passed the act already mentioned, enforcing the prohibition of +slavery in the Northwestern Territory. Not only was it the same +Congress, but they were the identical same individual men who, at the +same session, and at the same time within the session, had under +consideration, and in progress toward maturity, these Constitutional +amendments, and this act prohibiting slavery in all the territory the +nation then owned. The Constitutional amendments were introduced +before and passed after the act enforcing the Ordinance of '87; so +that, during the whole pendency of the act to enforce the Ordinance, +the Constitutional amendments were also pending. + +The seventy-six members of that Congress, including sixteen of the +framers of the original Constitution, as before stated, were +pre-eminently our fathers who framed that part of "the Government +under which we live," which is now claimed as forbidding the Federal +Government to control slavery in the Federal Territories. + +Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day to affirm that +the two things which that Congress deliberately framed, and carried +to maturity at the same time, are absolutely inconsistent with each +other? And does not such affirmation become impudently absurd when +coupled with the other affirmation from the same mouth, that those +who did the two things alleged to be inconsistent understood whether +they really were inconsistent better than we--better than he who +affirms that they are inconsistent? + +It is surely safe to assume that the thirty-nine framers of the +original Constitution, and the seventy-six members of the Congress +which framed the amendments thereto, taken together, do certainly +include those who may be fairly called "our fathers who framed the +Government under which we live." And, so assuming, I defy any man to +show that any one of them ever, in his whole life, declared that, in +his understanding, any proper division of local from Federal +authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal +Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. I go +a step further. I defy any one to show that any living man in the +world ever did, prior to the beginning of the present century (and I +might almost say prior to the beginning of the last half of the +present century), declare that, in his understanding, any proper +division of local from Federal authority, or any part of the +Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery +in the Federal Territories. To those who now so declare, I give not +only "our fathers who framed the Government under which we live," but +with them all other living men within the century in which it was +framed, among whom to search, and they shall not be able to find the +evidence of a single man agreeing with them. + +Now and here let me guard a little against being misunderstood. I do +not mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our +fathers did. To do so would be to discard all the lights of current +experience to reject all progress, all improvement. What I do say is +that, if we would supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in +any case, we should do so upon evidence so conclusive, and argument +so clear, that even their great authority, fairly considered and +weighed, cannot stand; and most surely not in a case whereof we +ourselves declare they understood the question better than we. + +If any man at this day sincerely believes that proper division of +local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, +forbids the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the +Federal Territories, he is right to say so, and to enforce his +position by all truthful evidence and fair argument which he can. +But he has no right to mislead others who have less access to +history, and less leisure to study it, into the false belief that +"our fathers who framed the Government under which we live" were of +the same opinion thus substituting falsehood and deception for +truthful evidence and fair argument. If any man at this day +sincerely believes "our fathers, who framed the Government under +which we live," used and applied principles, in other cases, which +ought to have led them to understand that a proper division of local +from Federal authority, or some part of the Constitution, forbids the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal +Territories, he is right to say so. But he should, at the same time, +brave the responsibility of declaring that, in his opinion, he +understands their principles better than they did themselves; and +especially should he not shirk that responsibility by asserting that +they "understood the question just as well, and even better than we +do now." + +But enough! Let all who believe that "our fathers, who framed the +Government under which we live, understood this question just as +well, and even better than we do now," speak as they spoke, and act +as they acted upon it. This is all Republicans ask--all Republicans +desire--in relation to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let +it be again marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be +tolerated and protected only because of, and so far as, its actual +presence among us makes that toleration and protection a necessity. +Let all the guaranties those fathers gave it be not grudgingly, but +fully and fairly maintained. For this Republicans contend, and with +this, so far as I know or believe, they will be content. + +And now, if they would listen--as I suppose they will not--I would +address a few words to the Southern people. + +I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just +people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and +justice you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you +speak of us Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, +or, at the best, as no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing +to pirates or murderers, but nothing like it to "Black Republicans." +In all your contentions with one another, each of you deems an +unconditional condemnation of "Black Republicanism" as the first +thing to be attended to. Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be +an indispensable prerequisite license, so to speak among you, to be +admitted or permitted to speak at all: Now; can you, or not, be +prevailed upon to pause, and to consider whether this is quite just +to us, or even to yourselves? Bring forward your charges and +specifications, and then be patient long enough to hear us deny or +justify. + +You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the +burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? +Why, that our party has no existence in your section--gets no votes +in your section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove +the issue? If it does, then in case we should, without change of +principle, begin to get votes in your section, we should thereby +cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, +are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon +find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in +your section this very year. You will then begin to discover, as the +truth plainly is, that your proof, does not touch the issue. The fact +that we get no votes in your section is a fact of your making, and +not of ours. And if there be fault in that fact, that fault is +primarily yours, and remains so until you show that we repel you by, +some wrong principle or practice. If we do repel you by any wrong +principle or practice, the fault is ours; but this brings you to +where you ought to have started to a discussion of the right or wrong +of our principle. If our principle, put in practice, would wrong +your section for the benefit of ours, or for any other object, then +our principle, and we with it, are sectional, and are justly opposed +and denounced as such. Meet us, then, on the question of whether our +principle, put in practice, would wrong your section; and so meet us +as if it were possible that something may be said on our side. Do +you accept the challenge? No! Then you really believe that the +principle which "our fathers who framed the Government under which we +live" thought so clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse it again +and again, upon their official oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as +to demand your condemnation without a moment's consideration. + +Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against +sectional parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less +than eight years before Washington gave that warning, he had, as +President of the United States, approved and signed an act of +Congress enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern +Territory, which act embodied the policy of the Government upon that +subject up to, and at, the very moment he penned that warning; and +about one year after he penned it, he wrote La Fayette that he +considered that prohibition a wise measure, expressing in the same +connection his hope that we should at some time have a confederacy of +free States. + +Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen +upon this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands +against us, or in our hands against you? Could Washington himself +speak, would he cast the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who +sustain his policy, or upon you, who repudiate it? We respect that +warning of Washington, and we commend it to you, together with his +example pointing to the right application of it. + +But you say you are conservative--eminently conservative--while we +are revolutionary, destructive, or something, of the sort. What is +conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against a +new and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy +on the point in controversy which was adopted by "our fathers who +framed the Government under which we live"; while you with one accord +reject, and scout, and spit upon that old policy and insist upon +substituting something new. True, you disagree among yourselves as +to what that substitute shall be. You are divided on new +propositions and plans, but you are unanimous in rejecting and +denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some of you are for +reviving the foreign slave trade; some for a Congressional slave code +for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the Territories to +prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining slavery in +the Territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reat +pur-rinciple" that "if one man would enslave another, no third man +should object," fantastically called "popular sovereignty"; but never +a man among you in favor of Federal prohibition of slavery in Federal +Territories, according to the practice of "our fathers who framed the +Government under which we live." Not one of all your various plans +can show a precedent or an advocate in the century within which our +Government originated. Consider, then, whether your claim of +conservatism for yourselves, and your charge of destructiveness +against us, are based on the most clear and stable foundations. + +Again: You say we have made the slavery question more prominent than +it formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, +but we deny that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who +discarded the old policy of the fathers. We resisted and still +resist your innovation; and thence comes the greater prominence of +the question. Would you have that question reduced to its former +proportions? Go back to that old policy. What has been will be +again, under the same conditions. If you would have the peace of the +old times, readopt the precepts and policy of the old times. + +You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We deny +it; and what is your proof'? Harper's Ferry! John Brown!! John +Brown was no Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single +Republican in his Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our +party is guilty in that matter you know it or you do not know it. If +you do know it, you are inexcusable for not designating the man and +proving the fact. If you do not know it, you are inexcusable for +asserting it, and especially for persisting in the assertion after +you have tried and failed to make the proof. You need not be told +that persisting in a charge which one does not know to be true is +simply malicious slander. + +Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged +the Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that our doctrines and +declarations necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. +We know we hold to no doctrine, and make no declaration, which were +not held to and made by our fathers who framed the Government under +which we live" You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this +affair. When it occurred, some important State elections were near +at hand, and you were in evident glee with the belief that, by +charging the blame upon us, you could get an advantage of us in those +elections. The elections came, and your expectations were not quite +fulfilled. Every Republican man knew that, as to himself at least, +your charge was a slander, and he was not much inclined by it to cast +his vote in your favor. Republican doctrines and declarations are +accompanied with a continued protest against any interference +whatever with your slaves, or with you about your slaves. Surely, +this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, in common with +"our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live," declare +our belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not hear us +declare even this. For any thing we say or do, the slaves would +scarcely know there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, +in fact, generally know it but for your misrepresentations of us in +their hearing. In your political contests among yourselves, each +faction charges the other with sympathy with Black Republicanism; and +then, to give point to the charge, defines Black Republicanism to +simply be insurrection, blood, and thunder among the slaves. + +Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the +Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton +insurrection, twenty-eight years ago, in which, at least, three times +as many lives were lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely +stretch your very elastic fancy to the conclusion that Southampton +was "got up by Black Republicanism." In the present state of things +in the United States, I do not think a general or even a very +extensive slave insurrection is possible. The indispensable concert +of action cannot be attained. The slaves have no means of rapid +communication; nor can incendiary freemen, black or white, supply it. +The explosive materials are everywhere in parcels; but there neither +are, nor can be supplied the indispensable connecting trains. + +Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for +their masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true. A +plot for an uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to +twenty individuals before some one of them, to save the life of a +favorite master or mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and +the slave revolution in Hayti was not an exception to it, but a case +occurring under peculiar circumstances. The gunpowder plot of +British history, though not connected with slaves, was more in point. +In that case, only about twenty were admitted to the secret; and yet +one of them, in his anxiety to save a friend, betrayed the plot to +that friend, and, by consequence, averted the calamity. Occasional +poisonings from the kitchen, and open or stealthy assassinations in +the field, and local revolts, extending to a score or so, will +continue to occur as the natural results of slavery; but no general +insurrection of slaves, as I think, can happen in this country for a +long time. Whoever much fears or much hopes for such an event will +be alike disappointed. + +In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, "It is +still in our power to direct the process of emancipation and +deportation peaceably, and in such slow degrees as that the evil will +wear off insensibly, and their places be, pari passu, filled up by +free white laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself +on, human nature must shudder at the prospect held up." + +Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of +emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia; +and, as to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slave holding +States only. The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the +power of restraining the extension of the institution--the power to +insure that a slave insurrection shall never occur on any American +soil which is now free from slavery. + +John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. +It was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in +which the slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd +that the slaves, with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it +could not succeed. That affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with +the many attempts related in history at the assassination of kings +and emperors. An enthusiast broods over the oppression of a people +till he fancies himself commissioned by Heaven to liberate them. He +ventures the attempt, which ends in little else than his own +execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon and John Brown's +attempt at Harper's Ferry were, in their philosophy, precisely the +same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one case, +and on New England in the other, does not disprove the sameness of +the two things. + +And how much would it avail you, if you could, by the use of John +Brown, Helper's Book, and the like, break up the Republican +organization? Human action can be modified to some extent, but human +nature cannot be changed. There is a judgment and a feeling against +slavery in this nation, which cast at least a million and a half of +votes. You cannot destroy that judgment and feeling--that sentiment- +-by breaking up the political organization which rallies around it. +You can scarcely scatter and disperse an army which has been formed +into order in the face of your heaviest fire; but if you could, how +much would you gain by forcing the sentiment which created it out of +the peaceful channel of the ballot-box, into some other channel? +What would that other channel probably be? Would the number of John +Browns be lessened or enlarged by the operation? + +But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of +your constitutional rights. + +That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated, if not +fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to +deprive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. +But we are proposing no such thing. + +When you make these declarations, you have a specific and well- +understood allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to +take slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as +property. But no such right is specifically written in the +Constitution. That instrument is literally silent about any such +right. We, on the contrary, deny that such a right has any existence +in the Constitution, even by implication. + +Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is that you will destroy the +Government unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the +Constitution as you please on all points in dispute between you and +us. You will rule or ruin, in all events. + +This, plainly stated, is your language. Perhaps you will say the +Supreme Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in +your favor. Not quite so. But, waiving the lawyer's distinction +between dictum and decision, the court have decided the question for +you in a sort of way. The court have substantially said it is your +constitutional right to take slaves into the Federal Territories, and +to hold them there as property. When I say, the decision was made in +a sort of way, I mean it was made in a divided court, by a bare +majority of the judges, and they not quite agreeing with one another +in the reasons for making it; that it is so made as that its avowed +supporters disagree with one another about its meaning, and that it +was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of fact--the statement in +the opinion that "the right of property in a slave is distinctly and +expressly affirmed in the Constitution." + +An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of +property in a slave is not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it. +Bear in mind, the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that +such right is impliedly affirmed in the Constitution; but they pledge +their veracity that it is "distinctly and expressly" affirmed there- +-"distinctly," that is, not mingled with anything else; "expressly," +that is, in words meaning just that, without the aid of any +inference, and susceptible of no other meaning. + +If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right is +affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others +to show that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in +the Constitution, nor the word "property" even, in any connection +with language alluding to the things slave or slavery; and that +wherever in that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a +"person"; and wherever his master's legal right in relation to him is +alluded to, it is spoken of as "service or labor which may be due," +as a debt payable in service or labor. Also, it would be open to +show, by contemporaneous history, that this mode of alluding to +slaves and slavery, instead of speaking of them, was employed on +purpose to exclude from the Constitution the idea that there could be +property in man. + +To show all this, is easy and certain. + +When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their +notice, is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the +mistaken statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it? + +And then it is to be remembered that "our fathers; who framed the +Government under which we live",--the men who made the Constitution-- +decided this same constitutional question in our favor, long ago; +decided it without division among themselves, when making the +decision, without division among themselves about the meaning of it +after it was made, and, so far as any evidence is left, without +basing it upon any mistaken statement of facts. + +Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves +justified to break up this Government unless such a court decision as +yours is shall be at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule +of political action? But you will not abide the election of a +Republican President! In that supposed event, you say, you will +destroy the Union;, and then, you say, the great crime of having +destroyed it will be upon us! That is cool. A highwayman holds a +pistol to my ear, and mutters through his teeth, "stand and deliver, +or I shall kill you, and then you'll be a murderer!" + +To be sure, what the robber demanded of me-my money was my own, and I +had a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my vote +is my own; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the +threat of destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely +be distinguished in principle. + +A few words now to Republicans: It is exceedingly desirable that all +parts of this great confederacy shall be at peace and in harmony one +with another. Let us Republicans do our part to have it so. Even +though much provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill +temper. Even though the Southern people will not so much as listen +to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and yield to them if, in +our deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all +they say and do, and by the subject and nature of their controversy +with us, let us determine, if we can, what will satisfy them. + +Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally +surrendered to them? We know they will not. In all their present +complaints against us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. +Invasions and insurrections are the rage now. Will it satisfy them +if, in the future, we have nothing to do with invasions and, +insurrections? We know it will not. We so know because we know we +never had anything to do with invasions and insurrections; and yet +this total abstaining does not exempt us from the charge and the +denunciation. + +The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: We must +not only let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we +do let them alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. +We have been so trying to convince them from the very beginning of +our organization, but with no success. In all our platforms and +speeches we have constantly protested our purpose to let them alone; +but this has had no tendency to convince them. Alike unavailing to +convince them is the fact that they have never detected a man of us +in any attempt to disturb them. + +These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will +convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and +join them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly-- +done in acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated--we +must place ourselves avowedly with them. Senator Douglas's new +sedition law must be enacted and enforced, suppressing all +declarations that slavery is wrong, whether made in politics, in +presses, in pulpits; or in private. We must arrest and return their +fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must pull down our free +State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be disinfected from +all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will cease to believe +that all their troubles proceed from us. + +I am quite aware they do not state their case precisely in this way. +Most of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to +us, and say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone +have never disturbed them--so that after all it is what we say which +dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until +we cease saying. + +I am also aware they have not as yet, in terms, demanded the +overthrow of our free State constitutions. Yet those constitutions +declare the wrong of slavery, with more solemn emphasis than do all +other sayings against it; and when all these other sayings shall have +been silenced, the overthrow of these constitutions will be demanded, +and nothing be left to resist the demand. It is nothing to the +contrary, that they do not demand the whole of this just now. +Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, they can +voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. Holding, as +they do, that slavery is morally right, and socially elevating, they +cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of it, as a legal +right and a social blessing. + +Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our +conviction that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, +acts, laws, and constitutions against it are themselves wrong, and +should be silenced and swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly +object to its nationality its universality; if it is wrong, they +cannot justly insist upon its extension--its enlargement. All they +ask we could readily grant if we thought slavery right; all we ask +they could as readily grant, if they thought it wrong. Their +thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the precise fact upon +which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right, as they do, +they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition, as being +right; but thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? Can we +cast our votes with their view, and against our own? In view of our +moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we do this? Wrong +as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it +is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual +presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, +allow it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us +here in these free States? If our sense of duty forbids this, then +let us stand by our duty, fearlessly and effectively. Let us be +diverted by none of those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are +so industriously plied and belabored-contrivances such as groping for +some middle ground between the right and the wrong, vain as the +search for a man who should be neither a living man nor a dead +man-such as a policy of "don't care" on a question about which all +true men do care--such as Union appeals beseeching true Union men to +yield to Disunionists, reversing the divine rule, and calling, not +the sinners, but the righteous to repentance--such as invocations to +Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington said, and undo +what Washington did. + +Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations +against us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the +Government nor of dungeons to ourselves. LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT +MAKES MIGHT, AND IN THAT FAITH LET US, TO THE END, DARE TO DO OUR +DUTY AS WE UNDERSTAND IT. + + + + +SPEECH AT NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, MARCH 6, 1860 + +MR. PRESIDENT, AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW HAVEN:--If the Republican +party of this nation shall ever have the national House entrusted to +its keeping, it will be the duty of that party to attend to all the +affairs of national housekeeping. Whatever matters of importance may +come up, whatever difficulties may arise in its way of administration +of the Government, that party will then have to attend to. It will +then be compelled to attend to other questions, besides this question +which now assumes an overwhelming importance--the question of +slavery. It is true that in the organization of the Republican party +this question of slavery was more important than any other: indeed, +so much more important has it become that no more national question +can even get a hearing just at present. The old question of tariff- +-a matter that will remain one of the chief affairs of national +house-keeping to all time; the question of the management of +financial affairs; the question of the disposition of the public +domain how shall it be managed for the purpose of getting it well +settled, and of making there the homes of a free and happy people? +these will remain open and require attention for a great while yet, +and these questions will have to be attended to by whatever party has +the control of the Government. Yet, just now, they cannot even +obtain a hearing, and I do not propose to detain you upon these +topics or what sort of hearing they should have when opportunity +shall come. + +For, whether we will or not, the question of slavery is the question, +the all-absorbing topic of the day. It is true that all of us--and by +that I mean, not the Republican party alone, but the whole American +people, here and elsewhere--all of us wish this question settled, +wish it out of the way. It stands in the way, and prevents the +adjustment, and the giving of necessary attention to other questions +of national house-keeping. The people of the whole nation agree that +this question ought to be settled, and yet it is not settled. And +the reason is that they are not yet agreed how it shall be settled. +All wish it done, but some wish one way and some another, and some a +third, or fourth, or fifth; different bodies are pulling in different +directions, and none of them, having a decided majority, are able to +accomplish the common object. + +In the beginning of the year 1854, a new policy was inaugurated with +the avowed object and confident promise that it would entirely and +forever put an end to the slavery agitation. It was again and again +declared that under this policy, when once successfully established, +the country would be forever rid of this whole question. Yet under +the operation of that policy this agitation has not only not ceased, +but it has been constantly augmented. And this too, although, from +the day of its introduction, its friends, who promised that it would +wholly end all agitation, constantly insisted, down to the time that +the Lecompton Bill was introduced, that it was working admirably, and +that its inevitable tendency was to remove the question forever from +the politics of the country. Can you call to mind any Democratic +speech, made after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, down to the +time of the Lecompton Bill, in which it was not predicted that the +slavery agitation was just at an end, that "the abolition excitement +was played out," "the Kansas question was dead," "they have made the +most they can out of this question and it is now forever settled"? +But since the Lecompton Bill no Democrat, within my experience, has +ever pretended that he could see the end. That cry has been dropped. +They themselves do not pretend, now, that the agitation of this +subject has come to an end yet. + +The truth is that this question is one of national importance, and we +cannot help dealing with it; we must do something about it, whether +we will or not. We cannot avoid it; the subject is one we cannot +avoid considering; we can no more avoid it than a man can live +without eating. It is upon us; it attaches to the body politic as +much and closely as the natural wants attach to our natural bodies. +Now I think it important that this matter should be taken up in +earnest, and really settled: And one way to bring about a true +settlement of the question is to understand its true magnitude. + +There have been many efforts made to settle it. Again and again it +has been fondly hoped that it was settled; but every time it breaks +out afresh, and more violently than ever. It was settled, our +fathers hoped, by the Missouri Compromise, but it did not stay +settled. Then the compromises of 1850 were declared to be a full and +final settlement of the question. The two great parties, each in +national convention, adopted resolutions declaring that the +settlement made by the Compromise of 1850 was a finality that it +would last forever. Yet how long before it was unsettled again? +It broke out again in 1854, and blazed higher and raged more +furiously than ever before, and the agitation has not rested since. + +These repeated settlements must have some faults about them. There +must be some inadequacy in their very nature to the purpose to which +they were designed. We can only speculate as to where that fault, +that inadequacy, is, but we may perhaps profit by past experiences. + +I think that one of the causes of these repeated failures is that our +best and greatest men have greatly underestimated the size of this +question. They have constantly brought forward small cures for great +sores--plasters too small to cover the wound. That is one reason +that all settlements have proved temporary--so evanescent. + +Look at the magnitude of this subject: One sixth of our population, +in round numbers--not quite one sixth, and yet more than a seventh,-- +about one sixth of the whole population of the United States are +slaves. The owners of these slaves consider them property. The +effect upon the minds of the owners is that of property, and nothing +else it induces them to insist upon all that will favorably affect +its value as property, to demand laws and institutions and a public +policy that shall increase and secure its value, and make it durable, +lasting, and universal. The effect on the minds of the owners is to +persuade them that there is no wrong in it. The slaveholder does not +like to be considered a mean fellow for holding that species of +property, and hence, he has to struggle within himself and sets about +arguing himself into the belief that slavery is right. The property +influences his mind. The dissenting minister who argued some +theological point with one of the established church was always met +with the reply, "I can't see it so." He opened a Bible and pointed +him a passage, but the orthodox minister replied, "I can't see it +so." Then he showed him a single word --"Can you see that?" "Yes, I +see it," was the reply. The dissenter laid a guinea over the word +and asked, "Do you see it now?" So here. Whether the owners of this +species of property do really see it as it is, it is not for me to +say, but if they do, they see it as it is through two thousand +millions of dollars, and that is a pretty thick coating. Certain it +is that they do not see it as we see it. Certain it is that this two +thousand millions of dollars, invested in this species of property, +all so concentrated that the mind can grasp it at once--this immense +pecuniary interest--has its influence upon their minds. + +But here in Connecticut and at the North slavery does not exist, and +we see it through no such medium. + +To us it appears natural to think that slaves are human beings; men, +not property; that some of the things, at least, stated about men in +the Declaration of Independence apply to them as well as to us. +I say we think, most of us, that this charter of freedom applies to +the slaves as well as to ourselves; that the class of arguments put +forward to batter down that idea are also calculated to break down +the very idea of a free government, even for white men, and to +undermine the very foundations of free society. We think slavery a +great moral wrong, and, while we do not claim the right to touch it +where it exists, we wish to treat it as a wrong in the Territories, +where our votes will reach it. We think that a respect for +ourselves, a regard for future generations and for the God that made +us, require that we put down this wrong where our votes will properly +reach it. We think that species of labor an injury to free white men +--in short, we think slavery a great moral, social, and political +evil, tolerable only because, and so far as, its actual existence +makes it necessary to tolerate it, and that beyond that it ought to +be treated as a wrong. + +Now these two ideas, the property idea that slavery is right, and the +idea that it is wrong, come into collision, and do actually produce +that irrepressible conflict which Mr. Seward has been so roundly +abused for mentioning. The two ideas conflict, and must conflict. + +Again, in its political aspect, does anything in any way endanger the +perpetuity of this Union but that single thing, slavery? Many of our +adversaries are anxious to claim that they are specially devoted to +the Union, and take pains to charge upon us hostility to the Union. +Now we claim that we are the only true Union men, and we put to them +this one proposition: Whatever endangers this Union, save and except +slavery? Did any other thing ever cause a moment's fear? All men +must agree that this thing alone has ever endangered the perpetuity +of the Union. But if it was threatened by any other influence, would +not all men say that the best thing that could be done, if we could +not or ought not to destroy it, would be at least to keep it from +growing any larger? Can any man believe, that the way to save the +Union is to extend and increase the only thing that threatens the +Union, and to suffer it to grow bigger and bigger? + +Whenever this question shall be settled, it must be settled on some +philosophical basis. No policy that does not rest upon some +philosophical opinion can be permanently maintained. And hence there +are but two policies in regard to slavery that can be at all +maintained. The first, based on the property view that slavery is +right, conforms to that idea throughout, and demands that we shall do +everything for it that we ought to do if it were right. We must +sweep away all opposition, for opposition to the right is wrong; we +must agree that slavery is right, and we must adopt the idea that +property has persuaded the owner to believe that slavery is morally +right and socially elevating. This gives a philosophical basis for a +permanent policy of encouragement. + +The other policy is one that squares with the idea that slavery is +wrong, and it consists in doing everything that we ought to do if it +is wrong. Now, I don't wish to be misunderstood, nor to leave a gap +down to be misrepresented, even. I don't mean that we ought to +attack it where it exists. To me it seems that if we were to form a +government anew, in view of the actual presence of slavery we should +find it necessary to frame just such a government as our fathers did- +-giving to the slaveholder the entire control where the system was +established, while we possessed the power to restrain it from going +outside those limits. From the necessities of the case we should be +compelled to form just such a government as our blessed fathers gave +us; and, surely, if they have so made it, that adds another reason +why we should let slavery alone where it exists. + +If I saw a venomous snake crawling in the road, any man would say I +might seize the nearest stick and kill it; but if I found that snake +in bed with my children, that would be another question. I might +hurt the children more than the snake, and it might bite them. Much +more if I found it in bed with my neighbor's children, and I had +bound myself by a solemn compact not to meddle with his children +under any circumstances, it would become me to let that particular +mode of getting rid of the gentleman alone. But if there was a bed +newly made up, to which the children were to be taken, and it was +proposed to take a batch of young snakes and put them there with +them, I take it no man would say there was any question how I ought +to decide! + +That is just the case. The new Territories are the newly made bed to +which our children are to go, and it lies with the nation to say +whether they shall have snakes mixed up with them or not. It does +not seem as if there could be much hesitation what our policy should +be! + +Now I have spoken of a policy based on the idea that slavery is +wrong, and a policy based on the idea that it is right. But an +effort has been made for a policy that shall treat it as neither +right nor wrong. It is based upon utter indifference. Its leading +advocate [Douglas] has said, "I don't care whether it be voted up or +down." "It is merely a matter of dollars and cents." "The Almighty +has drawn a line across this continent, on one side of which all soil +must forever be cultivated by slave labor, and on the other by free." +"When the struggle is between the white man and the negro, I am for +the white man; when it is between the negro and the crocodile, I am +for the negro." Its central idea is indifference. It holds that it +makes no more difference to us whether the Territories become free or +slave States than whether my neighbor stocks his farm with horned +cattle or puts in tobacco. All recognize this policy, the plausible +sugar-coated name of which is "popular sovereignty." + +This policy chiefly stands in the way of a permanent settlement of +the question. I believe there is no danger of its becoming the +permanent policy of the country, for it is based on a public +indifference. There is nobody that "don't care." All the people do +care one way or the other! I do not charge that its author, when he +says he "don't care," states his individual opinion; he only +expresses his policy for the government. I understand that he has +never said as an individual whether he thought slavery right or +wrong--and he is the only man in the nation that has not! Now such a +policy may have a temporary run; it may spring up as necessary to the +political prospects of some gentleman; but it is utterly baseless: +the people are not indifferent, and it can therefore have no +durability or permanence. + +But suppose it could: Then it could be maintained only by a public +opinion that shall say, "We don't care." There must be a change in +public opinion; the public mind must be so far debauched as to square +with this policy of caring not at all. The people must come to +consider this as "merely a question of dollars and cents," and to +believe that in some places the Almighty has made slavery necessarily +eternal. This policy can be brought to prevail if the people can be +brought round to say honestly, "We don't care"; if not, it can never +be maintained. It is for you to say whether that can be done. + +You are ready to say it cannot, but be not too fast! Remember what a +long stride has been taken since the repeal of the Missouri +Compromise! Do you know of any Democrat, of either branch of the +party--do you know one who declares that he believes that the +Declaration of Independence has any application to the negro? Judge +Taney declares that it has not, and Judge Douglas even vilifies me +personally and scolds me roundly for saying that the Declaration +applies to all men, and that negroes are men. Is there a Democrat +here who does not deny that the Declaration applies to the negro? Do +any of you know of one? Well, I have tried before perhaps fifty +audiences, some larger and some smaller than this, to find one such +Democrat, and never yet have I found one who said I did not place him +right in that. I must assume that Democrats hold that, and now, not +one of these Democrats can show that he said that five years ago! I +venture to defy the whole party to produce one man that ever uttered +the belief that the Declaration did not apply to negroes, before the +repeal of the Missouri Compromise! Four or five years ago we all +thought negroes were men, and that when "all men" were named, negroes +were included. But the whole Democratic party has deliberately taken +negroes from the class of men and put them in the class of brutes. +Turn it as you will it is simply the truth! Don't be too hasty, then, +in saying that the people cannot be brought to this new doctrine, but +note that long stride. One more as long completes the journey from +where negroes are estimated as men to where they are estimated as +mere brutes--as rightful property! + +That saying "In the struggle between white men and the negro," etc., +which I know came from the same source as this policy--that saying +marks another step. There is a falsehood wrapped up in that +statement. "In the struggle between the white man and the negro" +assumes that there is a struggle, in which either the white man must +enslave the negro or the negro must enslave the white. There is no +such struggle! It is merely the ingenious falsehood to degrade and +brutalize the negro. Let each let the other alone, and there is no +struggle about it. If it was like two wrecked seamen on a narrow +plank, when each must push the other off or drown himself, I would +push the negro off or a white man either, but it is not; the plank is +large enough for both. This good earth is plenty broad enough for +white man and negro both, and there is no need of either pushing the +other off. + +So that saying, "In the struggle between the negro and the +crocodile," etc., is made up from the idea that down where the +crocodile inhabits, a white man can't labor; it must be nothing else +but crocodile or negro; if the negro does not the crocodile must +possess the earth; in that case he declares for the negro. The +meaning of the whole is just this: As a white man is to a negro, so +is a negro to a crocodile; and as the negro may rightfully treat the +crocodile, so may the white man rightfully treat the negro. This +very dear phrase coined by its author, and so dear that he +deliberately repeats it in many speeches, has a tendency to still +further brutalize the negro, and to bring public opinion to the point +of utter indifference whether men so brutalized are enslaved or not. +When that time shall come, if ever, I think that policy to which I +refer may prevail. But I hope the good freemen of this country will +never allow it to come, and until then the policy can never be +maintained. + +Now consider the effect of this policy. We in the States are not to +care whether freedom or slavery gets the better, but the people in +the Territories may care. They are to decide, and they may think +what they please; it is a matter of dollars and cents! But are not +the people of the Territories detailed from the States? If this +feeling of indifference this absence of moral sense about the +question prevails in the States, will it not be carried into the +Territories? Will not every man say, "I don't care, it is nothing to +me"? If any one comes that wants slavery, must they not say, "I don't +care whether freedom or slavery be voted up or voted down"? It +results at last in nationalizing the institution of slavery. Even if +fairly carried out, that policy is just as certain to nationalize +slavery as the doctrine of Jeff Davis himself. These are only two +roads to the same goal, and "popular sovereignty" is just as sure and +almost as short as the other. + +What we want, and all we want, is to have with us the men who think +slavery wrong. But those who say they hate slavery, and are opposed +to it, but yet act with the Democratic party--where are they? Let us +apply a few tests. You say that you think slavery is wrong, but you +denounce all attempts to restrain it. Is there anything else that +you think wrong that you are not willing to deal with as wrong? Why +are you so careful, so tender, of this one wrong and no other? You +will not let us do a single thing as if it was wrong; there is no +place where you will even allow it to be called wrong! We must not +call it wrong in the free States, because it is not there, and we +must not call it wrong in the slave States, because it is there; we +must not call it wrong in politics because that is bringing morality +into politics, and we must not call it wrong in the pulpit because +that is bringing politics into religion; we must not bring it into +the Tract Society or the other societies, because those are such +unsuitable places--and there is no single place, according to you, +where this wrong thing can properly be called wrong! + +Perhaps you will plead that if the people of the slave States should +themselves set on foot an effort for emancipation, you would wish +them success, and bid them God-speed. Let us test that: In 1858 the +emancipation party of Missouri, with Frank Blair at their head, tried +to get up a movement for that purpose, and having started a party +contested the State. Blair was beaten, apparently if not truly, and +when the news came to Connecticut, you, who knew that Frank Blair was +taking hold of this thing by the right end, and doing the only thing +that you say can properly be done to remove this wrong--did you bow +your heads in sorrow because of that defeat? Do you, any of you, know +one single Democrat that showed sorrow over that result? Not one! On +the contrary every man threw up his hat, and hallooed at the top of +his lungs, "Hooray for Democracy!" + +Now, gentlemen, the Republicans desire to place this great question +of slavery on the very basis on which our fathers placed it, and no +other. It is easy to demonstrate that "our fathers, who framed this +Government under which we live," looked on slavery as wrong, and so +framed it and everything about it as to square with the idea that it +was wrong, so far as the necessities arising from its existence +permitted. In forming the Constitution they found the slave trade +existing, capital invested in it, fields depending upon it for labor, +and the whole system resting upon the importation of slave labor. +They therefore did not prohibit the slave trade at once, but they +gave the power to prohibit it after twenty years. Why was this? What +other foreign trade did they treat in that way? Would they have done +this if they had not thought slavery wrong? + +Another thing was done by some of the same men who framed the +Constitution, and afterwards adopted as their own the act by the +first Congress held under that Constitution, of which many of the +framers were members, that prohibited the spread of slavery into +Territories. Thus the same men, the framers of the Constitution, cut +off the supply and prohibited the spread of slavery, and both acts +show conclusively that they considered that the thing was wrong. + +If additional proof is wanted it can be found in the phraseology of +the Constitution. When men are framing a supreme law and chart of +government, to secure blessings and prosperity to untold generations +yet to come, they use language as short and direct and plain as can +be found, to express their meaning In all matters but this of +slavery the framers of the Constitution used the very clearest, +shortest, and most direct language. But the Constitution alludes to +slavery three times without mentioning it once The language used +becomes ambiguous, roundabout, and mystical. They speak of the +"immigration of persons," and mean the importation of slaves, but do +not say so. In establishing a basis of representation they say "all +other persons," when they mean to say slaves--why did they not use +the shortest phrase? In providing for the return of fugitives they +say "persons held to service or labor." If they had said slaves it +would have been plainer, and less liable to misconstruction. Why did +n't they do it? We cannot doubt that it was done on purpose. Only +one reason is possible, and that is supplied us by one of the framers +of the Constitution--and it is not possible for man to conceive of +any other--they expected and desired that the system would come to an +end, and meant that when it did, the Constitution should not show +that there ever had been a slave in this good free country of ours. + +I will dwell on that no longer. I see the signs of approaching +triumph of the Republicans in the bearing of their political +adversaries. A great deal of their war with us nowadays is mere +bushwhacking. At the battle of Waterloo, when Napoleon's cavalry had +charged again and again upon the unbroken squares of British +infantry, at last they were giving up the attempt, and going off in +disorder, when some of the officers in mere vexation and complete +despair fired their pistols at those solid squares. The Democrats +are in that sort of extreme desperation; it is nothing else. I will +take up a few of these arguments. + +There is "the irrepressible conflict." How they rail at Seward for +that saying! They repeat it constantly; and, although the proof has +been thrust under their noses again and again that almost every good +man since the formation of our Government has uttered that same +sentiment, from General Washington, who "trusted that we should yet +have a confederacy of free States," with Jefferson, Jay, Monroe, down +to the latest days, yet they refuse to notice that at all, and +persist in railing at Seward for saying it. Even Roger A. Pryor, +editor of the Richmond Enquirer, uttered the same sentiment in almost +the same language, and yet so little offence did it give the +Democrats that he was sent for to Washington to edit the States--the +Douglas organ there--while Douglas goes into hydrophobia and spasms +of rage because Seward dared to repeat it. This is what I call +bushwhacking, a sort of argument that they must know any child can +see through. + +Another is John Brown: "You stir up insurrections, you invade the +South; John Brown! Harper's Ferry!" Why, John Brown was not a +Republican! You have never implicated a single Republican in that +Harper's Ferry enterprise. We tell you that if any member of the +Republican party is guilty in that matter, you know it or you do not +know it. If you do know it, you are inexcusable not to designate the +man and prove the fact. If you do not know it, you are inexcusable +to assert it, and especially to persist in the assertion after you +have tried and failed to make the proof. You need not be told that +persisting in a charge which one does not know to be true is simply +malicious slander. Some of you admit that no Republican designedly +aided or encouraged the Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that +our doctrines and declarations necessarily lead to such results. We +do not believe it. We know we hold to no doctrines, and make no +declarations, which were not held to and made by our fathers who +framed the Government 'under which we live, and we cannot see how +declarations that were patriotic when they made them are villainous +when we make them. You never dealt fairly by us in relation to that +affair--and I will say frankly that I know of nothing in your +character that should lead us to suppose that you would. You had +just been soundly thrashed in elections in several States, and others +were soon to come. You rejoiced at the occasion, and only were +troubled that there were not three times as many killed in the +affair. You were in evident glee; there was no sorrow for the killed +nor for the peace of Virginia disturbed; you were rejoicing that by +charging Republicans with this thing you might get an advantage of us +in New York, and the other States. You pulled that string as tightly +as you could, but your very generous and worthy expectations were not +quite fulfilled. Each Republican knew that the charge was a slander +as to himself at least, and was not inclined by it to cast his vote +in your favor. It was mere bushwhacking, because you had nothing +else to do. You are still on that track, and I say, go on! If you +think you can slander a woman into loving you or a man into voting +for you, try it till you are satisfied! + +Another specimen of this bushwhacking, that "shoe strike." Now be it +understood that I do not pretend to know all about the matter. I am +merely going to speculate a little about some of its phases. And at +the outset, I am glad to see that a system of labor prevails in New +England under which laborers can strike when they want to, where they +are not obliged to work under all circumstances, and are not tied +down and obliged to labor whether you pay them or not! I like the +system which lets a man quit when he wants to, and wish it might +prevail everywhere. One of the reasons why I am opposed to slavery +is just here. What is the true condition of the laborer? I take it +that it is best for all to leave each man free to acquire property as +fast as he can. Some will get wealthy. I don't believe in a law to +prevent a man from getting rich; it would do more harm than good. +So, while we do not propose any war upon capital, we do wish to allow +the humblest man an equal chance to get rich with everybody else. +When one starts poor, as most do in the race of life, free society is +such that he knows he can better his condition; he knows that there +is no fixed condition of labor for his whole life. I am not ashamed +to confess that twenty-five years ago I was a hired laborer, mauling +rails, at work on a flatboat--just what might happen to any poor +man's son! I want every man to have a chance--and I believe a Black +man is entitled to it--in which he can better his condition; when he +may look forward and hope to be a hired laborer this year and the +next, work for himself afterward, and finally to hire men to work for +him! That is the system. Up here in New England, you have a soil +that scarcely sprouts black-eyed beans, and yet where will you find +wealthy men so wealthy, and poverty so rarely in extremity? There is +not another such place on earth! I desire that if you get too thick +here, and find it hard to better your condition on this soil, you may +have a chance to strike and go somewhere else, where you may not be +degraded, nor have your families corrupted, by forced rivalry with +negro slaves. I want you to have a clean bed and no snakes in it! +Then you can better your condition, and so it may go on and on in one +endless round so long as man exists on the face of the earth! + +Now, to come back to this shoe strike,--if, as the senator from +Illinois asserts, this is caused by withdrawal of Southern votes, +consider briefly how you will meet the difficulty. You have done +nothing, and have protested that you have done nothing, to injure the +South. And yet, to get back the shoe trade, you must leave off doing +something which you are now doing. What is it? You must stop +thinking slavery wrong! Let your institutions be wholly changed; let +your State constitutions be subverted; glorify slavery, and so you +will get back the shoe trade--for what? You have brought owned labor +with it, to compete with your own labor, to underwork you, and to +degrade you! Are you ready to get back the trade on those terms? + +But the statement is not correct. You have not lost that trade; +orders were never better than now! Senator Mason, a Democrat, comes +into the Senate in homespun, a proof that the dissolution of the +Union has actually begun! but orders are the same. Your factories +have not struck work, neither those where they make anything for +coats, nor for pants nor for shirts, nor for ladies' dresses. Mr. +Mason has not reached the manufacturers who ought to have made him a +coat and pants! To make his proof good for anything he should have +come into the Senate barefoot! + +Another bushwhacking contrivance; simply that, nothing else! I find a +good many people who are very much concerned about the loss of +Southern trade. Now either these people are sincere or they are not. +I will speculate a little about that. If they are sincere, and are +moved by any real danger of the loss of Southern trade, they will +simply get their names on the white list, and then, instead of +persuading Republicans to do likewise, they will be glad to keep you +away! Don't you see that they cut off competition? They would not be +whispering around to Republicans to come in and share the profits +with them. But if they are not sincere, and are merely trying to +fool Republicans out of their votes, they will grow very anxious +about your pecuniary prospects; they are afraid you are going to get +broken up and ruined; they do not care about Democratic votes, oh, +no, no, no! You must judge which class those belong to whom you meet: +I leave it to you to determine from the facts. + +Let us notice some more of the stale charges against Republicans. +You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the +burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? +Why, that our party has no existence in your section--gets no votes +in your section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove +the issue? If it does, then in case we should, without change of +principle, begin to get votes in your section, we should thereby +cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, +are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon +find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in +your section this very year. The fact that we get no votes in your +section is a fact of your making and not of ours. And if there be +fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains so +until you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or practice. + If we do repel you by any wrong principle or practice, the fault is +ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have started--to a +discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our principle, +put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of ours, or +for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are +sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, +then, on the question of whether our principle put in practice would +wrong your section; and so meet it as if it were possible that +something may be said on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No? +Then you really believe that the principle which our fathers who +framed the Government under which we live thought so clearly right as +to adopt it, and indorse it again and again, upon their official +oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand our condemnation +without a moment's consideration. Some of you delight to flaunt in +our faces the warning against sectional parties given by Washington +in his Farewell Address. Less than eight years before Washington +gave that warning, he had, as President of the United States, +approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the prohibition of +slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied the policy +of government upon that subject, up to and at the very moment he +penned that warning; and about one year after he penned it he wrote +La Fayette that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, +expressing in the same connection his hope that we should sometime +have a confederacy of free States. + +Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen +upon this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands +against us, or in our hands against you? Could Washington himself +speak, would he cast the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who +sustain his policy, or upon you, who repudiate it? We respect that +warning of Washington, and we commend it to you, together with his +example pointing to the right application of it. + +But you say you are conservative--eminently conservative--while we +are revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort. What is +conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against the +new and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy +on the point in controversy which was adopted by our fathers who +framed the Government under which we live; while you with one accord +reject and scout and spit upon that old policy, and insist upon +substituting something new. + +True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall +be. You have considerable variety of new propositions and plans, but +you are unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the +fathers. Some of you are for reviving the foreign slave-trade; some +for a congressional slave code for the Territories; some for Congress +forbidding the Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; +some for maintaining slavery in the Territories through the +judiciary; some for the "gur-reat pur-rinciple" that if one man would +enslave another, no third man should object--fantastically called +"popular sovereignty." But never a man among you in favor of +prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, according to the +practice of our fathers who framed the Government under which we +live. Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an +advocate in the century within which our Government originated. And +yet you draw yourselves up and say, "We are eminently conservative." + +It is exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great confederacy +shall be at peace, and in harmony one with another. Let us +Republicans do our part to have it so. Even though much provoked, +let us do nothing through passion and ill-temper. Even though the +Southern people will not so much as listen to us, let us calmly +consider their demands, and yield to them if, in our deliberate view +of our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all they say and do, and by +the subject and nature of their controversy with us, let us +determine, if we can, what will satisfy them. + +Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally +surrendered to them? We know they will not. In all their present +complaints against us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. +Invasions and insurrections are the rage now. Will it satisfy them, +in the future, if we have nothing to do with invasions and +insurrections? We know it will not. We so know because we know we +never had anything to do with invasions and insurrections; and yet +this total abstaining does not exempt us from the charge and the +denunciation. + +The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: we must not +only let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do +let them alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We +have been so trying to convince them, from the very beginning of our +organization, but with no success. In all our platforms and +speeches, we have constantly protested our purpose to let them alone; +but this had no tendency to convince them. Alike unavailing to +convince them is the fact that they have never detected a man of us +in any attempt to disturb them. + +These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will +convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and +join them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly-- +done in acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated--we +must place ourselves avowedly with them. Douglas's new sedition law +must be enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that +slavery is wrong, whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits, +or in private. We must arrest and return their fugitive slaves with +greedy pleasure. We must pull down our free State constitutions. +The whole atmosphere must be disinfected of all taint of opposition +to slavery, before they will cease to believe that all their troubles +proceed from us. So long as we call slavery wrong, whenever a slave +runs away they will overlook the obvious fact that be ran away +because he was oppressed, and declare he was stolen off. Whenever a +master cuts his slaves with a lash, and they cry out under it, he +will overlook the obvious fact that the negroes cry out because they +are hurt, and insist that they were put up to it by some rascally +abolitionist. + +I am quite aware that they do not state their case precisely in this +way. Most of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do +nothing to us, and say what you please about slavery." But we do let +them alone--have never disturbed them--so that, after all, it is what +we say which dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of +doing, until we cease saying. + +I am also aware that they have not as yet in terms demanded the +overthrow of our free-State constitutions. Yet those constitutions +declare the wrong of slavery with more solemn emphasis than do all +other sayings against it; and when all these other sayings shall have +been silenced, the overthrow of these constitutions will be demanded. +It is nothing to the contrary that they do not demand the whole of +this just now. Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, +they can voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. +Holding as they do that slavery is morally right, and socially +elevating, they cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of +it, as a legal right, and a social blessing. + +Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our +conviction that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, +acts, laws, and constitutions against it are themselves wrong and +should be silenced and swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly +object to its nationality--its universality: if it is wrong, they +cannot justly insist upon its extension--its enlargement. All they +ask, we could readily grant, if we thought slavery right; all we ask, +they could as readily grant, if they thought it wrong. Their +thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the precise fact on +which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right as they do, +they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition, as being +right; but, thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? Can we +cast our votes with their view, and against our own? In view of our +moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we do this? + +Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where +it is because that much is due to the necessity arising from its +actual presence m the nation; but can we, while our votes will +prevent it, allow it to spread into the national Territories, and to +overrun us here in these free States? + +If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty, +fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those +sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and +belabored--contrivances such as groping for some middle ground +between the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who +would be neither a living man nor a dead man--such as a policy of +"don't care" on a question about which all free men do care--such as +Union appeals beseeching true Union men to yield to Disunionists, +reversing the divine rule, and caning, not the sinners, but the +righteous to repentance--such as invocations of Washington, imploring +men to unsay what Washington did. + +Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations +against us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the +Government, nor of dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that +right makes might; and in that faith, let us, to the end, dare to do +our duty as we understand it. + +[As Mr. Lincoln concluded his address, there was witnessed the +wildest scene of enthusiasm and excitement that has been in New Haven +for years. The Palladium editorially says: "We give up most of our +space to-day to a very full report of the eloquent speech of the HON. +Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, delivered last night at Union Hall."] + + + + +RESPONSE TO AN ELECTOR'S REQUEST FOR MONEY + +TO ________________ +March 16, 1860 + +As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I cannot enter the +ring on the money basis--first, because in the main it is wrong; and +secondly, I have not and cannot get the money. + +I say, in the main, the use of money is wrong; but for certain +objects in a political contest, the use of some is both right and +indispensable. With me, as with yourself, the long struggle has been +one of great pecuniary loss. + +I now distinctly say this--if you shall be appointed a delegate to +Chicago, I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expenses of +the trip. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Extract from a letter to a Kansas delegate.] + + + + +TO J. W. SOMERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 17, 1860 + +JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Reaching home three days ago, I found your letter of +February 26th. Considering your difficulty of hearing, I think you +had better settle in Chicago, if, as you say, a good man already in +fair practice there will take you into partnership. If you had not +that difficulty, I still should think it an even balance whether you +would not better remain in Chicago, with such a chance for +copartnership. + +If I went west, I think I would go to Kansas, to Leavenworth or +Atchison. Both of them are and will continue to be fine growing +places. + +I believe I have said all I can, and I have said it with the deepest +interest for your welfare. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ACCUSATION OF HAVING BEEN PAID FOR A +POLITICAL SPEECH + +TO C. F. McNEIL. + +SPRINGFIELD, April 6, 1860 + +C. F. MCNEIL, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Reaching home yesterday, I found yours of the 23d March, +inclosing a slip from The Middleport Press. It is not true that I +ever charged anything for a political speech in my life; but this +much is true: Last October I was requested by letter to deliver some +sort of speech in Mr. Beecher's church, in Brooklyn--two hundred +dollars being offered in the first letter. I wrote that I could do +it in February, provided they would take a political speech if I +could find time to get up no other. They agreed; and subsequently I +informed them the speech would have to be a political one. When I +reached New York, I for the first time learned that the place was +changed to "Cooper Institute." I made the speech, and left for New +Hampshire, where I have a son at school, neither asking for pay nor +having any offered me. Three days after a check for two hundred +dollars was sent to me at New Hampshire; and I took it, and did not +know it was wrong. My understanding now is--though I knew nothing of +it at the time--that they did charge for admittance to the Cooper +Institute, and that they took in more than twice two hundred dollars. + +I have made this explanation to you as a friend; but I wish no +explanation made to our enemies. What they want is a squabble and a +fuss, and that they can have if we explain; and they cannot have it +if we don't. + +When I returned through New York from New England, I was told by the +gentlemen who sent me the Check that a drunken vagabond in the club, +having learned something about the two hundred dollars, made the +exhibition out of which The Herald manufactured the article quoted by +The Press of your town. + +My judgment is, and therefore my request is, that you give no denial +and no explanation. + +Thanking you for your kind interest in the matter, I remain, +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. TAYLOR. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., April 21, 1860. + +HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th is just received. It surprises me that +you have written twice, without receiving an answer. I have answered +all I ever received from you; and certainly one since my return from +the East. + +Opinions here, as to the prospect of Douglas being nominated, are +quite conflicting--some very confident he will, and others that he +will not be. I think his nomination possible, but that the chances +are against him. + +I am glad there is a prospect of your party passing this way to +Chicago. Wishing to make your visit here as pleasant as we can, we +wish you to notify us as soon as possible whether you come this way, +how many, and when you will arrive. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TELEGRAM TO A MEMBER OF THE ILLINOIS DELEGATION +AT THE CHICAGO CONVENTION. +SPRINGFIELD, May 17? 1860. + +I authorize no bargains and will be bound by none. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE COMMITTEE SENT BY THE CHICAGO CONVENTION TO INFORM +LINCOLN OF HIS +NOMINATION, + +MAY 19, 1860. + + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:--I tender to you, and +through you to the Republican National Convention, and all the people +represented in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done me, +which you now formally announce. Deeply and even painfully sensible +of the great responsibility which is inseparable from this high +honor--a responsibility which I could almost wish had fallen upon +some one of the far more eminent men and experienced statesmen whose +distinguished names were before the convention--I shall, by your +leave, consider more fully the resolutions of the convention, +denominated their platform, and without any unnecessary or +unreasonable delay respond to you, Mr. Chairman, in writing--not +doubting that the platform will be found satisfactory, and the +nomination gratefully accepted. + +And now I will not longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each +of you, by the hand. + + + + +ACCEPTANCE OF NOMINATION AS REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE + FOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES + +TO GEORGE ASHMUN AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD ILLINOIS, May 23, 1860 + +HON. GEORGE ASHMUN, +President of Republican National Convention. + +SIR:--I accept the nomination tendered me by the convention over +which you presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter +of yourself and others, acting as a committee of the convention for +that purpose. + +The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your +letter meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or +disregard it in any part. + +Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to +the views and feelings of all who were represented in the convention, +to the rights of all the States and Territories and people of the +nation, to the inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual +union, harmony, and prosperity of all--I am most happy to co-operate +for the practical success of the principles declared by the +convention. + +Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +To C. B. SMITH. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., May 26, 1860. + +HON. C. B. SMITH. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Yours of the 21st was duly received, but have found no +time until now to say a word in the way of answer. I am indeed much +indebted to Indiana; and, as my home friends tell me, much to you +personally. Your saying, you no longer consider Ia. a doubtful State +is very gratifying. The thing starts well everywhere--too well, I +almost fear, to last. But we are in, and stick or go through must be +the word. + +Let me hear from Indiana occasionally. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FORM OF REPLY PREPARED BY MR. LINCOLN, WITH WHICH HIS PRIVATE +SECRETARY WAS INSTRUCTED TO ANSWER A NUMEROUS CLASS OF LETTERS IN +THE CAMPAIGN OF 1860. + +(Doctrine.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, _______, 1860 + +DEAR SIR:--Your letter to Mr. Lincoln of and by which you seek to +obtain his opinions on certain political points, has been received by +him. He has received others of a similar character, but he also has +a greater number of the exactly opposite character. The latter class +beseech him to write nothing whatever upon any point of political +doctrine. They say his positions were well known when he was +nominated, and that he must not now embarrass the canvass by +undertaking to shift or modify them. He regrets that he cannot +oblige all, but you perceive it is impossible for him to do so. + +Yours, etc., + +JNO. J. NICOLAY. + + + + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, +MAY 26, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have several letters from you written since the +nomination, but till now have found no moment to say a word by way of +answer. Of course I am glad that the nomination is well received by +our friends, and I sincerely thank you for so informing me. So far +as I can learn, the nominations start well everywhere; and, if they +get no back-set, it would seem as if they are going through. I hope +you will write often; and as you write more rapidly than I do, don't +make your letters so short as mine. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO S. HAYCRAFT. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 4, 1860. + +HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Like yourself I belonged to the old Whig party from its +origin to its close. I never belonged to the American party +organization, nor ever to a party called a Union party; though I hope +I neither am or ever have been less devoted to the Union than +yourself or any other patriotic man. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ABRAHAM OR "ABRAM" + +TO G. ASHMUN. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. June 4, 1860 + +HON. GEORGE ASHMUN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--It seems as if the question whether my first name is +"Abraham" or "Abram" will never be settled. It is "Abraham," and if +the letter of acceptance is not yet in print, you may, if you think +fit, have my signature thereto printed "Abraham Lincoln." Exercise +your judgment about this. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +UNAUTHORIZED BIOGRAPHY + +TO S. GALLOWAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 19, 1860 + +HON. SAM'L GALLOWAY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 15th is received. Messrs. +Follett, Foster, & Co.'s Life of me is not by my authority; and I +have scarcely been so much astounded by anything, as by their public +announcement that it is authorized by me. They have fallen into some +strange misunderstanding. I certainly knew they contemplated +publishing a biography, and I certainly did not object to their doing +so, upon their own responsibility. I even took pains to facilitate +them. But, at the same time, I made myself tiresome, if not hoarse, +with repeating to Mr. Howard, their only agent seen by me, my protest +that I authorized nothing--would be responsible for nothing. How +they could so misunderstand me, passes comprehension. As a matter +wholly my own, I would authorize no biography, without time and +opportunity [sic] to carefully examine and consider every word of it +and, in this case, in the nature of things, I can have no such time +and Opportunity [sic]. But, in my present position, when, by the +lessons of the past, and the united voice of all discreet friends, I +can neither write nor speak a word for the public, how dare I to send +forth, by my authority, a volume of hundreds of pages, for +adversaries to make points upon without end? Were I to do so, the +convention would have a right to re-assemble and substitute another +name for mine. + +For these reasons, I would not look at the proof sheets--I am +determined to maintain the position of [sic] truly saying I never saw +the proof sheets, or any part of their work, before its publication. + +Now, do not mistake me--I feel great kindness for Messrs. F., F., & +Co.--do not think they have intentionally done wrong. There may be +nothing wrong in their proposed book--I sincerely hope there will +not. I barely suggest that you, or any of the friends there, on the +party account, look it over, and exclude what you may think would +embarrass the party bearing in mind, at all times, that I authorize +nothing--will be responsible for nothing. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[The custom then, and it may be a good one, was for the Presidential +candidate to do no personal canvassing or speaking--or as we have it +now "running for election." He stayed at home and kept his mouth +shut. D.W.] + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, July 18, 1860. + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. +MY DEAR SIR:--It appears to me that you and I ought to be acquainted, +and accordingly I write this as a sort of introduction of myself to +you. You first entered the Senate during the single term I was a +member of the House of Representatives, but I have no recollection +that we were introduced. I shall be pleased to receive a line from +you. + +The prospect of Republican success now appears very flattering, so +far as I can perceive. Do you see anything to the contrary? + +Yours truly, A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. JONAS. + +(Confidential.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, JULY 21, 1860. + +HON. A. JONAS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 20th is received. I suppose as good or +even better men than I may have been in American or Know-Nothing +lodges; but in point of fact, I never was in one at Quincy or +elsewhere. I was never in Quincy but one day and two nights while +Know-Nothing lodges were in existence, and you were with me that day +and both those nights. I had never been there before in my life, and +never afterward, till the joint debate with Douglas in 1858. It was +in 1854 when I spoke in some hall there, and after the speaking, you, +with others, took me to an oyster-saloon, passed an hour there, and +you walked with me to, and parted with me at, the Quincy House, quite +late at night. I left by stage for Naples before daylight in the +morning, having come in by the same route after dark the evening, +previous to the speaking, when I found you waiting at the Quincy +House to meet me. A few days after I was there, Richardson, as I +understood, started this same story about my having been in a +Know-Nothing lodge. When I heard of the charge, as I did soon after; +I taxed my recollection for some incident which could have suggested +it; and I remembered that on parting with you the last night I went +to the office of the hotel to take my stage-passage for the morning, +was told that no stage-office for that line was kept there, and that +I must see the driver before retiring, to insure his calling for me +in the morning; and a servant was sent with me to find the driver, +who, after taking me a square or two, stopped me, and stepped perhaps +a dozen steps farther, and in my hearing called to some one, who +answered him, apparently from the upper part of a building, and +promised to call with the stage for me at the Quincy House. +I returned, and went to bed, and before day the stage called and took +me. This is all. + +That I never was in a Know-Nothing lodge in Quincy, I should expect +could be easily proved by respectable men who were always in the +lodges and never saw me there. An affidavit of one or two such would +put the matter at rest. + +And now a word of caution. Our adversaries think they can gain a +point if they could force me to openly deny the charge, by which some +degree of offence would be given to the Americans. For this reason +it must not publicly appear that I am paying any attention to the +charge. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOHN B. FRY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, August 15, 1860. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th, inclosing the letter of HON. John +Minor Botts, was duly received. The latter is herewith returned +according to your request. It contains one of the many assurances I +receive from the South, that in no probable event will there be any +very formidable effort to break up the Union. The people of the +South have too much of good sense and good temper to attempt the ruin +of the government rather than see it administered as it was +administered by the men who made it. At least so I hope and believe. +I thank you both for your own letter and a sight of that of Mr. +Botts. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. August 17 1860. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 13th was received this morning. Douglas +is managing the Bell element with great adroitness. He had his men +in Kentucky to vote for the Bell candidate, producing a result which +has badly alarmed and damaged Breckenridge, and at the same time has +induced the Bell men to suppose that Bell will certainly be +President, if they can keep a few of the Northern States away from us +by throwing them to Douglas. But you, better than I, understand all +this. + +I think there will be the most extraordinary effort ever made to +carry New York for Douglas. You and all others who write me from +your State think the effort cannot succeed, and I hope you are right. +Still, it will require close watching and great efforts on the other +side. + +Herewith I send you a copy of a letter written at New York, which +sufficiently explains itself, and which may or may not give you a +valuable hint. You have seen that Bell tickets have been put on the +track both here and in Indiana. In both cases the object has been, I +think, the same as the Hunt movement in New York--to throw States to +Douglas. In our State, we know the thing is engineered by Douglas +men, and we do not believe they can make a great deal out of it. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SLOW TO LISTEN TO CRIMINATIONS + +TO HON. JOHN ______________ + +(Private.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Aug. 31, 1860 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 27th is duly received. It consists almost +exclusively of a historical detail of some local troubles, among some +of our friends in Pennsylvania; and I suppose its object is to guard +me against forming a prejudice against Mr. McC___________, I have not +heard near so much upon that subject as you probably suppose; and I +am slow to listen to criminations among friends, and never expose +their quarrels on either side. My sincere wish is that both sides +will allow bygones to be bygones, and look to the present and future +only. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 4, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am annoyed some by a letter from a friend in Chicago, +in which the following passage occurs: "Hamlin has written Colfax +that two members of Congress will, he fears, be lost in Maine, the +first and sixth districts; and that Washburne's majority for governor +will not exceed six thousand." + +I had heard something like this six weeks ago, but had been assured +since that it was not so. Your secretary of state,--Mr. Smith, I +think,--whom you introduced to me by letter, gave this assurance; +more recently, Mr. Fessenden, our candidate for Congress in one of +those districts, wrote a relative here that his election was sure by +at least five thousand, and that Washburne's majority would be from +14,000 to 17,000; and still later, Mr. Fogg, of New Hampshire, now at +New York serving on a national committee, wrote me that we were +having a desperate fight in Maine, which would end in a splendid +victory for us. + +Such a result as you seem to have predicted in Maine, in your letter +to Colfax, would, I fear, put us on the down-hill track, lose us the +State elections in Pennsylvania and Indiana, and probably ruin us on +the main turn in November. + +You must not allow it. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, +September 9, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR: Yours of the 5th was received last evening. I was right +glad to see it. It contains the freshest "posting" which I now have. +It relieved me some from a little anxiety I had about Maine. Jo +Medill, on August 3oth, wrote me that Colfax had a letter from Mr. +Hamlin saying we were in great danger of losing two members of +Congress in Maine, and that your brother would not have exceeding six +thousand majority for Governor. I addressed you at once, at Galena, +asking for your latest information. As you are at Washington, that +letter you will receive some time after the Maine election. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. H. HERNDON. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., OCTOBER 10, 1860 + +DEAR WILLIAM:--I cannot give you details, but it is entirely certain +that Pennsylvania and Indiana have gone Republican very largely. +Pennsylvania 25,000, and Indiana 5000 to 10,000. Ohio of course is +safe. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO L. M. BOND. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 15, 1860 + +L. MONTGOMERY BOND, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR: I certainly am in no temper and have no purpose to +embitter the feelings of the South, but whether I am inclined to such +a course as would in fact embitter their feelings you can better +judge by my published speeches than by anything I would say in a +short letter if I were inclined now, as I am not, to define my +position anew. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER SUGGESTING A BEARD + +TO MISS GRACE BEDELL, RIPLEY N.Y. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 19, 1860 + +MISS GRACE BEDELL. + +MY DEAR LITTLE MISS:--Your very agreeable letter of the 15th is +received. I regret the necessity of saying I have no daughter. I +have three sons--one seventeen, one nine, and one seven. They with +their mother constitute my whole family. As to the whiskers, as I +have never worn any, do you not think that people would call it a +piece of silly affectation were I to begin wearing them now? + +I am your true friend and sincere well-wisher, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EARLY INFORMATION ON ARMY DEFECTION IN SOUTH + +TO D. HUNTER. + +(Private and Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, October 26, 1860 + +MAJOR DAVID HUNTER + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 20th was duly received, +for which please accept my thanks. I have another letter, from a +writer unknown to me, saying the officers of the army at Fort Kearny +have determined in case of Republican success at the approaching +Presidential election, to take themselves, and the arms at that +point, south, for the purpose of resistance to the government. While +I think there are many chances to one that this is a humbug, it +occurs to me that any real movement of this sort in the Army would +leak out and become known to you. In such case, if it would not be +unprofessional or dishonorable (of which you are to be judge), I +shall be much obliged if you will apprise me of it. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD. ILLINOIS, November 8, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am anxious for a personal interview with you at as +early a day as possible. Can you, without much inconvenience, meet +me at Chicago? If you can, please name as early a day as you +conveniently can, and telegraph me, unless there be sufficient time +before the day named to communicate by mail. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +(Private and Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Nov.13, 1860 + +HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th is just received. I can only answer +briefly. Rest fully assured that the good people of the South who +will put themselves in the same temper and mood towards me which you +do will find no cause to complain of me. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REMARKS AT THE MEETING AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS +TO CELEBRATE LINCOLN'S ELECTION, + +NOVEMBER 20, 1860 + +FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:--Please excuse me on this occasion from +making a speech. I thank you in common with all those who have +thought fit by their votes to indorse the Republican cause. I +rejoice with you in the success which has thus far attended that +cause. Yet in all our rejoicings let us neither express nor cherish +any hard feelings toward any citizen who by his vote has differed +with us. Let us at all times remember that all American citizens are +brothers of a common country, and should dwell together in the bonds +of fraternal feeling. Let me again beg you to accept my thanks, and +to excuse me from further speaking at this time. + + + + +TO ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. NOV. 30, 1860 + +HON. A. H. STEPHENS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have read in the newspapers your speech recently +delivered (I think) before the Georgia Legislature, or its assembled +members. If you have revised it, as is probable, I shall be much +obliged if you will send me a copy. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +(Private) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 8, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 4th was duly received. The inclosed to +Governor Seward covers two notes to him, copies of which you find +open for your inspection. Consult with Judge Trumbull; and if you +and he see no reason to the contrary, deliver the letter to Governor +Seward at once. If you see reason to the contrary write me at once. + +I have an intimation that Governor Banks would yet accept a place in +the Cabinet. Please ascertain and write me how this is, + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +BLOCKING "COMPROMISE" ON SLAVERY ISSUE + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE + +(Private and Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., December 13, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your long letter received. Prevent, as far as +possible, any of our friends from demoralizing themselves and our +cause by entertaining propositions for compromise of any sort on +"slavery extension." There is no possible compromise upon it but +which puts us under again, and leaves all our work to do over again. +Whether it be a Missouri line or Eli Thayer's popular sovereignty, it +is all the same. Let either be done, and immediately filibustering +and extending slavery recommences. On that point hold firm, as with +a chain of steel. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +OPINION ON SECESSION + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 17, 1860 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 11th was received two days ago. Should +the convocation of governors of which you speak seem desirous to know +my views on the present aspect of things, tell them you judge from my +speeches that I will be inflexible on the territorial question; but I +probably think either the Missouri line extended, or Douglas's and +Eli Thayer's popular sovereignty would lose us everything we gain by +the election; that filibustering for all south of us and making slave +States of it would follow in spite of us, in either case; also that I +probably think all opposition, real and apparent, to the fugitive +slave clause of the Constitution ought to be withdrawn. + +I believe you can pretend to find but little, if anything, in my +speeches, about secession. But my opinion is that no State can in +any way lawfully get out of the Union without the consent of the +others; and that it is the duty of the President and other government +functionaries to run the machine as it is. + +Truly yours, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SOME FORTS SURRENDERED TO THE SOUTH + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE + +(Confidential) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 21, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Last night I received your letter giving an account of +your interview with General Scott, and for which I thank you. Please +present my respects to the General, and tell him, confidentially, I +shall be obliged to him to be as well prepared as he can to either +hold or retake the forts, as the case may require, at and after the +inauguration. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. H. STEPHENS. + +(For your own eye only) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 22, 1860 + +HON. ALEXANDER STEVENS + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your obliging answer to my short note is just received, +and for which please accept my thanks. I fully appreciate the +present peril the country is in, and the weight of responsibility on +me. Do the people of the South really entertain fear that a +Republican administration would, directly or indirectly, interfere +with the slaves, or with them about the slaves? If they do, I wish to +assure you, as once a friend, and still, I hope, not an enemy, that +there is no cause for such fears. The South would be in no more +danger in this respect than it was in the days of Washington. I +suppose, however, this does not meet the case. You think slavery is +right and ought to be extended, while we think it is wrong and ought +to be restricted. That, I suppose, is the rub. It certainly is the +only substantial difference between us. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SUPPORT OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE CLAUSE + +MEMORANDUM + +December [22?], 1860 + +Resolved: +That the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution ought to be +enforced by a law of Congress, with efficient provisions for that +object, not obliging private persons to assist in its execution, but +punishing all who resist it, and with the usual safeguards to +liberty, securing free men against being surrendered as slaves. + +That all State laws, if there be such, really or apparently in +conflict with such law of Congress, ought to be repealed; and no +opposition to the execution of such law of Congress ought to be made. + +That the Federal Union must be preserved. + + +Prepared for the consideration of the Republican members of the +Senate Committee of Thirteen. + + + + +TO D. HUNTER. + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS December 22, 1860 + +MAJOR DAVID HUNTER. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am much obliged by the receipt of yours of the 18th. +The most we can do now is to watch events, and be as well prepared as +possible for any turn things may take. If the forts fall, my +judgment is that they are to be retaken. When I shall determine +definitely my time of starting to Washington, I will notify you. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO I. N. MORRIS + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Dec 24, 1860 + +HON. I. N. MORRIS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Without supposing that you and I are any nearer +together, politically, than heretofore, allow me to tender you my +sincere thanks for your Union resolution, expressive of views upon +which we never were, and, I trust, never will be at variance. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ATTEMPT TO FORM A COALITION CABINET + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 14, 1860. + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I need a man of Democratic antecedents from New +England. I cannot get a fair share of that element in without. This +stands in the way of Mr. Adams. I think of Governor Banks, Mr. +Welles, and Mr. Tuck. Which of them do the New England delegation +prefer? Or shall I decide for myself? + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + + + +1861 + + +TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + +(Private.) +SPRINGFIELD. ILL., January 3, 1861. + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours without signature was received last night. I have +been considering your suggestions as to my reaching Washington +somewhat earlier than is usual. It seems to me the inauguration is +not the most dangerous point for us. Our adversaries have us now +clearly at disadvantage on the second Wednesday of February, when the +votes should be officially counted. If the two houses refuse to meet +at all, or meet without a quorum of each, where shall we be? I do +not think that this counting is constitutionally essential to the +election, but how are we to proceed in the absence of it? In view of +this, I think it is best for me not to attempt appearing in +Washington till the result of that ceremony is known. + +It certainly would be of some advantage if you could know who are to +be at the heads of the War and Navy departments, but until I can +ascertain definitely whether I can get any suitable men from the +South, and who, and how many, I can not well decide. As yet, I have +no word from Mr. Gilmer in answer to my request for an interview with +him. I look for something on the subject, through you, before long. +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. H. SEWARD. +(Private.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., January 12, 1861 + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 8th received. I still hope Mr. Gilmer +will, on a fair understanding with us, consent to take a place in the +Cabinet. The preference for him over Mr. Hunt or Mr. Gentry is that, +up to date--he has a living position in the South, while they have +not. He is only better than Winter Davis in that he is farther +south. I fear, if we could get, we could not safely take more than +one such man--that is, not more than one who opposed us in the +election--the danger being to lose the confidence of our own friends. +Your selection for the State Department having become public, I am +happy to find scarcely any objection to it. I shall have trouble +with every other Northern Cabinet appointment--so much so that I +shall have to defer them as long as possible to avoid being teased +into insanity, to make changes. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO E. D. MORGAN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. FEB. 4, 1861 + +SIR:--Your letter of the 30th ult. inviting me, on behalf of the +Legislature of New York, to pass through that State on my way to +Washington, and tendering me the hospitalities of her authorities and +people, has been duly received. With the feelings of deep gratitude +to you and them for this testimonial of regard and esteem I beg you +to notify them that I accept the invitation so kindly tendered. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN + +P.S.--Please let the ceremonies be only such as to take the least +time possible. A. L. + + + + +PATRONAGE CLAIMS + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., February 4, 1861 + +DEAR SIR:--I have both your letter to myself and that to Judge Davis, +in relation to a certain gentleman in your State claiming to dispense +patronage in my name, and also to be authorized to use my name to +advance the chances of Mr. Greeley for an election to the United +States Senate. + +It is very strange that such things should be said by any one. The +gentleman you mention did speak to me of Mr. Greeley in connection +with the senatorial election, and I replied in terms of kindness +toward Mr. Greeley, which I really feel, but always with an expressed +protest that my name must not be used in the senatorial election in +favor of or against any one. Any other representation of me is a +misrepresentation. + +As to the matter of dispensing patronage, it perhaps will surprise +you to learn that I have information that you claim to have my +authority to arrange that matter in New York. I do not believe you +have so claimed; but still so some men say. On that subject you know +all I have said to you is "justice to all," and I have said nothing +more particular to any one. I say this to reassure you that I have +not changed my position. + +In the hope, however, that you will not use my name in the matter, I +am, + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FAREWELL ADDRESS AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, +FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +MY FRIENDS:--One who has never been placed in a like position cannot +understand my feelings at this hour, nor the oppressive sadness I +feel at this parting. For more than twenty-five years I have lived +among you, and during all that time I have received nothing but +kindness at your hands. Here the most cherished ties of earth were +assumed. Here my children were born, and here one of them lies +buried. To you, my friends, I owe all that I have, all that I am. +All the strange checkered past seems to crowd upon my mind. To-day I +leave you. I go to assume a task more difficult than that which +devolved upon General Washington. Unless the great God who assisted +him shall be with and aid me I cannot prevail; but if the same +almighty arm that directed and protected him shall guide and support +me I shall not fail; I shall succeed. Let us pray that the God of +our fathers may not forsake us now. To Him I commend you all. +Permit me to ask that with equal sincerity and faith you will all +invoke His wisdom and goodness for me. + +With these words I must leave you; for how long I know not. Friends, +one and all, I must now wish you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +REMARKS AT TOLONO, ILLINOIS, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +I am leaving you on an errand of national importance, attended, as +you are aware, with considerable difficulties. Let us believe, as +some poet has expressed it, "Behind the cloud the sun is still +shining." I bid you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +REPLY TO ADDRESS OF WELCOME, INDIANAPOLIS, + +INDIANA, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +GOVERNOR MORTON AND FELLOW CITIZENS +OF THE STATE OF INDIANA: + +Most heartily do I thank you for this magnificent reception, and +while I cannot take to myself any share of the compliment thus paid, +more than that which pertains to a mere instrument, an accidental +instrument, perhaps I should say, of a great cause, I yet must look +upon it as a most magnificent reception, and as such most heartily do +thank you for it. You have been pleased to address yourself to me +chiefly in behalf of this glorious Union in which we live, in all of +which you have my hearty sympathy, and, as far as may be within my +power, will have, one and inseparable, my hearty consideration. +While I do not expect, upon this occasion, or until I get to +Washington, to attempt any lengthy speech, I will only say to the +salvation of the Union there needs but one single thing--the hearts +of a people like yours. + +The people--when they rise in mass in behalf of the Union and the +liberties of their country, truly may it be said, "The gates of hell +cannot prevail against them." In all trying positions in which I +shall be +placed--and, doubtless, I shall be placed in many such--my reliance +will be placed upon you and the people of the United States; and I +wish you to remember, now and forever, that it is your business, and +not mine; that if the union of these States and the liberties of this +people shall be lost, it is but little to any one man of fifty-two +years of age, but a great deal to the thirty millions of people who +inhabit these United States, and to their posterity in all coming +time. It is your business to rise up and preserve the Union and +liberty for yourselves, and not for me. + +I desire they should be constitutionally performed. I, as already +intimated, am but an accidental instrument, temporary, and to serve +but for a limited time; and I appeal to you again to constantly bear +in mind that with you, and not with politicians, not with Presidents, +not with office-seekers, but with you is the question, Shall the +Union and shall the liberties of this country be preserved to the +latest generations? + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF INDIANA, AT INDIANAPOLIS, + +FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA:--I am here to thank you much +for this magnificent welcome, and still more for the generous support +given by your State to that political cause which I think is the true +and just cause of the whole country and the whole world. + +Solomon says there is "a time to keep silence," and when men wrangle +by the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing while +using the same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep +silence. + +The words "coercion" and "invasion" are much used in these days, and +often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, +the meaning of those who use them. Let us get the exact definitions +of these words, not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, +who certainly deprecate the things they would represent by the use of +the words. + +What, then, is coercion? What is invasion? Would the marching of an +army into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and with +hostile intent toward them, be invasion? I certainly think it would, +and it would be coercion also, if the South Carolinians were forced +to submit. But if the United States should merely hold and retake +its own forts and other property, and collect the duties on foreign +importations, or even withhold the mails from places where they were +habitually violated, would any or all of these things be invasion or +coercion? Do our professed lovers of the Union, who spitefully +resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion, understand that +such things as these, on the part of the United States, would be +coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of means to +preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be +exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the +homoeopathist would be much too large for it to swallow. In their +view, the Union, as a family relation, would seem to be no regular +marriage, but rather a sort of "free-love" arrangement, to be +maintained on passional attraction. + +By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I +speak not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the +Constitution, for that is a bond we all recognize. That position, +however, a State cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of +that assumed primary right of a State to rule all which is less than +itself, and to ruin all which is larger than itself. If a State and +a county, in a given case, should be equal in number of inhabitants, +in what, as a matter of principle, is the State better than the +county? Would an exchange of name be an exchange of rights? Upon what +principle, upon what rightful principle, may a State, being no more +than one fiftieth part of the nation in soil and population, break up +the nation, and then coerce a proportionably large subdivision of +itself in the most arbitrary way? What mysterious right to play +tyrant is conferred on a district of country, with its people, by +merely calling it a State? Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting +anything. I am merely asking questions for you to consider. And now +allow me to bid you farewell. + + + + +INTENTIONS TOWARD THE SOUTH + +ADDRESS TO THE MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF + +CINCINNATI, OHIO, FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR, AND GENTLEMEN:--Twenty-four hours ago, at the capital of +Indiana, I said to myself, "I have never seen so many people +assembled together in winter weather." I am no longer able to say +that. But it is what might reasonably have been expected--that this +great city of Cincinnati would thus acquit herself on such an +occasion. My friends, I am entirely overwhelmed by the magnificence +of the reception which has been given, I will not say to me, but to +the President-elect of the United States of America. Most heartily +do I thank you, one and all, for it. + +I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati. That was a year +previous to the late Presidential election. On that occasion, in a +playful manner, but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I +said to the Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we, as Republicans, +would ultimately beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone +that result longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the Presidency +than they could by any other way. They did not, in any true sense of +the word, nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result has come certainly as +soon as ever I expected. I also told them how I expected they would +be treated after they should have been beaten, and I now wish to call +their attention to what I then said upon that subject. I then said: + +"When we do as we say, beat you, you perhaps want to know what we +will do with you. I will tell you, as far as I am authorized to +speak for the Opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to +treat you, as near as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and +Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way to +interfere with your institutions; to abide by all and every +compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to the +original proposition, to treat you so far as degenerate men, if we +have degenerated, may, according to the example of those noble +fathers, Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. + +"We mean to remember that you are as good as we; that there is no +difference between us other than the difference of circumstances. We +mean to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good +hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and +treat you accordingly." + +Fellow-citizens of Kentucky--friends and brethren, may I call you in +my new position?--I see no occasion and feel no inclination to +retract a word of this. If it shall not be made good, be assured the +fault shall not be mine. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN CLUB OF CINCINNATI, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + + +Mr. CHAIRMAN:--I thank you and those whom you represent for the +compliment you have paid me by tendering me this address. In so far +as there is an allusion to our present national difficulties, which +expresses, as you have said, the views of the gentlemen present, I +shall have to beg pardon for not entering fully upon the questions +which the address you have now read suggests. + +I deem it my duty--a duty which I owe to my constituents--to you, +gentlemen, that I should wait until the last moment for a development +of the present national difficulties before I express myself +decidedly as to what course I shall pursue. I hope, then, not to be +false to anything that you have expected of me. + +I agree with you, Mr. Chairman, that the working men are the basis of +all governments, for the plain reason that they are all the more +numerous, and as you added that those were the sentiments of the +gentlemen present, representing not only the working class, but +citizens of other callings than those of the mechanic, I am happy to +concur with you in these sentiments, not only of the native-born +citizens, but also of the Germans and foreigners from other +countries. + +Mr. Chairman, I hold that while man exists it is his duty to improve +not only his own condition, but to assist in ameliorating the +condition of mankind; and therefore, without entering upon the +details of the question, I will simply say that I am for those means +which will give the greatest good to the greatest number. + +In regard to the Homestead law, I have to say that, in so far as the +government lands can be disposed of, I am in favor of cutting up the +wild lands into parcels, so that every poor man may have a home. + +In regard to the Germans and foreigners, I esteem them no better than +other people, nor any worse. It is not my nature, when I see a +people borne down by the weight of their shackles--the oppression of +tyranny--to make their life more bitter by heaping upon them greater +burdens; but rather would I do all in my power to raise the yoke than +to add anything that would tend to crush them. + +Inasmuch as our own country is extensive and new, and the countries +of Europe are densely populated, if there are any abroad who desire +to make this the land of their adoption, it is not in my heart to +throw aught in their way to prevent them from coming to the United +States. + +Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I will bid you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF OHIO AT COLUMBUS +FEBRUARY 13, 1861 + +Mr. PRESIDENT AND Mr. SPEAKER, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY +OF OHIO:--It is true, as has been said by the president of the +Senate, that very great responsibility rests upon me in the position +to which the votes of the American people have called me. I am +deeply sensible of that weighty responsibility. I cannot but know +what you all know, that without a name, perhaps without a reason why +I should have a name, there has fallen upon me a task such as did not +rest even upon the Father of his Country; and so feeling, I can turn +and look for that support without which it will be impossible for me +to perform that great task. I turn, then, and look to the American +people and to that God who has never forsaken them. Allusion has +been made to the interest felt in relation to the policy of the new +administration. In this I have received from some a degree of credit +for having kept silence, and from others some deprecation. I still +think that I was right. + +In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, and +without a precedent which could enable me to judge by the past, it +has seemed fitting that before speaking upon the difficulties of the +country I should have gained a view of the whole field, being at +liberty to modify and change the course of policy as future events +may make a change necessary. + +I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a +good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing +going wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we look out +there is nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different +views upon political questions, but nobody is suffering anything. +This is a most consoling circumstance, and from it we may conclude +that all we want is time, patience, and a reliance on that God who +has never forsaken this people. + +Fellow-citizens, what I have said I have said altogether +extemporaneously, and I will now come to a close. + + + + +ADDRESS AT STEUBENVILLE, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 14, 1861 + +I fear that the great confidence placed in my ability is unfounded. +Indeed, I am sure it is. Encompassed by vast difficulties as I am, +nothing shall be wanting on my part, if sustained by God and the +American people. I believe the devotion to the Constitution is +equally great on both sides of the river. It is only the different +understanding of that instrument that causes difficulty. The only +dispute on both sides is, 'What are their rights?" If the majority +should not rule, who would be the judge? Where is such a judge to be +found? We should all be bound by the majority of the American people; +if not, then the minority must control. Would that be right? Would +it be just or generous? Assuredly not. I reiterate that the majority +should rule. If I adopt a wrong policy, the opportunity for +condemnation will occur in four years' time. Then I can be turned +out, and a better man with better views put in my place. + + + + +ADDRESS AT PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA +FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + +I most cordially thank his Honor Mayor Wilson, and the citizens of +Pittsburg generally, for their flattering reception. I am the more +grateful because I know that it is not given to me alone, but to the +cause I represent, which clearly proves to me their good-will, and +that sincere feeling is at the bottom of it. And here I may remark +that in every short address I have made to the people, in every crowd +through which I have passed of late, some allusion has been made to +the present distracted condition of the country. It is natural to +expect that I should say something on this subject; but to touch upon +it at all would involve an elaborate discussion of a great many +questions and circumstances, requiring more time than I can at +present command, and would, perhaps, unnecessarily commit me upon +matters which have not yet fully developed themselves. The condition +of the country is an extraordinary one, and fills the mind of every +patriot with anxiety. It is my intention to give this subject all +the consideration I possibly can before specially deciding in regard +to it, so that when I do speak it may be as nearly right as possible. +When I do speak I hope I may say nothing in opposition to the spirit +of the Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, or which +will prove inimical to the liberties of the people, or to the peace +of the whole country. And furthermore, when the time arrives for me +to speak on this great subject, I hope I may say nothing to +disappoint the people generally throughout the country, especially if +the expectation has been based upon anything which I may have +heretofore said. Notwithstanding the troubles across the river [the +speaker pointing southwardly across the Monongahela, and smiling], +there is no crisis but an artificial one. What is there now to +warrant the condition of affairs presented by our friends over the +river? Take even their own view of the questions involved, and there +is nothing to justify the course they are pursuing. I repeat, then, +there is no crisis, excepting such a one as may be gotten up at any +time by turbulent men aided by designing politicians, My advice to +them, under such circumstances, is to keep cool. If the great +American people only keep their temper on both sides of the line, the +troubles will come to an end, and the question which now distracts +the country will be settled, just as surely as all other difficulties +of a like character which have originated in this government have +been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep their +self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared away in due +time, so will this great nation continue to prosper as heretofore. +But, fellow-citizens, I have spoken longer on this subject than I +intended at the outset. + +It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of Pennsylvania. +Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adopted, the tariff +question must be as durable as the government itself. It is a +question of national housekeeping. It is to the government what +replenishing the meal-tub is to the family. Every varying +circumstances will require frequent modifications as to the amount +needed and the sources of supply. So far there is little difference +of opinion among the people. It is as to whether, and how far, +duties on imports shall be adjusted to favor home production in the +home market, that controversy begins. One party insists that such +adjustment oppresses one class for the advantage of another; while +the other party argues that, with all its incidents, in the long run +all classes are benefited. In the Chicago platform there is a plank +upon this subject which should be a general law to the incoming +administration. We should do neither more nor less than we gave the +people reason to believe we would when they gave us their votes. +Permit me, fellow-citizens, to read the tariff plank of the Chicago +platform, or rather have it read in your hearing by one who has +younger eyes. +[Mr. Lincoln's private secretary then read Section 12 of the Chicago +platform, as follows: + +"That, while providing revenue for the support of the General +Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an +adjustment of these imposts as will encourage the development of the +industrial interest of the whole country; and we commend that policy +of national exchanges which secures to working-men liberal wages, to +agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers +adequate return for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the +nation commercial prosperity and independence." + +As with all general propositions, doubtless, there will be shades of +difference in construing this. I have by no means a thoroughly +matured judgment upon this subject, especially as to details; some +general ideas are about all. I have long thought it would be to our +advantage to produce any necessary article at home which can be made +of as good quality and with as little labor at home as abroad, at +least by the difference of the carrying from abroad. In such case +the carrying is demonstrably a dead loss of labor. For instance, +labor being the true standard of value, is it not plain that if equal +labor get a bar of railroad iron out of a mine in England and another +out of a mine in Pennsylvania, each can be laid down in a track at +home cheaper than they could exchange countries, at least by the +carriage? If there be a present cause why one can be both made and +carried cheaper in money price than the other can be made without +carrying, that cause is an unnatural and injurious one, and ought +gradually, if not rapidly, to be removed. The condition of the +treasury at this time would seem to render an early revision of the +tariff indispensable. The Morrill [tariff] bill, now pending before +Congress, may or may not become a law. I am not posted as to its +particular provisions, but if they are generally satisfactory, and +the bill shall now pass, there will be an end for the present. If, +however, it shall not pass, I suppose the whole subject will be one +of the most pressing and important for the next Congress. By the +Constitution, the executive may recommend measures which he may think +proper, and he may veto those he thinks improper, and it is supposed +that he may add to these certain indirect influences to affect the +action of Congress. My political education strongly inclines me +against a very free use of any of these means by the executive to +control the legislation of the country. As a rule, I think it better +that Congress should originate as well as perfect its measures +without external bias. I therefore would rather recommend to every +gentleman who knows he is to be a member of the next Congress to take +an enlarged view, and post himself thoroughly, so as to contribute +his part to such an adjustment of the tariff as shall produce a +sufficient revenue, and in its other bearings, so far as possible, be +just and equal to all sections of the country and classes of the +people. + + + + +ADDRESS AT CLEVELAND, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF CLEVELAND:--We have been marching +about two miles through snow, rain, and deep mud. The large numbers +that have turned out under these circumstances testify that you are +in earnest about something or other. But do I think so meanly of you +as to suppose that that earnestness is about me personally? I would +be doing you an injustice to suppose you did. You have assembled to +testify your respect for the Union, the Constitution, and the laws; +and here let me say that it is with you, the people, to advance the +great cause of the Union and the Constitution, and not with any one +man. It rests with you alone. This fact is strongly impressed upon +my mind at present. In a community like this, whose appearance +testifies to their intelligence, I am convinced that the cause of +liberty and the Union can never be in danger. Frequent allusion is +made to the excitement at present existing in our national politics, +and it is as well that I should also allude to it here. I think that +there is no occasion for any excitement. 'The crisis, as it is +called, is altogether an artificial crisis. In all parts of the +nation there are differences of opinion on politics. There are +differences of opinion even here. You did not all vote for the +person who now addresses you. What is happening now will not hurt +those who are farther away from here. Have they not all their rights +now as they ever have had? Do they not have their fugitive slaves +returned now as ever? Have they not the same Constitution that they +have lived under for seventy-odd years? Have they not a position as +citizens of this common country, and have we any power to change that +position? What, then, is the matter with them? Why all this +excitement? Why all these complaints? + +As I said before, this crisis is all artificial! It has no foundation +in facts. It is not argued up, as the saying is, and cannot, +therefore, be argued down. Let it alone and it will go down of +itself. + +[Mr. Lincoln then said that they must be content with a few words +from him, as he was tired, etc. Having been given to understand that +the crowd was not all Republican, but consisted of men of all +parties, he continued:] + +This is as it should be. If Judge Douglas had been elected and had +been here on his way to Washington, as I am to-night, the Republicans +should have joined his supporters in welcoming him, just as his +friends have joined with mine tonight. If all do not join now to +save the good old ship of the Union this voyage, nobody will have a +chance to pilot her on another voyage. + + + + +ADDRESS AT BUFFALO, NEW YORK, +FEBRUARY 16, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF BUFFALO AND THE STATE OF NEW YORK:-- +I am here to thank you briefly for this grand reception given to me, +not personally, but as the representative of our great and beloved +country. Your worthy mayor has been pleased to mention, in his +address to me, the fortunate and agreeable journey which I have had +from home, on my rather circuitous route to the Federal capital. I +am very happy that he was enabled in truth to congratulate myself and +company on that fact. It is true we have had nothing thus far. to +mar the pleasure of the trip. We have not been met alone by those +who assisted in giving the election to me--I say not alone by them, +but by the whole population of the country through which we have +passed. This is as it should be. Had the election fallen to any +other of the distinguished candidates instead of myself, under the +peculiar circumstances, to say the least, it would have been proper +for all citizens to have greeted him as you now greet me. It is an +evidence of the devotion of the whole people to the Constitution, the +Union, and the perpetuity of the liberties of this country. I am +unwilling on any occasion that I should be so meanly thought of as to +have it supposed for a moment that these demonstrations are tendered +to me personally. They are tendered to the country, to the +institutions of the country, and to the perpetuity of the liberties +of the country, for which these institutions were made and created. + +Your worthy mayor has thought fit to express the hope that I may be +able to relieve the country from the present, or, I should say, the +threatened difficulties. I am sure I bring a heart true to the work. +For the ability to perform it, I must trust in that Supreme Being who +has never forsaken this favored land, through the instrumentality of +this great and intelligent people. Without that assistance I shall +surely fail; with it, I cannot fail. When we speak of threatened +difficulties to the Country, it is natural that it should be expected +that something should be said by myself with regard to particular +measures. Upon more mature reflection, however, others will agree +with me that, when it is considered that these difficulties are +without precedent, and have never been acted upon by any individual +situated as I am, it is most proper I should wait and see the +developments, and get all the light possible, so that when I do speak +authoritatively, I may be as near right as possible. When I shall +speak authoritatively, I hope to say nothing inconsistent with the +Constitution, the Union, the rights of all the States, of each State, +and of each section of the country, and not to disappoint the +reasonable expectations of those who have confided to me their votes. +In this connection allow me to say that you, as a portion of the +great American people, need only to maintain your composure, stand up +to your sober convictions of right, to your obligations to the +Constitution, and act in accordance with those sober convictions, and +the clouds now on the horizon will be dispelled, and we shall have a +bright and glorious future; and when this generation has passed away, +tens of thousands will inhabit this country where only thousands +inhabit it now. I do not propose to address you at length; I have no +voice for it. Allow me again to thank you for this magnificent +reception, and bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT ROCHESTER, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861 + +I confess myself, after having seen many large audiences since +leaving home, overwhelmed with this vast number of faces at this hour +of the morning. I am not vain enough to believe that you are here +from any wish to see me as an individual, but because I am for the +time being the representative of the American people. I could not, +if I would, address you at any length. I have not the strength, even +if I had the time, for a speech at each of these many interviews that +are afforded me on my way to Washington. I appear merely to see you, +and to let you see me, and to bid you. farewell. I hope it will be +understood that it is from no disinclination to oblige anybody that I +do not address you at greater length. + + + + +ADDRESS AT SYRACUSE, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I See you have erected a very fine and +handsome platform here for me, and I presume you expected me to speak +from it. If I should go upon it, you would imagine that I was about +to deliver you a much longer speech than I am. I wish you to +understand that I mean no discourtesy to you by thus declining. I +intend discourtesy to no one. But I wish you to understand that, +though I am unwilling to go upon this platform, you are not at +liberty to draw inferences concerning any other platform with which +my name has been or is connected. I wish you long life and +prosperity individually, and pray that with the perpetuity of those +institutions under which we have all so long lived and prospered, our +happiness may be secured, our future made brilliant, and the glorious +destiny of our country established forever. I bid you a kind +farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT UTICA, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1860 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I have no speech to make to you; and no time +to speak in. I appear before you that I may see you, and that you +may see me; and I am willing to admit that so far as the ladies are +concerned I have the best of the bargain, though I wish it to be +understood that I do not make the same acknowledgment concerning the +men. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF ALBANY, NEW YORK + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +MR. MAYOR:--I can hardly appropriate to myself the flattering terms +in which you communicate the tender of this reception, as personal to +myself. I most gratefully accept the hospitalities tendered to me, +and will not detain you or the audience with any extended remarks at +this time. I presume that in the two or three courses through which +I shall have to go, I shall have to repeat somewhat, and I will +therefore only express to you my thanks for this kind reception. + + + + +REPLY TO GOVERNOR MORGAN OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +GOVERNOR MORGAN:--I was pleased to receive an invitation to visit the +capital of the great Empire State of this nation while on my way to +the Federal capital. I now thank you, Mr. Governor, and you, the +people of the capital of the State of New York, for this most hearty +and magnificent welcome. If I am not at fault, the great Empire +State at this time contains a larger population than did the whole of +the United States of America at the time they achieved their national +independence, and I was proud--to be invited to visit its capital, to +meet its citizens, as I now have the honor to do. I am notified by +your governor that this reception is tendered by citizens without +distinction of party. Because of this I accept it the more gladly. +In this country, and in any country where freedom of thought is +tolerated, citizens attach themselves to political parties. It is +but an ordinary degree of charity to attribute this act to the +supposition that, in thus attaching themselves to the various +parties, each man in his own judgment supposes he thereby best +advances the interests of the whole country. And when an election is +past it is altogether befitting a free people, as I suppose, that, +until the next election, they should be one people. The reception +you have extended me to-day is not given to me personally,--it should +not be so,--but as the representative, for the time being, of the +majority of the nation. If the election had fallen to any of the +more distinguished citizens who received the support of the people, +this same honor should have greeted him that greets me this day, in +testimony of the universal, unanimous devotion of the whole people to +the Constitution, the Union, and to the perpetual liberties of +succeeding generations in this country. + +I have neither the voice nor the strength to address you at any +greater length. I beg you will therefore accept my most grateful +thanks for this manifest devotion--not to me, but the institutions of +this great and glorious country. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF +NEW YORK:--It is with feelings of great diffidence, and, I may say, +with feelings of awe, perhaps greater than I have recently +experienced, that I meet you here in this place. The history of this +great State, the renown of those great men who have stood here, and +have spoken here, and have been heard here, all crowd around my +fancy, and incline me to shrink from any attempt to address you. Yet +I have some confidence given me by the generous manner in which you +have invited me, and by the still more generous manner in which you +have received me, to speak further. You have invited and received me +without distinction of party. I cannot for a moment suppose that +this has been done in any considerable degree with reference to my +personal services, but that it is done in so far as I am regarded, at +this time, as the representative of the majesty of this great nation. +I doubt not this is the truth, and the whole truth of the case, and +this is as it should be. It is much more gratifying to me that this +reception has been given to me as the elected representative of a +free people, than it could possibly be if tendered merely as an +evidence of devotion to me, or to any one man personally. + +And now I think it were more fitting that I should close these hasty +remarks. It is true that, while I hold myself, without mock modesty, +the humblest of all individuals that have ever been elevated to the +Presidency, I have a more difficult task to perform than any one of +them. + +You have generously tendered me the support--the united support--of +the great Empire State. For this, in behalf of the nation--in behalf +of the present and future of the nation--in behalf of civil and +religious liberty for all time to come, most gratefully do I thank +you. I do not propose to enter into an explanation of any particular +line of policy, as to our present difficulties, to be adopted by the +incoming administration. I deem it just to you, to myself, to all, +that I should see everything, that I should hear everything, that I +should have every light that can be brought within my reach, in order +that, when I do so speak, I shall have enjoyed every opportunity to +take correct and true ground; and for this reason I do not propose to +speak at this time of the policy of the Government. But when the +time comes, I shall speak, as well as I am able, for the good of the +present and future of this country for the good both of the North and +of the South--for the good of the one and the other, and of all +sections of the country. In the meantime, if we have patience, if we +restrain ourselves, if we allow ourselves not to run off in a +passion, I still have confidence that the Almighty, the Maker of the +universe, will, through the instrumentality of this great and +intelligent people, bring us through this as He has through all the +other difficulties of our country. Relying on this, I again thank you +for this generous reception. + + + + +ADDRESS AT TROY, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +MR. MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF TROY:--I thank you very kindly for this +great reception. Since I left my home it has not been my fortune to +meet an assemblage more numerous and more orderly than this. I am +the more gratified at this mark of your regard since you assure me it +is tendered, not to the individual but to the high office you have +called me to fill. I have neither strength nor time to make any +extended remarks on this occasion, and I can only repeat to you my +sincere thanks for the kind reception you have thought proper to +extend to me. + + + + +ADDRESS AT POUGHKEEPSIE, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--It is altogether impossible I should make myself +heard by any considerable portion of this vast assemblage; but, +although I appear before you mainly for the purpose of seeing you, +and to let you see rather than hear me, I cannot refrain from saying +that I am highly gratified--as much here, indeed, under the +circumstances, as I have been anywhere on my route--to witness this +noble demonstration--made, not in honor of an individual, but of the +man who at this time humbly, but earnestly, represents the majesty of +the nation. + +This reception, like all the others that have been tendered to me, +doubtless emanates from all the political parties, and not from one +alone. As such I accept it the more gratefully, since it indicates +an earnest desire on the part of the whole people, with out regard to +political differences, to save--not the country, because the country +will save itself but to save the institutions of the country, those +institutions under which, in the last three quarters of a century, we +have grown to a great, and intelligent, and a happy people--the +greatest, the most intelligent, and the happiest people in the world. +These noble manifestations indicate, with unerring certainty, that +the whole people are willing to make common cause for this object; +that if, as it ever must be, some have been successful in the recent +election and some have been beaten, if some are satisfied and some +are dissatisfied, the defeated party are not in favor of sinking the +ship, but are desirous of running it through the tempest in safety, +and willing, if they think the people have committed an error in +their verdict now, to wait in the hope of reversing it and setting it +right next time. I do not say that in the recent election the people +did the wisest thing, that could have been done--indeed, I do not +think they did; but I do say that in accepting the great trust +committed to me, which I do with a determination to endeavor to prove +worthy of it, I must rely upon you, upon the people of the whole +country, for support; and with their sustaining aid, even I, humble +as I am, cannot fail to carry the ship of state safely through the +storm. + +I have now only to thank you warmly for your kind attendance, and bid +you all an affectionate farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT HUDSON, NEW YORK,. + +FEBRUARY 19, 1860 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I see that you are providing a platform for me. I +shall have to decline standing upon it, because the president of the +company tells me that I shall not have time to wait until it is +brought to me. As I said yesterday, under similar circumstances at +another gathering, you must not draw the inference that I have any +intention of deserting any platform with which I have a legitimate +connection because I do not stand on yours. Allow me to thank you +for this splendid reception, and I now bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT PEEKSKILL, NEW YORK, +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I have but a moment to stand before you to +listen to and return your kind greeting. I thank you for this +reception, and for the pleasant manner in which it is tendered to me +by our mutual friends. I will say in a single sentence, in regard to +the difficulties that lie before me and our beloved country, that if +I can only be as generously and unanimously sustained as the +demonstrations I have witnessed indicate I shall be, I shall not +fail; but without your sustaining hands I am sure that neither I nor +any other man can hope to surmount these difficulties. I trust that +in the course I shall pursue I shall be sustained not only by the +party that elected me, but by the patriotic people of the whole +country. + + + + +ADDRESS AT FISHKILL LANDING + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I appear before you not to make a speech. I +have not sufficient time, if I had the strength, to repeat speeches +at every station where the people kindly gather to welcome me as we +go along. If I had the strength, and should take the time, I should +not get to Washington until after the inauguration, which you must be +aware would not fit exactly. That such an untoward event might not +transpire, I know you will readily forego any further remarks; and I +close by bidding you farewell. + + + + +REMARKS AT THE ASTOR HOUSE, NEW YORK CITY, FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I have stepped before you merely in compliance with +what appears to be your wish, and not with the purpose of making a +speech. I do not propose making a speech this afternoon. I could +not be heard by any but a small fraction of you, at best; but, what +is still worse than that, I have nothing just now to say that is +worthy of your hearing. I beg you to believe that I do not now +refuse to address you from any disposition to disoblige you, but to +the contrary. But, at the same time, I beg of you to excuse me for +the present. + + + + +ADDRESS AT NEW YORK CITY, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN:--I am rather an old man to avail myself +of such an excuse as I am now about to do. Yet the truth is so +distinct, and presses itself so distinctly upon me, that I cannot +well avoid it--and that is, that I did not understand when I was +brought into this room that I was to be brought here to make a +speech. It was not intimated to me that I was brought into the room +where Daniel Webster and Henry Clay had made speeches, and where one +in my position might be expected to do something like those men or +say something worthy of myself or my audience. I therefore beg you +to make allowance for the circumstances in which I have been by +surprise brought before you. Now I have been in the habit of +thinking and sometimes speaking upon political questions that have +for some years past agitated the country; and, if I were disposed to +do so, and we could take up some one of the issues, as the lawyers +call them, and I were called upon to make an argument about it to the +best of my ability, I could do so without much preparation. But that +is not what you desire to have done here to-night. + +I have been occupying a position, since the Presidential election, of +silence--of avoiding public speaking, of avoiding public writing. I +have been doing so because I thought, upon full consideration, that +was the proper course for me to take. I am brought before you now, +and required to make a speech, when you all approve more than +anything else of the fact that I have been keeping silence. And now +it seems to me that the response you give to that remark ought to +justify me in closing just here. I have not kept silence since the +Presidential election from any party wantonness, or from any +indifference to the anxiety that pervades the minds of men about the +aspect of the political affairs of this country. I have kept silence +for the reason that I supposed it was peculiarly proper that I should +do so until the time came when, according to the custom of the +country, I could speak officially. + +I still suppose that, while the political drama being enacted in this +country at this time is rapidly shifting its scenes--forbidding an +anticipation with any degree of certainty to-day of what we shall see +to-morrow--it is peculiarly fitting that I should see it all, up to +the last minute, before I should take ground that I might be +disposed, by the shifting of the scenes afterward, also to shift. I +have said several times upon this journey, and I now repeat it to +you, that when the time does come, I shall then take the ground that +I think is right--right for the North, for the South, for the East, +for the West, for the whole country. And in doing so I hope to feel +no necessity pressing upon me to say anything in conflict with the +Constitution, in conflict with the continued union of these States, +in conflict with the perpetuation of the liberties of this people, or +anything in conflict with anything whatever that I have ever given +you reason to expect from me. And now, my friends, have I said +enough? [Loud cries of "No, no !" and' Three cheers for LINCOLN!"] +Now, my friends, there appears to be a difference of opinion between +you and me, and I really feel called upon to decide the question +myself. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEW YORK CITY, +FEBRUARY 20, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR:--It is with feelings of deep gratitude that I make my +acknowledgments for the reception that has been given me in the great +commercial city of New York. I cannot but remember that it is done +by the people who do not, by a large majority, agree with me in +political sentiment. It is the more grateful to me because in this I +see that for the great principles of our Government the people are +pretty nearly or quite unanimous. In regard to the difficulties that +confront us at this time, and of which you have seen fit to speak so +becomingly and so justly, I can only say I agree with the sentiments +expressed. In my devotion to the Union I hope I am behind no man in +the nation. As to my wisdom in conducting affairs so as to tend to +the preservation of the Union, I fear too great confidence may have +been placed in me. I am sure I bring a heart devoted to the work. +There is nothing that could ever bring me to consent--willingly to +consent--to the destruction of this Union (in which not only the +great city of New York, but the whole country, has acquired its +greatness), unless it would be that thing for which the Union itself +was made. I understand that the ship is made for the carrying and +preservation of the cargo; and so long as the ship is safe with the +cargo, it shall not be abandoned. This Union shall never be +abandoned, unless the possibility of its existence shall cease to +exist without the necessity of throwing passengers and cargo +overboard. So long, then, as it is possible that the prosperity and +liberties of this people can be preserved within this Union, it shall +be my purpose at all tunes to preserve it. And now, Mr. Mayor, +renewing my thanks for this cordial reception, allow me to come to a +close. + + + + +ADDRESS AT JERSEY CITY, NEW JERSEY + +FEBRUARY 21, 1860 + +MR. DAYTON AND GENTLEMEN OF THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY:--I shall only +thank you briefly for this very kind reception given me, not +personally, but as the temporary representative of the majesty of the +nation. To the kindness of your hearts, and of the hearts of your +brethren in your State, I should be very proud to respond, but I +shall not have strength to address you or other assemblages at +length, even if I had the time to do so. I appear before you, +therefore, for little else than to greet you, and to briefly say +farewell. You have done me the very high honor to present your +reception courtesies to me through your great man a man with whom it +is an honor to be associated anywhere, and in owning whom no State +can be poor. He has said enough, and by the saying of it suggested +enough, to require a response of an hour, well considered. I could +not in an hour make a worthy response to it. I therefore, ladies and +gentlemen of New Jersey, content myself with saying, most heartily do +I indorse all the sentiments he has expressed. Allow me, most +gratefully, to bid you farewell. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEWARK, NEW JERSEY, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861. + +MR. MAYOR:--I thank you for this reception at the city of Newark. +With regard to the great work of which you speak, I will say that I +bring to it a heart filled with love for my country, and an honest +desire to do what is right. I am sure, however, that I have not the +ability to do anything unaided of God, and that without His support +and that of this free, happy, prosperous, and intelligent people, no +man can succeed in doing that the importance of which we all +comprehend. Again thanking you for the reception you have given me, +I will now bid you farewell, and proceed upon my journey. + + + + +ADDRESS IN TRENTON AT THE TRENTON HOUSE, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +I have been invited by your representatives to the Legislature to +visit this the capital of your honored State, and in acknowledging +their kind invitation, compelled to respond to the welcome of the +presiding officers of each body, and I suppose they intended I should +speak to you through them, as they are the representatives of all of +you; and if I were to speak again here, I should only have to repeat +in a great measure much that I have said, which would be disgusting +to my friends around me who have met here. I have no speech to make, +but merely appear to see you and let you look at me; and as to the +latter I think I have greatly the best of the bargain. My friends, +allow me to bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE SENATE OF NEW JERSEY + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE OF THE STATE OF NEW +JERSEY:--I am very grateful to you for the honorable reception of +which I have been the object. I cannot but remember the place that +New Jersey holds in our early history. In the Revolutionary struggle +few of the States among the Old Thirteen had more of the battle- +fields of the country within their limits than New Jersey. May I be +pardoned if, upon this occasion, I mention that away back in my +childhood, the earliest days of my being able to read, I got hold of +a small book, such a one as few of the younger members have ever seen +Weems's Life of Washington. I remember all the accounts there given +of the battle-fields and struggles for the liberties of the country; +and none fixed themselves upon my imagination so deeply as the +struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The crossing of the river, the +contest with the Hessians, the great hardships endured at that time, +all fixed themselves on my memory more than any single Revolutionary +event; and you all know, for you have all been boys, how these early +impressions last longer than any others. I recollect thinking then, +boy even though I was, that there must have been something more than +common that these men struggled for. I am exceedingly anxious that +that thing that something even more than national independence, that +something that held out a great promise to all the people of the +world to all time to come--I am exceedingly anxious that this Union, +the Constitution, and the liberties of the people shall be +perpetuated in accordance with the original idea for which that +struggle was made; and I shall be most happy indeed if I shall be a +humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and of this his +almost chosen people, for perpetuating the object of that great +struggle. You give me this reception, as I understand, without +distinction of party. I learn that this body is composed of a +majority of gentlemen who, in the exercise of their best judgment in +the choice of a chief magistrate, did not think I was the man. I +understand, nevertheless, that they come forward here to greet me as +the constitutionally elected President of the United States--as +citizens of the United States to meet the man who, for the time +being, is the representative of the majesty of the nation--united by +the single purpose to perpetuate the Constitution, the union, and the +liberties of the people. As such, I accept this reception more +gratefully than I could do did I believe it were tendered to me as an +individual. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF NEW JERSEY, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. SPEAKER AND GENTLEMEN: I have just enjoyed the honor of a +reception by the other branch of this Legislature, and I return to +you and them my thanks for the reception which the people of New +Jersey have given through their chosen representatives to me as the +representative, for the time being, of the majesty of the people of +the United States. I appropriate to myself very little of the +demonstrations of respect with which I have been greeted. I think +little should be given to any man, but that it should be a +manifestation of adherence to the Union and the Constitution. +I understand myself to be received here by the representatives of the +people of New Jersey, a majority of whom differ in opinion from those +with whom I have acted. This manifestation is therefore to be +regarded by me as expressing their devotion to the Union, the +Constitution, and the liberties of the people. + +You, Mr. Speaker, have well said that this is a time when the bravest +and wisest look with doubt and awe upon the aspect presented by our +national affairs. Under these circumstances you will readily see why +I should not speak in detail of the course I shall deem it best to +pursue. It is proper that I should avail myself of all the +information and all the time at my command, in order that when the +time arrives in which I must speak officially, I shall be able to +take the ground which I deem best and safest, and from which I may +have no occasion to swerve. I shall endeavor to take the ground I +deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the South, and the +whole country. I shall take it, I hope, in good temper, certainly +with no malice toward, any section. I shall do all that may be in my +power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficulties. The +man does not live who is more devoted to peace than I am, none who +would do more to preserve it, but it may be necessary to put the foot +down firmly. And if I do my duty and do right, you will sustain me, +will you not? [Loud cheers, and cries of "Yes, yes; we will."] +Received as I am by the members of a Legislature the majority of whom +do not agree with me in political sentiments, I trust that I may have +their assistance in piloting the ship of state through this voyage, +surrounded by perils as it is; for if it should suffer wreck now, +there will be no pilot ever needed for another voyage. + +Gentlemen, I have already spoken longer than I intended, and must beg +leave to stop here. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA, +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA:--I appear before you +to make no lengthy speech, but to thank you for this reception. The +reception you have given me to-night is not to me, the man, the +individual, but to the man who temporarily represents, or should +represent, the majesty of the nation. It is true, as your worthy +mayor has said, that there is great anxiety amongst the citizens of +the United States at this time. I deem it a happy circumstance that +this dissatisfied portion of our fellow-citizens does not point us to +anything in which they are being injured or about to be injured; for +which reason I have felt all the while justified in concluding that +the crisis, the panic, the anxiety of the country at this time is +artificial. If there be those who differ with me upon this subject, +they have not pointed out the substantial difficulty that exists. +I do not mean to say that an artificial panic may not do considerable +harm; that it has done such I do not deny. The hope that has been +expressed by your mayor, that I may be able to restore peace, +harmony, and prosperity to the country, is most worthy of him; and +most happy, indeed, will I be if I shall be able to verify and fulfil +that hope. I promise you that I bring to the work a sincere heart. +Whether I will bring a head equal to that heart will be for future +times to determine. It were useless for me to speak of details of +plans now; I shall speak officially next Monday week, if ever. If I +should not speak then, it were useless for me to do so now. If I do +speak then, it is useless for me to do so now. When I do speak, I +shall take such ground as I deem best calculated to restore peace, +harmony, and prosperity to the country, and tend to the perpetuity of +the nation and the liberty of these States and these people. Your +worthy mayor has expressed the wish, in which I join with him, that +it were convenient for me to remain in your city long enough to +consult your merchants and manufacturers; or, as it were, to listen +to those breathings rising within the consecrated walls wherein the +Constitution of the United States and, I will add, the Declaration of +Independence, were originally framed and adopted. I assure you and +your mayor that I had hoped on this occasion, and upon all occasions +during my life, that I shall do nothing inconsistent with the +teachings of these holy and most sacred walls. I have never asked +anything that does not breathe from those walls. All my political +warfare has been in favor of the teachings that come forth from these +sacred walls. May my right hand forget its cunning and my tongue +cleave to the roof of my mouth if ever I prove false to those +teachings. Fellow-citizens, I have addressed you longer than I +expected to do, and now allow me to bid you goodnight. + + + + +ADDRESS IN THE HALL OF INDEPENDENCE, PHILADELPHIA, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. CUYLER:--I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing +here, in this place, where were collected together the wisdom, the +devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which +we live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task +of restoring peace to the present distracted condition of the +country. I can say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments +I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, +from the sentiments which originated and were given to the world from +this hall. I have never had a feeling politically that did not +spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of +Independence. I have often pondered over the dangers which were +incurred by the men who assembled here and framed and adopted that +Declaration of Independence. I have pondered over the toils that +were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved +that independence. I have often inquired of myself what great +principle or idea it was that kept the confederacy so long together. +It was not the mere matter of separation of the colonies from the +motherland, but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence +which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but, I +hope, to the world for all future time. It was that which gave +promise that in due time the weight would be lifted from the +shoulders of all men. This is the sentiment embodied in the +Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, can the country be +saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the +happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it cannot be +saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. But if this +country cannot be saved without giving up that principle, I was about +to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. +Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no +bloodshed or war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor +of such a course, and I may say, in advance, that there will be no +bloodshed unless it is forced upon the Government, and then it will +be compelled to act in self-defence. + +My friends; this is wholly an unexpected speech, and I did not expect +to be called upon to say a word when I came here. I supposed it was +merely to do something toward raising the flag. I may, therefore, +have said something indiscreet. I have said nothing but what I am +willing to live by and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, die +by. + + + + +REPLY TO THE WILMINGTON DELEGATION, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. CHAIRMAN:--I feel highly flattered by the encomiums you have seen +fit to bestow upon me. Soon after the nomination of General Taylor, +I attended a political meeting in the city of Wilmington, and have +since carried with me a fond remembrance of the hospitalities of the +city on that occasion. The programme established provides for my +presence in Harrisburg in twenty-four hours from this time. I expect +to be in Washington on Saturday. It is, therefore, an impossibility +that I should accept your kind invitation. There are no people whom +I would more gladly accommodate than those of Delaware; but +circumstances forbid, gentlemen. With many regrets for the character +of the reply I am compelled to give you, I bid you adieu. + + + + +ADDRESS AT LANCASTER, PENNSYLVANIA, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1860 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN OF OLD LANCASTER:--I appear not to make a +speech. I have not time to make a speech at length, and not strength +to make them on every occasion; and, worse than all, I have none to +make. There is plenty of matter to speak about in these times, but +it is well known that the more a man speaks the less he is +understood--the more he says one thing, the more his adversaries +contend he meant something else. I shall soon have occasion to speak +officially, and then I will endeavor to put my thoughts just as plain +as I can express myself--true to the Constitution and Union of all +the States, and to the perpetual liberty of all the people. Until I +so speak, there is no need to enter upon details. In conclusion, I +greet you most heartily, and bid you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA, AT HARRISBURG, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. SPEAKER OF THE SENATE, AND ALSO MR. SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF +REPRESENTATIVES, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE +OF PENNSYLVANIA:--I appear before you only for a very few brief +remarks in response to what has been said to me. I thank you most +sincerely for this reception, and the generous words in which support +has been promised me upon this occasion. I thank your great +commonwealth for the overwhelming support it recently gave, not me +personally, but the cause which I think a just one, in the late +election. + +Allusion has been made to the fact--the interesting fact perhaps we +should say--that I for the first time appear at the capital of the +great commonwealth of Pennsylvania upon the birthday of the Father of +his Country. In connection with that beloved anniversary connected +with the history of this country, I have already gone through one +exceedingly interesting scene this morning in the ceremonies at +Philadelphia. Under the kind conduct of gentlemen there, I was for +the first time allowed the privilege of standing in old Independence +Hall to have a few words addressed to me there, and opening up to me +an opportunity of manifesting my deep regret that I had not more time +to express something of my own feelings excited by the occasion, that +had been really the feelings of my whole life. + +Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent flag of +the country. They had arranged it so that I was given the honor of +raising it to the head of its staff, and when it went up I was +pleased that it went to its place by the strength of my own feeble +arm. When, according to the arrangement, the cord was pulled, and it +floated gloriously to the wind, without an accident, in the bright, +glowing sunshine of the morning, I could not help hoping that there +was in the entire success of that beautiful ceremony at least +something of an omen of what is to come. Nor could I help feeling +then, as I have often felt, that in the whole of that proceeding I +was a very humbled instrument. I had not provided the flag; I had +not made the arrangements for elevating it to its place; I had +applied but a very small portion of even my feeble strength in +raising it. In the whole transaction I was in the hands of the +people who had arranged it, and if I can have the same generous +co-operation of the people of this nation, I think the flag of our +country may yet be kept flaunting gloriously. + +I recur for a moment but to repeat some words uttered at the hotel in +regard to what has been said about the military support which the +General Government may expect from the commonwealth of Pennsylvania +in a proper emergency. To guard against any possible mistake do I +recur to this. It is not with any pleasure that I contemplate the +possibility that a necessity may arise in this country for the use of +the military arm. While I am exceedingly gratified to see the +manifestation upon your streets of your military force here, and +exceedingly gratified at your promise to use that force upon a proper +emergency--while I make these acknowledgments I desire to repeat, in +order to preclude any possible misconstruction, that I do most +sincerely hope that we shall have no use for them; that it will never +become their duty to shed blood, and most especially never to shed +fraternal blood. I promise that so far as I may have wisdom to +direct, if so painful a result shall in any wise be brought about, it +shall he through no fault of mine. + +Allusion has also been made by one of your honored speakers to some +remarks recently made by myself at Pittsburg in regard to what is +supposed to be the especial interest of this great commonwealth of +Pennsylvania. I now wish only to say in regard to that matter, that +the few remarks which I uttered on that occasion were rather +carefully worded. I took pains that they should be so. I have seen +no occasion since to add to them or subtract from them. I leave them +precisely as they stand, adding only now that I am pleased to have an +expression from you, gentlemen of Pennsylvania, signifying that they +are satisfactory to you. + +And now, gentlemen of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of +Pennsylvania, allow me again to return to you my most sincere thanks. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF WASHINGTON, D.C., + +FEBRUARY 27, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR:--I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities of +this city who accompany you, for this welcome. And as it is the +first time in my life, since the present phase of politics has +presented itself in this country, that I have said anything publicly +within a region of country where the institution of slavery exists, I +will take this occasion to say that I think very much of the ill +feeling that has existed and still exists between the people in the +section from which I came and the people here, is dependent upon a +misunderstanding of one another. I therefore avail myself of this +opportunity to assure you, Mr. Mayor, and all the gentlemen present, +that I have not now, and never have had, any other than as kindly +feelings toward you as to the people of my own section. I have not +now, and never have had, any disposition to treat you in any respect +otherwise than as my own neighbors. I have not now any purpose to +withhold from you any of the benefits of the Constitution, under any +circumstances, that I would not feel myself constrained to withhold +from my own neighbors; and I hope, in a word, that when we shall +become better acquainted--and I say it with great confidence--we +shall like each other better. I thank you for the kindness of this +reception. + + + + +REPLY TO A SERENADE AT WASHINGTON, D.C., +FEBRUARY 28, 1861 + +MY FRIENDS:--I suppose that I may take this as a compliment paid to +me, and as such please accept my thanks for it. I have reached this +city of Washington under circumstances considerably differing from +those under which any other man has ever reached it. I am here for +the purpose of taking an official position amongst the people, almost +all of whom were politically opposed to me, and are yet opposed to +me, as I suppose. + +I propose no lengthy address to you. I only propose to say, as I did +on yesterday, when your worthy mayor and board of aldermen called +upon me, that I thought much of the ill feeling that has existed +between you and the people of your surroundings and that people from +among whom I came, has depended, and now depends, upon a +misunderstanding. + +I hope that, if things shall go along as prosperously as I believe we +all desire they may, I may have it in my power to remove something of +this misunderstanding; that I may be enabled to convince you, and the +people of your section of the country, that we regard you as in all +things our equals, and in all things entitled to the same respect and +the same treatment that we claim for ourselves; that we are in no +wise disposed, if it were in our power, to oppress you, to deprive +you of any of your rights under the Constitution of the United +States, or even narrowly to split hairs with you in regard to these +rights, but are determined to give you, as far as lies in our hands, +all your rights under the Constitution--not grudgingly, but fully and +fairly. I hope that, by thus dealing with you, we will become better +acquainted, and be better friends. + +And now, my friends, with these few remarks, and again returning my +thanks for this compliment, and expressing my desire to hear a little +more of your good music, I bid you good-night. + + + + +WASHINGTON, SUNDAY, MARCH 3, 1861 + +[During the struggle over the appointments of LINCOLN's Cabinet, the +President-elect spoke as follows:] + +Gentlemen, it is evident that some one must take the responsibility +of these appointments, and I will do it. My Cabinet is completed. +The positions are not definitely assigned, and will not be until I +announce them privately to the gentlemen whom I have selected as my +Constitutional advisers. + + + + +FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS, +MARCH 4, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES:--In compliance with a custom as +old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you +briefly, and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the +Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President +"before he enters on the execution of his office." + +I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those +matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or +excitement. + +Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States +that by the accession of a Republican administration their property +and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There +has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, +the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and +been open to their inspection. It is found in near1y all the +published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from +one of those speeches when I declare that + +"I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the +institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I +have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." + +Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I +had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted +them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my +acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and +emphatic resolution which I now read: + +"Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the +States, and especially the right of each State to order and control +its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment +exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the +perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we +denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State +or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as amongst the gravest of +crimes." + +I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon +the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case +is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section +are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. +I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the +Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to +all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as +cheerfully to one section as to another. + +There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from +service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the +Constitution as any other of its provisions: + +"No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws +thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or +regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but +shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or +labor may be due." + +It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those +who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and +the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress +swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as +much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose +cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up," +their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in +good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and +pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? + +There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be +enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that +difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be +surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others +by which authority it is done. And should any one in any case be +content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial +controversy as to how it shall be kept? + +Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of +liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, +so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And +might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the +enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that + +"the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and +immunities of citizens in the several States"? + +I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with +no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical +rules. And, while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of +Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much +safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to +and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate +any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be +unconstitutional. + +It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President +under our national Constitution. During that period fifteen +different and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, +administered the executive branch of the Government. They have +conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. +Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task +for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and +peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore +only menaced, is now formidably attempted. + +I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the +Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is +implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national +governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had +a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to +execute all the express provisions of our national Constitution, and +the Union will endure forever--it being impossible to destroy it +except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. + +Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an +association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it as a +contract be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made +it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak; +but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? + +Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition +that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the +history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the +Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association +in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of +Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all +the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it +should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And, +finally, in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining and +establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union." + +But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the +States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before +the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. + +It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion +can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to +that effect are legally void; and that acts of violence, within any +State or States, against the authority of the United States, are +insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances. + +I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, +the Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take +care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the +laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing +this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform +it so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American +people, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative +manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a +menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will +constitutionally defend and maintain itself. + +In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there +shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The +power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the +property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the +duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these +objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or +among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States, in +any interior locality, shall be so great and universal as to prevent +competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there +will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for +that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the +government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to +do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, +that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such +offices. + +The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all +parts of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall +have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm +thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed +unless current events and experience shall show a modification or +change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best +discretion will be exercised according to circumstances actually +existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the +national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and +affections. + +That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy +the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will +neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word +to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not +speak? + +Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our +national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, +would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you +hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any +portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, +while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones +you fly from--will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? + +All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights +can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written +in the Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human +mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of +doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a +plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. +If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority +of any clearly written constitutional right, it might, in a moral +point of view, justify revolution--certainly would if such a right +were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of +minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by +affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the +Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no +organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically +applicable to every question which may occur in practical +administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of +reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible +questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or +by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May +Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does +not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? +The Constitution does not expressly say. + +>From questions of this class spring all our constitutional +controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and +minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, +or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative; for +continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. + +If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they +make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; for a +minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority +refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not +any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily +secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to +secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being +educated to the exact temper of doing this. + +Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to +compose a new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed +secession? + +Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A +majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, +and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular +opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. +Whoever rejects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to +despotism. Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority, as a +permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the +majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is +left. + +I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional +questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that +such decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a +suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to +very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all +other departments of the government. And, while it is obviously +possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still +the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, +with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent +for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a +different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must +confess that if the policy of the government, upon vital questions +affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions +of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary +litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have +ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically +resigned the government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor +is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It +is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly +brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to +turn their decisions to political purposes. + +One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be +extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be +extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave +clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the +foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law +can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people +imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people +abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over +in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured; and it would be +worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. +The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be +ultimately revived, without restriction, in one section, while +fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be +surrendered at all by the other. + +Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our +respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall +between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the +presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts +of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face, +and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between +them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more +advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can +aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties +be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among +friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, +after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease +fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are +again upon you. + +This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who +inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing +government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending +it, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I +cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic +citizens are desirous of having the national Constitution amended. +While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the +rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be +exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself, +and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose +a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will +venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in +that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, +instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions +originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which +might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or +refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution which +amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the +effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the +domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held +to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart +from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to +say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional +law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable. + +The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and +they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of +the States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; +but the executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is +to administer the present government, as it came to his hands, and to +transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successors. + +Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice +of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our +present differences is either party without faith of being in the +right? If the Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and +justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that +truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this +great tribunal of the American people. + +By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people +have wisely given their public servants but little power for +mischief; and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of +that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the +people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any +extreme of wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the +government in the short space of four years. + +My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole +subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be +an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would +never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking +time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are +now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on +the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the +new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to +change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied +hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good +reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, +Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken +this favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best way all +our present difficulty. + +In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is +the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail +you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the +aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the +government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, +protect, and defend" it. + +I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not +be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break, our +bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from +every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and +hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of +the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better +angels of our nature. + + + + +REFUSAL OF SEWARD RESIGNATION + +TO WM. H. SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 4, 1861. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your note of the 2d instant, asking to withdraw your +acceptance of my invitation to take charge of the State Department, +was duly received. It is the subject of the most painful solicitude +with me, and I feel constrained to beg that you will countermand the +withdrawal. The public interest, I think, demands that you should; +and my personal feelings are deeply enlisted in the same direction. +Please consider and answer by 9 A.M. to-morrow. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION, + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE PENNSYLVANIAN DELEGATION:--As I +have so frequently said heretofore, when I have had occasion to +address the people of the Keystone, in my visits to that State, I can +now but repeat the assurance of my gratification at the support you +gave me at the election, and at the promise of a continuation of that +support which is now tendered to me. + +Allusion has been made to the hope that you entertain that you have a +President and a government. In respect to that I wish to say to you +that in the position I have assumed I wish to do more than I have +ever given reason to believe I would do. I do not wish you to +believe that I assume to be any better than others who have gone +before me. I prefer rather to have it understood that if we ever +have a government on the principles we profess, we should remember, +while we exercise our opinion, that others have also rights to the +exercise of their opinions, and that we should endeavor to allow +these rights, and act in such a manner as to create no bad feeling. +I hope we have a government and a President. I hope, and wish it to +be understood, that there may he no allusion to unpleasant +differences. + +We must remember that the people of all the States are entitled to +all the privileges and immunities of the citizens of the several +States. We should bear this in mind, and act in such a way as to say +nothing insulting or irritating. I would inculcate this idea, so +that we may not, like Pharisees, set ourselves up to be better than +other people. + +Now, my friends, my public duties are pressing to-day, and will +prevent my giving more time to you. Indeed, I should not have left +them now, but I could not well deny myself to so large and +respectable a body. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION, + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + +I am thankful for this renewed assurance of kind feeling and +confidence, and the support of the old Bay State, in so far as you, +Mr. Chairman, have expressed, in behalf of those whom you represent, +your sanction of what I have enunciated in my inaugural address. +This is very grateful to my feelings. The object was one of great +delicacy, in presenting views at the opening of an administration +under the peculiar circumstances attending my entrance upon the +official duties connected with the Government. I studied all the +points with great anxiety, and presented them with whatever of +ability and sense of justice I could bring to bear. If it met the +approbation of our good friends in Massachusetts, I shall be +exceedingly gratified, while I hope it will meet the approbation of +friends everywhere. I am thankful for the expressions of those who +have voted with us; and like every other man of you, I like them as +certainly as I do others. As the President in the administration of +the Government, I hope to be man enough not to know one citizen of +the United States from another, nor one section from another. I +shall be gratified to have good friends of Massachusetts and others +who have thus far supported me in these national views still to +support me in carrying them out. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD + +EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, MARCH 7, 1861 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is the diplomatic address and my reply. To +whom the reply should be addressed--that is, by what title or style-- +I do not quite understand, and therefore I have left it blank. + +Will you please bring with you to-day the message from the War +Department, with General Scott's note upon it, which we had here +yesterday? I wish to examine the General's opinion, which I have not +yet done. + +Yours very truly +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS + +WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, MARCH 7, 1861 + +Mr. FIGANIERE AND GENTLEMEN OF THE DIPLOMATIC BODY:--Please accept my +sincere thanks for your kind congratulations. It affords me pleasure +to confirm the confidence you so generously express in the friendly +disposition of the United States, through me, towards the sovereigns +and governments you respectively represent. With equal satisfaction +I accept the assurance you are pleased to give, that the same +disposition is reciprocated by your sovereigns, your governments, and +yourselves. + +Allow me to express the hope that these friendly relations may remain +undisturbed, arid also my fervent wishes for the health and happiness +of yourselves personally. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 11,1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. +DEAR SIR:--What think you of sending ministers at once as follows: +Dayton to England; Fremont to France; Clay to Spain; Corwin to +Mexico? + +We need to have these points guarded as strongly and quickly as +possible. This is suggestion merely, and not dictation. + +Your obedient servant, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. COLLAMER + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 12, 1861 + +HON. JACOB COLLAMER. +MY DEAR SIR:--God help me. It is said I have offended you. I hope +you will tell me how. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + +March 14, 1861. +DEAR SIR:--I am entirely unconscious that you have any way offended +me. I cherish no sentiment towards you but that of kindness and +confidence. +Your humble servant, +J. COLLAMER + + [Returned with indorsement:] + +Very glad to know that I have n't. +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 13, 1861 + +HON. P. M. G. + +DEAR SIR:--The bearer of this, Mr. C. T. Hempstow, is a Virginian who +wishes to get, for his son, a small place in your Dept. I think +Virginia should be heard, in such cases. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +NOTE ASKING CABINET OPINIONS ON FORT SUMTER. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 15, 1861 + +THE HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort +Sumter, under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it? Please +give me your opinion in writing on this question. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Same to other members of the Cabinet.] + + + + +ON ROYAL ARBITRATION OF AMERICAN BOUNDARY LINE + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES + +The Senate has transmitted to me a copy of the message sent by my +predecessor to that body on the 21st of February last, proposing to +take its advice on the subject of a proposition made by the British +Government through its minister here to refer the matter in +controversy between that government and the Government of the United +States to the arbitrament of the King of Sweden and Norway, the King +of the Netherlands, or the Republic of the Swiss Confederation. + +In that message my predecessor stated that he wished to present to +the Senate the precise questions following, namely: + +"Will the Senate approve a treaty referring to either of the +sovereign powers above named the dispute now existing between the +governments of the United States and Great Britain concerning the +boundary line between Vancouver's Island and the American continent? +In case the referee shall find himself unable to decide where the +line is by the description of it in the treaty of June 15, 1846, +shall he be authorized to establish a line according to the treaty as +nearly as possible? Which of the three powers named by Great Britain +as an arbiter shall be chosen by the United States?" + +I find no reason to disapprove of the course of my predecessor in +this important matter; but, on the contrary, I not only shall receive +the advice of the Senate thereon cheerfully, but I respectfully ask +the Senate for their advice on the three questions before recited + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. +WASHINGTON, March 16, 1861 + + + + +AMBASSADORIAL APPOINTMENTS + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 18, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I believe it is a necessity with us to make the +appointments I mentioned last night--that is, Charles F. Adams to +England, William L. Dayton to France, George P. Marsh to Sardinia, +and Anson Burlingame to Austria. These gentlemen all have my highest +esteem, but no one of them is originally suggested by me except Mr. +Dayton. Mr. Adams I take because you suggested him, coupled with his +eminent fitness for the place. Mr. Marsh and Mr. Burlingame I take +because of the intense pressure of their respective States, and their +fitness also. + +The objection to this card is that locally they are so huddled up-- +three being in New England and two from a single State. I have +considered this, and will not shrink from the responsibility. This, +being done, leaves but five full missions undisposed of--Rome, China, +Brazil, Peru, and Chili. And then what about Carl Schurz; or, in +other words, what about our German friends? + +Shall we put the card through, and arrange the rest afterward? What +say you? + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO G. E. PATTEN. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 19, 1861. + +TO MASTER GEO. EVANS PATTEN. + +WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:--I did see and talk with Master Geo. Evans +Patten last May at Springfield, Ill. + +Respectfully, +A. LINCOLN. + +[Written because of a denial that any interview with young Patten, +then a schoolboy, had ever taken place.] + + + + +RESPONSE TO SENATE INQUIRY RE. FORT SUMTER + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:--I have received a copy of the +resolution of the Senate, passed on the 25th instant, requesting me, +if in my opinion not incompatible with the public interest, to +communicate to the Senate the despatches of Major Robert Anderson to +the War Department during the time he has been in command of Fort +Sumter. On examination of the correspondence thus called for, I +have, with the highest respect for the Senate, come to the conclusion +that at the present moment the publication of it would be +inexpedient. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN +WASHINGTON, MARCH 16, 1861 + + + + +PREPARATION OF FIRST NAVAL ACTION + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 29, 1861 + +HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +SIR:--I desire that an expedition to move by sea be got ready to sail +as early as the 6th of April next, the whole according to memorandum +attached, and that you cooperate with the Secretary of the Navy for +that object. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + +[Inclosure.] + +Steamers Pocahontas at Norfolk, Paunee at Washington, Harriet Lane at +New York, to be under sailing orders for sea, with stores, etc., for +one month. Three hundred men to be kept ready for departure from on +board the receiving-ships at New York. Two hundred men to be ready to +leave Governor's Island in New York. Supplies for twelve months for +one hundred men to be put in portable shape, ready for instant +shipping. A large steamer and three tugs conditionally engaged. + + + + +TO ______ STUART. + +WASHINGTON, March 30, 1861 + +DEAR STUART: + +Cousin Lizzie shows me your letter of the 27th. The question of +giving her the Springfield post-office troubles me. You see I have +already appointed William Jayne a Territorial governor and Judge +Trumbull's brother to a land-office. Will it do for me to go on and +justify the declaration that Trumbull and I have divided out all the +offices among our relatives? Dr. Wallace, you know, is needy, and +looks to me; and I personally owe him much. + +I see by the papers, a vote is to be taken as to the post-office. +Could you not set up Lizzie and beat them all? She, being here, need +know nothing of it, so therefore there would be no indelicacy on her +part. Yours as ever, + + + + +TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NEW YORK NAVY-YARD. + +NAVY DEPT., WASHINGTON, April 1, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NAVY-YARD, +Brooklyn, N. Y. + +Fit out the Powhatan to go to sea at the earnest possible moment +under sealed orders. Orders by a confidential messenger go forward +to-morrow. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861 + +LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER, United States Navy. + + +SIR:--You will proceed to New York, and with the least possible +delay, assuming command of any naval steamer available, proceed to +Pensacola Harbor, and at any cost or risk prevent any expedition from +the mainland reaching Fort Pickens or Santa Rosa Island. + +You will exhibit this order to any naval officer at Pensacola, if you +deem it necessary, after you have established yourself within the +harbor, and will request co-operation by the entrance of at least one +other steamer. + +This order, its object, and your destination will be communicated to +no person whatever until you reach the harbor of Pensacola. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +Recommended, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + + + + +RELIEF EXPEDITION FOR FORT SUMTER + +ORDER TO OFFICERS OF THE ARMY AND NAVY. + +WASHINGTON, EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861. + +All officers of the army and navy to whom this order may be exhibited +will aid by every means in their power the expedition under the +command of Colonel Harvey Brown, supplying him with men and material, +and co-operating with him as he may desire. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO CAPTAIN SAMUEL MERCER. +(Confidential.) + +WASHINGTON CITY, +April 1, 1861 + +SIR:--Circumstances render it necessary to place in command of your +ship (and for a special purpose) an officer who is fully informed and +instructed in relation to the wishes of the Government, and you will +therefore consider yourself detached. But in taking this step the +Government does not in the least reflect upon your efficiency or +patriotism; on the contrary, have the fullest confidence in your +ability to perform any duty required of you. Hoping soon to be able +to give you a better command than the one you now enjoy, and trusting +that you will have full confidence in the disposition of the +Government toward you, +I remain, etc., + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +SECRETARY SEWARD'S BID FOR POWER + +MEMORANDUM FROM SECRETARY SEWARD, +APRIL 1, 1861 + +Some thoughts for the President's Consideration, + +First. We are at the end of a month's administration, and yet +without a policy either domestic or foreign. + +Second. This, however, is not culpable, and it has even been +unavoidable. The presence of the Senate, with the need to meet +applications for patronage, have prevented attention to other and +more grave matters. + +Third. But further delay to adopt and prosecute our policies for +both domestic and foreign affairs would not only bring scandal on the +administration, but danger upon the country. + +Fourth. To do this we must dismiss the applicants for office. But +how? I suggest that we make the local appointments forthwith, leaving +foreign or general ones for ulterior and occasional action. + +Fifth. The policy at home. I am aware that my views are singular, +and perhaps not sufficiently explained. My system is built upon this +idea as a ruling one, namely, that we must +CHANGE THE QUESTION BEFORE THE PUBLIC FROM ONE UPON SLAVERY, OR ABOUT +SLAVERY, for a question upon UNION OR DISUNION: +In other words, from what would be regarded as a party question, to +one of patriotism or union. + +The occupation or evacuation of Fort Sumter, although not in fact a +slavery or a party question, is so regarded. Witness the temper +manifested by the Republicans in the free States, and even by the +Union men in the South. + +I would therefore terminate it as a safe means for changing the +issue. I deem it fortunate that the last administration created the +necessity. + +For the rest, I would simultaneously defend and reinforce all the +ports in the gulf, and have the navy recalled from foreign stations +to be prepared for a blockade. Put the island of Key West under +martial law. + +This will raise distinctly the question of union or disunion. I +would maintain every fort and possession in the South. + + +FOR FOREIGN NATIONS, + +I would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at +once. + +I would seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia, and send +agents into Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous +continental spirit of independence on this continent against European +intervention. + +And, if satisfactory explanations are not received from Spain and +France, + +Would convene Congress and declare war against them. + +But whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution +of it. + +For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct +it incessantly. + +Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active +in it, or Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, +debates on it must end, and all agree and abide. + +It is not in my especial province; But I neither seek to evade nor +assume responsibility. + + + + +REPLY TO SECRETARY SEWARD'S MEMORANDUM + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, APRIL 1, 1861 + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Since parting with you I have been considering your +paper dated this day, and entitled "Some Thoughts for the President's +Consideration." The first proposition in it is, "First, We are at +the end of a month's administration, and yet without a policy either +domestic or foreign." + +At the beginning of that month, in the inaugural, I said: "The power +confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property +and places belonging to the Government, and to Collect the duties and +imposts." This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken in +connection with the order I immediately gave General Scott, directing +him to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold the +forts, comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with the +single exception that it does not propose to abandon Fort Sumter. + +Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement of Fort Sumter would +be done on a slavery or a party issue, while that of Fort Pickens +would be on a more national and patriotic one. + +The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly brings +a new item within the range of our foreign policy; but up to that +time we have been preparing circulars and instructions to ministers +and the like, all in perfect harmony, without even a suggestion that +we had no foreign policy. + +Upon your Closing propositions--that, + +"Whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of +it. + +"For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct +it incessantly. + +"Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active +in it, or, + +"Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on +it must end, and all agree and abide"-- + +I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general +line of policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its +being changed without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of +unnecessary debate; still, upon points arising in its progress I +wish, and suppose I am entitled to have, the advice of all the +Cabinet. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO A COMMITTEE FROM THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION, APRIL 13, 1861 + +HON. WILLIAM BALLARD PRESTON, ALEXANDER H. +H. STUART, GEORGE W. RANDOLPH, Esq. + +GENTLEMEN:--As a committee of the Virginia Convention now in Session, +you present me a preamble and resolution in these words: + +"Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which +prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal +Executive intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely +injurious to the industrial and commercial interests of the country, +tends to keep up an excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment +of pending difficulties, and threatens a disturbance of the public +peace: therefore + +Resolved, that a committee of three delegates be appointed by this +Convention to wait upon the President of the United States, present +to him this preamble and resolution, and respectfully ask him to +communicate to this Convention the policy which the Federal Executive +intends to pursue in regard to the Confederate States. + +"Adopted by the Convention of the State of Virginia, Richmond, April +8, 1861." + +In answer I have to say that, having at the beginning of my official +term expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is +with deep regret and some mortification I now learn that there is +great and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that +policy is, and what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet +seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue the course +marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful +consideration of the whole document as the best expression I can give +of my purposes. + +As I then and therein said, I now repeat: "The power confided to me +will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places +belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; +but beyond what is necessary for these objects, there will be no +invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere." By +the words "property and places belonging to the Government," I +chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in the +possession of the Government when it came to my hands. + +But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive +the United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault +has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to +repossess, if I can, like places which had been seized before the +Government was devolved upon me. And in every event I shall, to the +extent of my ability, repel force by force. In case it proves true +that Fort Sumter has been assaulted, as is reported, I shall perhaps +cause the United States mails to be withdrawn from all the States +which claim to have seceded, believing that the commencement of +actual war against the Government justifies and possibly demands +this. + +I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and +property situated within the States which claim to have seceded as +yet belonging to the Government of the United States as much as they +did before the supposed secession. + +Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to +collect the duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of +the country; not meaning by this, however, that I may not land a +force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon a border of the +country. + +>From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it +must not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of +which I reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be +regarded as a modification. + + + + +PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 75,000 MILITIA, AND CONVENING CONGRESS IN +EXTRA SESSION, APRIL 15, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF +AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past +and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the +States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, +Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed +by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers +vested in the marshals bylaw: + +Now, therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, +in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, +have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia +of the several States of the Union, to the aggregate number of +seventy-five thousand, in order to suppress said combinations, and to +cause the laws to be duly executed. + +The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the +State authorities through the War Department. + +I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this +effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our +National Union, and the perpetuity of popular government; and to +redress wrongs already long enough endured. + +I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces +hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, +and property which have been seized from the Union; and in every +event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects +aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of or +interference with property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens +in any part of the country. + +And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid +to disperse and retire peacefully to their respective abodes within +twenty days from date. + +Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an +extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me +vested by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. +Senators and Representatives are therefore summoned to assemble at +their respective chambers, at twelve o'clock noon, on Thursday, the +fourth day of July next, then and there to consider and determine +such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may +seem to demand. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the +year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, +Secretary of State. + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 19, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF + +AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas an insurrection against the Government of the United States +has broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, +Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the +United States for the collection of the revenue cannot be effectually +executed therein conformably to that provision of the Constitution +which requires duties to be uniform throughout the United States: + +And Whereas a combination of persons engaged in such insurrection +have threatened to grant pretended letters of marque to authorize the +bearers thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, and +property of good citizens of the country lawfully engaged in commerce +on the high seas, and in waters of the United States: + +And Whereas an executive proclamation has been already issued +requiring the persons engaged in these disorderly proceedings to +desist therefrom, calling out a militia force for the purpose of +repressing the same, and convening Congress in extraordinary session +to deliberate and determine thereon: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the United States, +with a view to the same purposes before mentioned, and to the +protection of the public peace, and the lives and property of quiet +and orderly citizens pursuing their lawful occupations, until +Congress shall have assembled and deliberated on the said unlawful +proceedings, or until the same shall have ceased, have further deemed +it advisable to set on foot a blockade of the ports within the States +aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United States, and of the +law of nations in such case provided. For this purpose a competent +force will be posted so as to prevent entrance and exit of vessels +from the ports aforesaid. If, therefore, with a view to violate such +blockade, a vessel shall approach or shall attempt to leave either of +the said ports, she will be duly warned by the commander of one of +the blockading vessels, who will indorse on her register the fact and +date of such warning, and if the same vessel shall again attempt to +enter or leave the blockaded port, she will be captured and sent to +the nearest convenient port, for such proceedings against her and her +cargo, as prize, as may be deemed advisable. + +And I hereby proclaim and declare that if any person, under the +pretended authority of the said States, or under any other pretense, +shall molest a vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo +on board of her, such person will be held amenable to the laws of the +United States for the prevention and punishment of piracy. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of April, in the +year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, +Secretary of State. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + +WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 + +GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brune is +received. I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to +keep the peace in the trying situation in which you are placed. + +For the future troops must be brought here, but I make no point of +bringing them through Baltimore. Without any military knowledge +myself, of course I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily +said this morning in the presence of these gentlemen, "March them +around Baltimore, and not through it." I sincerely hope the General, +on fuller reflection, will consider this practical and proper, and +that you will not object to it. By this a collision of the people of +Baltimore with the troops will be avoided, unless they go out of +their way to seek it. I hope you will exert your influence to +prevent this. + +Now and ever I shall do all in my power for peace consistently with +the maintenance of the Government. + +Your obedient servant, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR HICKS. + +WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 + +GOVERNOR HICKS: + +I desire to consult with you and the Mayor of Baltimore relative to +preserving the peace of Maryland. Please come immediately by special +train, which you can take at Baltimore; or, if necessary, one can be +sent from here. Answer forthwith. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO DEFEND FROM A MARYLAND INSURRECTION + +ORDER TO GENERAL SCOTT. +WASHINGTON, April 25, 1861 + +LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SCOTT. + +MY DEAR SIR -The Maryland Legislature assembles to-morrow at +Annapolis, and not improbably will take action to arm the people of +that State against the United States. The question has been +submitted to and considered by me whether it would not be +justifiable, upon the ground of necessary defense, for you, as +General in Chief of the United States Army, to arrest or disperse the +members of that body. I think it would not be justifiable nor +efficient for the desired object. + +First. They have a clearly legal right to assemble, and we cannot +know in advance that their action will not be lawful and peaceful, +and if we wait until they shall have acted their arrest or dispersion +will not lessen the effect of their action. + +Secondly. We cannot permanently prevent their action. If we arrest +them, we cannot long hold them as prisoners, and when liberated they +will immediately reassemble and take their action; and precisely the +same if we simply disperse them--they will immediately reassemble in +some other place. + +I therefore conclude that it is only left to the Commanding General +to watch and await their action, which, if it shall be to arm their +people against the United States, he is to adopt the most prompt and +efficient means to counteract, even, if necessary, to the bombardment +of their cities and, in the extremist necessity, the suspension of +the writ of habeas corpus. + +Your obedient servant, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 27, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas, for the reasons assigned in my proclamation of the +nineteenth instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South +Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and +Texas was ordered to be established: + +And whereas, since that date, public property of the United States +has been seized, the collection of the revenue obstructed, and duly +commissioned officers of the United States, while engaged in +executing the orders of their superiors, have been arrested and held +in custody as prisoners, or have been impeded in the discharge of +their official duties, without due legal process, by persons claiming +to act under authorities of the States of Virginia and North +Carolina: + +An efficient blockade of the ports of those States will also be +established + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this twenty seventh day of April, in +the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of +the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +REMARKS TO A MILITARY COMPANY, WASHINGTON, +APRIL 27, 1861 + +I have desired as sincerely as any man, and I sometimes think more +than any other man, that our present difficulties might be settled +without the shedding of blood. I will not say that all hope has yet +gone; but if the alternative is presented whether the Union is to be +broken in fragments and the liberties of the people lost, or blood be +shed, you will probably make the choice with which I shall not be +dissatisfied. + + + + +LOCALIZED REPEAL OF WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS + +TO GENERAL SCOTT. + +TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, +ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES. + +You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of +the United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any +military line which is now or which shall be used between the City of +Philadelphia and the city of Washington you find resistance which +renders it necessary to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the +public safety, you personally, or through the officer in command at +the point at which resistance occurs, are authorized to suspend that +writ. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, April 17, 1861 + + + + +MILITARY ENROLLMENT OF ST. LOUIS CITIZENS + +FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR +WAR DEPARTMENT, April 30, 1861 + +TO CAPTAIN NATHANIEL LYON. + +CAPT. NATHANIEL LYON, +Commanding Department of the West. + +SIR:--The President of the United States directs that you enroll in +the military service of the United States the loyal citizens of Saint +Louis and vicinity, not exceeding, with those heretofore enlisted, +ten thousand in number, for the purpose of maintaining the authority +of the United States; for the protection of the peaceful inhabitants +of Missouri; and you will, if deemed necessary for that purpose by +yourself, by Messrs. Oliver F. Ferny, John How, James O. Broadhead, +Samuel T. Glover, J. Wilzie, Francis P. Blair, Jr., proclaim martial +law in the city of Saint Louis. + +The additional force hereby authorized shall be discharged in part or +in whole, if enlisted. As soon as it appears to you and the +gentlemen above mentioned that there is no danger of an attempt on +the part of the enemies of the Government to take military possession +of the city of Saint Louis, or put the city in control of the +combination against the Government of the United States; and whilst +such additional force remains in the service the same shall be +governed by the Rules and Articles of War, and such special +regulations as you may prescribe. I shall like the force hereafter +directed to be enrolled to be under your command. + +The arms and other military stores in the Saint Louis Arsenal not +needed for the forces of the United States in Missouri must be +removed to Springfield, or some other safe place of deposit in the +State of Illinois, as speedily as practicable, by the ordnance +officers in charge at Saint Louis. + +(Indorsement.) + +It is revolutionary times, and therefore I do not object to the +irregularity of this. W. S. + +Approved, April 30, 1861. A. LINCOLN. + +Colonel Thomas will make this order. +SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War. + + + + +CONDOLENCE OVER FAILURE OF FT. SUMTER RELIEF + +TO GUSTAVUS V. FOX. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., May 1, 1861 + +CAPTAIN G. V. Fox. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I sincerely regret that the failure of the late attempt +to provision Fort Sumter should be the source of any annoyance to +you. + +The practicability of your plan was not, in fact, brought to a test. +By reason of a gale, well known in advance to be possible and not +improbable, the tugs, an essential part of the plan, never reached +the ground; while, by an accident for which you were in no wise +responsible, and possibly I to some extent was, you were deprived of +a war vessel, with her men, which you deemed of great importance to +the enterprise. + +I most cheerfully and truly declare that the failure of the +undertaking has not lowered you a particle, while the qualities you +developed in the effort have greatly heightened you in my estimation. + +For a daring and dangerous enterprise of a similar character you +would to-day be the man of all my acquaintances whom I would select. +You and I both anticipated that the cause of the country would be +advanced by making the attempt to provision Fort Sumter, even if it +should fail; and it is no small consolation now to feel that our +anticipation is justified by the result. + +Very truly your friend, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 42,034 VOLUNTEERS, + +MAY 3, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. + +A Proclamation.. + +Whereas existing exigencies demand immediate and adequate measures +for the protection of the National Constitution and the preservation +of the National Union by the suppression of the insurrectionary +combinations now existing in several States for opposing the laws of +the Union and obstructing the execution thereof, to which end a +military force in addition to that called forth by my proclamation of +the 15th day of April in the present year appears to be indispensably +necessary: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States +and Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy thereof and of the +militia of the several States when called into actual service, do +hereby call into the service of the United States 42,034 volunteers +to serve for the period of three years, unless sooner discharged, and +to be mustered into service as infantry and cavalry. The proportions +of each arm and the details of enrollment and organization will be +made known through the Department of War. + +And I also direct that the Regular Army of the United States be +increased by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one +regiment of cavalry, and one regiment of artillery, making altogether +a maximum aggregate increase of 22,714 officers and enlisted men, the +details of which increase will also be made known through the +Department of War. + +And I further direct the enlistment for not less than one or more +than three years of 18,000 seamen, in addition to the present force, +for the naval service of the United States. The details of the +enlistment and organization will be made known through the Department +of the Navy. + +The call for volunteers hereby made and the direction for the +increase of the Regular Army and for the enlistment of seamen hereby +given, together with the plan of organization adopted for the +volunteer and for the regular forces hereby authorized, will be +submitted to Congress as soon as assembled. + +In the meantime I earnestly invoke the co-operation of all good +citizens in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual suppression +of unlawful violence, for the impartial enforcement of constitutional +laws, and for the speediest possible restoration of peace and order, +and with these of happiness and prosperity, throughout our country. + +In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my band and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed................ + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +COMMUNICATION WITH VICE-PRESIDENT + +TO VICE-PRESIDENT HAMLIN. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., May 6, 1861 + +HON. H. HAMLIN, New York. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Please advise me at the close of each day what troops +left during the day, where going, and by what route; what remaining +at New York, and what expected in the next day. Give the numbers, as +near as convenient, and what corps they are. This information, +reaching us daily, will be very useful as well as satisfactory. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO COLONEL ANDERSON, +MAY 7, 1861 + +TO ALL WHO SHALL SEE THESE PRESENTS, GREETING: + +Know ye that, reposing special trust and confidence in the +patriotism, valor, fidelity, and ability of Colonel Robert Anderson, +U. S. Army, I have empowered him, and do hereby empower him, to +receive into the army of the United States as many regiments of +volunteer troops from the State of Kentucky and from the western part +of the State of Virginia as shall be willing to engage in the Service +of the United States for the term of three years, upon the terms and +according to the plan proposed by the proclamation of May 3, 1861, +and General Orders No. 15, from the War Department, of May 4, 1861. + +The troops whom he receives shall be on the same footing in every +respect as those of the like kind called for in the proclamation +above cited, except that the officers shall be commissioned by the +United States. He is therefore carefully and diligently to discharge +the duty hereby devolved upon him by doing and performing all manner +of things thereunto belonging. + +Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 7th day of May, +A. D. 1861, and in the eighty-fifth year of the independence of the +United States. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War, + + + + +PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING THE WRIT OF HABEAS +CORPUS IN FLORIDA, MAY 10, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas an insurrection exists in the State of Florida, by which the +lives, liberty, and property of loyal citizens of the United States +are endangered: + +And whereas it is deemed proper that all needful measures should be +taken for the protection of such citizens and all officers of the +United States in the discharge of their public duties in the State +aforesaid: + +Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the +United States, do hereby direct the commander of the forces of the +United States on the Florida coast to permit no person to exercise +any office or authority upon the islands of Key West, the Tortugas, +and Santa Rosa, which may be inconsistent with the laws and +Constitution of the United States, authorizing him at the same time, +if he shall find it necessary, to suspend there the writ of habeas +corpus, and to remove from the vicinity of the United States +fortresses all dangerous or suspected persons. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed..................... + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY WELLES. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 11, 1861 + +TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. + +SIR:-Lieut. D. D. Porter was placed in command of the steamer +Powhatan, and Captain Samuel Mercer was detached therefrom, by my +special order, and neither of them is responsible for any apparent or +real irregularity on their part or in connection with that vessel. + +Hereafter Captain Porter is relieved from that special service and +placed under the direction of the Navy Department, from which he will +receive instructions and to which he will report. + +Very respectfully, +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CORRECTIONS OF A DIPLOMATIC DESPATCH WRITTEN BY +THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO MINISTER ADAMS + +NO. 10. + +DEPARTMENT OF STATE. +WASHINGTON, May 21, 1861 + +SIR:---Mr. Dallas, in a brief despatch of May 2d (No. 333), tells us +that Lord John Russell recently requested an interview with him on +account of the solicitude which his lordship felt concerning the +effect of certain measures represented as likely to be adopted by the +President. In that conversation the British secretary told Mr. +Dallas that the three representatives of the Southern Confederacy +were then in London, that Lord John Russell had not yet seen them, +but that he was not unwilling to see them unofficially. He further +informed Mr. Dallas that an understanding exists between the British +and French governments which would lead both to take one and the same +course as to recognition. His lordship then referred to the rumor of +a meditated blockade by us of Southern ports, and a discontinuance of +them as ports of entry. Mr. Dallas answered that he knew nothing on +those topics, and therefore + + (The President's corrections, both in notes and text, are in + caps. All matter between brackets was to be marked out.) + +could say nothing. He added that you were expected to arrive in two +weeks. Upon this statement Lord John Russell acquiesced in the +expediency of waiting for the full knowledge you were expected to +bring. + +Mr. Dallas transmitted to us some newspaper reports of ministerial +explanations made in Parliament. + +You will base no proceedings on parliamentary debates further than to +seek explanations when necessary and communicate them to this +department. [We intend to have a clear and simple record of whatever +issue may arise between us and Great Britain.] + +The President [is surprised and grieved] regrets that Mr. Dallas did +not protest against the proposed unofficial intercourse between the +British Government and the missionaries of the insurgents [as well as +against the demand for explanations made by the British Government]. +It is due, however, to Mr. Dallas to say that our instructions had +been given only to you and not to him, and that his loyalty and +fidelity, too rare in these times [among our late representatives +abroad, are confessed and] are appreciated. + +Intercourse of any kind with the so-called commissioners is liable to +be construed as a recognition of the authority which appointed them. +Such intercourse would be none the less [wrongful] hurtful to us for +being called unofficial, and it might be even more injurious, because +we should have no means of knowing what points might be resolved by +it. Moreover, unofficial intercourse is useless and meaningless if +it is not expected to ripen into official intercourse and direct +recognition. It is left doubtful here whether the proposed +unofficial intercourse has yet actually begun. Your own [present] +antecedent instructions are deemed explicit enough, and it is hoped +that you have not misunderstood them. You will in any event desist +from all intercourse whatever, unofficial as well as official, with +the British Government, so long as it shall continue intercourse of +either kind with the domestic enemies of this country [confining +yourself to a delivery of a copy of this paper to the Secretary of +State. After doing this.] When intercourse shall have been arrested +for this cause, you will communicate with this department and receive +further directions. + +Lord John Russell has informed us of an understanding between the +British and French governments that they will act together in regard +to our affairs. This communication, however, loses something of its +value from the circumstance that the communication was withheld until +after knowledge of the fact had been acquired by us from other +sources. We know also another fact that has not yet been officially +communicated to us--namely, that other European States are apprised +by France and England of their agreement, and are expected to concur +with or follow them in whatever measures they adopt on the subject of +recognition. The United States have been impartial and just in all +their conduct toward the several nations of Europe. They will not +complain, however, of the combination now announced by the two +leading powers, although they think they had a right to expect a more +independent, if not a more friendly, course from each of them. You +will take no notice of that or any other alliance. Whenever the +European governments shall see fit to communicate directly with us, +we shall be, as heretofore, frank and explicit in our reply. + +As to the blockade, you will say that by [the] our own laws [of +nature] and the laws of nature and the laws of nations, this +Government has a clear right to suppress insurrection. An exclusion +of commerce from national ports which have been seized by the +insurgents, in the equitable form of blockade, is the proper means to +that end. You will [admit] not insist that our blockade is [not] to +be respected if it be not maintained by a competent force; but +passing by that question as not now a practical, or at least an +urgent, one, you will add that [it] the blockade is now, and it will +continue to be so maintained, and therefore we expect it to be +respected by Great Britain. You will add that we have already +revoked the exequatur of a Russian consul who had enlisted in the +military service of the insurgents, and we shall dismiss or demand +the recall of every foreign agent, consular or diplomatic, who shall +either disobey the Federal laws or disown the Federal authority. + +As to the recognition of the so-called Southern Confederacy, it is +not to be made a subject of technical definition. It is, of course, +[quasi direct recognition to publish an acknowledgment of the +sovereignty and independence of a new power. It is [quasi] direct +recognition to receive its ambassadors, ministers, agents, or +commissioners officially. A concession of belligerent rights is +liable to be construed as a recognition of them. No one of these +proceedings will [be borne] pass [unnoticed] unquestioned by the +United States in this case. + +Hitherto recognition has been moved only on the assumption that the +so-called Confederate States are de facto a self-sustaining power. +Now, after long forbearance, designed to soothe discontent and avert +the need of civil war, the land and naval forces of the United States +have been put in motion to repress the insurrection. The true +character of the pretended new State is at once revealed. It is seen +to be a power existing in pronunciamento only, It has never won a +field. It has obtained no forts that were not virtually betrayed +into its hands or seized in breach of trust. It commands not a +single port on the coast nor any highway out from its pretended +capital by land. Under these circumstances Great Britain is called +upon to intervene and give it body and independence by resisting our +measures of suppression. British recognition would be British +intervention to create within our own territory a hostile state by +overthrowing this republic itself. [When this act of intervention is +distinctly performed, we from that hour shall cease to be friends, +and become once more, as we have twice before been forced to be, +enemies of Great Britain.] + +As to the treatment of privateers in the insurgent service, you will +say that this is a question exclusively our own. We treat them as +pirates. They are our own citizens, or persons employed by our +citizens, preying on the commerce of our country. If Great Britain +shall choose to recognize them as lawful belligerents, and give them +shelter from our pursuit and punishment, the laws of nations afford +an adequate and proper remedy [and we shall avail ourselves of it. +And while you need not say this in advance, be sure that you say +nothing inconsistent with it.] + +Happily, however, her Britannic Majesty's government can avoid all +these difficulties. It invited us in 1856 to accede to the +declaration of the Congress of Paris, of which body Great Britain was +herself a member, abolishing privateering everywhere in all cases and +forever. You already have our authority to propose to her our +accession to that declaration. If she refuse to receive it, it can +only be because she is willing to become the patron of privateering +when aimed at our devastation. + +These positions are not elaborately defended now, because to +vindicate them would imply a possibility of our waiving them. + + +1 We are not insensible of the grave importance of + +1(Drop all from this line to the end, and in lieu of it write, "This +paper is for your own guidance only, and not [sic] to be read or +shown to any one.) + +(Secretary Seward, when the despatch was returned to him, added an +introductory paragraph stating that the document was strictly +confidential. For this reason these last two paragraphs remained as +they are here printed.) + +this occasion. We see how, upon the result of the debate in which we +are engaged, a war may ensue between the United States and one, two, +or even more European nations. War in any case is as exceptionable +from the habits as it is revolting from the sentiments of the +American people. But if it come, it will be fully seen that it +results from the action of Great Britain, not our own; that Great +Britain will have decided to fraternize with our domestic enemy, +either without waiting to hear from you our remonstrances and our +warnings, or after having heard them. War in defense of national +life is not immoral, and war in defense of independence is an +inevitable part of the discipline of nations. + +The dispute will be between the European and the American branches of +the British race. All who belong to that race will especially +deprecate it, as they ought. It may well be believed that men of +every race and kindred will deplore it. A war not unlike it between +the same parties occurred at the close of the last century. Europe +atoned by forty years of suffering for the error that Great Britain +committed in provoking that contest. If that nation shall now repeat +the same great error, the social convulsions which will follow may +not be so long, but they will be more general. When they shall have +ceased, it will, we think, be seen, whatever may have been the +fortunes of other nations, that it is not the United States that will +have come out of them with its precious Constitution altered or its +honestly obtained dominion in any degree abridged. Great Britain has +but to wait a few months and all her present inconveniences will +cease with all our own troubles. If she take a different course, she +will calculate for herself the ultimate as well as the immediate +consequences, and will consider what position she will hold when she +shall have forever lost the sympathies and the affections of the only +nation on whose sympathies and affections she has a natural claim. +In making that calculation she will do well to remember that in the +controversy she proposes to open we shall be actuated by neither +pride, nor passion, nor cupidity, nor ambition; but we shall stand +simply on the principle of self-preservation, and that our cause will +involve the independence of nations and the rights of human nature. + +I am, Sir, respectfully your obedient servant, +W. H. S. + +CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., etc, + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 21, 1861. + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. +MY DEAR SIR:--Why cannot Colonel Small's Philadelphia regiment be +received? I sincerely wish it could. There is something strange +about it. Give these gentlemen an interview, and take their +regiment. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR MORGAN. + +WASHINGTON, May 12, 1861 + +GOVERNOR E. D. MORGAN, Albany, N.Y. + +I wish to see you face to face to clear these difficulties about +forwarding troops from New York. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO CAPTAIN DAHLGREEN. + +EXECUTIVE, MANSION, May 23, 1863. + +CAPT. DAHLGREEN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Allow me to introduce Col. J. A. McLernand, M.C. of my +own district in Illinois. If he should desire to visit Fortress +Monroe, please introduce him to the captain of one of the vessels in +our service, and pass him down and back. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER OF CONDOLENCE TO ONE OF FIRST CASUALTIES + +TO COLONEL ELLSWORTH'S PARENTS, +WASHINGTON, D.C., May 25, 1861 + +TO THE FATHER AND MOTHER +OF COL. ELMER E. ELLSWORTH. + +MY DEAR SIR AND MADAME:--In the untimely loss of your noble son, our +affliction here is scarcely less than your own. So much of promised +usefulness to one's country, and of bright hopes for one's self and +friends, have never been so suddenly dashed as in his fall. In size, +in years, and in youthful appearance a boy only, his power to command +men was surpassingly great. This power, combined with a fine +intellectual and indomitable energy, and a taste altogether military, +constituted in him, as seemed to me, the best natural talent in that +department I ever knew. And yet he was singularly modest and +deferential in social intercourse. My acquaintance with him began +less than two years ago; yet, through the latter half of the +intervening period, it was as intense as the disparity of our ages +and my engrossing engagements would permit. To me he appeared to +have no indulgences or pastimes, and I never heard him utter a +profane or an intemperate word. What was conclusive of his good +heart, he never forgot his parents. The honors he labored for so +laudably, and for which, in the sad end, he so gallantly gave his +life, he meant for them no less than for himself. + +In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon the sacredness of your +sorrow, I have ventured to address you this tribute to the memory of +my young friend and your brave and early fallen son. + +May God give you the consolation which is beyond all early power. + + +Sincerely your friend in common affliction, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO COLONEL BARTLETT. + +WASHINGTON, May 27, 1861 + +COL. W. A. BARTLETT, New York. + +The Naval Brigade was to go to Fort Monroe without trouble to the +government, and must so go or not at all. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MEMORANDUM ABOUT INDIANA REGIMENTS. + +WASHINGTON, JUNE 11, 1861 + + The government has already accepted ten regiments from the State of +Indiana. I think at least six more ought to be received from that +State, two to be those of Colonel James W. McMillan and Colonel +William L. Brown, and the other four to be designated by the Governor +of the State of Indiana, and to be received into the volunteer +service of the United States according to the "Plan of Organization" +in the General Orders of the War Department, No.15. When they report +to Major-General McClellan in condition to pass muster according to +that order, and with the approval of the Secretary of War to be +indorsed hereon, and left in his department, I direct that the whole +six, or any smaller number of such regiments, be received. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--There is, it seems, a regiment in Massachusetts +commanded by Fletcher Webster, and which HON. Daniel Webster's old +friends very much wish to get into the service. If it can be +received with the approval of your department and the consent of the +Governor of Massachusetts I shall indeed be much gratified. Give Mr. +Ashmun a chance to explain fully. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR -I think it is entirely safe to accept a fifth regiment +from Michigan, and with your approbation I should say a regiment +presented by Col. T. B. W. Stockton, ready for service within two +weeks from now, will be received. Look at Colonel Stockton's +testimonials. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 17, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY Of WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--With your concurrence, and that of the Governor of +Indiana, I am in favor of accepting into what we call the three +years' service any number not exceeding four additional regiments +from that State. Probably they should come from the triangular +region between the Ohio and Wabash Rivers, including my own old +boyhood home. Please see HON. C. M. Allen, Speaker of the Indiana +House of Representatives, and unless you perceive good reason to the +contrary, draw up an order for him according to the above. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 17,1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. +MY DEAR SIR:--With your concurrence, and that of the Governor of +Ohio, I am in favor of receiving into what we call the three years' +service any number not exceeding six additional regiments from that +State, unless you perceive good reasons to the contrary. Please see +HON. John A. Gurley, who bears this, and make an order corresponding +with the above. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO N. W. EDWARDS + +WASHINGTON, D. C., June 19, 1861 + +Hon. N. W. EDWARDS +MY DEAR SIR: +............. +............. +When you wrote me some time ago in reference to looking up something +in the departments here, I thought I would inquire into the thing and +write you, but the extraordinary pressure upon me diverted me from +it, and soon it passed out of my mind. The thing you proposed, it +seemed to me, I ought to understand myself before it was set on foot +by my direction or permission; and I really had no time to make +myself acquainted with it. Nor have I yet. And yet I am unwilling, +of course, that you should be deprived of a chance to make something, +if it can be done without injustice to the Government, or to any +individual. If you choose to come here and point out to me how this +can be done I shall not only not object, but shall be gratified to be +able to oblige you. + +Your friend as ever + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 20, 1861. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Since you spoke to me yesterday about General J. H. +Lane, of Kansas, I have been reflecting upon the subject, and have +concluded that we need the service of such a man out there at once; +that we had better appoint him a brigadier-general of volunteers +to-day, and send him off with such authority to raise a force (I +think two regiments better than three, but as to this I am not +particular) as you think will get him into actual work quickest. +Tell him, when he starts, to put it through not to be writing or +telegraphing back here, but put it through. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +[Indorsement.] + +General Lane has been authorized to raise two additional regiments of +volunteers. + +SIMON CAMERON, Secretary o f War. + + + + +TO THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 29, 1861. + +GENTLEMEN OF THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION WHO ARE FOR THE UNION: + +I somewhat wish to authorize my friend Jesse Bayles to raise a +Kentucky regiment, but I do not wish to do it without your consent. +If you consent, please write so at the bottom of this. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + +We consent: +R. MALLORY. +H. GRIDER. +G. W. DUNLAP. +J. S. JACKSON. +C. A. WICKLIFFE. + + + + +August 5, 1861. + +I repeat, I would like for Col. Bayles to raise a regiment of cavalry +whenever the Union men of Kentucky desire or consent to it. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL SCOTT TO SUSPEND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, +JULY 2, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, +ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES: + +You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of +the United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any +military line which is now or which shall be used between the city of +New York and the city of Washington you find resistance which renders +it necessary to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public +safety, you personally, or through the officer in command at the +point where resistance occurs, are authorized to suspend that writ. + +Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at the city of +Washington, this second day of July, A.D. 1861, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 3, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--General Scott had sent me a copy of the despatch of +which you kindly sent one. Thanks to both him and you. Please +assemble the Cabinet at twelve to-day to look over the message and +reports. + +And now, suppose you step over at once and let us see General Scott +(and) General Cameron about assigning a position to General Fremont. + +Yours as ever, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS IN SPECIAL SESSION, +JULY 4, 1861. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--Having +been convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the +Constitution, your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of +legislation. + +At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four months ago, +the functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally +suspended within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, +Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of +the Post-Office Department. + +Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dockyards, +custom-houses, and the like, including the movable and stationary +property in and about them, had been seized, and were held in open +hostility to this government, excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, +and Jefferson, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in +Charleston Harbor, South Carolina. The forts thus seized had been +put in improved condition, new ones had been built, and armed forces +had been organized and were organizing, all avowedly with the same +hostile purpose. + +The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal Government in +and near these States were either besieged or menaced by warlike +preparations, and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by +well-protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the +best of its own, and outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. +A disproportionate share of the Federal muskets and rifles had +somehow found their way into these States, and had been seized to be +used against the government. Accumulations of the public revenue +lying within them had been seized for the same object. The navy was +scattered in distant seas, leaving but a very small part of it within +the immediate reach of the government. Officers of the Federal army +and navy had resigned in great numbers; and of those resigning a +large proportion had taken up arms against the government. +Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, the purpose to sever +the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance with this +purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States, +declaring the States respectively to be separated from the national +Union. A formula for instituting a combined government of these +States had been promulgated; and this illegal organization, in the +character of confederate States, was already invoking recognition, +aid, and intervention from foreign powers. + +Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an +imperative duty upon the incoming executive to prevent, if possible, +the consummation of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a +choice of means to that end became indispensable. This choice was +made and was declared in the inaugural address. The policy chosen +looked to the exhaustion of all peaceful measures before a resort to +any stronger ones. It sought only to hold the public places and +property not already wrested from the government, and to collect the +revenue, relying for the rest on time, discussion, and the +ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the mails, at government +expense, to the very people who were resisting the government; and it +gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to any of the people, +or any of their rights. Of all that which a President might +constitutionally and justifiably do in such a case, everything was +forborne without which it was believed possible to keep the +government on foot. + +On the 5th of March (the present incumbent's first full day in +office), a letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, +written on the 28th of February and received at the War Department on +the 4th of March, was by that department placed in his hands. This +letter expressed the professional opinion of the writer that +reinforcements could not be thrown into that fort within the time for +his relief, rendered necessary by the limited supply of provisions, +and with a view of holding possession of the same, with a force of +less than twenty thousand good and well-disciplined men. This +opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his command, and +their memoranda on the subject were made inclosures of Major +Anderson's letter. The whole was immediately laid before +Lieutenant-General Scott, who at once concurred with Major Anderson +in opinion. On reflection, however, he took full time, consulting +with other officers, both of the army and the navy, and at the end of +four days came reluctantly but decidedly to the same conclusion as +before. He also stated at the same time that no such sufficient +force was then at the control of the government, or could be raised +and brought to the ground within the time when the provisions in the +fort would be exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this +reduced the duty of the administration in the case to the mere matter +of getting the garrison safely out of the fort. + +It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the +circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity under +which it was to be done would not be fully understood; that by many +it would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home +it would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its +adversaries, and go far to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; +that in fact, it would be our national destruction consummated. This +could not be allowed. Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and +ere it would be reached Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last +would be a clear indication of policy, and would better enable the +country to accept the evacuation of Fort Sumter as a military +necessity. An order was at once directed to be sent for the landing +of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort Pickens. This +order could not go by land, but must take the longer and slower route +by sea. The first return news from the order was received just one +week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news itself was that the +officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had been +transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of +the late administration (and of the existence of which the present +administration, up to the time the order was despatched, had only too +vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention), had refused to land the +troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would be +reached at Fort Sumter was impossible--rendered so by the near +exhaustion of provisions in the latter-named fort. In precaution +against such a conjuncture, the government had, a few days before, +commenced preparing an expedition as well adapted as might be to +relieve Fort Sumter, which expedition was intended to be ultimately +used, or not, according to circumstances. The strongest anticipated +case for using it was now presented, and it was resolved to send it +forward. As had been intended in this contingency, it was also +resolved to notify the governor of South Carolina that he might +expect an attempt would be made to provision the fort; and that, if +the attempt should not be resisted, there would be no effort to throw +in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an +attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given; whereupon +the fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even +awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition. + +It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sumter +was in no sense a matter of self-defense on the part of the +assailants. They well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no +possibility commit aggression upon them. They knew--they were +expressly notified--that the giving of bread to the few brave and +hungry men of the garrison was all which would on that occasion be +attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke +more. They knew that this government desired to keep the garrison in +the fort, not to assail them, but merely to maintain visible +possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and immediate +dissolution--trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, +and the ballot-box for final adjustment; and they assailed and +reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object--to drive out the +visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to +immediate dissolution. That this was their object the executive well +understood; and having said to them in the inaugural address, "You +can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors," he +took pains not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep +the case so free from the power of ingenious sophistry that the world +should not be able to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort +Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that point was reached. +Then and thereby the assailants of the government began the conflict +of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return their +fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years before +for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in +whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have +forced upon the country the distinct issue, "immediate dissolution or +blood." + +And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. +It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a +constitutional republic or democracy--a government of the people by +the same people--can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity +against its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether +discontented individuals, too few in numbers to control +administration according to organic law in any case, can always, upon +the pretenses made in this case, or on any other pretenses, or +arbitrarily without any pretense, break up their government, and thus +practically put an end to free government upon the earth. It forces +us to ask: Is there in all republics this inherent and fatal +weakness? Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the +liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own +existence? + +So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war +power of the government, and so to resist force employed for its +destruction by force for its preservation. + +The call was made, and the response of the country was most +gratifying, surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine +expectation. Yet none of the States commonly called slave States, +except Delaware, gave a regiment through regular State organization. +A few regiments have been organized within some others of those +States by individual enterprise, and received into the government +service. Of course the seceded States, so called (and to which Texas +had been joined about the time of the inauguration), gave no troops +to the cause of the Union. + +The border States, so called, were not uniform in their action, some +of them being almost for the Union, while in others--as Virginia, +North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas--the Union sentiment was +nearly repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the +most remarkable--perhaps the most important. A convention elected by +the people of that State to consider this very question of disrupting +the Federal Union was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort +Sumter fell. To this body the people had chosen a large majority of +professed Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, +many members of that majority went over to the original disunion +minority, and with them adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the +State from the Union. Whether this change was wrought by their great +approval of the assault upon Sumter, or their great resentment at the +government's resistance to that assault, is not definitely known. +Although they submitted the ordinance for ratification to a vote of +the people, to be taken on a day then somewhat more than a month +distant, the convention and the Legislature (which was also in +session at the same time and place), with leading men of the State +not members of either, immediately commenced acting as if the State +were already out of the Union. They pushed military preparations +vigorously forward all over the State. They seized the United States +armory at Harper's Ferry, and the navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. +They received perhaps invited--into their State large bodies of +troops, with their warlike appointments, from the so-called seceded +States. They formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance +and co-operation with the so-called "Confederate States," and sent +members to their congress at Montgomery. And finally, they permitted +the insurrectionary government to be transferred to their capital at +Richmond. + +The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to +make its nest within her borders; and this government has no choice +left but to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less +regret as the loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed its +protection. Those loyal citizens this government is bound to +recognize and protect, as being Virginia. + +In the border States, so called,--in fact, the middle States,--there +are those who favor a policy which they call "armed neutrality"; that +is, an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one +way, or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be +disunion completed. Figuratively speaking, it would be the building +of an impassable wall along the line of separation--and yet not quite +an impassable one, for under the guise of neutrality it would tie the +hands of Union men and freely pass supplies from among them to the +insurrectionists, which it could not do as an open enemy. At a +stroke it would take all the trouble off the hands of secession, +except only what proceeds from the external blockade. It would do +for the disunionists that which, of all things, they most desire-- +feed them well and give them disunion without a struggle of their +own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation to +maintain the Union; and while very many who have favored it are +doubtless loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very injurious in +effect. + +Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated that at +first a call was made for 75,000 militia; and, rapidly following +this, a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the +insurrectionary districts by proceedings in the nature of blockade. +So far all was believed to be strictly legal. At this point the +insurrectionists announced their purpose to enter upon the practice +of privateering. + +Other calls were made for volunteers to serve for three years, unless +sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular army +and navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were +ventured upon, under what appeared to be a popular demand and a +public necessity; trusting then, as now, that Congress would readily +ratify them. It is believed that nothing has been done beyond the +constitutional competency of Congress. + +Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to +authorize the commanding general in proper cases, according to his +discretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, +or, in other words, to arrest and detain, without resort to the +ordinary processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might +deem dangerous to the public safety. This authority has purposely +been exercised but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and +propriety of what has been done under it are questioned, and the +attention of the country has been called to the proposition that one +who has sworn to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed" +should not himself violate them. Of course some consideration was +given to the questions of power and propriety before this matter was +acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required to be +faithfully executed were being resisted and failing of execution in +nearly one third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail +of execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the use of the +means necessary to their execution some single law, made in such +extreme tenderness of the citizen's liberty that, practically, it +relieves more of the guilty than of the innocent, should to a very +limited extent be violated? To state the question more directly, are +all the laws but one to go unexecuted, and the government itself go +to pieces lest that one be violated? Even in such a case, would not +the official oath be broken if the government should be overthrown +when it was believed that disregarding the single law would tend to +preserve it? But it was not believed that this question was +presented. It was not believed that any law was violated. The +provision of the Constitution that "the privilege of the writ of +habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of +rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it," is +equivalent to a provision--is a provision--that such privilege may be +suspended when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety +does require it. It was decided that we have a case of rebellion, +and that the public safety does require the qualified suspension of +the privilege of the writ which was authorized to be made. Now it is +insisted that Congress, and not the executive, is vested with this +power. But the Constitution itself is silent as to which or who is +to exercise the power; and as the provision was plainly made for a +dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed the framers of the +instrument intended that in every case the danger should run its +course until Congress could be called together, the very assembling +of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by the +rebellion. + +No more extended argument is now offered, as an opinion at some +length will probably be presented by the attorney-general. Whether +there shall be any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is +submitted entirely to the better judgment of Congress. + +The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary and so +long continued as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action +as if they supposed the early destruction of our national Union was +probable. While this, on discovery, gave the executive some concern, +he is now happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United +States are now everywhere practically respected by foreign powers; +and a general sympathy with the country is manifested throughout the +world. + +The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy +will give the information in detail deemed necessary and convenient +for your deliberation and action; while the executive and all the +departments will stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate +new facts considered important for you to know. + +It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this +contest a short and decisive one: that you place at the control of +the government for the work at least four hundred thousand men and +$400,000,000. That number of men is about one-tenth of those of +proper ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to +engage; and the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money +value owned by the men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of +$6oo,ooo,ooo now is a less sum per head than was the debt of our +Revolution when we came out of that struggle; and the money value in +the country now bears even a greater proportion to what it was then +than does the population. Surely each man has as strong a motive now +to preserve our liberties as each had then to establish them. + +A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten +times the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from +the country leaves no doubt that the material for the work is +abundant, and that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it +legal sanction, and the hand of the executive to give it practical +shape and efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities of the +government is to avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide +for them. In a word, the people will save their government if the +government itself will do its part only indifferently well. + +It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether +the present movement at the South be called "secession" or +"rebellion." The movers, however, well understand the difference. At +the beginning they knew they could never raise their treason to any +respectable magnitude by any name which implies violation of law. +They knew their people possessed as much of moral sense, as much of +devotion to law and order, and as much pride in and reverence for the +history and government of their common country as any other civilized +and patriotic people. They knew they could make no advancement +directly in the teeth of these strong and noble sentiments. +Accordingly, they commenced by an insidious debauching of the public +mind. They invented an ingenious sophism which, if conceded, was +followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the incidents, to +the complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself is that +any State of the Union may consistently with the national +Constitution, and therefore lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from +the Union without the consent of the Union or of any other State. +The little disguise that the supposed right is to be exercised only +for just cause, themselves to be the sole judges of its justice, is +too thin to merit any notice. + +With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been drugging the public +mind of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length +they have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms +against the government the day after some assemblage of men have +enacted the farcical pretense of taking their State out of the Union, +who could have been brought to no such thing the day before. + +This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency from +the assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy +pertaining to a State--to each State of our Federal Union. Our +States have neither more nor less power than that reserved to them in +the Union by the Constitution--no one of them ever having been a +State out of the Union. The original ones passed into the Union even +before they cast off their British colonial dependence; and the new +ones each came into the Union directly from a condition of +dependence, excepting Texas. And even Texas in its temporary +independence was never designated a State. The new ones only took +the designation of States on coming into the Union, while that name +was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of +Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were declared to be +"free and independent States"; but even then the object plainly was +not to declare their independence of one another or of the Union, but +directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action +before, at the time, and afterward, abundantly show. The express +plighting of faith by each and all of the original thirteen in the +Articles of Confederation, two years later, that the Union shall be +perpetual, is most conclusive. Having never been States either in +substance or in name outside of the Union, whence this magical +omnipotence of " State rights," asserting a claim of power to +lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is said about the +"sovereignty" of the States; but the word even is not in the national +Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State constitutions. +What is "sovereignty" in the political sense of the term? Would it be +far wrong to define it as "a political community without a political +superior"? Tested by this, no one of our States except Texas ever was +a sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the character on coming into +the Union; by which act she acknowledged the Constitution of the +United States, and the laws and treaties of the United States made in +pursuance of the Constitution, to be for her the supreme law of the +land. The States have their status in the Union, and they have no +other legal status. If they break from this, they can only do so +against law and by revolution. The Union, and not themselves +separately, procured their independence and their liberty. By +conquest or purchase the Union gave each of them whatever of +independence or liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the +States, and, in fact, it created them as States. Originally some +dependent colonies made the Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off +their old dependence for them, and made them States, such as they +are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution independent of +the Union. Of course, it is not forgotten that all the new States +framed their constitutions before they entered the Union +nevertheless, dependent upon and preparatory to coming into the +Union. + +Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to them +in and by the national Constitution; but among these surely are not +included all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive, +but, at most, such only as were known in the world at the time as +governmental powers; and certainly a power to destroy the government +itself had never been known as a governmental, as a merely +administrative power. This relative matter of national power and +State rights, as a principle, is no other than the principle of +generality and locality. Whatever concerns the whole should be +confided to the whole--to the General Government; while whatever +concerns only the State should be left exclusively to the State. +This is all there is of original principle about it. Whether the +national Constitution in defining boundaries between the two has +applied the principle with exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. +We are all bound by that defining, without question. + +What is now combated is the position that secession is consistent +with the Constitution--is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended +that there is any express law for it; and nothing should ever be +implied as law which leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The +nation purchased with money the countries out of which several of +these States were formed. Is it just that they shall go off without +leave and without refunding? The nation paid very large sums (in the +aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred millions) to relieve Florida +of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she shall now be off +without consent or without making any return? The nation is now in +debt for money applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding +States in common with the rest. Is it just either that creditors +shall go unpaid or the remaining States pay the whole? A part of the +present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. +Is it just that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself? + +Again, if one State may secede, so may another; and when all shall +have seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just for +creditors? Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we +borrowed their money? If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing +the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if +others choose to go or to extort terms upon which they will promise +to remain. + +The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They +have assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which +of necessity they have either discarded or retained the right of +secession as they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded +it, they thereby admit that on principle it ought not to be in ours. +If they have retained it, by their own construction of ours, they +show that to be consistent they must secede from one another whenever +they shall find it the easiest way of settling their debts, or +effecting any other selfish or unjust object. The principle itself +is one of disintegration and upon which no government can possibly +endure. + +If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one +out of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder +politicians would at once deny the power and denounce the act as the +greatest outrage upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the +same act, instead of being called "driving the one out," should be +called "the seceding of the others from that one," it would be +exactly what the seceders claim to do, unless, indeed, they make the +point that the one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do what +the others, because they are a majority, may not rightfully do. +These politicians are subtle and profound on the rights of +minorities. They are not partial to that power which made the +Constitution and speaks from the preamble calling itself "We, the +People." + +It may well be questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the +legally qualified voters of any State except perhaps South Carolina +in favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union +men are the majority in many, if not in every other one, of the so- +called seceded States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any +one of them. It is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and +Tennessee; for the result of an election held in military camps, +where the bayonets are all on one side of the question voted upon, +can scarcely be considered as demonstrating popular sentiment. At +such an election, all that large class who are at once for the Union +and against coercion would be coerced to vote against the Union. + +It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institutions we +enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our +whole people beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a +striking and an impressive illustration. So large an army as the +government has now on foot was never before known without a soldier +in it but who has taken his place there of his own free choice. But +more than this, there are many single regiments whose members, one +and another, possess full practical knowledge of all the arts, +sciences, professions, and whatever else, whether useful or elegant, +is known in the world; and there is scarcely one from which there +could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a Congress, and perhaps +a court, abundantly competent to administer the government itself. +Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of our late friends, +now adversaries in this contest; but if it is, so much better the +reason why the government which has conferred such benefits on both +them and us should not be broken up. Whoever in any section proposes +to abandon such a government would do well to consider in deference +to what principle it is that he does it; what better he is likely to +get in its stead; whether the substitute will give, or be intended to +give, so much of good to the people. There are some foreshadowings +on this subject. Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of +independence in which, unlike the good old one, penned by Jefferson, +they omit the words "all men are created equal." Why? They have +adopted a temporary national constitution, in the preamble of which, +unlike our good old one, signed by Washington, they omit "We, the +People," and substitute, "We, the deputies of the sovereign and +independent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view +the rights of men and the authority of the people? + +This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it +is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of +government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men to +lift artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of +laudable pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and a +fair chance in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary +departures, from necessity; this is the leading object of the +government for whose existence we contend. + +I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and +appreciate this. It is worthy of note that, while in this the +government's hour of trial large numbers of those in the army and +navy who have been favored with the offices have resigned and proved +false to the hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier or +common sailor is known to have deserted his flag. + +Great honor is due to those officers who remained true, despite the +example of their treacherous associates; but the greatest honor, and +most important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common +soldiers and common sailors. To the last man, so far as known, they +have successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose +commands, but an hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is +the patriotic instinct of the plain people. They understand, without +an argument, that the destroying of the government which was made by +Washington means no good to them. + +Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two +points in it our people have already settled--the successful +establishing and the successful administering of it. One still +remains--its successful maintenance against a formidable internal +attempt to overthrow it. It is now for them to demonstrate to the +world that those who can fairly carry an election can also suppress a +rebellion; that ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of +bullets; and that when ballots have fairly and constitutionally +decided, there can be no successful appeal back to bullets; that +there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots themselves, at +succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace: +teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can +they take it by a war; teaching all the folly of being the beginners +of a war. + +Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what +is to be the course of the government toward the Southern States +after the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the executive deems +it proper to say it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided +by the Constitution and the laws; and that he probably will have no +different understanding of the powers and duties of the Federal +Government relatively to the rights of the States and the people, +under the Constitution, than that expressed in the inaugural address. + +He desires to preserve the government, that it may be administered +for all as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal +citizens everywhere have the right to claim this of their government, +and the government has no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not +perceived that in giving it there is any coercion, any conquest, or +any subjugation, in any just sense of those terms. + +The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the +provision, that "the United States shall guarantee to every State in +this Union a republican form of government." But if a State may +lawfully go out of the Union, having done so it may also discard the +republican form of government, so that to prevent its going out is an +indispensable means to the end of maintaining the guarantee +mentioned; and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the +indispensable means to it are also lawful and obligatory. + +It was with the deepest regret that the executive found the duty of +employing the war power in defense of the government forced upon him. +He could but perform this duty or surrender the existence of the +government. No compromise by public servants could, in this case, be +a cure; not that compromises are not often proper, but that no +popular government can long survive a marked precedent that those who +carry an election can only save the government from immediate +destruction by giving up the main point upon which the people gave +the election. The people themselves, and not their servants, can +safely reverse their own deliberate decisions. + +As a private citizen the executive could not have consented that +these institutions shall perish; much less could he in betrayal of so +vast and so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him. +He felt that he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the +chances of his own life, in what might follow. In full view of his +great responsibility he has, so far, done what he has deemed his +duty. You will now, according to your own judgment, perform yours. +He sincerely hopes that your views and your action may so accord with +his as to assure all faithful citizens who have been disturbed in +their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to them, under the +Constitution and the laws. + +And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure +purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear +and with manly hearts. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, July 4, 1861 + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, July 6, 1861. + +HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Please ask the Comr. of Indian Affairs, and of the +Gen'1 Land Office to come with you, and see me at once. I want the +assistance of all of you in overhauling the list of appointments a +little before I send them to the Senate. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the +9th instant, requesting a copy of correspondence upon the subject of +the incorporation of the Dominican republic with the Spanish +monarchy, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State; to whom +the resolution was referred. + +WASHINGTON, July 11, 1861. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a copy of correspondence between the Secretary +of State and her Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister +plenipotentiary accredited to this government, relative to the +exhibition of the products of industry of all nations, which is to +take place at London in the course of next year. As citizens of the +United States may justly pride themselves upon their proficiency in +industrial arts, it is desirable that they should have proper +facilities toward taking part in the exhibition. With this view I +recommend such legislation by Congress at this session as may be +necessary for that purpose. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, July 16, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +As the United States have, in common with Great Britain and France, a +deep interest in the preservation and development of the fisheries +adjacent to the northeastern coast and islands of this continent, it +seems proper that we should concert with the governments of those +countries such measures as may be conducive to those important +objects. With this view I transmit to Congress a copy of a +correspondence between the Secretary of State and the British +minister here, in which the latter proposes, on behalf of his +government, the appointment of a joint commission to inquire into the +matter, in order that such ulterior measures may be adopted as may be +advisable for the objects proposed. Such legislation recommended as +may be necessary to enable th executive to provide for a commissioner +on behalf of the United States: + +WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL + +WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861 + +ADJUTANT-GENERAL: + +I have agreed, and do agree, that the two Indian regiments named +within shall be accepted if the act of Congress shall admit it. Let +there be no further question about it. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MEMORANDA OF MILITARY POLICY SUGGESTED BY THE +BULL RUN DEFEAT. + +JULY 23, 1861 + +1. Let the plan for making the blockade effective be pushed forward +with all possible despatch. + +2. Let the volunteer forces at Fort Monroe and vicinity under +General Butler be constantly drilled, disciplined, and instructed +without more for the present. + +3. Let Baltimore be held as now, with a gentle but firm and certain +hand. + +4. Let the force now under Patterson or Banks be strengthened and made +secure in its position. + +5. Let the forces in Western Virginia act till further orders +according to instructions or orders from General McClellan. + +6. [Let] General Fremont push forward his organization and operations +in the West as rapidly as possible, giving rather special attention +to Missouri. + +7. Let the forces late before Manassas, except the three-months men, +be reorganized as rapidly as possible in their camps here and about +Arlington. + +8. Let the three-months forces who decline to enter the longer service +be discharged as rapidly as circumstances will permit. + +9. Let the new volunteer forces be brought forward as fast as +possible, and especially into the camps on the two sides of the river +here. + +When the foregoing shall be substantially attended to: + +1. Let Manassas Junction (or some point on one or other of the +railroads near it) and Strasburg be seized, and permanently held, +with an open line from Washington to Manassas, and an open line from +Harper's Ferry to Strasburg the military men to find the way of doing +these. + +2. This done, a joint movement from Cairo on Memphis; and from +Cincinnati on East Tennessee. + + + + +TO THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., July 24, 1861 + +THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + +SIR:--Together with the regiments of three years' volunteers which +the government already has in service in your State, enough to make +eight in all, if tendered in a reasonable time, will be accepted, the +new regiments to be taken, as far as convenient, from the three +months' men and officers just discharged, and to be organized, +equipped, and sent forward as fast as single regiments are ready, On +the same terms as were those already in the service from that State. + +Your obedient servant, +A. LINCOLN. + +[Indorsement.] + +This order is entered in the War Department, and the Governor of New +Jersey is authorized to furnish the regiments with wagons and horses. + +S. CAMERON, Secretary of War. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the +22d instant; requesting a copy of the correspondence between this, +government and foreign powers with reference to maritime right , I +transmit a report from the Secretary of State. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the +15th instant, requesting a copy of the correspondence between this +government and foreign powers on the subject of the existing +insurrection in the United States, I transmit a report from the +Secretary of State. + +WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CHASE. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 16, 1861 + +MR CHASE:--The bearer, Mr._____ , wants ________in the custom house +at Baltimore. If his recommendations are satisfactory, and I +recollect them to have been so, the fact that he is urged by the +Methodists should be in his favor, as they complain of us some. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the +24th instant, asking the grounds, reasons, and evidence upon which +the police Commissioners of Baltimore were arrested and are now +detained as prisoners at Port McHenry, I have to state that it is +judged to be incompatible with the public interest at this time to +furnish the information called for by the resolution. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, JULY 27, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 19th instant +requesting information concerning the quasi armistice alluded to in +my message of the 4th instant, I transmit a report from the Secretary +of the Navy. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. +JULY 30, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 23d instant +requesting information concerning the imprisonment of Lieutenant John +J. Worden (John L. Worden) of the United States navy, I transmit a +report from the Secretary of the Navy. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. +July 30, 1861 + + + + +ORDER TO UNITED STATES MARSHALS. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C., +JULY 31, 1861 + +The Marshals of the United States in the vicinity of forts where +political prisoners are held will supply decent lodging and +sustenance for such prisoners unless they shall prefer to provide in +those respects for themselves, in which case they will be allowed to +do so by the commanding officer in charge. + +Approved, and the Secretary of the State will transmit the order to +the Marshals, to the Lieutenant-General, and the Secretary of the +Interior. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of +yesterday, requesting information regarding the imprisonment of loyal +citizens of the United States by the forces now in rebellion against +this government, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and +the copy of a telegraphic despatch by which it was accompanied. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, August 2, 1861. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of your honorable body of date July 31, +1861, requesting the President to inform the Senate whether the Hon. +James H. Lane, a member of that body from Kansas, has been appointed +a brigadier-general in the army of the United States, and if so, +whether he has accepted such appointment, I have the honor to +transmit herewith certain papers, numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, +which, taken together, explain themselves, and which contain all the +information I possess upon the questions propounded. + +It was my intention, as shown by my letter of June 20, 1861, to +appoint Hon. James H. Lane, of Kansas, a brigadier-general of United +States volunteers in anticipation of the act of Congress, since +passed, for raising such volunteers; and I have no further knowledge +upon the subject, except as derived from the papers herewith +enclosed. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 5, 1861 + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, AUGUST 7, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR + +MY DEAR SIR:--The within paper, as you see, is by HON. John S. Phelps +and HON. Frank P. Blair, Jr., both members of the present Congress +from Missouri. The object is to get up an efficient force of +Missourians in the southwestern part of the State. It ought to be +done, and Mr. Phelps ought to have general superintendence of it. +I see by a private report to me from the department that eighteen +regiments are already accepted from Missouri. Can it not be arranged +that part of them (not yet organized, as I understand) may be taken +from the locality mentioned and put under the control of Mr. Phelps, +and let him have discretion to accept them for a shorter term than +three years--or the war--understanding, however, that he will get +them for the full term if he can? I hope this can be done, because +Mr. Phelps is too zealous and efficient and understands his ground +too well for us to lose his service. Of course provision for arming, +equipping, etc., must be made. Mr. Phelps is here, and wishes to +carry home with him authority for this matter. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF A NATIONAL FAST-DAY, +AUGUST 12, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES +OF AMERICA + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas a joint committee of both houses of Congress has waited on +the President of the United States and requested him to "recommend a +day of public humiliation, prayer, and fasting to be observed by the +people of the United States with religious solemnities and the +offering of fervent supplications to Almighty God for the safety and +welfare of these States, His blessings on their arms, and a speedy +restoration of peace"; and + +Whereas it is fit and becoming in all people at all times to +acknowledge and revere the supreme government of God, to bow in +humble submission to His chastisements, to confess and deplore their +sins and transgressions in the full conviction that the fear of the +Lord is the beginning of wisdom, and to pray with all fervency and +contrition for the pardon of their past offences and for a blessing +upon their present and prospective action; and + +Whereas when our own beloved country, once, by the blessing of God, +united, prosperous, and happy, is now afflicted with faction and +civil war, it is peculiarly fit for us to recognize the hand of God +in this terrible visitation, and in sorrowful remembrance of our own +faults and crimes as a nation and as individuals to humble ourselves +before Him and to pray for His mercy-to pray that we may be spared +further punishment, though most justly deserved, that our arms may be +blessed and made effectual for the re-establishment of order, law, +and peace throughout the wide extent of our country, and that the +inestimable boon of civil and religious liberty, earned under His +guidance and blessing by the labors and sufferings of our fathers, +may be restored in all its original excellence + +Therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do +appoint the last Thursday in September next as a day of humiliation, +prayer, and fasting for all the people of the nation. And I do +earnestly recommend to all the people, and especially to all +ministers and teachers of religion of all denominations and to all +heads of families, to observe and keep that day according to their +several creeds and modes of worship in all humility and with all +religious solemnity, to the end that the united prayer of the nation +may ascend to the Throne of Grace and bring down plentiful blessings +upon our country. + + In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand + and caused the seal of the United States to +[SEAL.] be affixed, this twelfth day of August, A. D. + 1861, and of the independence of the United + States of America the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President + +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary o f State. + + + + +TO JAMES POLLOCK. + +WASHINGTON, AUGUST 15, 1861 + +HON. JAMES POLLOCK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--You must make a job for the bearer of this--make a job +of it with the collector and have it done. You can do it for me and +you must. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON. + +WASHINGTON, D.C. , AUGUST 15, 1861 + +GOVERNOR MORTON, Indiana: +Start your four regiments to St. Louis at the earliest moment +possible. Get such harness as may be necessary for your rifled gums. +Do not delay a single regiment, but hasten everything forward as soon +as any one regiment is ready. Have your three additional regiments +organized at once. We shall endeavor to send you the arms this week. +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FREMONT, + +WASHINGTON, August 15, 1861 + +TO MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + +Been answering your messages since day before yesterday. Do you +receive the answers? The War Department has notified all the +governors you designate to forward all available force. So +telegraphed you. Have you received these messages? Answer +immediately. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION FORBIDDING INTERCOURSE WITH +REBEL STATES, AUGUST 16, 1861. +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES +OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas on the fifteenth day of April, eighteen hundred and sixty- +one, the President of the United States, in view of an insurrection +against the laws, Constitution, and government of the United States +which had broken out within the States of South Carolina, Georgia, +Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and in pursuance +of the provisions of the act entitled "An act to provide for calling +forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress +insurrections, and repel invasions, and to repeal the act now in +force for that purpose," approved February twenty-eighth, seventeen +hundred and ninety-five, did call forth the militia to suppress said +insurrection, and to cause the laws of the Union to be duly executed, +and the insurgents have failed to disperse by the time directed by +the President; and whereas such insurrection has since broken out and +yet exists within the States of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, +and Arkansas; and whereas the insurgents in all the said States claim +to act under the authority thereof, and such claim is not disclaimed +or repudiated by the persons exercising the functions of government +in such State or States, or in the part or parts thereof in which +such combinations exist, nor has such insurrection been suppressed by +said States: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, +in pursuance of an act of Congress approved July thirteen, eighteen +hundred and sixty-one, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the +said States of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North Carolina, +Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and +Florida (except the inhabitants of that part of the State of Virginia +lying west of the Allegheny Mountains, and of such other parts of +that State, and the other States hereinbefore named, as may maintain +a loyal adhesion to the Union and the Constitution, or may be time to +time occupied and controlled by forces of the United States engaged +in the dispersion of said insurgents), are in a state of insurrection +against the United States, and that all commercial intercourse +between the same and the inhabitants thereof, with the exceptions +aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and other parts of the +United States, is unlawful, and will remain unlawful until such +insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed; that all goods and +chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of said States, with +the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, +without the special license and permission of the President, through +the Secretary of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said States, +with the exceptions aforesaid, by land or water, together with the +vessel or vehicle conveying the same, or conveying persons to or from +said States, with said exceptions, will be forfeited to the United +States; and that from and after fifteen days from the issuing of this +proclamation all ships and vessels belonging in whole or in part to +any citizen or inhabitant of any of said States, with said +exceptions, found at sea, or in any port of the United States, will +be forfeited to the United States; and I hereby enjoin upon all +district attorneys, marshals, and officers of the revenue and of the +military and naval forces of the United States to be vigilant in the +execution of said act, and in the enforcement of the penalties and +forfeitures imposed or declared by it; leaving any party who may +think himself aggrieved thereby to his application to the Secretary +of the Treasury for the remission of any penalty or forfeiture, which +the said Secretary is authorized by law to grant if, in his judgment, +the special circumstances of any case shall require such remission. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand,................... + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of Sate. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 17, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Unless there be reason to the contrary, not known to +me, make out a commission for Simon B. Buckner, of Kentucky, as a +brigadier-general of volunteers. It is to be put into the hands of +General Anderson, and delivered to General Buckner or not, at the +discretion of General Anderson. Of course it is to remain a secret +unless and until the commission is delivered. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN + +Same day made. + +[Indorsement.] + + + + +TO GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN, + +WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 24, 1861 + +To HIS EXCELLENCY B. MAGOFFIN, +Governor of the State of Kentucky. + +SIR:--Your letter of the 19th instant, in which you urge the removal +from the limits of Kentucky of the military force now organized and +in camp within that State," is received. + +I may not possess full and precisely accurate knowledge upon this +subject; but I believe it is true that there is a military force in +camp within Kentucky, acting by authority of the United States, which +force is not very large, and is not now being augmented. + +I also believe that some arms have been furnished to this force by +the United States. + +I also believe this force consists exclusively of Kentuckians, having +their camp in the immediate vicinity of their own homes, and not +assailing or menacing any of the good people of Kentucky. + +In all I have done in the premises I have acted upon the urgent +solicitation of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with what I +believed, and still believe, to be the wish of a majority of all the +Union-loving people of Kentucky. + +While I have conversed on this subject with many eminent men of +Kentucky, including a large majority of her members of Congress, I do +not remember that any one of them, or any other person, except your +Excellency and the bearers of your Excellency's letter, has urged me +to remove the military force from Kentucky or to disband it. One +other very worthy citizen of Kentucky did solicit me to have the +augmenting of the force suspended for a time. + +Taking all the means within my reach to form a judgment, I do not +believe it is the popular wish of Kentucky that this force shall be +removed beyond her limits; and, with this impression, I must +respectfully decline to so remove it. + +I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in the wish to +preserve the peace of my own native State, Kentucky. It is with +regret I search, and cannot find, in your not very short letter, any +declaration or intimation that you entertain any desire for the +preservation of the Federal Union. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 2, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Two points in your proclamation of August 30 give me +some anxiety. + +First. Should you shoot a man, according to the proclamation, the +Confederates would very certainly shoot our best men in their hands +in retaliation; and so, man for man, indefinitely. It is, therefore, +my order that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation +without first having my approbation or consent. + +Second. I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in +relation to the confiscation of property and the liberating slaves of +traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends and turn +them against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky. +Allow me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion, +modify that paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth +sections of the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate +property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, +and a copy of which act I herewith send you. + +This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure. I +send it by special messenger, in order that it may certainly and +speedily reach you. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNORS WASHBURN OF MAINE, FAIRBANKS OF VERMONT, BERRY +OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, ANDREW OF MASSACHUSETTS, BUCKINGHAM OF CONNECTICUT, +AND SPRAGUE OF RHODE ISLAND. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, September 11, 1861. + +General Butler proposes raising in New England six regiments, to be +recruited and commanded by himself, and to go on special service. + +I shall be glad if you, as governor of ______, will answer by +telegraph if you consent. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 11, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN C. FREMONT. + +SIR:-Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just +received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge of +the necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on +seeing your proclamation of August30 I perceived no general objection +to it. The particular clause, however, in relation to the +confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves appeared to me +to be objectionable in its nonconformity to the act of Congress +passed the 6th of last August upon the same subjects; and hence I +wrote you, expressing my wish that that clause should be modified +accordingly. Your answer, just received, expresses the preference on +your part that I should make an open order for the modification, +which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that the said +clause of said proclamation be so modified, held, and construed as to +conform to, and not to transcend, the provisions on the same subject +contained in the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate +property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, +and that said act be published at length with this order. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO MRS. FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., +September 12, 1861 + +Mrs. GENERAL FREMONT. + +MY DEAR MADAM:--Your two notes of to-day are before me. I answered +the letter you bore me from General Fremont on yesterday, and not +hearing from you during the day, I sent the answer to him by mail. +It is not exactly correct, as you say you were told by the elder Mr. +Blair, to say that I sent Postmaster-General Blair to St. Louis to +examine into that department and report. Postmaster-General Blair +did go, with my approbation, to see and converse with General Fremont +as a friend. I do not feel authorized to furnish you with copies of +letters in my possession without the consent of the writers. No +impression has been made on my mind against the honor or integrity of +General Fremont, and I now enter my protest against being understood +as acting in any hostility toward him. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOSEPH HOLT, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + +HON. JOSEPH HOLT. + +DEAR SIR:-Yours of this day in relation to the late proclamation of +General Fremont is received yesterday I addressed a letter to him, by +mail, on the same subject, and which is to be made public when he +receives it. I herewith send you a copy of that letter, which +perhaps shows my position as distinctly as any new one I could write. +I will thank you not to make it public until General Fremont shall +have had time to receive the original. + +Your obedient servant, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL SCOTT + +WASHINGTON, D.C., September 16, 1861. + +DEAR SIR:--Since conversing with you I have concluded to request you +to frame an order for recruiting North Carolinians at Fort Hatteras. +I suggest it to be so framed as for us to accept a smaller force-- +even a company--if we cannot get a regiment or more. What is +necessary to now say about officers you will judge. Governor Seward +says he has a nephew (Clarence A. Seward, I believe) who would be +willing to go and play colonel and assist in raising the force. +Still it is to be considered whether the North Carolinians will not +prefer officers of their own. I should expect they would. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 18, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. +MY DEAR SIR:--To guard against misunderstanding, I think fit to say +that the joint expedition of the army and navy agreed upon some time +since, and in which General T. W. Sherman was and is to bear a +conspicuous part, is in no wise to be abandoned, but must be ready to +move by the 1st of, or very early in, October. Let all preparations +go forward accordingly. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT, + +WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + +Governor Morton telegraphs as follows: "Colonel Lane, just arrived by +special train, represents Owensborough, forty miles above Evansville, +in possession of secessionists. Green River is navigable. +Owensborough must be seized. We want a gunboat sent up from Paducah +for that purpose." Send up the gunboat if, in your discretion, you +think it right. Perhaps you had better order those in charge of the +Ohio River to guard it vigilantly at all points. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +To O. H. BROWNING. + +(Private and Confidential) + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON +SEPTEMBER 22, 1861 + +HON. O. H. BROWNING. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 17th is just received; and coming from you, +I confess it astonishes me. That you should object to my adhering to +a law which you had assisted in making and presenting to me less than +a month before is odd enough. But this is a very small part. +General Fremont's proclamation as to confiscation of property and the +liberation of slaves is purely political and not within the range of +military law or necessity. If a commanding general finds a necessity +to seize the farm of a private owner for a pasture, an encampment, or +a fortification, he has the right to do so, and to so hold it as long +as the necessity lasts; and this is within military law, because +within military necessity. But to say the farm shall no longer +belong to the owner, or his heirs forever, and this as well when the +farm is not needed for military purposes as when it is, is purely +political, without the savor of military law about it. And the same +is true of slaves. If the general needs them, he can seize them and +use them; but when the need is past, it is not for him to fix their +permanent future condition. That must be settled according to laws +made by law-makers, and not by military proclamations. The +proclamation in the point in question is simply "dictatorship." It +assumes that the general may do anything he pleases confiscate the +lands and free the slaves of loyal people, as well as of disloyal +ones. And going the whole figure, I have no doubt, would be more +popular with some thoughtless people than that which has been done, +But I cannot assume this reckless position, nor allow others to +assume it on my responsibility. + +You speak of it as being the only means of saving the government. On +the contrary, it is itself the surrender of the government. Can it +be pretended that it is any longer the Government of the United +States--any government of constitution and laws wherein a general or +a president may make permanent rules of property by proclamation? I +do not say Congress might not with propriety pass a law on the point, +just such as General Fremont proclaimed. + +I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote for it. What +I object to is, that I, as President, shall expressly or impliedly +seize and exercise the permanent legislative functions of the +government. + +So much as to principle. Now as to policy. No doubt the thing was +popular in some quarters, and would have been more so if it had been +a general declaration of emancipation. The Kentucky Legislature +would not budge till that proclamation was modified; and General +Anderson telegraphed me that on the news of General Fremont having +actually issued deeds of manumission, a whole company of our +volunteers threw down their arms and disbanded. I was so assured as +to think it probable that the very arms we had furnished Kentucky +would be turned against us. I think to lose Kentucky is nearly the +same as to lose the whole game. Kentucky gone, we cannot hold +Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all against us, and the +job on our hands is too large for us. We would as well consent to +separation at once, including the surrender of this Capital. On the +contrary, if you will give up your restlessness for new positions, +and back me manfully on the grounds upon which you and other kind +friends gave me the election and have approved in my public +documents, we shall go through triumphantly. You must not understand +I took my course on the proclamation because of Kentucky. I took the +same ground in a private letter to General Fremont before I heard +from Kentucky. + +You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid General +Fremont to shoot men under the proclamation. I understand that part +to be within military law, but I also think, and so privately wrote +General Fremont, that it is impolitic in this, that our adversaries +have the power, and will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many of +our men as we shoot of theirs. I did not say this in the public +letter, because it is a subject I prefer not to discuss in the +hearing of our enemies. + +There has been no thought of removing General Fremont on any ground +connected with his proclamation, and if there has been any wish for +his removal on any ground, our mutual friend Sam. Glover can +probably tell you what it was. I hope no real necessity for it +exists on any ground. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +MEMORANDUM FOR A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN +[OCTOBER 1?] 1861 + +On or about the 5th of October (the exact date to be determined +hereafter) I wish a movement made to seize and hold a point on the +railroad connecting Virginia and Tennessee near the mountain-pass +called Cumberland Gap. That point is now guarded against us by +Zollicoffer, with 6000 or 8000 rebels at Barboursville Ky.,--say +twenty-five miles from the Gap, toward Lexington. We have a force +of 5000 or 6000 under General Thomas, at Camp Dick Robinson, about +twenty-five miles from Lexington and seventy-five from Zollicoffer's +camp, On the road between the two. There is not a railroad anywhere +between Lexington and the point to be seized, and along the whole +length of which the Union sentiment among the people largely +predominates. We have military possession of the railroad from +Cincinnati to Lexington, and from Louisville to Lexington, and some +home guards, under General Crittenden, are on the latter line. We +have possession of the railroad from Louisville to Nashville, Tenn., +so far as Muldraugh's Hill, about forty miles, and the rebels have +possession of that road all south of there. At the Hill we have a +force of 8000, under General Sherman, and about an equal force of +rebels is a very short distance south, under General Buckner. + +We have a large force at Paducah, and a smaller at Port Holt, both on +the Kentucky side, with some at Bird's Point, Cairo, Mound City, +Evansville, and New Albany, all on the other side, and all which, +with the gunboats on the river, are perhaps sufficient to guard the +Ohio from Louisville to its mouth. + +About supplies of troops, my general idea is that all from Wisconsin, +Minnesota, Iowa, Illinois, Missouri, and Kansas, not now elsewhere, +be left to Fremont. All from Indiana and Michigan, not now +elsewhere, be sent to Anderson at Louisville. All from Ohio needed +in western Virginia be sent there, and any remainder be sent to +Mitchell at Cincinnati, for Anderson. All east of the mountains be +appropriated to McClellan and to the coast. + +As to movements, my idea is that the one for the coast and that on +Cumberland Gap be simultaneous, and that in the meantime preparation, +vigilant watching, and the defensive only be acted upon; this, +however, not to apply to Fremont's operations in northern and middle +Missouri. That before these movements Thomas and Sherman shall +respectively watch but not attack Zollicoffer and Buckner. That when +the coast and Gap movements shall be ready Sherman is merely to stand +fast, while all at Cincinnati and all at Louisville, with all on the +line, concentrate rapidly at Lexington, and thence to Thomas's camp, +joining him, and the whole thence upon the Gap. It is for the +military men to decide whether they can find a pass through the +mountains at or near the Gap which cannot be defended by the enemy +with a greatly inferior force, and what is to be done in regard to +this. + +The coast and Gap movements made, Generals McClellan and Fremont, in +their respective departments, will avail themselves of any advantages +the diversions may present. + +[He was entirely unable to get this started, Sherman would have taken +an active part if given him, the others were too busy getting lines +of communication guarded--and discovering many "critical" supply +items that had not been sent them. Also the commanding general did +not like it. D.W.] + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 4, 1861 + +HONORABLE SECRETARY OF STATE. + +DEAR SIR:--Please see Mr. Walker, well vouched as a Union man and +son-in-law of Governor Morehead, and pleading for his release. I +understand the Kentucky arrests were not made by special direction +from here, and I am willing if you are that any of the parties may be +released when James Guthrie and James Speed think they should be. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE VICEROY OF EGYPT. + +WASHINGTON, October 11, 1861. + +GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND:--I have received from Mr. Thayer, Consul- +General of the United States at Alexandria, a full account of the +liberal, enlightened, and energetic proceedings which, on his +complaint, you have adopted in bringing to speedy and condign +punishment the parties, subjects of your Highness in Upper Egypt, who +were concerned in an act of criminal persecution against Faris, an +agent of certain Christian missionaries in Upper Egypt. I pray your +Highness to be assured that these proceedings, at once so prompt and +so just, will be regarded as a new and unmistakable proof equally of +your Highness's friendship for the United States and of the firmness, +integrity and wisdom, with which the government of your Highness is +conducted. Wishing you great prosperity and success, I am your +friend, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +HIS HIGHNESS MOHAMMED SAID PACHA, +Viceroy of Egypt and its Dependencies, etc. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OF +HABEAS CORPUS. + +October 14 1861 + +LIEUTENANT-GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT: + +The military line of the United States for the suppression of the +insurrection may be extended so far as Bangor, in Maine. You and any +officer acting under your authority are hereby authorized to suspend +the writ of habeas corpus in any place between that place and the +city of Washington. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY OF INTERIOR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 14, 1861 + +HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + +DEAR SIR:--How is this? I supposed I was appointing for register of +wills a citizen of this District. Now the commission comes to me +"Moses Kelly, of New Hampshire." I do not like this. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TWO SONS WHO WANT TO WORK + +TO MAJOR RAMSEY. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 17, 1861 + +MAJOR RAMSEY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The lady bearer of this says she has two sons who want +to work. Set them at it if possible. Wanting to work is so rare a +want that it should be encouraged. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL THOMAS W. SHERMAN. + +WASHINGTON, October 18, 1861. + +GENERAL THOMAS SHERMAN, Annapolis, Md.: + +Your despatch of yesterday received and shown to General McClellan. +I have promised him not to direct his army here without his consent. +I do not think I shall come to Annapolis. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL CURTIS, WITH INCLOSURES. + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is a document--half letter, half order--which, +wishing you to see, but not to make public, I send unsealed. Please +read it and then inclose it to the officer who may be in command of +the Department of the West at the time it reaches him. I cannot now +know whether Fremont or Hunter will then be in command. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + +DEAR SIR:--On receipt of this, with the accompanying inclosures, you +will take safe, certain, and suitable measures to have the inclosure +addressed to Major-General Fremont delivered to him with all +reasonable despatch, subject to these conditions only: that if, when +General Fremont shall be reached by the messenger--yourself or any +one sent by you--he shall then have, in personal command, fought and +won a battle, or shall then be actually in a battle, or shall then be +in the immediate presence of the enemy in expectation of a battle, it +is not to be delivered, but held for further orders. After, and not +till after, the delivery to General Fremont, let the inclosure +addressed to General Hunter be delivered to him. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + +(General Orders No. 18.) +HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +Major-General Fremont, of the United States Army, the present +commander of the Western Department of the same, will, on the receipt +of this order, call Major-General Hunter, of the United States +Volunteers, to relieve him temporarily in that command, when he +(Major-General Fremont) will report to general headquarters by letter +for further orders. + +WINFIELD SCOTT. +By command: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General. + + + + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDER OF THE +DEPARTMENT OF THE WEST. + +SIR:--The command of the Department of the West having devolved upon +you, I propose to offer you a few suggestions. Knowing how hazardous +it is to bind down a distant commander in the field to specific lines +and operations, as so much always depends on a knowledge of +localities and passing events, it is intended, therefore, to leave a +considerable margin for the exercise of your judgment and discretion. + +The main rebel army (Price's) west of the Mississippi is believed to +have passed Dade County in full retreat upon northwestern Arkansas, +leaving Missouri almost freed from the enemy, excepting in the +southeast of the State. Assuming this basis of fact, it seems +desirable, as you are not likely to overtake Price, and are in danger +of making too long a line from your own base of supplies and +reinforcements, that you should give up the pursuit, halt your main +army, divide it into two corps of observation, one occupying Sedalia +and the other Rolla, the present termini of railroads; then recruit +the condition of both corps by re-establishing and improving their +discipline and instructions, perfecting their clothing and +equipments, and providing less uncomfortable quarters. Of course, +both railroads must be guarded and kept open, judiciously employing +just so much force as is necessary for this. From these two points, +Sedalia and Rolla, and especially in judicious cooperation with Lane +on the Kansas border, it would be so easy to concentrate and repel +any army of the enemy returning on Missouri from the southwest, that +it is not probable any such attempt will be made before or during the +approaching cold weather. Before spring the people of Missouri will +probably be in no favorable mood to renew for next year the troubles +which have so much afflicted and impoverished them during this. If +you adopt this line of policy, and if, as I anticipate, you will see +no enemy in great force approaching, you will have a surplus of force +which you can withdraw from these points and direct to others as may +be needed, the railroads furnishing ready means of reinforcing these +main points if occasion requires. Doubtless local uprisings will for +a time continue to occur, but these can be met by detachments and +local forces of our own, and will ere long tire out of themselves. + +While, as stated in the beginning of the letter, a large discretion +must be and is left with yourself, I feel sure that an indefinite +pursuit of Price or an attempt by this long and circuitous route to +reach Memphis will be exhaustive beyond endurance, and will end in +the loss of the whole force engaged in it. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER RETIRING GENERAL SCOTT AND APPOINTING +GENERAL McCLELLAN HIS SUCCESSOR. +(General Orders, No.94.) + +WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE + +WASHINGTON, November 1, 1861 + +The following order from the President of the United States, +announcing the retirement from active command of the honored veteran +Lieutenant general Winfield Scott, will be read by the army with +profound regret: + + + + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. + +November 1, 1861 + +On the 1st day of November, A.D. 1861, upon his own application to +the President of the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General +Winfield Scott is ordered to be placed, and hereby is placed, upon +the list of retired officers of the army of the United States, +without reduction in his current pay, subsistence, or allowances. + +The American people will hear with sadness and deep emotion that +General Scott has withdrawn from the active control of the army, +while the President and a unanimous Cabinet express their own and the +nation's sympathy in his personal affliction and their profound sense +of the important public services rendered by him to his country +during his long and brilliant career, among which will ever be +gratefully distinguished his faithful devotion to the Constitution, +the Union, and the flag when assailed by parricidal rebellion. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + + + +The President is pleased to direct that Major general George B. +McClellan assume the command of the army of the United States. The +headquarters of the army will be established in the city of +Washington. All communications intended for the commanding general +will hereafter be addressed direct to the adjutant-general. The +duplicate returns, orders, and other papers heretofore sent to the +assistant adjutant-general, headquarters of the army, will be +discontinued. + +By order of the Secretary of War: +L. THOMAS, Adjutant General. + + + + +ORDER APPROVING THE PLAN OF GOVERNOR GAMBLE +OF MISSOURI. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +November 5, 1861. + +The Governor of the State of Missouri, acting under the direction of +the convention of that State, proposes to the Government of the +United States that he will raise a military force to serve within the +State as State militia during the war there, to cooperate with the +troops in the service of the United States in repelling the invasion +of the State and suppressing rebellion therein; the said State +militia to be embodied and to be held in the camp and in the field, +drilled, disciplined, and governed according to the Army Regulations +and subject to the Articles of War; the said State militia not to be +ordered out of the State except for the immediate defense of the +State of Missouri, but to co-operate with the troops in the service +of the United States in military operations within the State or +necessary to its defense, and when officers of the State militia act +with officers in the service of the United States of the same grade +the officers of the United States service shall command the combined +force; the State militia to be armed, equipped, clothed, subsisted, +transported, and paid by the United States during such time as they +shall be actually engaged as an embodied military force in service in +accordance with regulations of the United States Army or general +orders as issued from time to time. + +In order that the Treasury of the United States may not be burdened +with the pay of unnecessary officers, the governor proposes that, +although the State law requires him to appoint upon the general staff +an adjutant-general, a commissary-general, an inspector-general, a +quartermaster-general, a paymaster-general, and a surgeon-general, +each with the rank of colonel of cavalry, yet he proposes that the +Government of the United States pay only the adjutant-general, the +quartermaster-general, and inspector-general, their services being +necessary in the relations which would exist between the State +militia and the United States. The governor further proposes that +while he is allowed by the State law to appoint aides-de-camp to the +governor at his discretion, with the rank of colonel, three only +shall be reported to the United States for payment. He also proposes +that the State militia shall be commanded by a single major-general +and by such number of brigadier-generals as shall allow one for a +brigade of not less than four regiments, and that no greater number +of staff officers shall be appointed for regimental, brigade, and +division duties than as provided for in the act of Congress of the +22d July, 1861; and that, whatever be the rank of such officers as +fixed by the law of the State, the compensation that they shall +receive from the United States shall only be that which belongs to +the rank given by said act of Congress to officers in the United +States service performing the same duties. + +The field officers of a regiment in the State militia are one +colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, and one major, and the company +officers are a captain, a first lieutenant, and a second lieutenant. +The governor proposes that, as the money to be disbursed is the money +of the United States, such staff officers in the service of the +United States as may be necessary to act as disbursing officers for +the State militia shall be assigned by the War Department for that +duty; or, if such cannot be spared from their present duty, he will +appoint such persons disbursing officers for the State militia as the +President of the United States may designate. Such regulations as +may be required, in the judgment of the President, to insure +regularity of returns and to protect the United States from any +fraudulent practices shall be observed and obeyed by all in office in +the State militia. + +The above propositions are accepted on the part of the United States, +and the Secretary of War is directed to make the necessary orders +upon the Ordnance, Quartermaster's, Commissary, Pay, and Medical +departments to carry this agreement into effect. He will cause the +necessary staff officers in the United States service to be detailed +for duty in connection with the Missouri State militia, and will +order them to make the necessary provision in their respective +offices for fulfilling this agreement. All requisitions upon the +different officers of the United States under this agreement to be +made in substance in the same mode for the Missouri State militia as +similar requisitions are made for troops in the service of the United +States; and the Secretary of War will cause any additional +regulations that may be necessary to insure regularity and economy in +carrying this agreement into effect to be adopted and communicated to +the Governor of Missouri for the government of the Missouri State +militia. + +[Indorsement.] + +November 6, 1861. + +This plan approved, with the modification that the governor +stipulates that when he commissions a major-general of militia it +shall be the same person at the time in command of the United States +Department of the West; and in case the United States shall change +such commander of the department, he (the governor) will revoke the +State commission given to the person relieved and give one to the +person substituted to the United States command of said department. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MINISTER FROM SWEDEN. + +November 8, 1861. + +SIR:--I receive with great pleasure a Minister from Sweden. That +pleasure is enhanced by the information which preceded your arrival +here, that his Majesty, your sovereign, had selected you to fill the +mission upon the grounds of your derivation from an ancestral stock +identified with the most glorious era of your country's noble +history, and your own eminent social and political standing in +Sweden. This country, sir, maintains, and means to maintain, the +rights of human nature, and the capacity of men for self-government. +The history of Sweden proves that this is the faith of the people of +Sweden, and we know that it is the faith and practice of their +respected sovereign. Rest assured, therefore, that we shall be found +always just and paternal in our transactions with your government, +and that nothing will be omitted on my part to make your residence in +this capital agreeable to yourself and satisfactory to your +government. + + + + +INDORSEMENT AUTHORIZING MARTIAL LAW IN SAINT LOUIS. + +St. Louis, November 20, 1861. +(Received Nov. 20th.) + +GENERAL McCLELLAN, + +For the President of the United States. + +No written authority is found here to declare and enforce martial law +in this department. Please send me such written authority and +telegraph me that it has been sent by mail. + +H. W. HALLECK, +Major-General. + + +[Indorsement.] +November 21, 1861. + +If General McClellan and General Halleck deem it necessary to declare +and maintain martial law in Saint Louis, the same is hereby +authorized. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +OFFER TO COOPERATE AND GIVE SPECIAL LINE OF INFORMATION TO HORACE +GREELEY + +TO GOVERNOR WALKER. + +WASHINGTON, November 21, 1861 + +DEAR GOVERNOR:--I have thought over the interview which Mr. Gilmore +has had with Mr. Greeley, and the proposal that Greeley has made to +Gilmore, namely, that he [Gilmore] shall communicate to him [Greeley] +all that he learns from you of the inner workings of the +administration, in return for his [Greeley's] giving such aid as he +can to the new magazine, and allowing you [Walker] from time to time +the use of his [Greeley's] columns when it is desirable to feel of, +or forestall, public opinion on important subjects. The arrangement +meets my unqualified approval, and I shall further it to the extent +of my ability, by opening to you--as I do now--fully the policy of +the Government,--its present views and future intentions when formed, +giving you permission to communicate them to Gilmore for Greeley; and +in case you go to Europe I will give these things direct to Gilmore. +But all this must be on the express and explicit understanding that +the fact of these communications coming from me shall be absolutely +confidential,--not to be disclosed by Greeley to his nearest friend, +or any of his subordinates. He will be, in effect, my mouthpiece, +but I must not be known to be the speaker. + +I need not tell you that I have the highest confidence in Mr. +Greeley. He is a great power. Having him firmly behind me will be +as helpful to me as an army of one hundred thousand men. + +This was to be most severely regretted, when Greeley became a traitor +to the cause, editorialized for compromise and separation--and +promoted McClellan as Democratic candidate for the Presidency. + +That he has ever kicked the traces has been owing to his not being +fully informed. Tell Gilmore to say to him that, if he ever objects +to my policy, I shall be glad to have him state to me his views +frankly and fully. I shall adopt his if I can. If I cannot, I will +at least tell him why. He and I should stand together, and let no +minor differences come between us; for we both seek one end, which is +the saving of our country. Now, Governor, this is a longer letter +than I have written in a month,--longer than I would have written for +any other man than Horace Greeley. + +Your friend, truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +P. S.--The sooner Gilmore sees Greeley the better, as you may before +long think it wise to ventilate our policy on the Trent affair. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL HALLECK TO SUSPEND +THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, + +DECEMBER 2, 1861. + +MAJOR-GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, +Commanding in the Department of Missouri. + +GENERAL:--As an insurrection exists in the United States, and is in +arms in the State of Missouri, you are hereby authorized and +empowered to suspend the writ of habeas corpus within the limits of +the military division under your command, and to exercise martial law +as you find it necessary in your discretion to secure the public +safety and the authority of the United States. + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the +seal of the United States to be affixed at Washington, this second +day of December, A.D. 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. +WASHINGTON, December 3, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--In the +midst of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great +gratitude to God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests. + +You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of +the times our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with +profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs. + +A disloyal portion of the American people have during the whole year +been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation +which endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect +abroad, and one party, if not both, is sure sooner or later to invoke +foreign intervention. + +Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the +counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although +measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate +and injurious to those adopting them. + +The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin +of our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have +invoked abroad have received less patronage and encouragement than +they probably expected. If it were just to suppose, as the +insurgents have seemed to assume, that foreign nations in this case, +discarding all moral, social, and treaty obligations, would act +solely and selfishly for the most speedy restoration of commerce, +including especially the acquisition of cotton, those nations appear +as yet not to have seen their way to their object more directly or +clearly through the destruction than through the preservation of the +Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign nations are actuated +by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a sound argument +could be made to show them that they can reach their aim more readily +and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion than by giving +encouragement to it. + +The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign +nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the +embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably +saw from the first that it was the Union which made as well our +foreign as our domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to +perceive that the effort for disunion produces the existing +difficulty, and that one strong nation promises more durable peace +and a more extensive, valuable, and reliable commerce than can the +same nation broken into hostile fragments. + +It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states, +because, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the +integrity of our country and the stability of our government mainly +depend not upon them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and +intelligence of the American people. The correspondence itself, with +the usual reservations, is herewith submitted. + +I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and +liberality toward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation and +with firmness maintaining our own rights and honor. + +Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state, +foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recommend +that adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the +public defenses on every side. While under this general +recommendation provision for defending our seacoast line readily +occurs to the mind, I also in the same connection ask the attention +of Congress to our great lakes and rivers. It is believed that some +fortifications and depots of arms and munitions, with harbor and +navigation improvements, all at well-selected points upon these, +would be of great importance to the national defense and preservation +I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War, expressed in +his report, upon the same general subject. + +I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of east Tennessee and +western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky and other +faithful parts of the Union by rail-road. I therefore recommend, as +a military measure, that Congress provide for the construction of +such rail-road as speedily as possible. Kentucky will no doubt +co-operate, and through her Legislature make the most judicious +selection of a line. The northern terminus must connect with some +existing railroad, and whether the route shall be from Lexington or +Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, or from Lebanon to the Tennessee +line, in the direction of Knoxville, or on some still different line, +can easily be determined. Kentucky and the General Government +co-operating, the work can be completed in a very short time, and +when done it will be not only of vast present usefulness but also a +valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost in all the future. + +Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and +having no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and will +be submitted to the Senate for their consideration. + +Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers to +adopt a desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we have +removed all obstructions from the way of this humane reform except +such as are merely of temporary and accidental occurrence. + +I invite your attention to the correspondence between her Britannic +Majesty's minister accredited to this government and the Secretary of +State relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire in +June last by the United States steamer Massachusetts for a supposed +breach of the blockade. As this detention was occasioned by an +obvious misapprehension of the facts, and as justice requires that we +should commit no belligerent act not founded in strict right as +sanctioned by public law, I recommend that an appropriation be made +to satisfy the reasonable demand of the owners of the vessel for her +detention. + +I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor in his annual message +to Congress in December last in regard to the disposition of the +surplus which will probably remain after satisfying the claims of +American citizens against China, pursuant to the awards of the +commissioners under the act of the 3d of March, 1859. If, however, +it should not be deemed advisable to carry that recommendation into +effect, I would suggest that authority be given for investing the +principal, or the proceeds of the surplus referred to, in good +securities, with a view to the satisfaction of such other just claims +of our citizens against China as are not unlikely to arise hereafter +in the course of our extensive trade with that empire. + +By the act of the 5th of August last Congress authorized the +President to instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend +themselves against and to capture pirates. His authority has been +exercised in a single instance only. For the more effectual +protection of our extensive and valuable commerce in the Eastern seas +especially, it seems to me that it would also be advisable to +authorize the commanders of sailing vessels to recapture any prizes +which pirates may make of United States vessels and their cargoes, +and the consular courts now established by law in Eastern countries +to adjudicate the cases in the event that this should not be objected +to by the local authorities. + +If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in +withholding our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of +Haiti and Liberia, I am unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to +inaugurate a novel policy in regard to them without the approbation +of Congress, I submit for your consideration the expediency of an +appropriation for maintaining a charge d'affaires near each of those +new States. It does not admit of doubt that important commercial +advantages might be secured by favorable treaties with them. + +The operations of the treasury during the period which has elapsed +since your adjournment have been conducted with signal success. The +patriotism of the people has placed at the disposal of the government +the large means demanded by the public exigencies. Much of the +national loan has been taken by citizens of the industrial classes, +whose confidence in their country's faith and zeal for their +country's deliverance from present peril have induced them to +contribute to the support of the government the whole of their +limited acquisitions. This fact imposes peculiar obligations to +economy in disbursement and energy in action. + +The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial year +ending on the 30th of June, 1861, was $86,835,900.27, and the +expenditures for the same period, including payments on account of +the public debt, were $84,578,834.47, leaving a balance in the +treasury on the 1st of July of $2,257,065.80. For the first quarter +of the financial year ending on the 3oth of September, 1861, the +receipts from all sources, including the balance of the 1st of July, +were $102,532,509.27, and the expenses $98,239733.09, leaving a +balance on the 1st of October, 1861, of $4,292,776.18. + +Estimates for the remaining three quarters of the year and for the +financial year 1863, together with his views of ways and means for +meeting the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to +Congress by the Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know +that the expenditures made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond +the resources of the loyal people, and to believe that the same +patriotism which has thus far sustained the government will continue +to sustain it till peace and union shall again bless the land. + +I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War for +information respecting the numerical strength of the army and for +recommendations having in view an increase of its efficiency and the +well-being of the various branches of the service intrusted to his +care. It is gratifying to know that the patriotism of the people has +proved equal to the occasion, and that the number of troops tendered +greatly exceeds the force which Congress authorized me to call into +the field. + +I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make +allusion to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by +our troops and to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire +army. + +The recommendation of the Secretary for an organization of the +militia upon a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to the +future safety of the country, and is commended to the serious +attention of Congress. + +The large addition to the regular army, in connection with the +defection that has so considerably diminished the number of its +officers, gives peculiar importance to his recommendation for +increasing the corps of cadets to the greatest capacity of the +Military Academy. + +By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chaplains +for hospitals occupied by volunteers. This subject was brought to my +notice, and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy +of which, properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the +persons, and at the dates respectively named and stated in a +schedule, containing also the form of the letter, marked A, and +herewith transmitted. + +These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated at +the times respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored +faithfully therein ever since. I therefore recommend that they be +compensated at the same rate as chaplains in the army. I further +suggest that general provision be made for chaplains to serve at +hospitals, as well as with regiments. + +The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the +operations of that branch of the service, the activity and energy +which have characterized its administration, and the results of +measures to increase its efficiency and power such have been the +additions, by construction and purchase, that it may almost be said a +navy has been created and brought into service since our difficulties +commenced. + +Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than ever +before assembled under our flag have been put afloat and performed +deeds which have increased our naval renown. + +I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the +Secretary for a more perfect organization of the navy by introducing +additional grades in the service. + +The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the +suggestions submitted by the department will, it is believed, if +adopted, obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote harmony, and +increase the efficiency of the navy. + +There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court--two by +the decease of Justices Daniel and McLean and one by the resignation +of Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne making nominations to +fill these vacancies for reasons which I will now state. Two of the +outgoing judges resided within the States now overrun by revolt, so +that if successors were appointed in the same localities they could +not now serve upon their circuits; and many of the most competent men +there probably would not take the personal hazard of accepting to +serve, even here, upon the Supreme bench. I have been unwilling to +throw all the appointments north-ward, thus disabling myself from +doing justice to the South on the return of peace; although I may +remark that to transfer to the North one which has heretofore been in +the South would not, with reference to territory and population, be +unjust. + +During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean his +circuit grew into an empire-altogether too large for any one judge to +give the courts therein more than a nominal attendance--rising in +population from 1,470,018 in 1830 to 6,151,405 in 1860. + +Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present judicial +system. If uniformity was at all intended, the system requires that +all the States shall be accommodated with circuit courts, attended by +Supreme judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, +Florida, Texas, California, and Oregon have never had any such +courts. Nor can this well be remedied without a change in the +system, because the adding of judges to the Supreme Court, enough for +the accommodation of all parts of the country with circuit courts, +would create a court altogether too numerous for a judicial body of +any sort. And the evil, if it be one, will increase as new States +come into the Union. Circuit courts are useful or they are not +useful. If useful, no State should be denied them; if not useful, no +State should have them. Let them be provided for all or abolished as +to all. + +Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would be +an improvement upon our present system. Let the Supreme Court be of +convenient number in every event; then, first, let the whole country +be divided into circuits of convenient size, the Supreme judges to +serve in a number of them corresponding to their own number, and +independent circuit judges be provided for all the rest; or, +secondly, let the Supreme judges be relieved from circuit duties and +circuit judges provided for all the circuits; or, thirdly, dispense +with circuit courts altogether, leaving the judicial functions wholly +to the district courts and an independent Supreme Court. + +I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the present +condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be +able to find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils +which constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical +administration of them. Since the Organization of the government, +Congress has enacted some 5000 acts and joint resolutions, which fill +more than 6000 closely printed pages and are scattered through many +volumes. Many of these acts have been drawn in haste and without +sufficient caution, so that their provisions are often obscure in +themselves or in conflict with each other, or at least so doubtful as +to render it very difficult for even the best-informed persons to +ascertain precisely what the statute law really is. + +It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be made as +plain and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a +compass as may consist with the fullness and precision of the will of +the Legislature and the perspicuity of its language. This well done +would, I think, greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty it +is to assist in the administration of the laws, and would be a +lasting benefit to the people, by placing before them in a more +accessible and intelligible form the laws which so deeply concern +their interests arid their duties. + +I am informed by some whose opinions I respect that all the acts of +Congress now in force and of a permanent and general nature might be +revised and rewritten so as to be embraced in one volume (or at most +two volumes) of ordinary and convenient size; and I respectfully +recommend to Congress to consider of the subject, and if my +suggestion be approved to devise such plan as to their wisdom shall +seem most proper for the attainment of the end proposed. + +One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is +the entire suppression in many places of all the ordinary means of +administering civil justice by the officers and in the forms of +existing law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the +insurgent States; and as our armies advance upon and take possession +of parts of those States the practical evil becomes more apparent. +There are no courts or officers to whom the citizens of other States +may apply for the enforcement of their lawful claims against citizens +of the insurgent States, and there is a vast amount of debt +constituting such claims. Some have estimated it as high as +$200,000,000, due in large part from insurgents in open rebellion to +loyal citizens who are even now making great sacrifices in the +discharge of their patriotic duty to support the government. + + +Under these circumstances I have been urgently solicited to +establish, by military power, courts to administer summary justice in +such cases. I have thus far declined to do it, not because I had any +doubt that the end proposed--the collection of the debts--was just +and right in itself, but because I have been unwilling to go beyond +the pressure of necessity in the unusual exercise of power. But the +powers of Congress, I suppose, are equal to the anomalous occasion, +and therefore I refer the whole matter to Congress, with the hope +that a plan maybe devised for the administration of justice in all +such parts of the insurgent States and Territories as may be under +the control of this government, whether by a voluntary return to +allegiance and order or by the power of our arms; this, however, not +to be a permanent institution, but a temporary substitute, and to +cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be reestablished in peace. + +It is important that some more convenient means should be provided, +if possible, for the adjustment of claims against the government, +especially in view of their increased number by reason of the war. +It is as much the duty of government to render prompt justice against +itself in favor of citizens as it is to administer the same between +private individuals. The investigation and adjudication of claims in +their nature belong to the judicial department. Besides, it is +apparent that the attention of Congress will be more than usually +engaged for some time to come with great national questions. It was +intended by the organization of the Court of Claims mainly to remove +this branch of business from the halls of Congress; but, while the +court has proved to be an effective and valuable means of +investigation, it in great degree fails to effect the object of its +creation for want of power to make its judgments final. + +Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger of the subject, I +commend to your careful consideration whether this power of making +judgments final may not properly be given to the court, reserving the +right of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such +other provisions as experience may have shown to be necessary. + +I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster general, the +following being a summary statement of the condition of the +department: + +The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, +1861, including the annual permanent appropriation of $700,000 for +the transportation of "free mail matter," was $9,049,296.40, being +about 2 per cent. less than the revenue for 1860. + +The expenditures were $13,606,759.11, showing a decrease of more than +8 per cent. as compared with those of the previous year and leaving +an excess of expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal year +of $4,557,462.71. + +The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated at +an increase of 4 per cent. on that of 1861, making $8,683,000, to +which should be added the earnings of the department in carrying free +matter, viz., $700,000, making $9,383,000. + +The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,528,000, leaving +an estimated deficiency of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the +treasury in addition to the permanent appropriation. + +The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this +District across the Potomac River at the time of establishing the +capital here was eminently wise, and consequently that the +relinquishment of that portion of it which lies within the State of +Virginia was unwise and dangerous. I submit for your consideration +the expediency of regaining that part of the District and the +restoration of the original boundaries thereof through negotiations +with the State of Virginia. + +The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompanying +documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the +public business pertaining to that department. The depressing +influences of the insurrection have been specially felt in the +operations of the Patent and General Land Offices. The cash receipts +from the sales of public lands during the past year have exceeded the +expenses of our land system only about $200,000. The sales have been +entirely suspended in the Southern States, while the interruptions to +the business of the country and the diversion of large numbers of men +from labor to military service have obstructed settlements in the new +States and Territories of the Northwest. + +The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months about +$100,000.00 rendering a large reduction of the force employed +necessary to make it self-sustaining. + +The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by the +insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the +casualties of the existing war, have already been made. There is +reason to believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls and in +receipt of the bounty of the government are in the ranks of the +insurgent army or giving them aid and comfort. The Secretary of the +Interior has directed a suspension of the payment of the pensions of +such persons upon proof of their disloyalty. I recommend that +Congress authorize that officer to cause the names of such persons to +be stricken from the pension rolls. + +The relations of the government with the Indian tribes have been +greatly disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the southern +superintendency and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south +of Kansas is in the possession of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. +The agents of the United States appointed since the 4th of March for +this superintendency have been unable to reach their posts, while the +most of those who were in office before that time have espoused the +insurrectionary cause, and assume to exercise the powers of agents by +virtue of commissions from the insurrectionists. It has been stated +in the public press that a portion of those Indians have been +organized as a military force and are attached to the army of the +insurgents. Although the government has no official information upon +this subject, letters have been written to the Commissioner of Indian +Affairs by several prominent chiefs giving assurance of their loyalty +to the United States and expressing a wish for the presence of +Federal troops to protect them. It is believed that upon the +repossession of the country by the Federal forces the Indians will +readily cease all hostile demonstrations and resume their former +relations to the government. + +Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not +a department nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in +the government. While it is fortunate that this great interest is so +independent in its nature as not to have demanded and extorted more +from the government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether +something more cannot be given voluntarily with general advantage. + +Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture, commerce, +and manufactures would present a fund of information of great +practical value to the country. While I make no suggestion as to +details, I venture the opinion that an agricultural and statistical +bureau might profitably be organized. + +The execution of the laws for the suppression of the African slave +trade has been confided to the Department of the Interior. It is a +subject of gratulation that the efforts which have been made for the +suppression of this inhuman traffic have been recently attended with +unusual success. Five vessels being fitted out for the slave trade +have been seized and condemned. Two mates of vessels engaged in the +trade and one person in equipping a vessel as a slaver have been +convicted and subjected to the penalty of fine and imprisonment, and +one captain, taken with a cargo of Africans on board his vessel, has +been convicted of the highest grade of offense under our laws, the +punishment of which is death. + +The Territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada, created by the last +Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been +inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying when it is +considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of +these new countries when the Federal officers arrived there. + +The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the +security and protection afforded by organized government, will +doubtless invite to them a large immigration when peace shall restore +the business of the country to its accustomed channels. I submit the +resolutions of the Legislature of Colorado, which evidence the +patriotic spirit of the people of the Territory. So far the +authority of the United States has been upheld in all the +Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the future. I commend +their interests and defense to the enlightened and generous care of +Congress. + +I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the interests +of the District of Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause of +much suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants, and as they have no +representative in Congress that body should not overlook their just +claims upon the government. + +At your late session a joint resolution was adopted authorizing the +President to take measures for facilitating a proper representation +of the industrial interests of the United States at the exhibition of +the industry of all nations to be holden at London in the year 1862. +I regret to say I have been unable to give personal attention to this +subject--a subject at once so interesting in itself and so +extensively and intimately connected with the material prosperity of +the world. Through the Secretaries of State and of the Interior a +plan or system has been devised and partly matured, and which will be +laid before you. + +Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled "An act to +confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved +August 6, 1861, the legal claims of certain persons to the labor and +service of certain other persons have become forfeited, and numbers +of the latter thus liberated are already dependent on the United +States, and must be provided for in some way. Besides this, it is +not impossible that some of the States will pass similar enactments +for their own benefit respectively, and by operation of which persons +of the same class will be thrown upon them for disposal. In such +case I recommend that Congress provide for accepting such persons +from such States, according to some mode of valuation, in lieu, pro +tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed on with +such States respectively; that such persons, on such acceptance by +the General Government, be at once deemed free, and that in any event +steps be taken for colonizing both classes (or the one first +mentioned if the other shall not be brought into existence) at some +place or places in a climate congenial to them. It might be well to +consider, too, whether the free colored people already in the United +States could not, so far as individuals may desire, be included in +such colonization. + +To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of +territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be +expended in the territorial acquisition. Having practised the +acquisition of territory for nearly sixty years, the question of +constitutional power to do so is no longer an open one with us. The +power was questioned at first by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the +purchase of Louisiana, yielded his scruples on the plea of great +expediency. If it be said that the only legitimate object of +acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white men, this measure +effects that object, for emigration of colored men leaves additional +room for white men remaining or coming here. Mr. Jefferson, however, +placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on political and +commercial grounds than on providing room for population. + +On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with +the acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to +absolute necessity--that without which the government itself cannot +be perpetuated? + +The war continues. In considering the policy to be adopted for +suppressing the insurrection I have been anxious and careful that the +inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a +violent and remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have therefore in +every case thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Union +prominent as the primary object of the contest on our part, leaving +all questions which are not of vital military importance to the more +deliberate action of the Legislature. + +In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the blockade +of the ports held by the insurgents, instead of putting in force by +proclamation the law of Congress enacted at the late session for +closing those ports. + +So also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well as the obligations +of law, instead of transcending I have adhered to the act of Congress +to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new +law upon the same subject shall be proposed, its propriety will be +duly considered. The Union must be preserved, and hence all +indispensable means must be employed. We should not be in haste to +determine that radical and extreme measures, which may reach the +loyal as well as the disloyal, are indispensable. + +The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration and the +message to Congress at the late special session were both mainly +devoted to topics domestic controversy out of which the insurrection +and consequent war have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add or +subtract to or from the principles or general purposes stated and +expressed in those documents. + +The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expired at +the assault upon Fort Sumter, and a general review of what has +occurred since may not be unprofitable. What was painfully uncertain +then is much better defined and more distinct now, and the progress +of events is plainly in the right direction. The insurgents +confidently claimed a strong support from north of Mason and Dixon's +line, and the friends of the Union were not free from apprehension on +the point. This, however, was soon settled definitely, and on the +right side. South of the line noble little Delaware led off right +from the first. Maryland was made to seem against the Union. Our +soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and railroads torn up +within her limits, and we were many days at one time without the +ability to bring a single regiment over her soil to the capital. Now +her bridges and railroads are repaired and open to the government; +she already gives seven regiments to the cause of the Union, and none +to the enemy; and her people, at a regular election, have sustained +the Union by a larger majority and a larger aggregate vote than they +ever before gave to any candidate or any question. Kentucky, too, +for some time in doubt, is now decidedly and, I think, unchangeably +ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri is comparatively quiet, +and, I believe, can, not again be overrun by the insurrectionists. +These three States of Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, neither of +which would promise a single soldier at first, have now an aggregate +of not less than forty thousand in the field for the Union, while of +their citizens certainly not more than a third of that number, and +they of doubtful whereabouts and doubtful existence, are in arms +against us. After a somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter +closes on the Union people of western Virginia, leaving them masters +of their own country. + +An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months dominating +the narrow peninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac and +Northampton, and known as Eastern Shore of Virginia, together with +some contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms, and the +people there have renewed their allegiance to and accepted the +protection of the old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist +north of the Potomac or east of the Chesapeake. + +Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points on the +southern coast of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island (near Savannah), +and Ship Island; and we likewise have some general accounts of +popular movements in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and +Tennessee. + +These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing +steadily and certainly southward. + +Since your last adjournment Lieutenant-General Scott has retired from +the head of the army. During his long life the nation has not been +unmindful of his merit; yet on calling to mind how faithfully, ably, +and brilliantly he has served the country, from a time far back in +our history, when few of the now living had been born, and +thenceforward continually, I cannot but think we are still his +debtors. I submit, therefore, for your consideration what further +mark of recognition is due to him, and to ourselves as a grateful +people. + +With the retirement of General Scott came the Executive duty of +appointing in his stead a general-in-chief of the army. It is a +fortunate circumstance that neither in council nor country was there, +so far as I know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person +to be selected. The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment +in favor of General McClellan for the position, and in this the +nation seemed to give a unanimous concurrence. The designation of +General McClellan is therefore in considerable degree the selection +of the country as well as of the Executive, and hence there is better +reason to hope there will be given him the confidence and cordial +support thus by fair implication promised, and without which he +cannot with so full efficiency serve the country. + +It has been said that one bad general is better than two good ones, +and the saying is true if taken to mean no more than that an army is +better directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two +superior ones at variance and cross-purposes with each other. + +And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged +can have none but a common end in view and can differ only as to the +choice of means. In a storm at sea no one on hoard can wish the ship +to sink, and yet not unfrequently all go down together because too +many will direct and no single mind can be allowed to control. + +It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not +exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government-- +the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in +the most grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as +in the general tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find +the abridgment of the existing right of suffrage and the denial to +the people of all right to participate in the selection of public +officers except the legislative boldly advocated, with labored +arguments to prove that large control of the people in government is +the source of all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes +hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people. + +In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit +raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. +It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be +made in favor of popular institutions, but there is one point, with +its connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a +brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal +footing with, if not above, labor in the structure of government. It +is assumed that labor is available only in connection with capital; +that nobody labors unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow by +the use of it induces him to labor. This assumed, it is next +considered whether it is best that capital shall hire laborers, and +thus induce them to work by their own consent, or buy them and drive +them to it without their consent. Having proceeded so far, it is +naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers or +what we call slaves. And further, it is assumed that whoever is once +a hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life. + +Now there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed, +nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the +condition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and +all inferences from them are groundless. + +Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the +fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first +existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the +higher consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of +protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and +probably always will be, a relation between labor and capital +producing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole +labor of community exists within that relation. A few men own +capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and with their capital +hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong +to neither class--neither work for others nor have others working for +them. In most of the Southern States a majority of the whole people +of all colors are neither slaves nor masters, while in the Northern a +large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men, with their +families--wives, sons, and daughters,--work for themselves on their +farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product +to themselves, and asking no favors of capital on the one hand nor of +hired laborers or slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a +considerable number of persons mingle their own labor with capital; +that is, they labor with their own hands and also buy or hire others +to labor for them; but this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. +No principle stated is disturbed by the existence of this mixed +class. + +Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such +thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for +life. Many independent men everywhere in these States a few years +back in their lives were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless +beginner in the world labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with +which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors on his own +account another while, and at length hires another new beginner to +help him. This is the just and generous and prosperous system which +opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and consequent energy and +progress and improvement of condition to all. No men living are more +worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty; none less +inclined to take or touch aught which they have not honestly earned. +Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they already +possess, and which if surrendered will surely be used to close the +door of advancement against such as they and to fix new disabilities +and burdens upon them till all of liberty shall be lost. + +>From the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy +years, and we find our population at the end of the period eight +times as great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those +other things which men deem desirable has been even greater. We thus +have at one view what the popular principle, applied to government +through the machinery of the States and the Union, has produced in a +given time, and also what if firmly maintained it promises for the +future. There are already among us those who if the Union be +preserved will live to see it contain 200,000,000. The struggle of +to-day is not altogether for to-day; it is for a vast future also. +With a reliance on Providence all the more firm and earnest, let us +proceed in the great task which events have devolved upon us. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, December 20, 1861. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a letter from the secretary of the executive +committee of the commission appointed to represent the interests of +those American citizens who may desire to become exhibitors at the +industrial exhibition to be held in London in 1862, and a memorial of +that commission, with a report of the executive committee thereof and +copies of circulars announcing the decisions of Her Majesty's +commissioners in London, giving directions to be observed in regard +to articles intended for exhibition, and also of circular forms of +application, demands for space, approvals, etc., according to the +rules prescribed by the British commissioners. + +As these papers fully set forth the requirements necessary to enable +those citizens of the United States who may wish to become exhibitors +to avail themselves of the privileges of the exhibition, I commend +them to your early consideration, especially in view of the near +approach of the time when the exhibition will begin. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER OF REPRIMAND TO GENERAL HUNTER + +TO GENERAL HUNTER. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +Dec.31, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 23d is received, and I am constrained to say +it is difficult to answer so ugly a letter in good temper. I am, as +you intimate, losing much of the great confidence I placed in you, +not from any act or omission of yours touching the public service, up +to the time you were sent to Leavenworth, but from the flood of +grumbling despatches and letters I have seen from you since. I knew +you were being ordered to Leavenworth at the time it was done; and I +aver that with as tender a regard for your honor and your +sensibilities as I had for my own, it never occurred to me that you +were being "humiliated, insulted, and disgraced"; nor have I, up to +this day, heard an intimation that you have been wronged, coming from +any one but yourself. No one has blamed you for the retrograde +movement from Springfield, nor for the information you gave General +Cameron; and this you could readily understand, if it were not for +your unwarranted assumption that the ordering you to Leavenworth must +necessarily have been done as a punishment for some fault. I thought +then, and think yet, the position assigned to you is as responsible, +and as honorable, as that assigned to Buell--I know that General +McClellan expected more important results from it. My impression is +that at the time you were assigned to the new Western Department, it +had not been determined to replace General Sherman in Kentucky; but +of this I am not certain, because the idea that a command in Kentucky +was very desirable, and one in the farther West undesirable, had +never occurred to me. You constantly speak of being placed in +command of only 3000. Now, tell me, is this not mere impatience? +Have you not known all the while that you are to command four or five +times that many. + +I have been, and am sincerely your friend; and if, as such, I dare to +make a suggestion, I would say you are adopting the best possible way +to ruin yourself. "Act well your part, there all the honor lies." He +who does something at the head of one regiment, will eclipse him who +does nothing at the head of a hundred. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HALLECK. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., December 31, 1861 + +GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + +General McClellan is sick. Are General Buell and yourself in +concert? When he moves on Bowling Green, what hinders it being +reinforced from Columbus? A simultaneous movement by you on Columbus +might prevent it. + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Similar despatch to Buell same date.] + + + + + + +1862 + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +WASHINGTON CITY, January 1, 1862 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL, Louisville: + +General McClellan should not yet be disturbed with business. I think +you better get in concert with General Halleck at once. I write you +to-night. I also telegraph and write Halleck. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, January 1, 1862 + +DEAR GENERAL HALLECK: + +General McClellan is not dangerously ill, as I hope, but would better +not be disturbed with business. I am very anxious that, in case of +General Buell's moving toward Nashville, the enemy shall not be +greatly reinforced, and I think there is danger he will be from +Columbus. It seems to me that a real or feigned attack upon Columbus +from up the river at the same time would either prevent this or +compensate for it by throwing Columbus into our hands. I wrote +General Buell a letter similar to this, meaning that he and you shall +communicate and act in concert, unless it be your judgment and his +that there is no necessity for it. You and he will understand much +better than I how to do it. Please do not lose time in this matter. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND, + +In view of the recent declaration of the people of Maryland of their +adhesion to the Union, so distinctly made in their recent election, +the President directs that all the prisoners who having heretofore +been arrested in that State are now detained in military custody by +the President's authority, be released from their imprisonment on the +following conditions, namely: that if they were holding any civil or +military offices when arrested, the terms of which have expired, they +shall not resume or reclaim such office; and secondly, all persons +availing themselves of this proclamation shall engage by oath or +parole of honor to maintain the Union and the Constitution of the +United States, and in no way to aid or abet by arms, counsel, +conversation, or information of any kind the existing insurrection +against the Government of the United States. + +To guard against misapprehension it is proper to state that this +proclamation does not apply to prisoners of war. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 2, 1862 + +To THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES + +I transmit to Congress a copy of a letter to the Secretary of State +from James R. Partridge, secretary to the executive committee to the +in exhibition to be held in London in the course present year, and a +copy of the correspond which it refers, relative to a vessel for the +of taking such articles as persons in this country may wish to +exhibit on that occasion. As it appears no naval vessel can be spared +for the purpose, I recommend that authority be given to charter a +suitable merchant vessel, in order that facilities similar to those +afforded by the government exhibition of 1851 may also be extended to +citizens of the United States who may desire to contribute to the +exhibition of this year. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + + + + +MESSAGES OF DISAPPOINTMENT WITH HIS GENERALS + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +WASHINGTON, January 4, 1862. + +GENERAL BUELL: + +Have arms gone forward for East Tennessee? Please tell me the +progress and condition of the movement in that direction. Answer. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +January 6, 1862. + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your despatch of yesterday has been received, and it +disappoints and distresses me. I have shown it to General McClellan, +who says he will write you to-day. I am not competent to criticize +your views, and therefore what I offer is in justification of myself. +Of the two, I would rather have a point on the railroad south of +Cumberland Gap than Nashville. First, because it cuts a great artery +of the enemy's communication, which Nashville does not; and secondly, +because it is in the midst of loyal people who would rally around it, +while Nashville is not. Again, I cannot see why the movement on East +Tennessee would not be a diversion in your favor rather than a +disadvantage, assuming that a movement toward Nashville is the main +object. But my distress is that our friends in East Tennessee are +being hanged and driven to despair, and even now, I fear, are +thinking of taking rebel arms for the sake of personal protection. +In this we lose the most valuable stake we have in the South. My +despatch, to which yours is an answer, was sent with the knowledge of +Senator Johnson and Representative Maynard of East Tennessee, and +they will be upon me to know the answer, which I cannot safely show +them. They would despair, possibly resign to go and save their +families somehow, or die with them. I do not intend this to be an +order in any sense, but merely, as intimated before, to show you the +grounds of my anxiety. + +Yours very truly, + + A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUELL. + +WASHINGTON, January 7, 1862. + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL D.C. BUELL, Louisville: + +Please name as early a day as you safely can on or before which you +can be ready to move southward in concert with Major-General Halleck. +Delay is ruining us, and it is indispensable for me to have something +definite. I send a like despatch to Major-General Halleck. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 10, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the +minister of his Majesty the Emperor of Austria accredited to this +government, and a copy of a note to that minister from the Secretary +of State relative to the questions involved in the taking from the +British steamer Trent of certain citizens of the United States by +order of Captain Wilkes of the United States Navy. This +correspondence may be considered as a sequel to that previously +communicated to Congress relating to the same subject. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GENERAL HALLECK, +JANUARY 10, 1862. + +HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSOURI +ST. Louis, January 6, 1862. + +To His EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT: + +In reply to your Excellency's letter of the 1st instant, I have to +state that on receiving your telegram I immediately communicated with +General Buell and have since sent him all the information I could +obtain of the enemy's movements about Columbus and Camp Beauregard. +No considerable force has been sent from those places to Bowling +Green. They have about 22,000 men at Columbus, and the place is +strongly fortified. I have at Cairo, Port Holt, and Paducah only +about 15,000, which, after leaving guards at these places, would give +me but little over 10,000 men with which to assist General Buell. It +would be madness to attempt anything serious with such a force, and I +cannot at the present time withdraw any from Missouri without risking +the loss of this State. The troops recently raised in other States +of this department have, without my knowledge, been sent to Kentucky +and Kansas. + +I am satisfied that the authorities at Washington do not appreciate +the difficulties with which we have to contend here. The operations +of Lane, Jennison, and others have so enraged the people of Missouri +that it is estimated that there is a majority of 8o,ooo against the +government. We are virtually in an enemy's country. Price and +others have a considerable army in the southwest, against which I am +operating with all my available force. + +This city and most of the middle and northern counties are +insurrectionary,--burning bridges, destroying telegraph lines, etc.,- +-and can be kept down only by the presence of troops. A large +portion of the foreign troops organized by General Fremont are +unreliable; indeed, many of them are already mutinous. They have +been tampered with by politicians, and made to believe that if they +get up a mutiny and demand Fremont's return the government will be +forced to restore him to duty here. It is believed that some high +officers are in the plot I have already been obliged to disarm +several of these organizations, and I am daily expecting more serious +outbreaks. Another grave difficulty is the want of proper general +officers to command the troops and enforce order and discipline, and +especially to protect public property from robbery and plunder. Some +of the brigadier-generals assigned to this department are entirely +ignorant of their duties and unfit for any command. I assure you, +Mr. President, it is very difficult to accomplish much with such +means. I am in the condition of a carpenter who is required to build +a bridge with a dull axe, a broken saw, and rotten timber. It is +true that I have some very good green timber, which will answer the +purpose as soon as I can get it into shape and season it a little. + +I know nothing of General Buell's intended operations, never having +received any information in regard to the general plan of campaign. +If it be intended that his column shall move on Bowling Green while +another moves from Cairo or Paducah on Columbus or Camp Beauregard, +it will be a repetition of the same strategic error which produced +the disaster of Bull Run. To operate on exterior lines against an +enemy occupying a central position will fail, as it always has +failed, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred. It is condemned by +every military authority I have ever read. + +General Buell's army and the forces at Paducah occupy precisely the +same position in relation to each other and to the enemy as did the +armies of McDowell and Patterson before the battle of Bull Run. + +Very respectfully, your obedient servant, + +H. W. HALLECK, Major-General + + +[Indorsement] + +The within is a copy of a letter just received from General Halleck. +It is exceedingly discouraging. As everywhere else, nothing can be +done. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR ANDREW. + +WASHINGTON, D. C., +January 11, 1862 + +GOVERNOR JOHN A. ANDREW, Boston: + +I will be greatly obliged if you will arrange; somehow with General +Butler to officer his two un-officered regiments. + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 13, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + +MY DEAR SIR -Your despatch of yesterday is received, in which you +say, "I received your letter and General McClellan's, and will at +once devote my efforts to your views and his." In the midst of my +many cares I have not seen, nor asked to see, General McClellan's +letter to you. For my own views, I have not offered and do not now +offer them as orders; and while I am glad to have them respectfully +considered, I would blame you to follow them contrary to your own +clear judgment, unless I should put them in the form of orders. As +to General McClellan's views, you understand your duty in regard to +them better than I do. + +With this preliminary I state my general idea of this war to be, that +we have the greater numbers and the enemy has the greater facility of +concentrating forces upon points of collision; that we must fail +unless we can find some way of making our advantage an overmatch for +his; and that this can only be done by menacing him with superior +forces at different points at the same time, so that we can safely +attack one or both if he makes no change; and if he weakens one to +strengthen the other, forbear to attack the strengthened one, but +seize and hold the weakened one, gaining so much. + +To illustrate: Suppose last summer, when Winchester ran away to +reinforce Manassas, we had forborne to attack Manassas, but had +seized and held Winchester. I mention this to illustrate and not to +criticise. I did not lose confidence in McDowell, and I think less +harshly of Patterson than some others seem to. . . . Applying the +principle to your case, my idea is that Halleck shall menace Columbus +and "down river" generally, while you menace Bowling Green and East +Tennessee. If the enemy shall concentrate at Bowling Green, do not +retire from his front, yet do not fight him there either, but seize +Columbus and East Tennessee, one or both, left exposed by the +concentration at Bowling Green. It is a matter of no small anxiety +to me, and which I am sure you will not overlook, that the East +Tennessee line is so long and over so bad a road. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + +(Indorsement.) + +Having to-day written General Buell a letter, it occurs to me to send +General Halleck a copy of it. +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 1 , 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The Germans are true and patriotic and so far as they +have got cross in Missouri it is upon mistake and misunderstanding. +Without a knowledge of its contents, Governor Koerner, of Illinois, +will hand you this letter. He is an educated and talented German +gentleman, as true a man as lives. With his assistance you can set +everything right with the Germans. . . . My clear judgment is +that, with reference to the German element in your command, you +should have Governor Koerner with you; and if agreeable to you and +him, I will make him a brigadier-general, so that he can afford to +give his time. He does not wish to command in the field, though he +has more military knowledge than some who do. If he goes into the +place, he will simply be an efficient, zealous, and unselfish +assistant to you. I say all this upon intimate personal acquaintance +with Governor Koerner. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 17, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the +minister of his Majesty the King of Prussia accredited to this +government, and a copy of a note to that minister from the Secretary +of State relating to the capture and detention of certain citizens of +the United States, passengers on board the British steamer Trent, by +order of Captain Wilkes of the United States Navy. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + + + + +TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. + +January 20, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, + +Commanding Armies of the United States: + +You or any officer you may designate will in your discretion suspend +the writ of habeas corpus so far as may relate to Major Chase, lately +of the Engineer Corps of the Army of the United States, now alleged +to be guilty of treasonable practices against this government. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO. 1 + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON , January 27, 1862. + +Ordered, That the 22d day of February, 1862, be the day for a general +movement of the land and the naval forces of the United States +against the insurgent forces. + +That especially the army at and about Fortress Monroe, the Army of +the Potomac, the Army of Western Virginia, the army near +Munfordville, Kentucky, the army and flotilla at Cairo, and a naval +force in the Gulf of Mexico, be ready for a movement on that day. + +That all other forces, both land and naval, with their respective +commanders, obey existing orders for the time, and be ready to obey +additional orders when duly given. + +That the heads of departments, and especially the Secretaries of War +and of the Navy, with all their subordinates, and the +General-in-chief, with all other commanders and subordinates of land +and naval forces, will severally be held to their strict and full +responsibilities for the prompt execution of this order. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY STANTON, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--It is my wish that the expedition commonly called the +"Lane Expedition" shall be, as much as has been promised at the +adjutant-general's office, under the supervision of General +McClellan, and not any more. I have not intended, and do not now +intend, that it shall be a great, exhausting affair, but a snug, +sober column of 10,000 or 15,000. General Lane has been told by me +many times that he is under the command of General Hunter, and +assented to it as often as told. It was the distinct agreement +between him and me, when I appointed him, that he was to be under +Hunter. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO. 1. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862. + +Ordered, That all the disposable force of the Army of the Potomac, +after providing safely for the defence of Washington, be formed into +an expedition for the immediate object of seizing and occupying a +point upon the railroad southwestward of what is known as Manassas +Junction, all details to be in the discretion of the +commander-in-chief, and the expedition to move before or on the 22d +day of February next. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +OPPOSITION TO McCLELLAN'S PLANS + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL MCCLELLAN. + +DEAR SIR -You and I have distinct and different plans for a movement +of the Army of the Potomac--yours to be down the Chesapeake, up the +Rappahannock to Urbana, and across land to the terminus of the +railroad on the York River; mine to move directly to a point on the +railroad southwest of Manassas. + +If you will give me satisfactory answers to the following questions, +I shall gladly yield my plan to yours. + +First. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of +time and money than mine? + +Second. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan than mine? + +Third. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine? + +Fourth. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it +would break no great line of the enemy's communications, while mine +would? + +Fifth. In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult by +your plan than mine? + +Yours truly, +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +Memorandum accompanying Letter of President Lincoln to General +McClellan, dated February 3,1862. + +First. Suppose the enemy should attack us in force before we reach +the Occoquan, what? + +Second. Suppose the enemy in force shall dispute the crossing of the +Occoquan, what? In view of this, might it not be safest for us to +cross the Occoquan at Coichester, rather than at the village of +Occoquan? This would cost the enemy two miles of travel to meet us, +but would, on the contrary, leave us two miles farther from our +ultimate +destination. + +Third. Suppose we reach Maple Valley without an attack, will we not +be attacked there in force by the enemy marching by the several roads +from Manassas; and if so, what? + + + + +TO WM. H. HERNDON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, +February 3, 1862. + +DEAR WILLIAM:--Yours of January 30th just received. Do just as you +say about the money matter. + +As you well know, I have not time to write a letter of respectable +length. God bless you, says + +Your friend, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +RESPITE FOR NATHANIEL GORDON + +February 4, 1862 + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, +PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, +To all to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting: + +Whereas it appears that at a term of the Circuit Court of the United +States of America for the Southern District of New York held in the +month of November, A.D. 1861, Nathaniel Gordon was indicted and +convicted for being engaged in the slave trade, and was by the said +court sentenced to be put to death by hanging by the neck, on Friday +the 7th day of February, AD. 1862: + +And whereas a large number of respectable citizens have earnestly +besought me to commute the said sentence of the said Nathaniel Gordon +to a term of imprisonment for life, which application I have felt it +to be my duty to refuse: + +And whereas it has seemed to me probable that the unsuccessful +application made for the commutation of his sentence may have +prevented the said Nathaniel Gordon from making the necessary +preparation for the awful change which awaits him; + +Now, therefore, be it known, that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of +the United States of America, have granted and do hereby grant unto +him, the said Nathaniel Gordon, a respite of the above recited +sentence, until Friday the twenty-first day of February, A.D. 1862, +between the hours of twelve o'clock at noon and three o'clock in the +afternoon of the said day, when the said sentence shall be executed. + +In granting this respite, it becomes my painful duty to admonish the +prisoner that, relinquishing all expectation of pardon by human +authority, he refer himself alone to the mercy of the common God and +Father of all men. + +In testimony whereof I have hereunto signed my name and caused the +seal of the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the City of Washington, this fourth day of February, A.D. +1862, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +WASHINGTON CITY, February 4. 1862 + +To THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of +the Navy," approved December 21, 1862, provides: + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the +retired list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single +ships such officers as he may believe that the good of the service +requires to be thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon +the recommendation of the President of the United States they shall +receive a vote of thanks of Congress for their services and gallantry +in action against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not +otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, +was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in +command of the squadron which recently rendered such important +service to the Union in the expedition to the coast of South +Carolina. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully +correspond with the intention of the law, or be more pregnant with +happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain +Samuel F. Du Pont receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his +services and gallantry displayed in the capture of Forts Walker and +Beauregard, commanding the entrance of Port Royal Harbor, on the 7th +of November, 1861. +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERALS D. HUNTER AND J. H. LANE. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, FEBRUARY 4, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER AND BRIGADIER-GENERAL LANE, +Leavenworth, Kansas: + +My wish has been and is to avail the government of the services of +both General Hunter and General Lane, and, so far as possible, to +personally oblige both. General Hunter is the senior officer, and +must command when they serve together; though in so far as he can +consistently with the public service and his own honor oblige General +Lane, he will also oblige me. If they cannot come to an amicable +understanding, General Lane must report to General Hunter for duty, +according to the rules, or decline the service. +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 1, RELATING TO POLITICAL +PRISONERS. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, +February 14,1862. + +The breaking out of a formidable insurrection based on a conflict of +political ideas, being an event without precedent in the United +States, was necessarily attended by great confusion and perplexity of +the public mind. Disloyalty before unsuspected suddenly became bold, +and treason astonished the world by bringing at once into the field +military forces superior in number to the standing army of the United +States. + +Every department of the government was paralyzed by treason. +Defection appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in +the Cabinet, in the Federal courts; ministers and consuls returned +from foreign countries to enter the insurrectionary councils of land +or naval forces; commanding and other officers of the army and in the +navy betrayed our councils or deserted their posts for commands in +the insurgent forces. Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the +post-office service, as well as in the Territorial governments and in +the Indian reserves. + +Not only governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in +the States, but even whole States rushed one after another with +apparent unanimity into rebellion. The capital was besieged and its +connection with all the States cut off. Even in the portions of the +country which were most loyal, political combinations and secret +societies were formed furthering tile work of disunion, while, from +motives of disloyalty or cupidity or from excited passions or +perverted sympathies, individuals were found furnishing men, money, +and materials of war and supplies to the insurgents' military and +naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications, navy yards, arsenals, +military posts, and garrisons one after another were betrayed or +abandoned to the insurgents. + +Congress had not anticipated, and so had not provided for, the +emergency. The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. +The judicial machinery seemed as if it had been designed, not to +sustain the government, but to embarrass and betray it. + +Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by +the abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has only been +prevented by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the +most perfect moderation, in our intercourse with nations. + +The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately not +distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the +Federal Government, which one year before had been thought a model +worthy of universal acceptance, had indeed the ability to defend and +maintain itself. + +Some reverses, which, perhaps, were unavoidable, suffered by newly +levied and inefficient forces, discouraged the loyal and gave new +hopes to the insurgents. Voluntary enlistments seemed about to cease +and desertions commenced. Parties speculated upon the question +whether conscription had not become necessary to fill up the armies +of the United States. + +In this emergency the President felt it his duty to employ with +energy the extraordinary powers which the Constitution confides to +him in cases of insurrection. He called into the field such military +and naval forces, unauthorized by the existing laws, as seemed +necessary. He directed measures to prevent the use of the post- +office for treasonable correspondence. He subjected passengers to +and from foreign countries to new passport regulations, and he +instituted a blockade, suspended the writ of habeas corpus in various +places, and caused persons who were represented to him as being or +about to engage in disloyal and treasonable practices to be arrested +by special civil as well as military agencies and detained in +military custody when necessary to prevent them and deter others from +such practices. Examinations of such cases were instituted, and some +of the persons so arrested have been discharged from time to time +under circumstances or upon conditions compatible, as was thought, +with the public safety. + +Meantime a favorable change of public opinion has occurred. The line +between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly defined. The whole +structure of the government is firm and stable. Apprehension of +public danger and facilities for treasonable practices have +diminished with the passions which prompted heedless persons to adopt +them. The insurrection is believed to have culminated and to be +declining. + +The President, in view of these facts, and anxious to favor a return +to the normal course of the administration as far as regard for the +public welfare will allow, directs that all political prisoners or +state prisoners now held in military custody be released on their +subscribing to a parole engaging them to render no aid or comfort to +the enemies in hostility to the United States. + +The Secretary of War will, however, in his discretion, except from +the effect of this order any persons detained as spies in the service +of the insurgents, or others whose release at the present moment may +be deemed incompatible with the public safety. + +To all persons who shall be so released, and who shall keep their +parole, the President grants an amnesty for any past offences of +treason or disloyalty which they may have comminuted. + +Extraordinary arrests will hereafter be made under the direction of +the military authorities alone. + +By order of the President +EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. +WASHINGTON CITY, February 15, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES: +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of +the Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the +retired list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single +ships such officers as he may believe that the good of the service +requires to be thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon +the recommendation of the President of the United States they shall +receive a vote of thanks of Congress for their services and gallantry +in action against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not +otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Louis M. Goldsborough, of the +navy, was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer +in command of the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron, which recently +rendered such important service to the Union in the expedition to the +coast of North Carolina. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully +correspond with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with +happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain +Louis M. Goldsborough receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his +services and gallantry displayed in the combined attack of the forces +commanded by him and Brigadier-General Burnside in the capture of +Roanoke Island and the destruction of rebel gunboats On the 7th, 8th, +and 10th of February, 1862. +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +FIRST WRITTEN NOTICE OF GRANT + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +February 16, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + +You have Fort Donelson safe, unless Grant shall be overwhelmed from +outside; to prevent which latter will, I think, require all the +vigilance, energy, and skill of yourself and Buell, acting in full +co-operation. Columbus will not get at Grant, but the force from +Bowling Green will. They hold the railroad from Bowling Green to +within a few miles of Fort Donelson, with the bridge at Clarksville +undisturbed. It is unsafe to rely that they will not dare to expose +Nashville to Buell. A small part of their force can retire slowly +toward Nashville, breaking up the railroad as they go, and keep Buell +out of that city twenty days. Meanwhile Nashville will be abundantly +defended by forces from all South and perhaps from hers at Manassas. +Could not a cavalry force from General Thomas on the upper Cumberland +dash across, almost unresisted, and cut the railroad at or near +Knoxville, Tennessee? In the midst 6f a bombardment at Fort +Donelson, why could not a gunboat run up and destroy the bridge at +Clarksville? Our success or failure at Fort Donelson is vastly +important, and I beg you to put your soul in the effort. I send a +copy of this to Buell. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 2.--IN RELATION TO STATE PRISONERS. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, +FEBRUARY 27, 1862 + +It is ordered: + +First. That a special commission of two persons, one of military +rank and the other in civil life, be appointed to examine the cases +of the state prisoners remaining in the military custody of the +United States, and to determine whether in view of the public Safety +and the existing rebellion they should be discharged, or remain in +military custody, or be remitted to the civil tribunals for trial. + +Second. That Major-General John A. Dix, commanding in Baltimore, and +the HON. Edwards Pierrepont, of New York, be, and they are hereby, +appointed commissioners for the purpose above mentioned; and they are +authorized to examine, hear, and determine the cases aforesaid ex +parte and in a summary manner, at such times and places as in their +discretion they may appoint, and make full report to the War +Department. + +By order of the President +EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + + + + +ORDER RELATING TO COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE. + +Considering that the existing circumstances of the country allow a +partial restoration of commercial intercourse between the inhabitants +of those parts of the United States heretofore declared to be in +insurrection and the citizens of the loyal States of the Union, and +exercising the authority and discretion confided to me by the act of +Congress, approved July 13, 1861, entitled "An act further to provide +for the collection of duties on imports, and for other purposes," I +hereby license and permit such commercial intercourse in all cases +within the rules and regulations which have been or may be prescribed +by the Secretary of the Treasury for conducting and carrying on the +same on the inland waters arid ways of the United States. + +WASHINGTON, February 28, 1862. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +SPEECH TO THE PERUVIAN MINISTER, + +WASHINGTON, D. C., +MARCH 4, 1862 + +The United States have no enmities, animosities, or rivalries, and no +interests which conflict with the welfare, safety, and rights or +interests of any other nation. Their own prosperity, happiness, and +aggrandizement are sought most safely and advantageously through the +preservation not only of peace on their own part, but peace among all +other nations. But while the United States are thus a friend to all +other nations, they do not seek to conceal the fact that they cherish +especial sentiments of friendship for, and sympathies with, those +who, like themselves, have founded their institutions on the +principle of the equal rights of men; and such nations being more +prominently neighbors of the United States, the latter are +co-operating with them in establishing civilization and culture on +the American continent. Such being the general principles which +govern the United States in their foreign relations, you may be +assured, sir, that in all things this government will deal justly, +frankly, and, if it be possible, even liberally with Peru, whose +liberal sentiments toward us you have so kindly expressed. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS RECOMMENDING COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION. + +March 6, 1862 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:-- +I recommend the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable +bodies which shall be substantially as follows: + +"Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State +which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State +pecuniary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to +compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by +such change of system." + +If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the +approval of Congress and the country, there is the end; but if it +does command such approval, I deem it of importance that the States +and people immediately interested should be at once distinctly +notified of the fact, so that they may begin to consider whether to +accept or reject it. The Federal Government would find its highest +interest in such a measure, as one of the most efficient means of +self-preservation. The leaders of the existing insurrection +entertain the hope that this government will ultimately be forced to +acknowledge the independence of some part of the disaffected region, +and that all the slave States north of such part will then say, "The +Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we now choose +to go with the Southern section." To deprive them of this hope +substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipation +completely deprives them of it as to all the States initiating it. +The point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would very +soon, if at all, initiate emancipation; but that, while the offer is +equally made to all, the more northern shall by such initiation make +it certain to the more southern that in no event will the former ever +join the latter in their proposed confederacy. I say "initiation" +because, in my judgment, gradual and not sudden emancipation is +better for all. In the mere financial or pecuniary view, any member +of Congress with the census tables and treasury reports before him +can readily see for himself how very soon the current expenditures of +this war would purchase, at fair valuation, all the slaves in any +named State. Such a proposition on the part of the General +Government sets up no claim of a right by Federal authority to +interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as it does, +the absolute control of the subject in each case to the State and its +people immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of +perfectly free choice with them. + +In the annual message last December, I thought fit to say, "The Union +must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be +employed." I said this not hastily, but deliberately. War has been +made and continues to be an indispensable means to this end. A +practical reacknowledgment of the national authority would render the +war unnecessary, and it would at once cease. If, however, resistance +continues, the war must also continue; and it is impossible to +foresee all the incidents which may attend and all the ruin which may +follow it. Such as may seem indispensable or may obviously promise +great efficiency toward ending the struggle must and will come. + +The proposition now made (though an offer only), I hope it may be +esteemed no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration +tendered would not be of more value to the States and private persons +concerned than are the institution and property in it in the present +aspect of affairs. + +While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would +be merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it +is recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important +practical results. In full view of my great responsibility to my God +and to my country, I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the +people to the subject. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GOVERNOR YATES. + +STATE OF ILLINOIS, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., March 1, 1862 + +HON. EDWIN M. STANTON, +SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington, D. C. + +SIR:--The government at my special request a few months since +contracted for fourteen batteries of the James rifled gun, 6-pounder +calibre, and a limited quantity of the James projectiles, weighing +about fourteen pounds each. The reports showing the superiority of +this gun and projectile, both as regards range, accuracy, and +execution, for field service over that of all others at the battle of +Fort Donelson, leads me to request that there be furnished to the +State of Illinois in the shortest time practicable seven batteries of +12-pounder calibre James rifled guns, with carriages, harness, +implements, etc., complete and ready for field service, together with +the following fixed ammunition to each gun, viz., 225 shells, 225 +canister, and 50 solid projectiles, weighing about 24 pounds each, +and also 200 shells, 100 canister, and 100 solid projectiles for each +of the guns of the fourteen batteries named above, weighing about +14 pounds each, all to be of the James model. + +Very respectfully, + +RICHARD YATES, +Governor of Illinois. + +[Indorsement.] + +March 8, 1862. + +The within is from the Governor of Illinois. I understand the seven +additional batteries now sought are to be 6-gun batteries, and the +object is to mix them with the fourteen batteries they already have +so as to make each battery consist of four 6-pounders and two +12-pounders. I shall be very glad to have the requisition filled if +it can be without detriment to the service. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.2. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON + +March 8, 1862. + +Ordered: +1. That the major-general commanding the Army of the Potomac proceed +forthwith to organize that part of the said army destined to enter +upon active operations (including the reserve, but excluding the +troops to be left in the fortifications about Washington) into four +army corps, to be commanded according to seniority of rank, as +follows: + +First Corps to consist of four divisions, and to be commanded by +Major-General I. McDowell. +Second Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be commanded by +Brigadier-General E. V. Sumner. +Third Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be commanded by +Brigadier-General S. P. Heintzelman. +Fourth Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be commanded by +Brigadier-General E. D. Keyes. + +2. That the divisions now commanded by the officers above assigned +to the commands of army corps shall be embraced in and form part of +their respective corps. + +3. The forces left for the defense of Washington will be placed in +command of Brigadier-General James S. Wadsworth, who shall also be +military governor of the District of Columbia. + +4. That this order be executed with such promptness and dispatch as +not to delay the commencement of the operations already directed to +be underwritten by the Army of the Potomac. + +5. A fifth army corps, to be commanded by Major general N. P. Banks, +will be formed from his own and General Shields's (late General +Lander's) divisions. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 8,1862 + +Ordered: That no change of the base of operations of the Army of the +Potomac shall be made without leaving in and about Washington such a +force as in the opinion of the general-in-chief and the commanders of +all the army corps shall leave said city entirely secure. + +That no more than two army corps (about 50,000 troops) of said Army +of the Potomac shall be moved en route for a new base of operations +until the navigation of the Potomac from Washington to the Chesapeake +Bay shall be freed from enemy's batteries and other obstructions, or +until the President shall hereafter give express permission. + +That any movements as aforesaid en route for a new base of operations +which may be ordered by the general-in-chief, and which may be +intended to move upon the Chesapeake Bay, shall begin to move upon +the bay as early as the 18th day of March instant, and the +general-in-chief shall be responsible that it so move as early as +that day. + +Ordered, That the army and navy co-operate in an immediate effort to +capture the enemy's batteries upon the Potomac between Washington and +the Chesapeake Bay. + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +MEMORANDUM OF AN INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME BORDER +SLAVE STATE REPRESENTATIVES, BY HON. J. W. CRISFIELD. + +"DEAR SIR:--I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to +come to the White House tomorrow morning, at nine o'clock, and bring +such of your colleagues as are in town." + +WASHINGTON, March 10, 1862. + +Yesterday, on my return from church, I found Mr. Postmaster-General +Blair in my room, writing the above note, which he immediately +suspended, and verbally communicated the President's invitation, and +stated that the President's purpose was to have some conversation +with the delegations of Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Virginia, and +Delaware, in explanation of his message of the 6th instant. + +This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town, +assembled at the White House at the appointed time, and after some +little delay were admitted to an audience. Mr. Leary and myself were +the only members from Maryland present, and, I think, were the only +members of the delegation at that time in the city. I know that Mr. +Pearoe, of the Senate, and Messrs. Webster and Calvert, of the +House, were absent. + +After the usual salutations, and we were seated, the President said, +in substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some +conversation with us in explanation of his message of the 6th; that +since he had sent it in several of the gentlemen then present had +visited him, but had avoided any allusion to the message, and he +therefore inferred that the import of the message had been +misunderstood, and was regarded as inimical to the interests we +represented; and he had resolved he would talk with us, and disabuse +our minds of that erroneous opinion. + +The President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests or +wound the sensibilities of the slave States. On the contrary, his +purpose was to protect the one and respect the other; that we were +engaged in a terrible, wasting, and tedious war; immense armies were +in the field, and must continue in the field as long as the war +lasts; that these armies must, of necessity, be brought into contact +with slaves in the States we represented and in other States as they +advanced; that slaves would come to the camps, and continual +irritation was kept up; that he was constantly annoyed by conflicting +and antagonistic complaints: on the one side a certain class +complained if the slave was not protected by the army; persons were +frequently found who, participating in these views, acted in a way +unfriendly to the slaveholder; on the other hand, slaveholders +complained that their rights were interfered with, their slaves +induced to abscond and protected within the lines; these complaints +were numerous, loud and deep; were a serious annoyance to him and +embarrassing to the progress of the war; that it kept alive a spirit +hostile to the government in the States we represented; strengthened +the hopes of the Confederates that at some day the border States +would unite with them, and thus tend to prolong the war; and he was +of opinion, if this resolution should be adopted by Congress and +accepted by our States, these causes of irritation and these hopes +would be removed, and more would be accomplished toward shortening +the war than could be hoped from the greatest victory achieved by +Union armies; that he made this proposition in good faith, and +desired it to be accepted, if at all, voluntarily, and in the same +patriotic spirit in which it was made; that emancipation was a +subject exclusively under the control of the States, and must be +adopted or rejected by each for itself; that he did not claim nor had +this government any right to coerce them for that purpose; that such +was no part of his purpose in making this proposition, and he wished +it to be clearly understood; that he did not expect us there to be +prepared to give him an answer, but he hoped we would take the +subject into serious consideration, confer with one another, and then +take such course as we felt our duty and the interests of our +constituents required of us. + +Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State slavery was not +considered a permanent institution; that natural causes were there in +operation which would at no distant day extinguish it, and he did not +think that this proposition was necessary for that; and, besides +that, he and his friends felt solicitous as to the message on account +of the different constructions which the resolution and message had +received. The New York Tribune was for it, and understood it to mean +that we must accept gradual emancipation according to the plan +suggested, or get something worse. + +The President replied that he must not be expected to quarrel with +the New York Tribune before the right time; he hoped never to have to +do it; he would not anticipate events. In respect to emancipation in +Missouri, he said that what had been observed by Mr. Noell was +probably true, but the operation of these natural causes had not +prevented the irritating conduct to which he had referred, or +destroyed the hopes of the Confederates that Missouri would at some +time merge herself alongside of them, which, in his judgment, the +passage of this resolution by Congress and its acceptance by Missouri +would accomplish. + +Mr. Crisfield, of Maryland, asked what would be the effect of the +refusal of the State to accept this proposal, and he desired to know +if the President looked to any policy beyond the acceptance or +rejection of this scheme. + +The President replied that he had no designs beyond the actions of +the States on this particular subject. He should lament their +refusal to accept it, but he had no designs beyond their refusal of +it. + +Mr. Menzies, of Kentucky, inquired if the President thought there was +any power except in the States themselves to carry out his scheme of +emancipation. + +The President replied that he thought there could not be. He then +went off into a course of remarks not qualifying the foregoing +declaration nor material to be repeated to a just understanding of +his meaning. + +Mr. Crisfield said he did not think the people of Maryland looked +upon slavery as a permanent institution; and he did not know that +they would be very reluctant to give it up if provision was made to +meet the loss and they could be rid of the race; but they did not +like to be coerced into emancipation, either by the direct action of +the government or by indirection, as through the emancipation of +slaves in this District, or the confiscation of Southern property as +now threatened; and he thought before they would consent to consider +this proposition they would require to be informed on these points. +The President replied that, unless he was expelled by the act of God +or the Confederate armies he should occupy that house for three +years; and as long as he remained there Maryland had nothing to fear +either for her institutions or her interests on the points referred +to. + +Mr. Crisfield immediately added: "Mr. President, if what you now say +could be heard by the people of Maryland, they would consider your +proposition with a much better feeling than I fear without it they +will be inclined to do." + +The President: "That [meaning a publication of what he said] will not +do; it would force me into a quarrel before the proper time "; and, +again intimating, as he had before done, that a quarrel with the +"Greeley faction" was impending, he said he did not wish to encounter +it before the proper time, nor at all if it could be avoided. + +[The Greely faction wanted an immediate Emancipation Proclamation. +D.W.] + +Governor Wickliffe, of Kentucky, then asked him respecting the +constitutionality of his scheme. + +The President replied: "As you may suppose, I have considered that; +and the proposition now submitted does not encounter any +constitutional difficulty. It proposes simply to co-operate with any +State by giving such State pecuniary aid"; and he thought that the +resolution, as proposed by him, would be considered rather as the +expression of a sentiment than as involving any constitutional +question. + +Mr. Hall, of Missouri, thought that if this proposition was adopted +at all it should be by the votes of the free States, and come as a +proposition from them to the slave States, affording them an +inducement to put aside this subject of discord; that it ought not to +be expected that members representing slaveholding constituencies +should declare at once, and in advance of any proposition to them, +for the emancipation of slavery. + +The President said he saw and felt the force of the objection; it was +a fearful responsibility, and every gentleman must do as he thought +best; that he did not know how this scheme was received by the +members from the free States; some of them had spoken to him and +received it kindly; but for the most part they were as reserved and +chary as we had been, and he could not tell how they would vote. And +in reply to some expression of Mr. Hall as to his own opinion +regarding slavery, he said he did not pretend to disguise his anti- +slavery feeling; that he thought it was wrong, and should continue to +think so; but that was not the question we had to deal with now. +Slavery existed, and that, too, as well by the act of the North as of +the South; and in any scheme to get rid of it the North as well as +the South was morally bound to do its full and equal share. He +thought the institution wrong and ought never to have existed; but +yet he recognized the rights of property which had grown out of it, +and would respect those rights as fully as similar rights in any +other property; that property can exist and does legally exist. He +thought such a law wrong, but the rights of property resulting must +be respected; he would get rid of the odious law, not by violating +the rights, but by encouraging the proposition and offering +inducements to give it up. + +Here the interview, so far as this subject is concerned, terminated +by Mr. Crittenden's assuring the President that, whatever might be +our final action, we all thought him solely moved by a high +patriotism and sincere devotion to the happiness and glory of his +country; and with that conviction we should consider respectfully the +important suggestions he had made. + +After some conversation on the current war news, we retired, and I +immediately proceeded to my room and wrote out this paper. + +J. W. CRISFIELD. + + +We were present at the interview described in the foregoing paper of +Mr. Crisfield, and we certify that the substance of what passed on +the occasion is in this paper faithfully and fully given. + +J. W. MENZIES, +J. J. CRITTENDEN, +R. MALLORY. + +March 10, 1862. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 11, 1862. + +Major-General McClellan having personally taken the field at the head +of the Army of the Potomac, until otherwise ordered he is relieved +from the command of the other military departments, he retaining +command of the Department of the Potomac. + +Ordered further, That the departments now under the respective +commands of Generals Halleck and Hunter, together with so much of +that under General Buell as lies west of a north and south line +indefinitely drawn through Knoxville, Tenn., be consolidated and +designated the Department of the Mississippi, and that until +otherwise ordered Major General Halleck have command of said +department. + +Ordered also, That the country west of the Department of the Potomac +and east of the Department of the Mississippi be a military +department, to be called the Mountain Department, and that the same +be commanded by Major-General Fremont. + +That all the commanders of departments, after the receipt of this +order by them, respectively report severally and directly to the +Secretary of War, and that prompt, full, and frequent reports will be +expected of all and each of them. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL MCCLELLAN. +WAR DEPARTMENT, March 13, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN: + +The President, having considered the plan of operations agreed upon +by yourself and the commanders of army corps, makes no objection to +the same but gives the following directions as to its execution: + +1. Leave such force at Manassas Junction as shall make it entirely +certain that the enemy shall no repossess himself of that position +and line of communication. + +2. Leave Washington entirely secure. + +3. Move the remainder of the force down the Potomac, choosing a new +base at Fortress Monroe or anywhere between here and there, or, at +all events, move such remainder of the army at once in pursuit of the +enemy by some route. + +EDWARD M. STANTON, +Secretary of War. + + + + +SPEECH TO A PARTY OF MASSACHUSETTS GENTLEMAN + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 13, 1862 + +I thank you, Mr. Train, for your kindness in presenting me with this +truly elegant and highly creditable specimen of the handiwork of the +mechanics of your State of Massachusetts, and I beg of you to express +my hearty thanks to the donors. It displays a perfection of +workmanship which I really wish I had time to acknowledge in more +fitting words, and I might then follow your idea that it is +suggestive, for it is evidently expected that a good deal of whipping +is to be done. But as we meet here socially let us not think only of +whipping rebels, or of those who seem to think only of whipping +negroes, but of those pleasant days, which it is to be hoped are in +store for us, when seated behind a good pair of horses we can crack +our whips and drive through a peaceful, happy, and prosperous land. +With this idea, gentlemen, I must leave you for my business duties. +[It was likely a Buggy-Whip D.W.] + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON CITY, March 20, 1862. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of +the Navy, " approved December21, 1861, provides: + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the +retired list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single +ships such officers as he may believe the good of the service +requires to be thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon +the recommendation of the President of the United States they shall +receive a vote of thanks cf Congress for their services and gallantry +in action against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not +otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, +was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in +command of the squadron which recently rendered such important +service to the Union in the expedition to the coasts of South +Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully +correspond with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with +happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain +Samuel F. Du Pont receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his +service and gallantry displayed in the capture since the 21st +December, 1861, of various ports on the coasts of Georgia and +Florida, particularly Brunswick, Cumberland Island and Sound, Amelia +Island, the towns of St. Mary's, St. Augustine, and Jacksonville and +Fernandina. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 31, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +MY DEAR SIR:-This morning I felt constrained to order Blenker's +division to Fremont, and I write this to assure you I did so with +great pain, understanding that you would wish it otherwise. If you +could know the full pressure of the case, I am confident that you +would justify it, even beyond a mere acknowledgment that the +commander-in-chief may order what he pleases. + +Yours very truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +GIFT OF SOME RABBITS + +TO MICHAEL CROCK. +360 N. Fourth St., Philadelphia. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, +April 2, 1862. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Allow me to thank you in behalf of my little son for +your present of white rabbits. He is very much pleased with them. + +Yours truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +INSTRUCTION TO SECRETARY STANTON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 3, 1862. + +The Secretary of War will order that one or the other of the corps of +General McDowell and General Sumner remain in front of Washington +until further orders from the department, to operate at or in the +direction of Manassas Junction, or otherwise, as occasion may +require; that the other Corps not so ordered to remain go forward to +General McClellan as speedily as possible; that General McClellan +commence his forward movements from his new base at once, and that +such incidental modifications as the foregoing may render proper be +also made. +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 6, 1862. + +GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN: + +Yours of 11 A. M. today received. Secretary of War informs me that +the forwarding of transportation, ammunition, and Woodbury's brigade, +under your orders, is not, and will not be, interfered with. You now +have over one hundred thousand troops with you, independent of +General Wool's command. I think you better break the enemy's line +from Yorktown to Warwick River at once. This will probably use time +as advantageously as you can. + +A. LINCOLN, President + + + + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +MY DEAR SIR+--Your despatches, complaining that you are not properly +sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very much. + +Blenker's division was withdrawn from you before you left here, and +you knew the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought, +acquiesced in it certainly not without reluctance. + +After you left I ascertained that less than 20,000 unorganized men, +without a single field battery, were all you designed to be left for +the defense of Washington and Manassas Junction, and part of this +even to go to General Hooker's old position; General Banks's corps, +once designed for Manassas Junction, was divided and tied up on the +line of Winchester and Strasburg, and could not leave it without +again exposing the upper Potomac and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. +This presented (or would present when McDowell and Sumner should be +gone) a great temptation to the enemy to turn back from the +Rappahannock and sack Washington. My explicit order that Washington +should, by the judgment of all the Commanders of corps, be left +entirely secure, had been neglected. It was precisely this that +drove me to detain McDowell. + +I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave +Banks at Manassas Junction; but when that arrangement was broken up +and nothing substituted for it, of course I was not satisfied. I was +constrained to substitute something for it myself. + +And now allow me to ask, do you really think I should permit the line +from Richmond via Manaasas Junction to this city to be entirely open, +except what resistance could be presented by less than 20,000 +unorganized troops? This is a question which the country will not +allow me to evade. + +There is a curious mystery about the number of the troops now with +you. When I telegraphed you on the 6th, saying you had over 100,000 +with you, I had just obtained from the Secretary of War a statement, +taken as he said from your own returns, making 108,000 then with you +and en route to you. You now say you will have but 85,000 when all +enroute to you shall have reached you. How can this discrepancy of +23,000 be accounted for? + +As to General Wool's command, I understand it is doing for you +precisely what a like number of your own would have to do if that +command was away. I suppose the whole force which has gone forward +to you is with you by this time; and if so, I think it is the precise +time for you to strike a blow. By delay the enemy will relatively +gain upon you--that is, he will gain faster by fortifications and +reinforcements than you can by reinforcements alone. + +And once more let me tell you it is indispensable to you that you +strike a blow. I am powerless to help this. You will do me the +justice to remember I always insisted that going down the bay in +search of a field, instead of fighting at or near Manassas, was only +shifting and not surmounting a difficulty; that we would find the +same enemy and the same or equal entrenchments at either place. The +country will not fail to note--is noting now--that the present +hesitation to move upon an entrenched enemy is but the story of +Manassas repeated. + +I beg to assure you that I have never written you or spoken to you in +greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller purpose to +sustain you, so far as in my most anxious judgment I consistently +can; but you must act. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, +April 9, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Saint Louis, Mo.: +If the rigor of the confinement of Magoffin (Governor of Kentucky) at +Alton is endangering his life, or materially impairing his health, I +wish it mitigated as far as it can be consistently with his safe +detention. +A. LINCOLN. + +Please send above, by order of the President. +JOHN HAY. + + + + +PROCLAMATION RECOMMENDING THANKSGIVING FOR VICTORIES, + +APRIL 10, 1862. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation + +It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal victories to the land +and naval forces engaged in suppressing, an internal rebellion, and +at the same time to avert from our country the dangers of foreign +intervention and invasion. + +It is therefore recommended to the people of the United States that +at their next weekly assemblages in their accustomed places of public +worship which shall occur after notice of this proclamation shall +have been received, they especially acknowledge and render thanks to +our Heavenly Father for these inestimable blessings, that they then +and there implore spiritual consolation in behalf of all who have +been brought into affliction by the casualties and calamities of +sedition and civil war, and that they reverently invoke the divine +guidance for our national counsels, to the end that they may speedily +result in the restoration of peace, harmony, and unity throughout our +borders and hasten the establishment of fraternal relations among all +the countries of the earth. + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of April, A.D. 1862, +and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN WASHINGTON, D.C. + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. +April 16, 1862. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: +The act entitled "An act for the relief of certain persons held to +service or labor in the District of Columbia" has this day been +approved and signed. + +I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Congress to +abolish slavery in this District, and I have ever desired to see the +national capital freed from the institution in some satisfactory way. +Hence there has never been in my mind any question on the subject +except the one of expediency, arising in view of all the +circumstances. If there be matters within and about this act which +might have taken a course or shape more satisfactory to my judgment, +I do not attempt to specify them. I am gratified that the two +principles of compensation and colonization are both recognized and +practically applied in the act. + +In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be +presented within ninety days from the passage of the act, "but not +thereafter"; and there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane +or absent persons. I presume this is an omission by mere oversight, +and I recommend that it be supplied by an amendatory or supplemental +act. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 21, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Your despatch of the 19th was received that day. Fredericksburg is +evacuated and the bridges destroyed by the enemy, and a small part of +McDowell's command occupies this side of the Rappahannock, opposite +the town. He purposes moving his whole force to that point. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL + +A. LINCOLN. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, +April 24, 1862. + +Hon. POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The member of Congress from the district including +Tiffin, O., calls on me about the postmaster at that place. +I believe I turned over a despatch to you from some persons there, +asking a suspension, so as for them to be heard, or something of the +sort. If nothing, or nothing amounting to anything, has been done, I +think the suspension might now be suspended, and the commission go +forward. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 29, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Would it derange or embarrass your operations if I were to appoint +Captain Charles Griffin a brigadier-general of volunteers? Please +answer. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE, MAY 1, 1862. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate [of April 22] in relation +to Brigadier-General Stone, I have the honor to state that he was +arrested and imprisoned under my general authority, and upon evidence +which whether he be guilty or innocent, required, as appears to me, +such proceedings to be had against him for the public safety. I +deem it incompatible with the public interest, as also, perhaps, +unjust to General Stone, to make a more particular statement of the +evidence. + +He has not been tried because, in the state of military operations at +the time of his arrest and since, the officers to constitute a court +martial and for witnesses could not be withdrawn from duty without +serious injury to the service. He will be allowed a trial without +any unnecessary delay; the charges and specifications will be +furnished him in due season, and every facility for his defense will +be afforded him by the War Department. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, +WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 + + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Your call for Parrott guns from Washington alarms me, chiefly because +it argues indefinite procrastination. Is anything to be done? + +A LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, MAY 1, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Pittsburgh Landing, Tennessee: + +I am pressed by the Missouri members of Congress to give General +Schofield independent command in Missouri. They insist that for want +of this their local troubles gradually grow worse. I have forborne, +so far, for fear of interfering with and embarrassing your +operations. Please answer telling me whether anything, and what, I +can do for them without injuriously interfering with you. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +RESPONSE TO EVANGELICAL LUTHERANS, MAY 6, 1862 + +GENTLEMEN:--I welcome here the representatives of the Evangelical +Lutherans of the United States. I accept with gratitude their +assurances of the sympathy and support of that enlightened, +influential, and loyal class of my fellow citizens in an important +crisis which involves, in my judgment, not only the civil and +religious liberties of our own dear land, but in a large degree the +civil and religious liberties of mankind in many countries and +through many ages. You well know, gentlemen, and the world knows, +how reluctantly I accepted this issue of battle forced upon me on my +advent to this place by the internal enemies of our country. You all +know, the world knows, the forces and the resources the public agents +have brought into employment to sustain a government against which +there has been brought not one complaint of real injury committed +against society at home or abroad. You all may recollect that in +taking up the sword thus forced into our hands this government +appealed to the prayers of the pious and the good, and declared that +it placed its whole dependence on the favor of God. I now humbly and +reverently, in your presence, reiterate the acknowledgment of that +dependence, not doubting that, if it shall please the Divine Being +who determines the destinies of nations, this shall remain a united +people, and that they will, humbly seeking the divine guidance, make +their prolonged national existence a source of new benefits to +themselves and their successors, and to all classes and conditions of +mankind. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH. + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, MAY 7, 1862 + +FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + +SIR:--Major-General McClellan telegraphs that he has ascertained by a +reconnaissance that the battery at Jamestown has been abandoned, and +he again requests that gunboats may be sent up the James River. + +If you have tolerable confidence that you can successfully contend +with the Merrimac without the help of the Galena and two accompanying +gunboats, send the Galena and two gunboats up the James River at +once. Please report your action on this to me at once. I shall be +found either at General Wool's headquarters or on board the Miami. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FURTHER REPRIMAND OF McCLELLAN + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 9, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have just assisted the Secretary of War in framing +part of a despatch to you relating to army corps, which despatch, of +course, will have reached you long before this will. I wish to say a +few words to you privately on this subject. I ordered the army corps +organization not only on the unanimous opinion of the twelve generals +whom you had selected and assigned as generals of divisions, but also +on the unanimous opinion of every military man I could get an opinion +from, and every modern military book, yourself only excepted. Of +course, I did not on my own judgment pretend to understand the +subject. I now think it indispensable for you to know how your +struggle against it is received in quarters which we cannot entirely +disregard. It is looked upon as merely an effort to pamper one or +two pets, and to persecute and degrade their supposed rivals. I have +had no word from Sumner, Heintzleman, or Keyes the commanders of +these corps are, of course, the three highest officers with you; but +I am constantly told that you have no consultation or communication +with them; that you consult and communicate with nobody but General +Fitz John Porter, and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say these +complaints are true or just; but at all events, it is proper you +should know of their existence. Do the commanders of corps disobey +your orders in anything? + +When you relieved General Hamilton of his command the other day, you +thereby lost the confidence of at least one of your best friends in +the Senate. And here let me say, not as applicable to you +personally, that Senators and Representatives speak of me in their +places without question, and that officers of the army must cease +addressing insulting letters to them for taking no greater liberty +with them. + +But to return. Are you strong enough--are you strong enough even +with my help--to set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, Heintzelman, +and Keyes all at once? This is a practical and very serious question +to you? + +The success of your army and the cause of the country are the same, +and, of course, I only desire the good of the cause. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH, + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 10, 1862 + +FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I send you this copy of your report of yesterday for +the purpose of saying to you in writing that you are quite right in +supposing the movement made by you and therein reported was made in +accordance with my wishes verbally expressed to you in advance. I +avail myself of the occasion to thank you for your courtesy and all +your conduct, so far as known to me, during my brief visit here. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION RAISING THE BLOCKADE OF CERTAIN +PORTS., May 12, 1862. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas, by my proclamation of the 19th of April, one thousand eight +hundred and sixty-one, it was declared that the ports of certain +States, including those of Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina, +Port Royal, in the State of South Carolina, and New Orleans, in the +State of Louisiana, were, for reasons therein set forth, intended to +be placed under blockade; and whereas the said ports of Beaufort, +Port Royal, and New Orleans have since been blockaded; but as the +blockade of the same ports may now be safely relaxed with advantage +to the interests of commerce: + +Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the +United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth +section of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July last, +entitled "An act further to provide for the collection of duties on +imports, and for other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade +of the said ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and New Orleans shall so +far cease and determine, from and after the first day of June next, +that commercial intercourse with those ports, except as to persons, +things, and information contraband of war, may from that time be +carried on, subject to the laws of the United States, and to the +limitations and in pursuance of the regulations which are prescribed +by the Secretary of the Treasury in his order of this date, which is +appended to this proclamation. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this twelfth day of May, in the year +of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + +END OF VOLUME V. + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg Etext of The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Vol 1 + diff --git a/old/5linc10.zip b/old/5linc10.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..c896743 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/5linc10.zip diff --git a/old/5linc11.txt b/old/5linc11.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..29a7458 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/5linc11.txt @@ -0,0 +1,15090 @@ +The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, v5 +#5 in our series of the Writings of Abraham Lincoln + +Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the +copyright laws for your country before distributing this or any other +Project Gutenberg file. + +We encourage you to keep this file, exactly as it is, on your +own disk, thereby keeping an electronic path open for future +readers. Please do not remove this. + +This header should be the first thing seen when anyone starts to +view the etext. Do not change or edit it without written permission. +The words are carefully chosen to provide users with the +information they need to understand what they may and may not +do with the etext. + + +**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** + +**Etexts Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** + +*****These Etexts Are Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!***** + +Information on contacting Project Gutenberg to get etexts, and +further information, is included below. We need your donations. + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a 501(c)(3) +organization with EIN [Employee Identification Number] 64-6221541 + + + +Title: The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, v5 + +Author: Abraham Lincoln + +Release Date: May, 2001 [Etext #2657] +[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule] +[Most recently updated: December 4, 2001] + +Edition: 11 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, v5 +*******This file should be named 5linc11.txt or 5linc11.zip******* + +Corrected EDITIONS of our etexts get a new NUMBER, 5linc12.txt +VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, 5linc11a.txt + +This etext was produced by David Widger <widger@cecomet.net> + +Project Gutenberg Etexts are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we usually do not +keep etexts in compliance with any particular paper edition. + +We are now trying to release all our etexts one year in advance +of the official release dates, leaving time for better editing. +Please be encouraged to tell us about any error or corrections, +even years after the official publication date. + +Please note neither this listing nor its contents are final til +midnight of the last day of the month of any such announcement. +The official release date of all Project Gutenberg Etexts is at +Midnight, Central Time, of the last day of the stated month. A +preliminary version may often be posted for suggestion, comment +and editing by those who wish to do so. + +Most people start at our sites at: +http://gutenberg.net or +http://promo.net/pg + +These Web sites include award-winning information about Project +Gutenberg, including how to donate, how to help produce our new +etexts, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter (free!). + + +Those of you who want to download any Etext before announcement +can get to them as follows, and just download by date. This is +also a good way to get them instantly upon announcement, as the +indexes our cataloguers produce obviously take a while after an +announcement goes out in the Project Gutenberg Newsletter. + +http://www.ibiblio.org/gutenberg/etext03 or +ftp://ftp.ibiblio.org/pub/docs/books/gutenberg/etext03 + +Or /etext02, 01, 00, 99, 98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90 + +Just search by the first five letters of the filename you want, +as it appears in our Newsletters. + + +Information about Project Gutenberg (one page) + +We produce about two million dollars for each hour we work. The +time it takes us, a rather conservative estimate, is fifty hours +to get any etext selected, entered, proofread, edited, copyright +searched and analyzed, the copyright letters written, etc. Our +projected audience is one hundred million readers. If the value +per text is nominally estimated at one dollar then we produce $2 +million dollars per hour in 2001 as we release over 50 new Etext +files per month, or 500 more Etexts in 2000 for a total of 4000+ +If they reach just 1-2% of the world's population then the total +should reach over 300 billion Etexts given away by year's end. + +The Goal of Project Gutenberg is to Give Away One Trillion Etext +Files by December 31, 2001. [10,000 x 100,000,000 = 1 Trillion] +This is ten thousand titles each to one hundred million readers, +which is only about 4% of the present number of computer users. + +At our revised rates of production, we will reach only one-third +of that goal by the end of 2001, or about 4,000 Etexts. We need +funding, as well as continued efforts by volunteers, to maintain +or increase our production and reach our goals. + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation has been created +to secure a future for Project Gutenberg into the next millennium. + +We need your donations more than ever! + +As of November, 2001, contributions are being solicited from people +and organizations in: Alabama, Arkansas, Connecticut, Delaware, +Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, +Louisiana, Maine, Michigan, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New +Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Oregon, +Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, +Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, +and Wyoming. + +*In Progress + +We have filed in about 45 states now, but these are the only ones +that have responded. + +As the requirements for other states are met, additions to this list +will be made and fund raising will begin in the additional states. +Please feel free to ask to check the status of your state. + +In answer to various questions we have received on this: + +We are constantly working on finishing the paperwork to legally +request donations in all 50 states. If your state is not listed and +you would like to know if we have added it since the list you have, +just ask. + +While we cannot solicit donations from people in states where we are +not yet registered, we know of no prohibition against accepting +donations from donors in these states who approach us with an offer to +donate. + +International donations are accepted, but we don't know ANYTHING about +how to make them tax-deductible, or even if they CAN be made +deductible, and don't have the staff to handle it even if there are +ways. + +All donations should be made to: + +Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +PMB 113 +1739 University Ave. +Oxford, MS 38655-4109 + +Contact us if you want to arrange for a wire transfer or payment +method other than by check or money order. + + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation has been approved by +the US Internal Revenue Service as a 501(c)(3) organization with EIN +[Employee Identification Number] 64-622154. Donations are +tax-deductible to the maximum extent permitted by law. As fundraising +requirements for other states are met, additions to this list will be +made and fundraising will begin in the additional states. + +We need your donations more than ever! + +You can get up to date donation information at: + +http://www.gutenberg.net/donation.html + + +*** + +If you can't reach Project Gutenberg, +you can always email directly to: + +Michael S. Hart <hart@pobox.com> + +Prof. Hart will answer or forward your message. + +We would prefer to send you information by email. + + +**The Legal Small Print** + + +(Three Pages) + +***START**THE SMALL PRINT!**FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS**START*** +Why is this "Small Print!" statement here? You know: lawyers. +They tell us you might sue us if there is something wrong with +your copy of this etext, even if you got it for free from +someone other than us, and even if what's wrong is not our +fault. So, among other things, this "Small Print!" statement +disclaims most of our liability to you. It also tells you how +you may distribute copies of this etext if you want to. + +*BEFORE!* YOU USE OR READ THIS ETEXT +By using or reading any part of this PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm +etext, you indicate that you understand, agree to and accept +this "Small Print!" statement. If you do not, you can receive +a refund of the money (if any) you paid for this etext by +sending a request within 30 days of receiving it to the person +you got it from. If you received this etext on a physical +medium (such as a disk), you must return it with your request. + +ABOUT PROJECT GUTENBERG-TM ETEXTS +This PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etext, like most PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etexts, +is a "public domain" work distributed by Professor Michael S. Hart +through the Project Gutenberg Association (the "Project"). +Among other things, this means that no one owns a United States copyright +on or for this work, so the Project (and you!) can copy and +distribute it in the United States without permission and +without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth +below, apply if you wish to copy and distribute this etext +under the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark. + +Please do not use the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark to market +any commercial products without permission. + +To create these etexts, the Project expends considerable +efforts to identify, transcribe and proofread public domain +works. Despite these efforts, the Project's etexts and any +medium they may be on may contain "Defects". Among other +things, Defects may take the form of incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other +intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged +disk or other etext medium, a computer virus, or computer +codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment. + +LIMITED WARRANTY; DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES +But for the "Right of Replacement or Refund" described below, +[1] Michael Hart and the Foundation (and any other party you may +receive this etext from as a PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etext) disclaims +all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including +legal fees, and [2] YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE OR +UNDER STRICT LIABILITY, OR FOR BREACH OF WARRANTY OR CONTRACT, +INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE +OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES, EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE +POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGES. + +If you discover a Defect in this etext within 90 days of +receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) +you paid for it by sending an explanatory note within that +time to the person you received it from. If you received it +on a physical medium, you must return it with your note, and +such person may choose to alternatively give you a replacement +copy. If you received it electronically, such person may +choose to alternatively give you a second opportunity to +receive it electronically. + +THIS ETEXT IS OTHERWISE PROVIDED TO YOU "AS-IS". NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, ARE MADE TO YOU AS +TO THE ETEXT OR ANY MEDIUM IT MAY BE ON, INCLUDING BUT NOT +LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR A +PARTICULAR PURPOSE. + +Some states do not allow disclaimers of implied warranties or +the exclusion or limitation of consequential damages, so the +above disclaimers and exclusions may not apply to you, and you +may have other legal rights. + +INDEMNITY +You will indemnify and hold Michael Hart, the Foundation, +and its trustees and agents, and any volunteers associated +with the production and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm +texts harmless, from all liability, cost and expense, including +legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the +following that you do or cause: [1] distribution of this etext, +[2] alteration, modification, or addition to the etext, +or [3] any Defect. + +DISTRIBUTION UNDER "PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm" +You may distribute copies of this etext electronically, or by +disk, book or any other medium if you either delete this +"Small Print!" and all other references to Project Gutenberg, +or: + +[1] Only give exact copies of it. Among other things, this + requires that you do not remove, alter or modify the + etext or this "small print!" statement. You may however, + if you wish, distribute this etext in machine readable + binary, compressed, mark-up, or proprietary form, + including any form resulting from conversion by word + processing or hypertext software, but only so long as + *EITHER*: + + [*] The etext, when displayed, is clearly readable, and + does *not* contain characters other than those + intended by the author of the work, although tilde + (~), asterisk (*) and underline (_) characters may + be used to convey punctuation intended by the + author, and additional characters may be used to + indicate hypertext links; OR + + [*] The etext may be readily converted by the reader at + no expense into plain ASCII, EBCDIC or equivalent + form by the program that displays the etext (as is + the case, for instance, with most word processors); + OR + + [*] You provide, or agree to also provide on request at + no additional cost, fee or expense, a copy of the + etext in its original plain ASCII form (or in EBCDIC + or other equivalent proprietary form). + +[2] Honor the etext refund and replacement provisions of this + "Small Print!" statement. + +[3] Pay a trademark license fee to the Foundation of 20% of the + gross profits you derive calculated using the method you + already use to calculate your applicable taxes. If you + don't derive profits, no royalty is due. Royalties are + payable to "Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation" + the 60 days following each date you prepare (or were + legally required to prepare) your annual (or equivalent + periodic) tax return. Please contact us beforehand to + let us know your plans and to work out the details. + +WHAT IF YOU *WANT* TO SEND MONEY EVEN IF YOU DON'T HAVE TO? +Project Gutenberg is dedicated to increasing the number of +public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed +in machine readable form. + +The Project gratefully accepts contributions of money, time, +public domain materials, or royalty free copyright licenses. +Money should be paid to the: +"Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +If you are interested in contributing scanning equipment or +software or other items, please contact Michael Hart at: +hart@pobox.com + +[Portions of this header are copyright (C) 2001 by Michael S. Hart +and may be reprinted only when these Etexts are free of all fees.] +[Project Gutenberg is a TradeMark and may not be used in any sales +of Project Gutenberg Etexts or other materials be they hardware or +software or any other related product without express permission.] + +*END THE SMALL PRINT! FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS*Ver.10/04/01*END* + + + + + +This etext was produced by David Widger <widger@cecomet.net> + + + + + +THE WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Volume Five + +CONSTITUTIONAL EDITION + + + + +TO SYDNEY SPRING, GRAYVILLE, ILL. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 19, 1858. + +SYDNEY SPRING, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your letter introducing Mr. Faree was duly received. +There was no opening to nominate him for Superintendent of Public +Instruction, but through him Egypt made a most valuable contribution +to the convention. I think it may be fairly said that he came off the +lion of the day--or rather of the night. Can you not elect him to the +Legislature? It seems to me he would be hard to beat. What +objection could be made to him? What is your Senator Martin saying +and doing? What is Webb about? + +Please write me. +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 24, 1858 + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +DEAR SIR:--Your letter enclosing the attack of the Times upon me was +received this morning. Give yourself no concern about my voting +against the supplies. Unless you are without faith that a lie can be +successfully contradicted, there is not a word of truth in the +charge, and I am just considering a little as to the best shape to +put a contradiction in. Show this to whomever you please, but do not +publish it in the paper. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. W. SOMERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 25, 1858. + +JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 22nd, inclosing a draft of two hundred +dollars, was duly received. I have paid it on the judgment, and +herewith you have the receipt. I do not wish to say anything as to +who shall be the Republican candidate for the Legislature in your +district, further than that I have full confidence in Dr. Hull. Have +you ever got in the way of consulting with McKinley in political +matters? He is true as steel, and his judgment is very good. The +last I heard from him, he rather thought Weldon, of De Witt, was our +best timber for representative, all things considered. But you there +must settle it among yourselves. It may well puzzle older heads than +yours to understand how, as the Dred Scott decision holds, Congress +can authorize a Territorial Legislature to do everything else, and +cannot authorize them to prohibit slavery. That is one of the things +the court can decide, but can never give an intelligible reason for. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. CAMPBELL. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 28, 1858. + +A. CAMPBELL, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--In 1856 you gave me authority to draw on you for any +sum not exceeding five hundred dollars. I see clearly that such a +privilege would be more available now than it was then. I am aware +that times are tighter now than they were then. Please write me at +all events, and whether you can now do anything or not I shall +continue grateful for the past. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. GILLESPIE. + +SPRINGFIELD, July 16, 1858. + +HON. JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I write this to say that from the specimens of Douglas +Democracy we occasionally see here from Madison, we learn that they +are making very confident calculation of beating you and your friends +for the lower house, in that county. They offer to bet upon it. +Billings and Job, respectively, have been up here, and were each as I +learn, talking largely about it. If they do so, it can only be done +by carrying the Fillmore men of 1856 very differently from what they +seem to [be] going in the other party. Below is the vote of 1856, in +your district: + +Counties. + + Counties. Buchanan. Fremont. Fillmore. + Bond ............ 607 153 659 + Madison ......... 1451 1111 1658 + Montgomery ...... 992 162 686 + ---- ---- ---- + 3050 1426 3003 + +By this you will see, if you go through the calculation, that if they +get one quarter of the Fillmore votes, and you three quarters, they +will beat you 125 votes. If they get one fifth, and you four fifths, +you beat them 179. In Madison, alone, if our friends get 1000 of the +Fillmore votes, and their opponents the remainder, 658, we win by +just two votes. + +This shows the whole field, on the basis of the election of 1856. + +Whether, since then, any Buchanan, or Fremonters, have shifted +ground, and how the majority of new votes will go, you can judge +better than I. + +Of course you, on the ground, can better determine your line of +tactics than any one off the ground; but it behooves you to be wide +awake and actively working. + +Don't neglect it; and write me at your first leisure. +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOHN MATHERS, JACKSONVILLE, ILL. + +SPRINGFIELD, JULY 20, 1858. + +JNO. MATHERS, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your kind and interesting letter of the 19th was duly +received. Your suggestions as to placing one's self on the offensive +rather than the defensive are certainly correct. That is a point +which I shall not disregard. I spoke here on Saturday night. The +speech, not very well reported, appears in the State journal of this +morning. You doubtless will see it; and I hope that you will +perceive in it that I am already improving. I would mail you a copy +now, but have not one [at] hand. I thank you for your letter and +shall be pleased to hear from you again. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + +SPRINGFIELD, JULY 25, 1858. + +HON. J. GILLESPIE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your doleful letter of the 8th was received on my +return from Chicago last night. I do hope you are worse scared than +hurt, though you ought to know best. We must not lose the district. +We must make a job of it, and save it. Lay hold of the proper +agencies, and secure all the Americans you can, at once. I do hope, +on closer inspection, you will find they are not half gone. Make a +little test. Run down one of the poll-books of the Edwardsville +precinct, and take the first hundred known American names. Then +quietly ascertain how many of them are actually going for Douglas. I +think you will find less than fifty. But even if you find fifty, +make sure of the other fifty, that is, make sure of all you can, at +all events. We will set other agencies to work which shall +compensate for the loss of a good many Americans. Don't fail to +check the stampede at once. Trumbull, I think, will be with you +before long. + +There is much he cannot do, and some he can. I have reason to hope +there will be other help of an appropriate kind. Write me again. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO B. C. COOK. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 2, 1858. + +Hon. B. C. COOK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have a letter from a very true and intelligent man +insisting that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and Bureau to run +Douglas Republicans for Congress and for the Legislature in those +counties, if they can only get the encouragement of our folks +nominating pretty extreme abolitionists. + +It is thought they will do nothing if our folks nominate men who are +not very obnoxious to the charge of abolitionism. Please have your +eye upon this. Signs are looking pretty fair. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HON. J. M. PALMER. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 5, 1858. + +HON. J. M. PALMER. + +DEAR SIR:--Since we parted last evening no new thought has occurred +to [me] on the subject of which we talked most yesterday. + +I have concluded, however, to speak at your town on Tuesday, August +31st, and have promised to have it so appear in the papers of +to-morrow. Judge Trumbull has not yet reached here. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO ALEXANDER SYMPSON. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 11, 1858. + +ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 6th received. If life and health continue I +shall pretty likely be at Augusta on the 25th. + +Things look reasonably well. Will tell you more fully when I see +you. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. O. CUNNINGHAM. + +OTTAWA, August 22, 1858. + +J. O. CUNNINGHAM, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 18th, signed as secretary of the +Republican club, is received. In the matter of making speeches I am +a good deal pressed by invitations from almost all quarters, and +while I hope to be at Urbana some time during the canvass, I cannot +yet say when. Can you not see me at Monticello on the 6th of +September? + +Douglas and I, for the first time this canvass, crossed swords here +yesterday; the fire flew some, and I am glad to know I am yet alive. +There was a vast concourse of people--more than could get near enough +to hear. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON SLAVERY IN A DEMOCRACY. + +August ??, 1858 + +As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This +expresses my idea of democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the +extent of the difference, is no democracy. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO B. C. COOK. + +SPRINGFIELD, August 2, 1858 + +HON. B. C. COOK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have a letter from a very true friend, and +intelligent man, writing that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and +Bureau, to run Douglas Republican for Congress and for the +Legislature in those counties, if they can only get the encouragement +of our folks nominating pretty extreme abolitionists. It is thought +they will do nothing if our folks nominate men who are not very +[undecipherable word looks like "obnoxious"] to the charge of +abolitionism. Please have your eye upon this. Signs are looking +pretty fair. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO DR. WILLIAM FITHIAN, DANVILLE, ILL. + +BLOOMINGTON, Sept. 3, 1858 + +DEAR DOCTOR:--Yours of the 1st was received this morning, as also one +from Mr. Harmon, and one from Hiram Beckwith on the same subject. +You will see by the Journal that I have been appointed to speak at +Danville on the 22d of Sept.,--the day after Douglas speaks there. +My recent experience shows that speaking at the same place the next +day after D. is the very thing,--it is, in fact, a concluding speech +on him. Please show this to Messrs. Harmon and Beckwith; and tell +them they must excuse me from writing separate letters to them. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + +P. S.--Give full notice to all surrounding country. +A.L. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT PARIS, ILL., + +SEPT. 8, 1858. + +Let us inquire what Judge Douglas really invented when he introduced +the Nebraska Bill? He called it Popular Sovereignty. What does that +mean? It means the sovereignty of the people over their own affairs-- +in other words, the right of the people to govern themselves. Did +Judge Douglas invent this? Not quite. The idea of popular +sovereignty was floating about several ages before the author of the +Nebraska Bill was born--indeed, before Columbus set foot on this +continent. In the year 1776 it took form in the noble words which +you are all familiar with: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, +that all men are created equal," etc. Was not this the origin of +popular sovereignty as applied to the American people? Here we are +told that governments are instituted among men deriving their just +powers from the consent of the governed. If that is not popular +sovereignty, then I have no conception of the meaning of words. If +Judge Douglas did not invent this kind of popular sovereignty, let us +pursue the inquiry and find out what kind he did invent. Was it the +right of emigrants to Kansas and Nebraska to govern themselves, and a +lot of "niggers," too, if they wanted them? Clearly this was no +invention of his because General Cass put forth the same doctrine in +1848 in his so called Nicholson letter, six years before Douglas +thought of such a thing. Then what was it that the "Little Giant" +invented? It never occurred to General Cass to call his discovery by +the odd name of popular sovereignty. He had not the face to say that +the right of the people to govern "niggers" was the right of the +people to govern themselves. His notions of the fitness of things +were not moulded to the brazenness of calling the right to put a +hundred "niggers" through under the lash in Nebraska a "sacred" right +of self-government. And here I submit to you was Judge Douglas's +discovery, and the whole of it: He discovered that the right to breed +and flog negroes in Nebraska was popular sovereignty. + + + + +SPEECH AT CLINTON, ILLINOIS, + +SEPTEMBER 8, 1858. + +The questions are sometimes asked "What is all this fuss that is +being made about negroes? What does it amount to? And where will it +end?" These questions imply that those who ask them consider the +slavery question a very insignificant matter they think that it +amounts to little or nothing and that those who agitate it are +extremely foolish. Now it must be admitted that if the great +question which has caused so much trouble is insignificant, we are +very foolish to have anything to do with it--if it is of no +importance we had better throw it aside and busy ourselves with +something else. But let us inquire a little into this insignificant +matter, as it is called by some, and see if it is not important +enough to demand the close attention of every well-wisher of the +Union. In one of Douglas's recent speeches, I find a reference to +one which was made by me in Springfield some time ago. The judge +makes one quotation from that speech that requires some little notice +from me at this time. I regret that I have not my Springfield speech +before me, but the judge has quoted one particular part of it so +often that I think I can recollect it. It runs I think as follows: + +"We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with +the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery +agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not +only not ceased but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will +not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. + +"A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this +government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do +not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to +fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become +all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will +arrest the further spread of it and place it where the public mind +shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate +extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall +become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as +well as South." + +Judge Douglas makes use of the above quotation, and finds a great +deal of fault with it. He deals unfairly with me, and tries to make +the people of this State believe that I advocated dangerous doctrines +in my Springfield speech. Let us see if that portion of my +Springfield speech of which Judge Douglas complains so bitterly, is +as objectionable to others as it is to him. We are, certainly, far +into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed +object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. +On the fourth day of January, 1854, Judge Douglas introduced the +Kansas-Nebraska bill. He initiated a new policy, and that policy, so +he says, was to put an end to the agitation of the slavery question. +Whether that was his object or not I will not stop to discuss, but at +all events some kind of a policy was initiated; and what has been the +result? Instead of the quiet and good feeling which were promised us +by the self-styled author of Popular Sovereignty, we have had nothing +but ill-feeling and agitation. According to Judge Douglas, the +passage of the Nebraska bill would tranquilize the whole country-- +there would be no more slavery agitation in or out of Congress, and +the vexed question would be left entirely to the people of the +Territories. Such was the opinion of Judge Douglas, and such were +the opinions of the leading men of the Democratic Party. Even as +late as the spring of 1856 Mr. Buchanan said, a short time subsequent +to his nomination by the Cincinnati convention, that the territory of +Kansas would be tranquil in less than six weeks. Perhaps he thought +so, but Kansas has not been and is not tranquil, and it may be a long +time before she may be so. + +We all know how fierce the agitation was in Congress last winter, and +what a narrow escape Kansas had from being admitted into the Union +with a constitution that was detested by ninety-nine hundredths of +her citizens. Did the angry debates which took place at Washington +during the last season of Congress lead you to suppose that the +slavery agitation was settled? + +An election was held in Kansas in the month of August, and the +constitution which was submitted to the people was voted down by a +large majority. So Kansas is still out of the Union, and there is a +probability that she will remain out for some time. But Judge +Douglas says the slavery question is settled. He says the bill he +introduced into the Senate of the United States on the 4th day of +January, 1854, settled the slavery question forever! Perhaps he can +tell us how that bill settled the slavery question, for if he is able +to settle a question of such great magnitude he ought to be able to +explain the manner in which he does it. He knows and you know that +the question is not settled, and that his ill-timed experiment to +settle it has made it worse than it ever was before. + +And now let me say a few words in regard to Douglas's great hobby of +negro equality. He thinks--he says at least--that the Republican +party is in favor of allowing whites and blacks to intermarry, and +that a man can't be a good Republican unless he is willing to elevate +black men to office and to associate with them on terms of perfect +equality. He knows that we advocate no such doctrines as these, but +he cares not how much he misrepresents us if he can gain a few votes +by so doing. To show you what my opinion of negro equality was in +times past, and to prove to you that I stand on that question where I +always stood, I will read you a few extracts from a speech that was +made by me in Peoria in 1854. It was made in reply to one of Judge +Douglas's speeches. + +(Mr. Lincoln then read a number of extracts which had the ring of the +true metal. We have rarely heard anything with which we have been +more pleased. And the audience after hearing the extracts read, and +comparing their conservative sentiments with those now advocated by +Mr. Lincoln, testified their approval by loud applause. How any +reasonable man can hear one of Mr. Lincoln's speeches without being +converted to Republicanism is something that we can't account for. +Ed.) + +Slavery, continued Mr. Lincoln, is not a matter of little importance, +it overshadows every other question in which we are interested. It +has divided the Methodist and Presbyterian churches, and has sown +discord in the American Tract Society. The churches have split and +the society will follow their example before long. So it will be +seen that slavery is agitated in the religious as well as in the +political world. +Judge Douglas is very much afraid in the triumph that the Republican +party will lead to a general mixture of the white and black races. +Perhaps I am wrong in saying that he is afraid, so I will correct +myself by saying that he pretends to fear that the success of our +party will result in the amalgamation of the blacks and whites. I +think I can show plainly, from documents now before me, that Judge +Douglas's fears are groundless. The census of 1800 tells us that in +that year there were over four hundred thousand mulattoes in the +United States. Now let us take what is called an Abolition State-- +the Republican, slavery-hating State of New Hampshire--and see how +many mulattoes we can find within her borders. The number amounts to +just one hundred and eighty-four. In the Old Dominion--in the +Democratic and aristocratic State of Virginia--there were a few more +mulattoes than the Census-takers found in New Hampshire. How many do +you suppose there were? Seventy-nine thousand, seven hundred and +seventy-five--twenty-three thousand more than there were in all the +free States! In the slave States there were in 1800, three +hundred and forty-eight thousand mulattoes all of home production; +and in the free States there were less than sixty thousand mulattoes +--and a large number of them were imported from the South. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT EDWARDSVILLE, ILL., + +SEPT. 13, 1858. + +I have been requested to give a concise statement of the difference, +as I understand it, between the Democratic and Republican parties, on +the leading issues of the campaign. This question has been put to me +by a gentleman whom I do not know. I do not even know whether he is +a friend of mine or a supporter of Judge Douglas in this contest, nor +does that make any difference. His question is a proper one. Lest I +should forget it, I will give you my answer before proceeding with +the line of argument I have marked out for this discussion. + +The difference between the Republican and the Democratic parties on +the leading issues of this contest, as I understand it, is that the +former consider slavery a moral, social and political wrong, while +the latter do not consider it either a moral, a social or a political +wrong; and the action of each, as respects the growth of the country +and the expansion of our population, is squared to meet these views. +I will not affirm that the Democratic party consider slavery morally, +socially and politically right, though their tendency to that view +has, in my opinion, been constant and unmistakable for the past five +years. I prefer to take, as the accepted maxim of the party, the +idea put forth by Judge Douglas, that he don't care whether slavery +is voted down or voted up." I am quite willing to believe that many +Democrats would prefer that slavery should be always voted down, and +I know that some prefer that it be always voted up"; but I have a +right to insist that their action, especially if it be their constant +action, shall determine their ideas and preferences on this subject. +Every measure of the Democratic party of late years, bearing directly +or indirectly on the slavery question, has corresponded with this +notion of utter indifference whether slavery or freedom shall outrun +in the race of empire across to the Pacific--every measure, I say, up +to the Dred Scott decision, where, it seems to me, the idea is boldly +suggested that slavery is better than freedom. The Republican party, +on the contrary, hold that this government was instituted to secure +the blessings of freedom, and that slavery is an unqualified evil to +the negro, to the white man, to the soil, and to the State. +Regarding it as an evil, they will not molest it in the States where +it exists, they will not overlook the constitutional guards which our +fathers placed around it; they will do nothing that can give proper +offence to those who hold slaves by legal sanction; but they will use +every constitutional method to prevent the evil from becoming larger +and involving more negroes, more white men, more soil, and more +States in its deplorable consequences. They will, if possible, place +it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in +course of ultimate peaceable extinction in God's own good time. And +to this end they will, if possible, restore the government to the +policy of the fathers, the policy of preserving the new Territories +from the baneful influence of human bondage, as the Northwestern +Territories were sought to be preserved by the Ordinance of 1787, and +the Compromise Act of 1820. They will oppose, in all its length and +breadth, the modern Democratic idea, that slavery is as good as +freedom, and ought to have room for expansion all over the continent, +if people can be found to carry it. All, or nearly all, of Judge +Douglas's arguments are logical, if you admit that slavery is as good +and as right as freedom, and not one of them is worth a rush if you +deny it. This is the difference, as I understand it, between the +Republican and Democratic parties. + +My friends, I have endeavored to show you the logical consequences of +the Dred Scott decision, which holds that the people of a Territory +cannot prevent the establishment of slavery in their midst. I have +stated what cannot be gainsaid, that the grounds upon which this +decision is made are equally applicable to the free States as to the +free Territories, and that the peculiar reasons put forth by Judge +Douglas for indorsing this decision commit him, in advance, to the +next decision and to all other decisions corning from the same +source. And when, by all these means, you have succeeded in +dehumanizing the negro; when you have put him down and made it +impossible for him to be but as the beasts of the field; when you +have extinguished his soul in this world and placed him where the ray +of hope is blown out as in the darkness of the damned, are you quite +sure that the demon you have roused will not turn and rend you? What +constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and independence? It is +not our frowning battlements, our bristling sea coasts, our army and +our navy. These are not our reliance against tyranny All of those +may be turned against us without making us weaker for the struggle. +Our reliance is in the love of liberty which God has planted in us. +Our defense is in the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of +all men, in all lands everywhere. Destroy this spirit and you have +planted the seeds of despotism at your own doors. Familiarize +yourselves with the chains of bondage and you prepare your own limbs +to wear them. Accustomed to trample on the rights of others, you +have lost the genius of your own independence and become the fit +subjects of the first cunning tyrant who rises among you. And let me +tell you, that all these things are prepared for you by the teachings +of history, if the elections shall promise that the next Dred Scott +decision and all future decisions will be quietly acquiesced in by +the people. + + + + +VERSE TO "LINNIE " + +September 30,? 1858. + +TO "LINNIE": + +A sweet plaintive song did I hear +And I fancied that she was the singer. +May emotions as pure as that song set astir +Be the wont that the future shall bring her. + + + + +NEGROES ARE MEN + +TO J. U. BROWN. + +SPRINGFIELD, OCT 18, 1858 + +HON. J. U. BROWN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I do not perceive how I can express myself more plainly +than I have in the fore-going extracts. In four of them I have +expressly disclaimed all intention to bring about social and +political equality between the white and black races and in all the +rest I have done the same thing by clear implication. + +I have made it equally plain that I think the negro is included in +the word "men" used in the Declaration of Independence. + +I believe the declaration that "all men are created equal "is the +great fundamental principle upon which our free institutions rest; +that negro slavery is violative of that principle; but that, by our +frame of government, that principle has not been made one of legal +obligation; that by our frame of government, States which have +slavery are to retain it, or surrender it at their own pleasure; and +that all others--individuals, free States and national Government-- +are constitutionally bound to leave them alone about it. + +I believe our Government was thus framed because of the necessity +springing from the actual presence of slavery, when it was framed. + +That such necessity does not exist in the Territories when slavery is +not present. + +In his Mendenhall speech Mr. Clay says: "Now as an abstract principle +there is no doubt of the truth of that declaration (all men created +equal), and it is desirable, in the original construction of society, +to keep it in view as a great fundamental principle." + +Again, in the same speech Mr. Clay says: "If a state of nature +existed and we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man +would be more strongly opposed than I should to incorporate the +institution of slavery among its elements." + +Exactly so. In our new free Territories, a state of nature does +exist. In them Congress lays the foundations of society; and in +laying those foundations, I say, with Mr. Clay, it is desirable that +the declaration of the equality of all men shall be kept in view as a +great fundamental principle, and that Congress, which lays the +foundations of society, should, like Mr. Clay, be strongly opposed to +the incorporation of slavery and its elements. + +But it does not follow that social and political equality between +whites and blacks must be incorporated because slavery must not. The +declaration does not so require. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + +[Newspaper cuttings of Lincoln's speeches at Peoria, in 1854, at +Springfield, Ottawa, Chicago, and Charleston, in 1858. They were +pasted in a little book in which the above letter was also written.] + + + + +TO A. SYMPSON. + +BLANDINSVILLE, Oct 26, 1858 + +A. SYMPSON, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Since parting with you this morning I heard some things +which make me believe that Edmunds and Morrill will spend this week +among the National Democrats, trying to induce them to content +themselves by voting for Jake Davis, and then to vote for the Douglas +candidates for senator and representative. Have this headed off, if +you can. Call Wagley's attention to it and have him and the National +Democrat for Rep. to counteract it as far as they can. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SENATORIAL ELECTION LOST AND OUT OF MONEY + +TO N. B. JUDD. + +SPRINGFIELD, NOVEMBER 16, 1858 + +HON. N. B. JUDD + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th is just received. I wrote you the same +day. As to the pecuniary matter, I am willing to pay according to my +ability; but I am the poorest hand living to get others to pay. I +have been on expenses so long without earning anything that I am +absolutely without money now for even household purposes. Still, if +you can put in two hundred and fifty dollars for me toward +discharging the debt of the committee, I will allow it when you and I +settle the private matter between us. This, with what I have already +paid, and with an outstanding note of mine, will exceed my +subscription of five hundred dollars. This, too, is exclusive of my +ordinary expenses during the campaign, all of which, being added to +my loss of time and business, bears pretty heavily upon one no better +off in [this] world's goods than I; but as I had the post of honor, +it is not for me to be over nice. You are feeling badly,--"And this +too shall pass away," never fear. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +THE FIGHT MUST GO ON + +TO H. ASBURY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November 19, 1858. + +HENRY ASBURY, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 13th was received some days ago. The fight +must go on. The cause of civil liberty must not be surrendered at +the end of one or even one hundred defeats. Douglas had the +ingenuity to be supported in the late contest both as the best means +to break down and to uphold the slave interest. No ingenuity can +keep these antagonistic elements in harmony long. Another explosion +will soon come. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REALIZATION THAT DEBATES MUST BE SAVED + +TO C. H. RAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, Nov.20, 1858 + +DR. C. H. RAY + +MY DEAR SIR:--I wish to preserve a set of the late debates (if they +may be called so), between Douglas and myself. To enable me to do +so, please get two copies of each number of your paper containing the +whole, and send them to me by express; and I will pay you for the +papers and for your trouble. I wish the two sets in order to lay one +away in the [undecipherable word] and to put the other in a +scrapbook. Remember, if part of any debate is on both sides of the +sheet it will take two sets to make one scrap-book. + +I believe, according to a letter of yours to Hatch, you are "feeling +like h-ll yet." Quit that--you will soon feel better. Another "blow +up" is coming; and we shall have fun again. Douglas managed to be +supported both as the best instrument to down and to uphold the slave +power; but no ingenuity can long keep the antagonism in harmony. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November 30, 1858 + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +MY DEAR SIR :--Being desirous of preserving in some permanent form +the late joint discussion between Douglas and myself, ten days ago I +wrote to Dr. Ray, requesting him to forward to me by express two +sets of the numbers of the Tribune which contain the reports of those +discussions. Up to date I have no word from him on the subject. +Will you, if in your power, procure them and forward them to me by +express? If you will, I will pay all charges, and be greatly obliged, +to boot. Hoping to visit you before long, I remain + +As ever your friend, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. D. SHARPE. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 8, 1858. + +H. D. SHARPE, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of Nov. 9th was duly received. I +do not know that you expected or desired an answer; but glancing over +the contents of yours again, I am prompted to say that, while I +desired the result of the late canvass to have been different, I +still regard it as an exceeding small matter. I think we have fairly +entered upon a durable struggle as to whether this nation is to +ultimately become all slave or all free, and though I fall early in +the contest, it is nothing if I shall have contributed, in the least +degree, to the final rightful result. + +Respectfully yours, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. SYMPSON. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec.12, 1858. + +ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I expect the result of the election went hard with you. +So it did with me, too, perhaps not quite so hard as you may have +supposed. I have an abiding faith that we shall beat them in the +long run. Step by step the objects of the leaders will become too +plain for the people to stand them. I write merely to let you know +that I am neither dead nor dying. Please give my respects to your +good family, and all inquiring friends. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON BANKRUPTCY + +NOTES OF AN ARGUMENT. + +December [?], 1858. + +Legislation and adjudication must follow and conform to the progress +of society. + +The progress of society now begins to produce cases of the transfer +for debts of the entire property of railroad corporations; and to +enable transferees to use and enjoy the transferred property, +legislation and adjudication begin to be necessary. + +Shall this class of legislation just now beginning with us be general +or special? + +Section Ten of our Constitution requires that it should be general, +if possible. (Read the section.) + +Special legislation always trenches upon the judicial department; and +in so far violates Section Two of the Constitution. (Read it.) + +Just reasoning--policy--is in favor of general legislation--else the +Legislature will be loaded down with the investigation of smaller +cases--a work which the courts ought to perform, and can perform much +more perfectly. How can the Legislature rightly decide the facts +between P. & B. and S.C. + +It is said that under a general law, whenever a R. R. Co. gets tired +of its debts, it may transfer fraudulently to get rid of them. So +they may--so may individuals; and which--the Legislature or the +courts--is best suited to try the question of fraud in either case? + +It is said, if a purchaser have acquired legal rights, let him not be +robbed of them, but if he needs legislation let him submit to just +terms to obtain it. + +Let him, say we, have general law in advance (guarded in every +possible way against fraud), so that, when he acquires a legal right, +he will have no occasion to wait for additional legislation; and if +he has practiced fraud let the courts so decide. + + + + +A LEGAL OPINION BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +The 11th Section of the Act of Congress, approved Feb. 11, 1805, +prescribing rules for the subdivision of sections of land within the +United States system of surveys, standing unrepealed, in my opinion, +is binding on the respective purchasers of different parts of the +same section, and furnishes the true rule for surveyors in +establishing lines between them. That law, being in force at the +time each became a purchaser, becomes a condition of the purchase. + +And, by that law, I think the true rule for dividing into quarters +any interior section or sections, which is not fractional, is to run +straight lines through the section from the opposite quarter section +corners, fixing the point where such straight lines cross, or +intersect each other, as the middle or centre of the section. + +Nearly, perhaps quite, all the original surveys are to some extent +erroneous, and in some of the sections, greatly so. In each of the +latter, it is obvious that a more equitable mode of division than the +above might be adopted; but as error is infinitely various perhaps no +better single rules can be prescribed. + +At all events I think the above has been prescribed by the competent +authority. + +SPRINGFIELD, Jany. 6, 1859. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO M. W. DELAHAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 4, 1859. + +M. W. DELAHAY, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR: Your second letter in relation to my being with you at +your Republican convention was duly received. It is not at hand just +now, but I have the impression from it that the convention was to be +at Leavenworth; but day before yesterday a friend handed me a letter +from Judge M. F. Caraway, in which he also expresses a wish for me to +come, and he fixes the place at Ossawatomie. This I believe is off +of the river, and will require more time and labor to get to it. It +will push me hard to get there without injury to my own business; but +I shall try to do it, though I am not yet quite certain I shall +succeed. + +I should like to know before coming, that while some of you wish me +to come, there may not be others who would quite as lief I would stay +away. Write me again. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. M. MORRIS. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 28, 1859. + +W. M. MORRIS, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Your kind note inviting me to deliver a lecture at +Galesburg is received. I regret to say I cannot do so now; I must +stick to the courts awhile. I read a sort of lecture to three +different audiences during the last month and this; but I did so +under circumstances which made it a waste of no time whatever. + +Yours very truly, + + + + +TO H. L. PIERCE AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, April 6, 1859. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your kind note inviting me to attend a festival in +Boston, on the 28th instant, in honor of the birthday of Thomas +Jefferson, was duly received. My engagements are such that I cannot +attend. + +Bearing in mind that about seventy years ago two great political +parties were first formed in this country, that Thomas Jefferson was +the head of one of them and Boston the headquarters of the other, it +is both curious and interesting that those supposed to descend +politically from the party opposed to Jefferson should now be +celebrating his birthday in their own original seat of empire, while +those claiming political descent from him have nearly ceased to +breathe his name everywhere. + +Remembering, too, that the Jefferson party was formed upon its +supposed superior devotion to the personal rights of men, holding the +rights of property to be secondary only, and greatly inferior, and +assuming that the so-called Democracy of to-day are the Jefferson, +and their opponents the anti-Jefferson, party, it will be equally +interesting to note how completely the two have changed hands as to +the principle upon which they were originally supposed to be divided. +The Democracy of to-day hold the liberty of one man to be absolutely +nothing, when in conflict with another man's right of property; +Republicans, on the contrary, are for both the man and the dollar, +but in case of conflict the man before the dollar. + +I remember being once much amused at seeing two partially intoxicated +men engaged in a fight with their great-coats on, which fight, after +a long and rather harmless contest, ended in each having fought +himself out of his own coat and into that of the other. If the two +leading parties of this day are really identical with the two in the +days of Jefferson and Adams, they have performed the same feat as the +two drunken men. + +But soberly, it is now no child's play to save the principles of +Jefferson from total overthrow in this nation. One would state with +great confidence that he could convince any sane child that the +simpler propositions of Euclid are true; but nevertheless he would +fail, utterly, with one who should deny the definitions and axioms. +The principles of Jefferson are the definitions and axioms of free +society. And yet they are denied and evaded, with no small show of +success. One dashingly calls them "glittering generalities." +Another bluntly calls them "self-evident lies." And others +insidiously argue that they apply to "superior races." These +expressions, differing in form, are identical in object and effect-- +the supplanting the principles of free government, and restoring +those of classification, caste, and legitimacy. They would delight a +convocation of crowned heads plotting against the people. They are +the vanguard, the miners and sappers, of returning despotism. We +must repulse them, or they will subjugate us. This is a world of +compensation; and he who would be no slave must consent to have no +slave. Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for +themselves, and, under a just God, cannot long retain it. All honor +to Jefferson to the man who, in the concrete pressure of a struggle +for national independence by a single people, had the coolness, +forecast, and capacity to introduce into a mere revolutionary +document an abstract truth, applicable to all men and all times, and +so to embalm it there that to-day and in all coming days it shall be +a rebuke and a stumbling-block to the very harbingers of reappearing +tyranny and oppression. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO T. CANISIUS. + +SPRINGFIELD, May 17, 1859. + +DR. THEODORE CANISIUS. + +DEAR SIR:--Your note asking, in behalf of yourself and other German +citizens, whether I am for or against the constitutional provision in +regard to naturalized citizens, lately adopted by Massachusetts, and +whether I am for or against a fusion of the Republicans and other +opposition elements for the canvass of 1860, is received. + +Massachusetts is a sovereign and independent State; and it is no +privilege of mine to scold her for what she does. Still, if from +what she has done an inference is sought to be drawn as to what I +would do, I may without impropriety speak out. I say, then, that, as +I understand the Massachusetts provision, I am against its adoption +in Illinois, or in any other place where I have a right to oppose it. +Understanding the spirit of our institutions to aim at the elevation +of men, I am opposed to whatever tends to degrade them. I have some +little notoriety for commiserating the oppressed negro; and I should +be strangely inconsistent if I could favor any project for curtailing +the existing rights of white men, even though born in different +lands, and speaking different languages from myself. As to the +matter of fusion, I am for it if it can be had on Republican grounds; +and I am not for it on any other terms. A fusion on any other terms +would be as foolish as unprincipled. It would lose the whole North, +while the common enemy would still carry the whole South. The +question of men is a different one. There are good, patriotic men +and able statesmen in the South whom I would cheerfully support, if +they would now place themselves on Republican ground, but I am +against letting down the Republican standard a hairsbreadth. + +I have written this hastily, but I believe it answers your questions +substantially. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE GOVERNOR, AUDITOR, AND TREASURER OF THE STATE OF ILLINOIS. + +GENTLEMEN: + +In reply to your inquiry; requesting our written opinion as to what +your duty requires you to do in executing the latter clause of the +Seventh Section of "An Act in relation to the payment of the +principal and interest of the State debt," approved Feb'y 22, 1859, +we reply that said last clause of said section is certainly +indefinite, general, and ambiguous in its description of the bonds to +be issued by you; giving no time at which the bonds are to be made +payable, no place at which either principal or interest are to be +paid, and no rate of interest which the bonds are to bear; nor any +other description except that they are to be coupon bonds, which in +commercial usage means interest-paying bonds with obligations or +orders attached to them for the payment of annual or semiannual +interest; there is we suppose no difficulty in ascertaining, if this +act stood alone, what ought to be the construction of the terms +"coupon bonds" and that it, would mean bonds bearing interest from +the time of issuing the same. And under this act considered by +itself the creditors would have a right to require such bonds. But +your inquiry in regard to a class of bonds on which no interest is to +be paid or shall begin to run until January 1, 1860, is whether the +Act of February 18, 1857, would not authorize you to refuse to give +bonds with any coupons attached payable before the first day of July, +1860. We have very maturely considered this question and have arrived +at the conclusion that you have a right to use such measures as will +secure the State against the loss of six months' interest on these +bonds by the indefiniteness of the Act of 1859. While it cannot be +denied that the letter of the laws favor the construction claimed by +some of the creditors that interest-bearing bonds were required to be +issued to them, inasmuch as the restriction that no interest is to +run on said bonds until 1st January, 1860, relates solely to the +bonds issued under the Act of 1857. And the Act of 1859 directing +you to issue new bonds does not contain this restriction, but directs +you to issue coupon bonds. Nevertheless the very indefiniteness and +generality of the Act of 1859, giving no rate of interest, no time +due, no place of payment, no postponement of the time when interest +commences, necessarily implies that the Legislature intended to +invest you with a discretion to impose such terms and restrictions as +would protect the interest of the State; and we think you have a +right and that it is your duty to see that the State Bonds are so +issued that the State shall not lose six months' interest. Two plans +present themselves either of which will secure the State. 1st. If in +literal compliance with the law you issue bonds bearing interest from +1st July, 1859, you may deduct from the bonds presented three +thousand from every $100,000 of bonds and issue $97,000 of coupon +bonds; by this plan $3000 out of $100,000 of principal would be +extinguished in consideration of paying $2910 interest on the first +of January, 1860--and the interest on the $3000 would forever cease; +this would be no doubt most advantageous to the State. But if the +Auditor will not consent to this, then, 2nd. Cut off of each bond +all the coupons payable before 1st July, 1860. + +One of these plans would undoubtedly have been prescribed by the +Legislature if its attention had been directed to this question. + +May 28, 1859. + + + + +ON LINCOLN'S SCRAP BOOK + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, December 25, 1858. + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have just received yours of the 23rd inquiring +whether I received the newspapers you sent me by express. I did +receive them, and am very much obliged. There is some probability +that my scrap-book will be reprinted, and if it shall, I will save +you a copy. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + + +1859 + + + +FIRST SUGGESTION OF A PRESIDENTIAL OFFER. + +TO S. GALLOWAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., July 28, 1859. + +HON. SAMUEL GALLOWAY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very complimentary, not to say flattering, letter +of the 23d inst. is received. Dr. Reynolds had induced me to expect +you here; and I was disappointed not a little by your failure to +come. And yet I fear you have formed an estimate of me which can +scarcely be sustained on a personal acquaintance. + +Two things done by the Ohio Republican convention--the repudiation of +Judge Swan, and the "plank" for a repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law--I +very much regretted. These two things are of a piece; and they are +viewed by many good men, sincerely opposed to slavery, as a struggle +against, and in disregard of, the Constitution itself. And it is the +very thing that will greatly endanger our cause, if it be not kept +out of our national convention. There is another thing our friends +are doing which gives me some uneasiness. It is their leaning toward +"popular sovereignty." There are three substantial objections to +this: First, no party can command respect which sustains this year +what it opposed last. Secondly, Douglas (who is the most dangerous +enemy of liberty, because the most insidious one) would have little +support in the North, and by consequence, no capital to trade on in +the South, if it were not for his friends thus magnifying him and his +humbug. But lastly, and chiefly, Douglas's popular sovereignty, +accepted by the public mind as a just principle, nationalizes +slavery, and revives the African slave trade inevitably. + +Taking slaves into new Territories, and buying slaves in Africa, are +identical things, identical rights or identical wrongs, and the +argument which establishes one will establish the other. Try a +thousand years for a sound reason why Congress shall not hinder the +people of Kansas from having slaves, and, when you have found it, it +will be an equally good one why Congress should not hinder the people +of Georgia from importing slaves from Africa. + +As to Governor Chase, I have a kind side for him. He was one of the +few distinguished men of the nation who gave us, in Illinois, their +sympathy last year. I never saw him, but suppose him to be able and +right-minded; but still he may not be the most suitable as a +candidate for the Presidency. + +I must say I do not think myself fit for the Presidency. As you +propose a correspondence with me, I shall look for your letters +anxiously. + +I have not met Dr. Reynolds since receiving your letter; but when I +shall, I will present your respects as requested. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +IT IS BAD TO BE POOR. + +TO HAWKINS TAYLOR + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. Sept. 6, 1859. + +HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 3d is just received. There is some mistake +about my expected attendance of the U.S. Court in your city on the 3d +Tuesday of this month. I have had no thought of being there. + +It is bad to be poor. I shall go to the wall for bread and meat if I +neglect my business this year as well as last. It would please me +much to see the city and good people of Keokuk, but for this year it +is little less than an impossibility. I am constantly receiving +invitations which I am compelled to decline. I was pressingly urged +to go to Minnesota; and I now have two invitations to go to Ohio. +These last are prompted by Douglas going there; and I am really +tempted to make a flying trip to Columbus and Cincinnati. + +I do hope you will have no serious trouble in Iowa. What thinks +Grimes about it? I have not known him to be mistaken about an +election in Iowa. Present my respects to Col. Carter, and any other +friends, and believe me + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SPEECH AT COLUMBUS, OHIO. + +SEPTEMBER 16, 1859. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF OHIO: I cannot fail to remember that +I appear for the first time before an audience in this now great +State,--an audience that is accustomed to hear such speakers as +Corwin, and Chase, and Wade, and many other renowned men; and, +remembering this, I feel that it will be well for you, as for me, +that you should not raise your expectations to that standard to which +you would have been justified in raising them had one of these +distinguished men appeared before you. You would perhaps be only +preparing a disappointment for yourselves, and, as a consequence of +your disappointment, mortification to me. I hope, therefore, that +you will commence with very moderate expectations; and perhaps, if +you will give me your attention, I shall be able to interest you to a +moderate degree. + +Appearing here for the first time in my life, I have been somewhat +embarrassed for a topic by way of introduction to my speech; but I +have been relieved from that embarrassment by an introduction which +the Ohio Statesman newspaper gave me this morning. In this paper I +have read an article, in which, among other statements, I find the +following: + +"In debating with Senator Douglas during the memorable contest of +last fall, Mr. Lincoln declared in favor of negro suffrage, and +attempted to defend that vile conception against the Little Giant." + +I mention this now, at the opening of my remarks, for the purpose of +making three comments upon it. The first I have already announced,-- +it furnishes me an introductory topic; the second is to show that the +gentleman is mistaken; thirdly, to give him an opportunity to correct +it. + +In the first place, in regard to this matter being a mistake. I have +found that it is not entirely safe, when one is misrepresented under +his very nose, to allow the misrepresentation to go uncontradicted. +I therefore propose, here at the outset, not only to say that this is +a misrepresentation, but to show conclusively that it is so; and you +will bear with me while I read a couple of extracts from that very +"memorable" debate with Judge Douglas last year, to which this +newspaper refers. In the first pitched battle which Senator Douglas +and myself had, at the town of Ottawa, I used the language which I +will now read. Having been previously reading an extract, I +continued as follows: + +"Now, gentlemen, I don't want to read at any greater length, but this +is the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to the +institution of slavery and the black race. This is the whole of it; +and anything that argues me into his idea of perfect social and +political equality with the negro, is but a specious and fantastic +arrangement of words, by which a man can prove a horse-chestnut to be +a chestnut horse. I will say here, while upon this subject, that I +have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the +institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I +have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. I +have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between +the white and the black races. There is a physical difference +between the two which, in my judgment, will probably forbid their +ever living together upon the footing of perfect equality; and +inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, +I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I +belong having the superior position. I have never said anything to +the contrary, but I hold that, notwithstanding all this, there is no +reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural +rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence,--the right to +life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as +much entitled to these as the white man. I agree with judge Douglas, +he is not my equal in many respects,--certainly not in color, perhaps +not in moral or intellectual endowments. But in the right to eat the +bread, without leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is +my equal, and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every +living man." + +Upon a subsequent occasion, when the reason for making a statement +like this occurred, I said: + +"While I was at the hotel to-day an elderly gentleman called upon me +to know whether I was really in favor of producing perfect equality +between the negroes and white people. While I had not proposed to +myself on this occasion to say much on that subject, yet, as the +question was asked me, I thought I would occupy perhaps five minutes +in saying something in regard to it. I will say, then, that I am +not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the +social and political equality of the white and black races; that I am +not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of +negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, or intermarry with +the white people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a +physical difference between the white and black races which I believe +will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social +and political equality. And inasmuch as they can not so live, while +they do remain together there must be the position of superior and +inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the +superior position assigned to the white race. I say upon this +occasion I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the +superior position, the negro should be denied everything. I do not +understand that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I +must necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is that I can +just let her alone. I am now in my fiftieth year, and I certainly +never have had a black woman for either a slave or a wife. So it +seems to me quite possible for us to get along without making either +slaves or wives of negroes. I will add to this that I have never +seen, to my knowledge, a man, woman, or child, who was in favor of +producing perfect equality, social and political, between negroes and +white men. I recollect of but one distinguished instance that I ever +heard of so frequently as to be satisfied of its correctness, and +that is the case of Judge Douglas's old friend Colonel Richard M. +Johnson. I will also add to the remarks I have made (for I am not +going to enter at large upon this subject), that I have never had the +least apprehension that I or my friends would marry negroes, if there +was no law to keep them from it; but as judge Douglas and his friends +seem to be in great apprehension that they might, if there were no +law to keep them from it, I give him the most solemn pledge that I +will to the very last stand by the law of the State which forbids the +marrying of white people with negroes." + +There, my friends, you have briefly what I have, upon former +occasions, said upon this subject to which this newspaper, to the +extent of its ability, has drawn the public attention. In it you not +only perceive, as a probability, that in that contest I did not at +any time say I was in favor of negro suffrage, but the absolute proof +that twice--once substantially, and once expressly--I declared +against it. Having shown you this, there remains but a word of +comment upon that newspaper article. It is this, that I presume the +editor of that paper is an honest and truth-loving man, and that he +will be greatly obliged to me for furnishing him thus early an +opportunity to correct the misrepresentation he has made, before it +has run so long that malicious people can call him a liar. + +The Giant himself has been here recently. I have seen a brief report +of his speech. If it were otherwise unpleasant to me to introduce +the subject of the negro as a topic for discussion, I might be +somewhat relieved by the fact that he dealt exclusively in that +subject while he was here. I shall, therefore, without much +hesitation or diffidence, enter upon this subject. + +The American people, on the first day of January, 1854, found the +African slave trade prohibited by a law of Congress. In a majority +of the States of this Union, they found African slavery, or any other +sort of slavery, prohibited by State constitutions. They also found +a law existing, supposed to be valid, by which slavery was excluded +from almost all the territory the United States then owned. This was +the condition of the country, with reference to the institution of +slavery, on the first of January, 1854. A few days after that, a +bill was introduced into Congress, which ran through its regular +course in the two branches of the national legislature, and finally +passed into a law in the month of May, by which the Act of Congress +prohibiting slavery from going into the Territories of the United +States was repealed. In connection with the law itself, and, in +fact, in the terms of the law, the then existing prohibition was not +only repealed, but there was a declaration of a purpose on the part +of Congress never thereafter to exercise any power that they might +have, real or supposed, to prohibit the extension or spread of +slavery. This was a very great change; for the law thus repealed was +of more than thirty years' standing. Following rapidly upon the +heels of this action of Congress, a decision of the Supreme Court is +made, by which it is declared that Congress, if it desires to +prohibit the spread of slavery into the Territories, has no +constitutional power to do so. Not only so, but that decision lays +down principles which, if pushed to their logical conclusion,--I say +pushed to their logical conclusion,--would decide that the +constitutions of free States, forbidding slavery, are themselves +unconstitutional. Mark me, I do not say the judges said this, and +let no man say I affirm the judges used these words; but I only say +it is my opinion that what they did say, if pressed to its logical +conclusion, will inevitably result thus. + +Looking at these things, the Republican party, as I understand its +principles and policy, believes that there is great danger of the +institution of slavery being spread out and extended until it is +ultimately made alike lawful in all the States of this Union; so +believing, to prevent that incidental and ultimate consummation is +the original and chief purpose of the Republican organization. I say +"chief purpose" of the Republican organization; for it is certainly +true that if the National House shall fall into the hands of the +Republicans, they will have to attend to all the other matters of +national house-keeping, as well as this. The chief and real purpose +of the Republican party is eminently conservative. It proposes +nothing save and except to restore this government to its original +tone in regard to this element of slavery, and there to maintain it, +looking for no further change in reference to it than that which the +original framers of the Government themselves expected and looked +forward to. + +The chief danger to this purpose of the Republican party is not just +now the revival of the African slave trade, or the passage of a +Congressional slave code, or the declaring of a second Dred Scott +decision, making slavery lawful in all the States. These are not +pressing us just now. They are not quite ready yet. The authors of +these measures know that we are too strong for them; but they will be +upon us in due time, and we will be grappling with them hand to hand, +if they are not now headed off. They are not now the chief danger to +the purpose of the Republican organization; but the most imminent +danger that now threatens that purpose is that insidious Douglas +popular sovereignty. This is the miner and sapper. While it does +not propose to revive the African slave trade, nor to pass a slave +code, nor to make a second Dred Scott decision, it is preparing us +for the onslaught and charge of these ultimate enemies when they +shall be ready to come on, and the word of command for them to +advance shall be given. I say this "Douglas popular sovereignty"; +for there is a broad distinction, as I now understand it, between +that article and a genuine popular sovereignty. + +I believe there is a genuine popular sovereignty. I think a +definition of "genuine popular sovereignty," in the abstract, would +be about this: That each man shall do precisely as he pleases with +himself, and with all those things which exclusively concern him. +Applied to government, this principle would be, that a general +government shall do all those things which pertain to it, and all the +local governments shall do precisely as they please in respect to +those matters which exclusively concern them. I understand that this +government of the United States, under which we live, is based upon +this principle; and I am misunderstood if it is supposed that I have +any war to make upon that principle. + +Now, what is judge Douglas's popular sovereignty? It is, as a +principle, no other than that if one man chooses to make a slave of +another man neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to +object. Applied in government, as he seeks to apply it, it is this: +If, in a new Territory into which a few people are beginning to enter +for the purpose of making their homes, they choose to either exclude +slavery from their limits or to establish it there, however one or +the other may affect the persons to be enslaved, or the infinitely +greater number of persons who are afterwards to inhabit that +Territory, or the other members of the families of communities, of +which they are but an incipient member, or the general head of the +family of States as parent of all, however their action may affect +one or the other of these, there is no power or right to interfere. +That is Douglas's popular sovereignty applied. + +He has a good deal of trouble with popular sovereignty. His +explanations explanatory of explanations explained are interminable. +The most lengthy, and, as I suppose, the most maturely considered of +this long series of explanations is his great essay in Harper's +Magazine. I will not attempt to enter on any very thorough +investigation of his argument as there made and presented. I will +nevertheless occupy a good portion of your time here in drawing your +attention to certain points in it. Such of you as may have read this +document will have perceived that the judge early in the document +quotes from two persons as belonging to the Republican party, without +naming them, but who can readily be recognized as being Governor +Seward of New York and myself. It is true that exactly fifteen +months ago this day, I believe, I for the first time expressed a +sentiment upon this subject, and in such a manner that it should get +into print, that the public might see it beyond the circle of my +hearers; and my expression of it at that time is the quotation that +Judge Douglas makes. He has not made the quotation with accuracy, but +justice to him requires me to say that it is sufficiently accurate +not to change the sense. + +The sense of that quotation condensed is this: that this slavery +element is a durable element of discord among us, and that we shall +probably not have perfect peace in this country with it until it +either masters the free principle in our government, or is so far +mastered by the free principle as for the public mind to rest in the +belief that it is going to its end. This sentiment, which I now +express in this way, was, at no great distance of time, perhaps in +different language, and in connection with some collateral ideas, +expressed by Governor Seward. Judge Douglas has been so much annoyed +by the expression of that sentiment that he has constantly, I +believe, in almost all his speeches since it was uttered, been +referring to it. I find he alluded to it in his speech here, as well +as in the copyright essay. I do not now enter upon this for the +purpose of making an elaborate argument to show that we were right in +the expression of that sentiment. In other words, I shall not stop +to say all that might properly be said upon this point, but I only +ask your attention to it for the purpose of making one or two points +upon it. + +If you will read the copyright essay, you will discover that judge +Douglas himself says a controversy between the American Colonies and +the Government of Great Britain began on the slavery question in +1699, and continued from that time until the Revolution; and, while +he did not say so, we all know that it has continued with more or +less violence ever since the Revolution. + +Then we need not appeal to history, to the declarations of the +framers of the government, but we know from judge Douglas himself +that slavery began to be an element of discord among the white people +of this country as far back as 1699, or one hundred and sixty years +ago, or five generations of men,--counting thirty years to a +generation. Now, it would seem to me that it might have occurred to +Judge Douglas, or anybody who had turned his attention to these +facts, that there was something in the nature of that thing, slavery, +somewhat durable for mischief and discord. + +There is another point I desire to make in regard to this matter, +before I leave it. From the adoption of the Constitution down to 1820 +is the precise period of our history when we had comparative peace +upon this question,--the precise period of time when we came nearer +to having peace about it than any other time of that entire one +hundred and sixty years in which he says it began, or of the eighty +years of our own Constitution. Then it would be worth our while to +stop and examine into the probable reason of our coming nearer to +having peace then than at any other time. This was the precise +period of time in which our fathers adopted, and during which they +followed, a policy restricting the spread of slavery, and the whole +Union was acquiescing in it. The whole country looked forward to the +ultimate extinction of the institution. It was when a policy had +been adopted, and was prevailing, which led all just and right-minded +men to suppose that slavery was gradually coming to an end, and that +they might be quiet about it, watching it as it expired. I think +Judge Douglas might have perceived that too; and whether he did or +not, it is worth the attention of fair-minded men, here and +elsewhere, to consider whether that is not the truth of the case. If +he had looked at these two facts,--that this matter has been an +element of discord for one hundred and sixty years among this people, +and that the only comparative peace we have had about it was when +that policy prevailed in this government which he now wars upon, he +might then, perhaps, have been brought to a more just appreciation of +what I said fifteen months ago,--that "a house divided against itself +cannot stand. I believe that this government cannot endure +permanently, half slave and half free. I do not expect the house to +fall, I do not expect the Union to dissolve; but I do expect it will +cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. +Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, +and place it where the public mind will rest in the belief that it is +in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it +forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as +well as new, North as well as South." That was my sentiment at that +time. In connection with it, I said: "We are now far into the fifth +year since a policy was inaugurated with the avowed object and +confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the +operation of the policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but +has constantly augmented." I now say to you here that we are +advanced still farther into the sixth year since that policy of Judge +Douglas--that popular sovereignty of his--for quieting the slavery +question was made the national policy. Fifteen months more have been +added since I uttered that sentiment; and I call upon you and all +other right-minded men to say whether that fifteen months have belied +or corroborated my words. + +While I am here upon this subject, I cannot but express gratitude +that this true view of this element of discord among us--as I believe +it is--is attracting more and more attention. I do not believe that +Governor Seward uttered that sentiment because I had done so before, +but because he reflected upon this subject and saw the truth of it. +Nor do I believe because Governor Seward or I uttered it that Mr. +Hickman of Pennsylvania, in, different language, since that time, has +declared his belief in the utter antagonism which exists between the +principles of liberty and slavery. You see we are multiplying. Now, +while I am speaking of Hickman, let me say, I know but little about +him. I have never seen him, and know scarcely anything about the +man; but I will say this much of him: Of all the anti-Lecompton +Democracy that have been brought to my notice, he alone has the true, +genuine ring of the metal. And now, without indorsing anything else +he has said, I will ask this audience to give three cheers for +Hickman. [The audience responded with three rousing cheers for +Hickman.] + +Another point in the copyright essay to which I would ask your +attention is rather a feature to be extracted from the whole thing, +than from any express declaration of it at any point. It is a +general feature of that document, and, indeed, of all of Judge +Douglas's discussions of this question, that the Territories of the +United States and the States of this Union are exactly alike; that +there is no difference between them at all; that the Constitution +applies to the Territories precisely as it does to the States; and +that the United States Government, under the Constitution, may not do +in a State what it may not do in a Territory, and what it must do in +a State it must do in a Territory. Gentlemen, is that a true view of +the case? It is necessary for this squatter sovereignty, but is it +true? + +Let us consider. What does it depend upon? It depends altogether +upon the proposition that the States must, without the interference +of the General Government, do all those things that pertain +exclusively to themselves,--that are local in their nature, that have +no connection with the General Government. After Judge Douglas has +established this proposition, which nobody disputes or ever has +disputed, he proceeds to assume, without proving it, that slavery is +one of those little, unimportant, trivial matters which are of just +about as much consequence as the question would be to me whether my +neighbor should raise horned cattle or plant tobacco; that there is +no moral question about it, but that it is altogether a matter of +dollars and cents; that when a new Territory is opened for +settlement, the first man who goes into it may plant there a thing +which, like the Canada thistle or some other of those pests of the +soil, cannot be dug out by the millions of men who will come +thereafter; that it is one of those little things that is so trivial +in its nature that it has nor effect upon anybody save the few men +who first plant upon the soil; that it is not a thing which in any +way affects the family of communities composing these States, nor any +way endangers the General Government. Judge Douglas ignores +altogether the very well known fact that we have never had a serious +menace to our political existence, except it sprang from this thing, +which he chooses to regard as only upon a par with onions and +potatoes. + +Turn it, and contemplate it in another view. He says that, according +to his popular sovereignty, the General Government may give to the +Territories governors, judges, marshals, secretaries, and all the +other chief men to govern them, but they, must not touch upon this +other question. Why? The question of who shall be governor of a +Territory for a year or two, and pass away, without his track being +left upon the soil, or an act which he did for good or for evil being +left behind, is a question of vast national magnitude; it is so much +opposed in its nature to locality that the nation itself must decide +it: while this other matter of planting slavery upon a soil,--a thing +which, once planted, cannot be eradicated by the succeeding millions +who have as much right there as the first comers, or, if eradicated, +not without infinite difficulty and a long struggle, he considers the +power to prohibit it as one of these little local, trivial things +that the nation ought not to say a word about; that it affects nobody +save the few men who are there. + +Take these two things and consider them together, present the +question of planting a State with the institution of slavery by the +side of a question who shall be Governor of Kansas for a year or two, +and is there a man here, is there a man on earth, who would not say +the governor question is the little one, and the slavery question is +the great one? I ask any honest Democrat if the small, the local, +and the trivial and temporary question is not, Who shall be governor? +while the durable, the important, and the mischievous one is, Shall +this soil be planted with slavery? + +This is an idea, I suppose, which has arisen in Judge Douglas's mind +from his peculiar structure. I suppose the institution of slavery +really looks small to him. He is so put up by nature that a lash +upon his back would hurt him, but a lash upon anybody else's back +does not hurt him. That is the build of the man, and consequently he +looks upon the matter of slavery in this unimportant light. + +Judge Douglas ought to remember, when he is endeavoring to force this +policy upon the American people, that while he is put up in that way, +a good many are not. He ought to remember that there was once in +this country a man by the name of Thomas Jefferson, supposed to be a +Democrat,--a man whose principles and policy are not very prevalent +amongst Democrats to-day, it is true; but that man did not take +exactly this view of the insignificance of the element of slavery +which our friend judge Douglas does. In contemplation of this thing, +we all know he was led to exclaim, "I tremble for my country when I +remember that God is just!" We know how he looked upon it when he +thus expressed himself. There was danger to this country,--danger of +the avenging justice of God, in that little unimportant popular +sovereignty question of judge Douglas. He supposed there was a +question of God's eternal justice wrapped up in the enslaving of any +race of men, or any man, and that those who did so braved the arm of +Jehovah; that when a nation thus dared the Almighty, every friend of +that nation had cause to dread his wrath. Choose ye between +Jefferson and Douglas as to what is the true view of this element +among us. + +There is another little difficulty about this matter of treating the +Territories and States alike in all things, to which I ask your +attention, and I shall leave this branch of the case. If there is no +difference between them, why not make the Territories States at once? +What is the reason that Kansas was not fit to come into the Union +when it was organized into a Territory, in Judge Douglas's view? Can +any of you tell any reason why it should not have come into the Union +at once? They are fit, as he thinks, to decide upon the slavery +question,--the largest and most important with which they could +possibly deal: what could they do by coming into the Union that they +are not fit to do, according to his view, by staying out of it? Oh, +they are not fit to sit in Congress and decide upon the rates of +postage, or questions of ad valorem or specific duties on foreign +goods, or live-oak timber contracts, they are not fit to decide these +vastly important matters, which are national in their import, but +they are fit, "from the jump," to decide this little negro question. +But, gentlemen, the case is too plain; I occupy too much time on this +head, and I pass on. + +Near the close of the copyright essay, the judge, I think, comes very +near kicking his own fat into the fire. I did not think, when I +commenced these remarks, that I would read that article, but I now +believe I will: + +"This exposition of the history of these measures shows conclusively +that the authors of the Compromise measures of 1850 and of the +Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, as well as the members of the +Continental Congress of 1774., and the founders of our system of +government subsequent to the Revolution, regarded the people of the +Territories and Colonies as political communities which were entitled +to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their provisional +legislatures, where their representation could alone be preserved, in +all cases of taxation and internal polity." + +When the judge saw that putting in the word "slavery" would +contradict his own history, he put in what he knew would pass +synonymous with it, "internal polity." Whenever we find that in one +of his speeches, the substitute is used in this manner; and I can +tell you the reason. It would be too bald a contradiction to say +slavery; but "internal polity" is a general phrase, which would pass +in some quarters, and which he hopes will pass with the reading +community for the same thing. + +"This right pertains to the people collectively, as a law-abiding and +peaceful community, and not in the isolated individuals who may +wander upon the public domain in violation of the law. It can only be +exercised where there are inhabitants sufficient to constitute a +government, and capable of performing its various functions and +duties,--a fact to be ascertained and determined by "who do you +think? Judge Douglas says "by Congress!" "Whether the number shall +be fixed at ten, fifteen or twenty thousand inhabitants, does not +affect the principle." + +Now, I have only a few comments to make. Popular sovereignty, by his +own words, does not pertain to the few persons who wander upon the +public domain in violation of law. We have his words for that. When +it does pertain to them, is when they are sufficient to be formed +into an organized political community, and he fixes the minimum for +that at ten thousand, and the maximum at twenty thousand. Now, I +would like to know what is to be done with the nine thousand? Are +they all to be treated, until they are large enough to be organized +into a political community, as wanderers upon the public land, in +violation of law? And if so treated and driven out, at what point of +time would there ever be ten thousand? If they were not driven out, +but remained there as trespassers upon the public land in violation +of the law, can they establish slavery there? No; the judge says +popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. Can they exclude it +then? No; popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. I would +like to know, in the case covered by the essay, what condition the +people of the Territory are in before they reach the number of ten +thousand? + +But the main point I wish to ask attention to is, that the question +as to when they shall have reached a sufficient number to be formed +into a regular organized community is to be decided "by Congress." +Judge Douglas says so. Well, gentlemen, that is about all we want. +No, that is all the Southerners want. That is what all those who are +for slavery want. They do not want Congress to prohibit slavery from +coming into the new Territories, and they do not want popular +sovereignty to hinder it; and as Congress is to say when they are +ready to be organized, all that the South has to do is to get +Congress to hold off. Let Congress hold off until they are ready to +be admitted as a State, and the South has all it wants in taking +slavery into and planting it in all the Territories that we now have +or hereafter may have. In a word, the whole thing, at a dash of the +pen, is at last put in the power of Congress; for if they do not have +this popular sovereignty until Congress organizes them, I ask if it +at last does not come from Congress? If, at last, it amounts to +anything at all, Congress gives it to them. I submit this rather for +your reflection than for comment. After all that is said, at last, +by a dash of the pen, everything that has gone before is undone, and +he puts the whole question under the control of Congress. After +fighting through more than three hours, if you undertake to read it, +he at last places the whole matter under the control of that power +which he has been contending against, and arrives at a result +directly contrary to what he had been laboring to do. He at last +leaves the whole matter to the control of Congress. + +There are two main objects, as I understand it, of this Harper's +Magazine essay. One was to show, if possible, that the men of our +Revolutionary times were in favor of his popular sovereignty, and the +other was to show that the Dred Scott decision had not entirely +squelched out this popular sovereignty. I do not propose, in regard +to this argument drawn from the history of former times, to enter +into a detailed examination of the historical statements he has made. +I have the impression that they are inaccurate in a great many +instances,--sometimes in positive statement, but very much more +inaccurate by the suppression of statements that really belong to the +history. But I do not propose to affirm that this is so to any very +great extent, or to enter into a very minute examination of his +historical statements. I avoid doing so upon this principle,--that +if it were important for me to pass out of this lot in the least +period of time possible, and I came to that fence, and saw by a +calculation of my known strength and agility that I could clear it at +a bound, it would be folly for me to stop and consider whether I +could or not crawl through a crack. So I say of the whole history +contained in his essay where he endeavored to link the men of the +Revolution to popular sovereignty. It only requires an effort to +leap out of it, a single bound to be entirely successful. If you +read it over, you will find that he quotes here and there from +documents of the Revolutionary times, tending to show that the people +of the colonies were desirous of regulating their own concerns in +their own way, that the British Government should not interfere; that +at one time they struggled with the British Government to be +permitted to exclude the African slave trade,--if not directly, to be +permitted to exclude it indirectly, by taxation sufficient to +discourage and destroy it. From these and many things of this sort, +judge Douglas argues that they were in favor of the people of our own +Territories excluding slavery if they wanted to, or planting it there +if they wanted to, doing just as they pleased from the time they +settled upon the Territory. Now, however his history may apply and +whatever of his argument there may be that is sound and accurate or +unsound and inaccurate, if we can find out what these men did +themselves do upon this very question of slavery in the Territories, +does it not end the whole thing? If, after all this labor and effort +to show that the men of the Revolution were in favor of his popular +sovereignty and his mode of dealing with slavery in the Territories, +we can show that these very men took hold of that subject, and dealt +with it, we can see for ourselves how they dealt with it. It is not +a matter of argument or inference, but we know what they thought +about it. + +It is precisely upon that part of the history of the country that one +important omission is made by Judge Douglas. He selects parts of the +history of the United States upon the subject of slavery, and treats +it as the whole, omitting from his historical sketch the legislation +of Congress in regard to the admission of Missouri, by which the +Missouri Compromise was established and slavery excluded from a +country half as large as the present United States. All this is left +out of his history, and in nowise alluded to by him, so far as I can +remember, save once, when he makes a remark, that upon his principle +the Supreme Court were authorized to pronounce a decision that the +act called the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional. All that +history has been left out. But this part of the history of the +country was not made by the men of the Revolution. + +There was another part of our political history, made by the very men +who were the actors in the Revolution, which has taken the name of +the Ordinance of '87. Let me bring that history to your attention. +In 1784, I believe, this same Mr. Jefferson drew up an ordinance for +the government of the country upon which we now stand, or, rather, a +frame or draft of an ordinance for the government of this country, +here in Ohio, our neighbors in Indiana, us who live in Illinois, our +neighbors in Wisconsin and Michigan. In that ordinance, drawn up not +only for the government of that Territory, but for the Territories +south of the Ohio River, Mr. Jefferson expressly provided for the +prohibition of slavery. Judge Douglas says, and perhaps is right, +that that provision was lost from that ordinance. I believe that is +true. When the vote was taken upon it, a majority of all present in +the Congress of the Confederation voted for it; but there were so +many absentees that those voting for it did not make the clear +majority necessary, and it was lost. But three years after that, the +Congress of the Confederation were together again, and they adopted a +new ordinance for the government of this Northwest Territory, not +contemplating territory south of the river, for the States owning +that territory had hitherto refrained from giving it to the General +Government; hence they made the ordinance to apply only to what the +Government owned. In fact, the provision excluding slavery was +inserted aside, passed unanimously, or at any rate it passed and +became a part of the law of the land. Under that ordinance we live. +First here in Ohio you were a Territory; then an enabling act was +passed, authorizing you to form a constitution and State Government, +provided it was republican and not in conflict with the Ordinance of +'87. When you framed your constitution and presented it for +admission, I think you will find the legislation upon the subject +will show that, whereas you had formed a constitution that was +republican, and not in conflict with the Ordinance of '87, therefore +you were admitted upon equal footing with the original States. The +same process in a few years was gone through with in Indiana, and so +with Illinois, and the same substantially with Michigan and +Wisconsin. + +Not only did that Ordinance prevail, but it was constantly looked to +whenever a step was taken by a new Territory to become a State. +Congress always turned their attention to it, and in all their +movements upon this subject they traced their course by that +Ordinance of '87. When they admitted new States, they advertised +them of this Ordinance, as a part of the legislation of the country. +They did so because they had traced the Ordinance of '87 throughout +the history of this country. Begin with the men of the Revolution, +and go down for sixty entire years, and until the last scrap of that +Territory comes into the Union in the form of the State of Wisconsin, +everything was made to conform with the Ordinance of '87, excluding +slavery from that vast extent of country. + +I omitted to mention in the right place that the Constitution of the +United States was in process of being framed when that Ordinance was +made by the Congress of the Confederation; and one of the first Acts +of Congress itself, under the new Constitution itself, was to give +force to that Ordinance by putting power to carry it out in the hands +of the new officers under the Constitution, in the place of the old +ones, who had been legislated out of existence by the change in the +Government from the Confederation to the Constitution. Not only so, +but I believe Indiana once or twice, if not Ohio, petitioned the +General Government for the privilege of suspending that provision and +allowing them to have slaves. A report made by Mr. Randolph, of +Virginia, himself a slaveholder, was directly against it, and the +action was to refuse them the privilege of violating the Ordinance of +'87. + +This period of history, which I have run over briefly, is, I presume, +as familiar to most of this assembly as any other part of the history +of our country. I suppose that few of my hearers are not as familiar +with that part of history as I am, and I only mention it to recall +your attention to it at this time. And hence I ask how extraordinary +a thing it is that a man who has occupied a position upon the floor +of the Senate of the United States, who is now in his third term, and +who looks to see the government of this whole country fall into his +own hands, pretending to give a truthful and accurate history o the +slavery question in this country, should so entirely ignore the whole +of that portion of our history--the most important of all. Is it not +a most extraordinary spectacle that a man should stand up and ask for +any confidence in his statements who sets out as he does with +portions of history, calling upon the people to believe that it is a +true and fair representation, when the leading part and controlling +feature of the whole history is carefully suppressed? + +But the mere leaving out is not the most remarkable feature of this +most remarkable essay. His proposition is to establish that the +leading men of the Revolution were for his great principle of +nonintervention by the government in the question of slavery in the +Territories, while history shows that they decided, in the cases +actually brought before them, in exactly the contrary way, and he +knows it. Not only did they so decide at that time, but they stuck +to it during sixty years, through thick and thin, as long as there +was one of the Revolutionary heroes upon the stage of political +action. Through their whole course, from first to last, they clung +to freedom. And now he asks the community to believe that the men of +the Revolution were in favor of his great principle, when we have the +naked history that they themselves dealt with this very subject +matter of his principle, and utterly repudiated his principle, acting +upon a precisely contrary ground. It is as impudent and absurd as if +a prosecuting attorney should stand up before a jury and ask them +to convict A as the murderer of B, while B was walking alive before +them. + +I say, again, if judge Douglas asserts that the men of the Revolution +acted upon principles by which, to be consistent with themselves, +they ought to have adopted his popular sovereignty, then, upon a +consideration of his own argument, he had a right to make you +believe that they understood the principles of government, but +misapplied them, that he has arisen to enlighten the world as to the +just application of this principle. He has a right to try to +persuade you that he understands their principles better than they +did, and, therefore, he will apply them now, not as they did, but as +they ought to have done. He has a right to go before the community +and try to convince them of this, but he has no right to attempt to +impose upon any one the belief that these men themselves approved of +his great principle. There are two ways of establishing a +proposition. One is by trying to demonstrate it upon reason, and the +other is, to show that great men in former times have thought so and +so, and thus to pass it by the weight of pure authority. Now, if +Judge Douglas will demonstrate somehow that this is popular +sovereignty,--the right of one man to make a slave of another, +without any right in that other or any one else to object,- +-demonstrate it as Euclid demonstrated propositions,--there is no +objection. But when he comes forward, seeking to carry a principle +by bringing to it the authority of men who themselves utterly +repudiate that principle, I ask that he shall not be permitted to do +it. + +I see, in the judge's speech here, a short sentence in these words: +"Our fathers, when they formed this government under which we live, +understood this question just as well, and even better than, we do +now." That is true; I stick to that. I will stand by Judge Douglas +in that to the bitter end. And now, Judge Douglas, come and stand by +me, and truthfully show how they acted, understanding it better than +we do. All I ask of you, Judge Douglas, is to stick to the +proposition that the men of the Revolution understood this subject +better than we do now, and with that better understanding they acted +better than you are trying to act now. + +I wish to say something now in regard to the Dred Scott decision, as +dealt with by Judge Douglas. In that "memorable debate" between +Judge Douglas and myself, last year, the judge thought fit to +commence a process of catechising me, and at Freeport I answered his +questions, and propounded some to him. Among others propounded to +him was one that I have here now. The substance, as I remember it, +is, "Can the people of a United States Territory, under the Dred +Scott decision, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of +the United States, exclude slavery from its limits, prior to the +formation of a State constitution?" He answered that they could +lawfully exclude slavery from the United States Territories, +notwithstanding the Dred Scot decision. There was something about +that answer that has probably been a trouble to the judge ever since. + +The Dred Scott decision expressly gives every citizen of the United +States a right to carry his slaves into the United States +Territories. And now there was some inconsistency in saying that the +decision was right, and saying, too, that the people of the Territory +could lawfully drive slavery out again. When all the trash, the +words, the collateral matter, was cleared away from it, all the chaff +was fanned out of it, it was a bare absurdity,--no less than that a +thing may be lawfully driven away from where it has a lawful right to +be. Clear it of all the verbiage, and that is the naked truth of his +proposition,--that a thing may be lawfully driven from the place +where it has a lawful right to stay. Well, it was because the judge +could n't help seeing this that he has had so much trouble with it; +and what I want to ask your especial attention to, just now, is to +remind you, if you have not noticed the fact, that the judge does not +any longer say that the people can exclude slavery. He does not say +so in the copyright essay; he did not say so in the speech that he +made here; and, so far as I know, since his re-election to the Senate +he has never said, as he did at Freeport, that the people of the +Territories can exclude slavery. He desires that you, who wish the +Territories to remain free, should believe that he stands by that +position; but he does not say it himself. He escapes to some extent +the absurd position I have stated, by changing his language entirely. +What he says now is something different in language, and we will +consider whether it is not different in sense too. It is now that +the Dred Scott decision, or rather the Constitution under that +decision, does not carry slavery into the Territories beyond the +power of the people of the Territories to control it as other +property. He does not say the people can drive it out, but they can +control it as other property. The language is different; we should +consider whether the sense is different. Driving a horse out of this +lot is too plain a proposition to be mistaken about; it is putting +him on the other side of the fence. Or it might be a sort of +exclusion of him from the lot if you were to kill him and let the +worms devour him; but neither of these things is the same as +"controlling him as other property." That would be to feed him, to +pamper him, to ride him, to use and abuse him, to make the most money +out of him, "as other property"; but, please you, what do the men who +are in favor of slavery want more than this? What do they really +want, other than that slavery, being in the Territories, shall be +controlled as other property? If they want anything else, I do not +comprehend it. I ask your attention to this, first, for the purpose +of pointing out the change of ground the judge has made; and, in the +second place, the importance of the change,--that that change is not +such as to give you gentlemen who want his popular sovereignty the +power to exclude the institution or drive it out at all. I know the +judge sometimes squints at the argument that in controlling it as +other property by unfriendly legislation they may control it to +death; as you might, in the case of a horse, perhaps, feed him so +lightly and ride him so much that he would die. But when you come to +legislative control, there is something more to be attended to. I +have no doubt, myself, that if the Territories should undertake to +control slave property as other property that is, control it in such +a way that it would be the most valuable as property, and make it +bear its just proportion in the way of burdens as property, really +deal with it as property,--the Supreme Court of the United States +will say, "God speed you, and amen." But I undertake to give the +opinion, at least, that if the Territories attempt by any direct +legislation to drive the man with his slave out of the Territory, or +to decide that his slave is free because of his being taken in there, +or to tax him to such an extent that he cannot keep him there, the +Supreme Court will unhesitatingly decide all such legislation +unconstitutional, as long as that Supreme Court is constructed as the +Dred Scott Supreme Court is. The first two things they have already +decided, except that there is a little quibble among lawyers between +the words "dicta" and "decision." They have already decided a negro +cannot be made free by Territorial legislation. + +What is the Dred Scott decision? Judge Douglas labors to show that +it is one thing, while I think it is altogether different. It is a +long opinion, but it is all embodied in this short statement: "The +Constitution of the United States forbids Congress to deprive a man +of his property, without due process of law; the right of property in +slaves is distinctly and expressly affirmed in that Constitution: +therefore, if Congress shall undertake to say that a man's slave is +no longer his slave when he crosses a certain line into a Territory, +that is depriving him of his property without due process of law, and +is unconstitutional." There is the whole Dred Scott decision. They +add that if Congress cannot do so itself, Congress cannot confer any +power to do so; and hence any effort by the Territorial Legislature +to do either of these things is absolutely decided against. It is a +foregone conclusion by that court. + +Now, as to this indirect mode by "unfriendly legislation," all +lawyers here will readily understand that such a proposition cannot +be tolerated for a moment, because a legislature cannot indirectly do +that which it cannot accomplish directly. Then I say any legislation +to control this property, as property, for its benefit as property, +would be hailed by this Dred Scott Supreme Court, and fully +sustained; but any legislation driving slave property out, or +destroying it as property, directly or indirectly, will most +assuredly, by that court, be held unconstitutional. + +Judge Douglas says if the Constitution carries slavery into the +Territories, beyond the power of the people of the Territories to +control it as other property; then it follows logically that every +one who swears to support the Constitution of the United States must +give that support to that property which it needs. And, if the +Constitution carries slavery into the Territories, beyond the power +of the people, to control it as other property, then it also carries +it into the States, because the Constitution is the supreme law of +the land. Now, gentlemen, if it were not for my excessive modesty, I +would say that I told that very thing to Judge Douglas quite a year +ago. This argument is here in print, and if it were not for my +modesty, as I said, I might call your attention to it. If you read +it, you will find that I not only made that argument, but made it +better than he has made it since. + +There is, however, this difference: I say now, and said then, there +is no sort of question that the Supreme Court has decided that it is +the right of the slave holder to take his slave and hold him in the +Territory; and saying this, judge Douglas himself admits the +conclusion. He says if that is so, this consequence will follow; and +because this consequence would follow, his argument is, the decision +cannot, therefore, be that way,--" that would spoil my popular +sovereignty; and it cannot be possible that this great principle has +been squelched out in this extraordinary way. It might be, if it +were not for the extraordinary consequences of spoiling my humbug." + +Another feature of the judge's argument about the Dred Scott case is, +an effort to show that that decision deals altogether in declarations +of negatives; that the Constitution does not affirm anything as +expounded by the Dred Scott decision, but it only declares a want of +power a total absence of power, in reference to the Territories. It +seems to be his purpose to make the whole of that decision to result +in a mere negative declaration of a want of power in Congress to do +anything in relation to this matter in the Territories. I know the +opinion of the Judges states that there is a total absence of power; +but that is, unfortunately; not all it states: for the judges add +that the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly +affirmed in the Constitution. It does not stop at saying that the +right of property in a slave is recognized in the Constitution, is +declared to exist somewhere in the Constitution, but says it is +affirmed in the Constitution. Its language is equivalent to saying +that it is embodied and so woven in that instrument that it cannot be +detached without breaking the Constitution itself. In a word, it is +part of the Constitution. + +Douglas is singularly unfortunate in his effort to make out that +decision to be altogether negative, when the express language at the +vital part is that this is distinctly affirmed in the Constitution. +I think myself, and I repeat it here, that this decision does not +merely carry slavery into the Territories, but by its logical +conclusion it carries it into the States in which we live. One +provision of that Constitution is, that it shall be the supreme law +of the land,--I do not quote the language,--any constitution or law +of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. This Dred Scott +decision says that the right of property in a slave is affirmed in +that Constitution which is the supreme law of the land, any State +constitution or law notwithstanding. Then I say that to destroy a +thing which is distinctly affirmed and supported by the supreme law +of the land, even by a State constitution or law, is a violation of +that supreme law, and there is no escape from it. In my judgment +there is no avoiding that result, save that the American people shall +see that constitutions are better construed than our Constitution is +construed in that decision. They must take care that it is more +faithfully and truly carried out than it is there expounded. + +I must hasten to a conclusion. Near the beginning of my remarks I +said that this insidious Douglas popular sovereignty is the measure +that now threatens the purpose of the Republican party to prevent +slavery from being nationalized in the United States. I propose to +ask your attention for a little while to some propositions in +affirmance of that statement. Take it just as it stands, and apply +it as a principle; extend and apply that principle elsewhere; and +consider where it will lead you. I now put this proposition, that +Judge Douglas's popular sovereignty applied will reopen the African +slave trade; and I will demonstrate it by any variety of ways in +which you can turn the subject or look at it. + +The Judge says that the people of the Territories have the right, by +his principle, to have slaves, if they want them. Then I say that +the people in Georgia have the right to buy slaves in Africa, if they +want them; and I defy any man on earth to show any distinction +between the two things,--to show that the one is either more wicked +or more unlawful; to show, on original principles, that one is better +or worse than the other; or to show, by the Constitution, that one +differs a whit from the other. He will tell me, doubtless, that +there is no constitutional provision against people taking slaves +into the new Territories, and I tell him that there is equally no +constitutional provision against buying slaves in Africa. He will +tell you that a people, in the exercise of popular sovereignty, ought +to do as they please about that thing, and have slaves if they want +them; and I tell you that the people of Georgia are as much entitled +to popular sovereignty and to buy slaves in Africa, if they want +them, as the people of the Territory are to have slaves if they want +them. I ask any man, dealing honestly with himself, to point out a +distinction. + +I have recently seen a letter of Judge Douglas's in which, without +stating that to be the object, he doubtless endeavors to make a +distinction between the two. He says he is unalterably opposed to +the repeal of the laws against the African slave trade. And why? He +then seeks to give a reason that would not apply to his popular +sovereignty in the Territories. What is that reason? "The abolition +of the African slave trade is a compromise of the Constitution!" I +deny it. There is no truth in the proposition that the abolition of +the African slave trade is a compromise of the Constitution. No man +can put his finger on anything in the Constitution, or on the line of +history, which shows it. It is a mere barren assertion, made simply +for the purpose of getting up a distinction between the revival of +the African slave trade and his "great principle." + +At the time the Constitution of the United States was adopted, it was +expected that the slave trade would be abolished. I should assert and +insist upon that, if judge Douglas denied it. But I know that it was +equally expected that slavery would be excluded from the Territories, +and I can show by history that in regard to these two things public +opinion was exactly alike, while in regard to positive action, there +was more done in the Ordinance of '87 to resist the spread of slavery +than was ever done to abolish the foreign slave trade. Lest I be +misunderstood, I say again that at the time of the formation of the +Constitution, public expectation was that the slave trade would be +abolished, but no more so than the spread of slavery in the +Territories should be restrained. They stand alike, except that in +the Ordinance of '87 there was a mark left by public opinion, showing +that it was more committed against the spread of slavery in the +Territories than against the foreign slave trade. + +Compromise! What word of compromise was there about it? Why, the +public sense was then in favor of the abolition of the slave trade; +but there was at the time a very great commercial interest involved +in it, and extensive capital in that branch of trade. There were +doubtless the incipient stages of improvement in the South in the way +of farming, dependent on the slave trade, and they made a proposition +to Congress to abolish the trade after allowing it twenty years,--a +sufficient time for the capital and commerce engaged in it to be +transferred to other channel. They made no provision that it should +be abolished in twenty years; I do not doubt that they expected it +would be, but they made no bargain about it. The public sentiment +left no doubt in the minds of any that it would be done away. I +repeat, there is nothing in the history of those times in favor of +that matter being a compromise of the constitution. It was the +public expectation at the time, manifested in a thousand ways, that +the spread of slavery should also be restricted. + +Then I say, if this principle is established, that there is no wrong +in slavery, and whoever wants it has a right to have it, is a matter +of dollars and cents, a sort of question as to how they shall deal +with brutes, that between us and the negro here there is no sort of +question, but that at the South the question is between the negro and +the crocodile, that is all, it is a mere matter of policy, there is a +perfect right, according to interest, to do just as you please,--when +this is done, where this doctrine prevails, the miners and sappers +will have formed public opinion for the slave trade. They will be +ready for Jeff. Davis and Stephens and other leaders of that company +to sound the bugle for the revival of the slave trade, for the second +Dred Scott decision, for the flood of slavery to be poured over the +free States, while we shall be here tied down and helpless and run +over like sheep. + +It is to be a part and parcel of this same idea to say to men who +want to adhere to the Democratic party, who have always belonged to +that party, and are only looking about for some excuse to stick to +it, but nevertheless hate slavery, that Douglas's popular sovereignty +is as good a way as any to oppose slavery. They allow themselves to +be persuaded easily, in accordance with their previous dispositions, +into this belief, that it is about as good a way of opposing slavery +as any, and we can do that without straining our old party ties or +breaking up old political associations. We can do so without being +called negro-worshipers. We can do that without being subjected to +the jibes and sneers that are so readily thrown out in place of +argument where no arguement can be found. So let us stick to this +popular sovereignty,--this insidious popular sovereignty. + +Now let me call your attention to one thing that has really happened, +which shows this gradual and steady debauching of public opinion, +this course of preparation for the revival of the slave trade, for +the Territorial slave code, and the new Dred Scott decision that is +to carry slavery into the Free States. Did you ever, five years ago, +hear of anybody in the world saying that the negro had no share in +the Declaration of National Independence; that it does not mean +negroes at all; and when "all men" were spoken of, negroes were not +included? + +I am satisfied that five years ago that proposition was not put upon +paper by any living being anywhere. I have been unable at any time +to find a man in an audience who would declare that he had ever known +of anybody saying so five years ago. But last year there was not a +Douglas popular sovereign in Illinois who did not say it. Is there +one in Ohio but declares his firm belief that the Declaration of +Independence did not mean negroes at all? I do not know how this is; +I have not been here much; but I presume you are very much alike +everywhere. Then I suppose that all now express the belief that the +Declaration of Independence never did mean negroes. I call upon one +of them to say that he said it five years ago. + +If you think that now, and did not think it then, the next thing that +strikes me is to remark that there has been a change wrought in you,- +-and a very significant change it is, being no less than changing the +negro, in your estimation, from the rank of a man to that of a brute. +They are taking him down and placing him, when spoken of, among +reptiles and crocodiles, as Judge Douglas himself expresses it. + +Is not this change wrought in your minds a very important change? +Public opinion in this country is everything. In a nation like ours, +this popular sovereignty and squatter sovereignty have already +wrought a change in the public mind to the extent I have stated. +There is no man in this crowd who can contradict it. + +Now, if you are opposed to slavery honestly, as much as anybody, I +ask you to note that fact, and the like of which is to follow, to be +plastered on, layer after layer, until very soon you are prepared to +deal with the negro every where as with the brute. If public +sentiment has not been debauched already to this point, a new turn of +the screw in that direction is all that is wanting; and this is +constantly being done by the teachers of this insidious popular +sovereignty. You need but one or two turns further, until your +minds, now ripening under these teachings, will be ready for all +these things, and you will receive and support, or submit to, the +slave trade, revived with all its horrors, a slave code enforced in +our Territories, and a new Dred Scott decision to bring slavery up +into the very heart of the free North. This, I must say, is but +carrying out those words prophetically spoken by Mr. Clay,--many, +many years ago,--I believe more than thirty years, when he told an +audience that if they would repress all tendencies to liberty and +ultimate emancipation they must go back to the era of our +independence, and muzzle the cannon which thundered its annual joyous +return on the Fourth of July; they must blow out the moral lights +around us; they must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate the love +of liberty: but until they did these things, and others eloquently +enumerated by him, they could not repress all tendencies to ultimate +emancipation. + +I ask attention to the fact that in a pre-eminent degree these +popular sovereigns are at this work: blowing out the moral lights +around us; teaching that the negro is no longer a man, but a brute; +that the Declaration has nothing to do with him; that he ranks with +the crocodile and the reptile; that man, with body and soul, is a +matter of dollars and cents. I suggest to this portion of the Ohio +Republicans, or Democrats, if there be any present, the serious +consideration of this fact that there is now going on among you a +steady process of debauching public opinion on this subject. With +this, my friends, I bid you adieu. + + + + +SPEECH AT CINCINNATI OHIO, SEPTEMBER 17, 1859 + +My Fellow-Citizens of the State of Ohio: This is the first time in +my life that I have appeared before an audience in so great a city as +this: I therefore--though I am no longer a young man--make this +appearance under some degree of embarrassment. But I have found that +when one is embarrassed, usually the shortest way to get through with +it is to quit talking or thinking about it, and go at something else. + +I understand that you have had recently with you my very +distinguished friend Judge Douglas, of Illinois; and I understand, +without having had an opportunity (not greatly sought, to be sure) of +seeing a report of the speech that he made here, that he did me the +honor to mention my humble name. I suppose that he did so for the +purpose of making some objection to some sentiment at some time +expressed by me. I should expect, it is true, that judge Douglas had +reminded you, or informed you, if you had never before heard it, that +I had once in my life declared it as my opinion that this government +cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free; that a house +divided against itself cannot stand, and, as I had expressed it, I +did not expect the house to fall, that I did not expect the Union to +be dissolved, but that I did expect that it would cease to be +divided, that it would become all one thing, or all the other; that +either the opponents of slavery would arrest the further spread of +it, and place it where the public mind would rest in the belief that +it was in the course of ultimate extinction, or the friends of +slavery will push it forward until it becomes alike lawful in all the +States, old or new, free as well as slave. I did, fifteen months ago, +express that opinion, and upon many occasions Judge Douglas has +denounced it, and has greatly, intentionally or unintentionally, +misrepresented my purpose in the expression of that opinion. + +I presume, without having seen a report of his speech, that he did so +here. I presume that he alluded also to that opinion, in different +language, having been expressed at a subsequent time by Governor +Seward of New York, and that he took the two in a lump and denounced +them; that he tried to point out that there was something couched in +this opinion which led to the making of an entire uniformity of the +local institutions of the various States of the Union, in utter +disregard of the different States, which in their nature would seem +to require a variety of institutions and a variety of laws, +conforming to the differences in the nature of the different States. + +Not only so: I presume he insisted that this was a declaration of war +between the free and slave States, that it was the sounding to the +onset of continual war between the different States, the slave and +free States. + +This charge, in this form, was made by Judge Douglas on, I believe, +the 9th of July, 1858, in Chicago, in my hearing. On the next +evening, I made some reply to it. I informed him that many of the +inferences he drew from that expression of mine were altogether +foreign to any purpose entertained by me, and in so far as he should +ascribe these inferences to me, as my purpose, he was entirely +mistaken; and in so far as he might argue that, whatever might be my +purpose, actions conforming to my views would lead to these results, +he might argue and establish if he could; but, so far as purposes +were concerned, he was totally mistaken as to me. + +When I made that reply to him, I told him, on the question of +declaring war between the different States of the Union, that I had +not said that I did not expect any peace upon this question until +slavery was exterminated; that I had only said I expected peace when +that institution was put where the public mind should rest in the +belief that it was in course of ultimate extinction; that I believed, +from the organization of our government until a very recent period of +time, the institution had been placed and continued upon such a +basis; that we had had comparative peace upon that question through a +portion of that period of time, only because the public mind rested +in that belief in regard to it, and that when we returned to that +position in relation to that matter, I supposed we should again have +peace as we previously had. I assured him, as I now, assure you, that +I neither then had, nor have, or ever had, any purpose in any way of +interfering with the institution of slavery, where it exists. I +believe we have no power, under the Constitution of the United +States, or rather under the form of government under which we live, +to interfere with the institution of slavery, or any other of the +institutions of our sister States, be they free or slave States. I +declared then, and I now re-declare, that I have as little +inclination to interfere with the institution of slavery where it now +exists, through the instrumentality of the General Government, or any +other instrumentality, as I believe we have no power to do so. I +accidentally used this expression: I had no purpose of entering into +the slave States to disturb the institution of slavery. So, upon the +first occasion that Judge Douglas got an opportunity to reply to me, +he passed by the whole body of what I had said upon that subject, and +seized upon the particular expression of mine that I had no purpose +of entering into the slave States to disturb the institution of +slavery. "Oh, no," said he, "he [Lincoln] won't enter into the slave +States to disturb the institution of slavery, he is too prudent a man +to do such a thing as that; he only means that he will go on to the +line between the free and slave States, and shoot over at them. This +is all he means to do. He means to do them all the harm he can, to +disturb them all he can, in such a way as to keep his own hide in +perfect safety." + +Well, now, I did not think, at that time, that that was either a very +dignified or very logical argument but so it was, I had to get along +with it as well as I could. + +It has occurred to-me here to-night that if I ever do shoot over the +line at the people on the other side of the line into a slave State, +and purpose to do so, keeping my skin safe, that I have now about the +best chance I shall ever have. I should not wonder if there are some +Kentuckians about this audience--we are close to Kentucky; and +whether that be so or not, we are on elevated ground, and, by +speaking distinctly, I should not wonder if some of the Kentuckians +would hear me on the other side of the river. For that reason I +propose to address a portion of what I have to say to the +Kentuckians. + +I say, then, in the first place, to the Kentuckians, that I am what +they call, as I understand it, a "Black Republican." I think slavery +is wrong, morally and politically. I desire that it should be no +further spread in--these United States, and I should not object if it +should gradually terminate in the whole Union. While I say this for +myself, I say to you Kentuckians that I understand you differ +radically with me upon this proposition; that you believe slavery is +a good thing; that slavery is right; that it ought to be extended and +perpetuated in this Union. Now, there being this broad difference +between us, I do not pretend, in addressing myself to you +Kentuckians, to attempt proselyting you; that would be a vain effort. +I do not enter upon it. I only propose to try to show you that you +ought to nominate for the next Presidency, at Charleston, my +distinguished friend Judge Douglas. In all that there is a +difference between you and him, I understand he is sincerely for you, +and more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. I will try to +demonstrate that proposition. Understand, now, I say that I believe +he is as sincerely for you, and more wisely for you, than you are for +yourselves. + +What do you want more than anything else to make successful your +views of slavery,--to advance the outspread of it, and to secure and +perpetuate the nationality of it? What do you want more than +anything else? What--is needed absolutely? What is indispensable to +you? Why, if I may, be allowed to answer the question, it is to +retain a hold upon the North, it is to retain support and strength +from the free States. If you can get this support and strength from +the free States, you can succeed. If you do not get this support and +this strength from the free States, you are in the minority, and you +are beaten at once. + +If that proposition be admitted,--and it is undeniable,--then the +next thing I say to you is, that Douglas, of all the men in this +nation, is the only man that affords you any hold upon the free +States; that no other man can give you any strength in the free +States. This being so, if you doubt the other branch of the +proposition, whether he is for you--whether he is really for you, as +I have expressed it,--I propose asking your attention for a while to +a few facts. + +The issue between you and me, understand, is, that I think slavery is +wrong, and ought not to be outspread; and you think it is right, and +ought to be extended and perpetuated. [A voice, "Oh, Lord!"] That is +my Kentuckian I am talking to now. + +I now proceed to try to show you that Douglas is as sincerely for you +and more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. + +In the first place, we know that in a government like this, in a +government of the people, where the voice of all the men of the +country, substantially, enters into the execution--or administration, +rather--of the government, in such a government, what lies at the +bottom of all of it is public opinion. I lay down the proposition, +that Judge Douglas is not only the man that promises you in advance a +hold upon the North, and support in the North, but he constantly +moulds public opinion to your ends; that in every possible way he can +he constantly moulds the public opinion of the North to your ends; +and if there are a few things in which he seems to be against you,- +-a, few things which he says that appear to be against you, and a few +that he forbears to say which you would like to have him say you +ought to remember that the saying of the one, or the forbearing to +say the other, would lose his hold upon the North, and, by +consequence, would lose his capacity to serve you. + +Upon this subject of moulding public opinion I call your attention to +the fact--for a well established fact it is--that the Judge never +says your institution of slavery is wrong. There is not a public man +in the United States, I believe, with the exception of Senator +Douglas, who has not, at some time in his life, declared his opinion +whether the thing is right or wrong; but Senator Douglas never +declares it is wrong. He leaves himself at perfect liberty to do all +in your favor which he would be hindered from doing if he were to +declare the thing to be wrong. On the contrary, he takes all the +chances that he has for inveigling the sentiment of the North, +opposed to slavery, into your support, by never saying it is right. +This you ought to set down to his credit: You ought to give him full +credit for this much; little though it be, in comparison to the whole +which he does for you. + +Some other, things I will ask your attention to. He said upon the +floor of the United States Senate, and he has repeated it, as I +understand, a great many times, that he does not care whether slavery +is "voted up or voted down." This again shows you, or ought to show +you, if you would reason upon it, that he does not believe it to be +wrong; for a man may say when he sees nothing wrong in a thing; that +he, dues not care whether it be voted up or voted down but no man can +logically say that he cares not whether a thing goes up or goes down +which to him appears to be wrong. You therefore have a demonstration +in this that to Judge Douglas's mind your favorite institution, which +you would have spread out and made perpetual, is no wrong. + +Another thing he tells you, in a speech made at Memphis in Tennessee, +shortly after the canvass in Illinois, last year. He there +distinctly told the people that there was a "line drawn by the +Almighty across this continent, on the one side of which the soil +must always be cultivated by slaves"; that he did not pretend to know +exactly where that line was, but that there was such a line. I want +to ask your attention to that proposition again; that there is one +portion of this continent where the Almighty has signed the soil +shall always be cultivated by slaves; that its being cultivated by +slaves at that place is right; that it has the direct sympathy and +authority of the Almighty. Whenever you can get these Northern +audiences to adopt the opinion that slavery is right on the other +side of the Ohio, whenever you can get them, in pursuance of +Douglas's views, to adopt that sentiment, they will very readily make +the other argument, which is perfectly logical, that that which is +right on that side of the Ohio cannot be wrong on this, and that if +you have that property on that side of the Ohio, under the seal and +stamp of the Almighty, when by any means it escapes over here it is +wrong to have constitutions and laws "to devil" you about it. So +Douglas is moulding the public opinion of the North, first to say +that the thing is right in your State over the Ohio River, and hence +to say that that which is right there is not wrong here, and that all +laws and constitutions here recognizing it as being wrong are +themselves wrong, and ought to be repealed and abrogated. He will +tell you, men of Ohio, that if you choose here to have laws against +slavery, it is in conformity to the idea that your climate is not +suited to it, that your climate is not suited to slave labor, and +therefore you have constitutions and laws against it. + +Let us attend to that argument for a little while and see if it be +sound. You do not raise sugar-cane (except the new-fashioned +sugar-cane, and you won't raise that long), but they do raise it in +Louisiana. You don't raise it in Ohio, because you can't raise it +profitably, because the climate don't suit it. They do raise it in +Louisiana, because there it is profitable. Now, Douglas will tell +you that is precisely the slavery question: that they do have slaves +there because they are profitable, and you don't have them here +because they are not profitable. If that is so, then it leads to +dealing with the one precisely as with the other. Is there, then, +anything in the constitution or laws of Ohio against raising +sugar-cane? Have you found it necessary to put any such provision in +your law? Surely not! No man desires to raise sugar-cane in Ohio, +but if any man did desire to do so, you would say it was a tyrannical +law that forbids his doing so; and whenever you shall agree with +Douglas, whenever your minds are brought to adopt his argument, as +surely you will have reached the conclusion that although it is not +profitable in Ohio, if any man wants it, is wrong to him not to let +him have it. + +In this matter Judge Douglas is preparing the public mind for you of +Kentucky to make perpetual that good thing in your estimation, about +which you and I differ. + +In this connection, let me ask your attention to another thing. I +believe it is safe to assert that five years ago no living man had +expressed the opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration +of Independence. Let me state that again: five years ago no living +man had expressed the opinion that the negro had no share in the +Declaration of Independence. If there is in this large audience any +man who ever knew of that opinion being put upon paper as much as +five years ago, I will be obliged to him now or at a subsequent time +to show it. + +If that be true I wish you then to note the next fact: that within +the space of five years Senator Douglas, in the argument of this +question, has got his entire party, so far as I know, without +exception, in saying that the negro has no share in the Declaration +of Independence. If there be now in all these United States one +Douglas man that does not say this, I have been unable upon any +occasion to scare him up. Now, if none of you said this five years +ago, and all of you say it now, that is a matter that you Kentuckians +ought to note. That is a vast change in the Northern public +sentiment upon that question. + +Of what tendency is that change? The tendency of that change is to +bring the public mind to the conclusion that when men are spoken of, +the negro is not meant; that when negroes are spoken of, brutes alone +are contemplated. That change in public sentiment has already +degraded the black man in the estimation of Douglas and his followers +from the condition of a man of some sort, and assigned him to the +condition of a brute. Now, you Kentuckians ought to give Douglas +credit for this. That is the largest possible stride that can be +made in regard to the perpetuation of your thing of slavery. + +A voice: Speak to Ohio men, and not to Kentuckians! + +Mr. LINCOLN: I beg permission to speak as I please. + +In Kentucky perhaps, in many of the slave States certainly, you are +trying to establish the rightfulness of slavery by reference to the +Bible. You are trying to show that slavery existed in the Bible +times by divine ordinance. Now, Douglas is wiser than you, for your +own benefit, upon that subject. Douglas knows that whenever you +establish that slavery was--right by the Bible, it will occur that +that slavery was the slavery of the white man, of men without +reference to color; and he knows very well that you may entertain +that idea in Kentucky as much as you please, but you will never win +any Northern support upon it. He makes a wiser argument for you: he +makes the argument that the slavery of the black man; the slavery of +the man who has a skin of a different color from your own, is right. +He thereby brings to your support Northern voters who could not for a +moment be brought by your own argument of the Bible right of slavery. +Will you give him credit for that? Will you not say that in this +matter he is more wisely for you than you are for yourselves? + +Now, having established with his entire party this doctrine, having +been entirely successful in that branch of his efforts in your +behalf, he is ready for another. + +At this same meeting at Memphis he declared that in all contests +between the negro and the white man he was for the white man, but +that in all questions between the negro and the crocodile he was for +the negro. He did not make that declaration accidentally at Memphis. +He made it a great many times in the canvass in Illinois last year +(though I don't know that it was reported in any of his speeches +there, but he frequently made it). I believe he repeated it at +Columbus, and I should not wonder if be repeated it here. It is, +then, a deliberate way of expressing himself upon that subject. It +is a matter of mature deliberation with him thus to express himself +upon that point of his case. It therefore requires deliberate +attention. + +The first inference seems to be that if you do not enslave the negro, +you are wronging the white man in some way or other, and that whoever +is opposed to the negro being enslaved, is, in some way or other, +against the white man. Is not that a falsehood? If there was a +necessary conflict between the white man and the negro, I should be +for the white man as much as Judge Douglas; but I say there is no +such necessary conflict. I say that there is room enough for us all +to be free, and that it not only does not wrong the white man that +the negro should be free, but it positively wrongs the mass of the +white men that the negro should be enslaved; that the mass of white +men are really injured by the effects of slave labor in the vicinity +of the fields of their own labor. + +But I do not desire to dwell upon this branch of the question more +than to say that this assumption of his is false, and I do hope that +that fallacy will not long prevail in the minds of intelligent white +men. At all events, you ought to thank Judge Douglas for it; it is +for your benefit it is made. + +The other branch of it is, that in the struggle between the negro and +the crocodile; he is for the negro. Well, I don't know that there is +any struggle between the negro and the crocodile, either. I suppose +that if a crocodile (or, as we old Ohio River boatmen used to call +them, alligators) should come across a white man, he would kill him +if he could; and so he would a negro. But what, at last, is this +proposition? I believe it is a sort of proposition in proportion, +which may be stated thus: "As the negro is to the white man, so is +the crocodile to the negro; and as the negro may rightfully treat the +crocodile as a beast or reptile, so the white man may rightfully +treat the negro as a beast or a reptile." That is really the "knip" +of all that argument of his. + +Now, my brother Kentuckians, who believe in this, you ought to thank +Judge Douglas for having put that in a much more taking way than any +of yourselves have done. + +Again, Douglas's great principle, "popular sovereignty," as he calls +it, gives you, by natural consequence, the revival of the slave trade +whenever you want it. If you question this, listen awhile, consider +awhile what I shall advance in support of that proposition. + +He says that it is the sacred right of the man who goes into the +Territories to have slavery if he wants it. Grant that for +argument's sake. Is it not the sacred right of the man who don't go +there equally to buy slaves in Africa, if he wants them? Can you +point out the difference? The man who goes into the Territories of +Kansas and Nebraska, or any other new Territory, with the sacred +right of taking a slave there which belongs to him, would certainly +have no more right to take one there than I would, who own no slave, +but who would desire to buy one and take him there. You will not say +you, the friends of Judge Douglas but that the man who does not own a +slave has an equal right to buy one and take him to the Territory as +the other does. + +A voice: I want to ask a question. Don't foreign nations interfere +with the slave trade? + +Mr. LINCOLN: Well! I understand it to be a principle of Democracy to +whip foreign nations whenever, they interfere with us. + +Voice: I only asked for information. I am a Republican myself. + +Mr. LINCOLN: You and I will be on the best terms in the world, but +I do not wish to be diverted from the point I was trying to press. + +I say that Douglas's popular sovereignty, establishing his sacred +right in the people, if you please, if carried to its logical +conclusion gives equally the sacred right to the people of the States +or the Territories themselves to buy slaves wherever they can buy +them cheapest; and if any man can show a distinction, I should like +to hear him try it. If any man can show how the people of Kansas +have a better right to slaves, because they want them, than the +people of Georgia have to buy them in Africa, I want him to do it. +I think it cannot be done. If it is "popular sovereignty" for the +people to have slaves because they want them, it is popular +sovereignty for them to buy them in Africa because they desire to do +so. + +I know that Douglas has recently made a little effort, not seeming to +notice that he had a different theory, has made an effort to get rid +of that. He has written a letter, addressed to somebody, I believe, +who resides in Iowa, declaring his opposition to the repeal of the +laws that prohibit the Africa slave trade. He bases his opposition +to such repeal upon the ground that these laws are themselves one of +the compromises of the Constitution of the United States. Now, it +would be very interesting to see Judge Douglas or any of his friends +turn, to the Constitution of the United States and point out that +compromise, to show where there is any compromise in the +Constitution, or provision in the Constitution; express or implied, +by which the administrators of that Constitution are under any +obligation to repeal the African slave trade. I know, or at least I +think I know, that the framers of that Constitution did expect the +African slave trade would be abolished at the end of twenty years, to +which time their prohibition against its being abolished extended. +there is abundant contemporaneous history to show that the framers of +the Constitution expected it to be abolished. But while they so +expected, they gave nothing for that expectation, and they put no +provision in the Constitution requiring it should be so abolished. +The migration or importation of such persons as the States shall see +fit to admit shall not be prohibited, but a certain tax might be +levied upon such importation. But what was to be done after that +time? The Constitution is as silent about that as it is silent, +personally, about myself. There is absolutely nothing in it about +that subject; there is only the expectation of the framers of the +Constitution that the slave trade would be abolished at the end of +that time; and they expected it would be abolished, owing to public +sentiment, before that time; and the put that provision in, in order +that it should not be abolished before that time, for reasons which I +suppose they thought to be sound ones, but which I will not now try +to enumerate before you. + +But while, they expected the slave trade would be abolished at that +time, they expected that the spread of slavery into the new +Territories should also be restricted. It is as easy to prove that +the framers of the Constitution of the United States expected that +slavery should be prohibited from extending into the new Territories, +as it is to prove that it was expected that the slave trade should be +abolished. Both these things were expected. One was no more +expected than the other, and one was no more a compromise of the +Constitution than the other. There was nothing said in the +Constitution in regard to the spread of slavery into the Territory. +I grant that; but there was something very important said about it by +the same generation of men in the adoption of the old Ordinance of +'87, through the influence of which you here in Ohio, our neighbors +in Indiana, we in Illinois, our neighbors in Michigan and Wisconsin, +are happy, prosperous, teeming millions of free men. That generation +of men, though not to the full extent members of the convention that +framed the Constitution, were to some extent members of that +convention, holding seats at the same time in one body and the other, +so that if there was any compromise on either of these subjects, the +strong evidence is that that compromise was in favor of the +restriction of slavery from the new Territories. + +But Douglas says that he is unalterably opposed to the repeal of +those laws because, in his view, it is a compromise of the +Constitution. You Kentuckians, no doubt, are somewhat offended with +that. You ought not to be! You ought to be patient! You ought to +know that if he said less than that, he would lose the power of +"lugging" the Northern States to your support. Really, what you +would push him to do would take from him his entire power to serve +you. And you ought to remember how long, by precedent, Judge Douglas +holds himself obliged to stick by compromises. You ought to remember +that by the time you yourselves think you are ready to inaugurate +measures for the revival of the African slave trade, that sufficient +time will have arrived, by precedent, for Judge Douglas to break +through, that compromise. He says now nothing more strong than he +said in 1849 when he declared in favor of Missouri Compromise,--and +precisely four years and a quarter after he declared that Compromise +to be a sacred thing, which "no ruthless hand would ever daze to +touch," he himself brought forward the measure ruthlessly to destroy +it. By a mere calculation of time it will only be four years more +until he is ready to take back his profession about the sacredness of +the Compromise abolishing the slave trade. Precisely as soon as you +are ready to have his services in that direction, by fair +calculation, you may be sure of having them. + +But you remember and set down to Judge Douglas's debt, or discredit, +that he, last year, said the people of Territories can, in spite of +the Dred Scott decision, exclude your slaves from those Territories; +that he declared, by "unfriendly legislation" the extension of your +property into the new Territories may be cut off, in the teeth of the +decision of the Supreme Court of the United States. + +He assumed that position at Freeport on the 27th of August, 1858. He +said that the people of the Territories can exclude slavery, in so +many words: You ought, however, to bear in mind that he has never +said it since. You may hunt in every speech that he has since made, +and he has never used that expression once. He has never seemed to +notice that he is stating his views differently from what he did +then; but by some sort of accident, he has always really stated it +differently. He has always since then declared that "the +Constitution does not carry slavery into the Territories of the +United States beyond the power of the people legally to control it, +as other property." Now, there is a difference in the language used +upon that former occasion and in this latter day. There may or may +not be a difference in the meaning, but it is worth while considering +whether there is not also a difference in meaning. + +What is it to exclude? Why, it is to drive it out. It is in some +way to put it out of the Territory. It is to force it across the +line, or change its character so that, as property, it is out of +existence. But what is the controlling of it "as other property"? +Is controlling it as other property the same thing as destroying it, +or driving it away? I should think not. I should think the +controlling of it as other property would be just about what you in +Kentucky should want. I understand the controlling of property means +the controlling of it for the benefit of the owner of it. While I +have no doubt the Supreme Court of the United States would say "God +speed" to any of the Territorial Legislatures that should thus +control slave property, they would sing quite a different tune if, by +the pretence of controlling it, they were to undertake to pass laws +which virtually excluded it,--and that upon a very well known +principle to all lawyers, that what a Legislature cannot directly do, +it cannot do by indirection; that as the Legislature has not the +power to drive slaves out, they have no power, by indirection, by +tax, or by imposing burdens in any way on that property, to effect +the same end, and that any attempt to do so would be held by the Dred +Scott court unconstitutional. + +Douglas is not willing to stand by his first proposition that they +can exclude it, because we have seen that that proposition amounts to +nothing more nor less than the naked absurdity that you may lawfully +drive out that which has a lawful right to remain. He admitted at +first that the slave might be lawfully taken into the Territories +under the Constitution of the United States, and yet asserted that he +might be lawfully driven out. That being the proposition, it is the +absurdity I have stated. He is not willing to stand in the face of +that direct, naked, and impudent absurdity; he has, therefore, +modified his language into that of being "controlled as other +property." + +The Kentuckians don't like this in Douglas! I will tell you where it +will go. He now swears by the court. He was once a leading man in +Illinois to break down a court, because it had made a decision he did +not like. But he now not only swears by the court, the courts having +got to working for you, but he denounces all men that do not swear by +the courts, as unpatriotic, as bad citizens. When one of these acts +of unfriendly legislation shall impose such heavy burdens as to, in +effect, destroy property in slaves in a Territory, and show plainly +enough that there can be no mistake in the purpose of the Legislature +to make them so burdensome, this same Supreme Court will decide that +law to be unconstitutional, and he will be ready to say for your +benefit "I swear by the court; I give it up"; and while that is going +on he has been getting all his men to swear by the courts, and to +give it up with him. In this again he serves you faithfully, and, as +I say, more wisely than you serve yourselves. + +Again: I have alluded in the beginning of these remarks to the fact +that Judge Douglas has made great complaint of my having expressed +the opinion that this government "cannot endure permanently, half +slave and half free." He has complained of Seward for using +different language, and declaring that there is an "irrepressible +conflict" between the principles of free and slave labor. [A voice: +" He says it is not original with Seward. That it is original with +Lincoln."] I will attend to that immediately, sir. Since that time, +Hickman of Pennsylvania expressed the same sentiment. He has never +denounced Mr. Hickman: why? There is a little chance, +notwithstanding that opinion in the mouth of Hickman, that he may yet +be a Douglas man. That is the difference! It is not unpatriotic to +hold that opinion if a man is a Douglas man. + +But neither I, nor Seward, nor Hickman is entitled to the enviable or +unenviable distinction of having first expressed that idea. That +same idea was expressed by the Richmond Enquirer, in Virginia, in +1856,--quite two years before it was expressed by the first of us. +And while Douglas was pluming himself that in his conflict with my +humble self, last year, he had "squelched out" that fatal heresy, as +he delighted to call it, and had suggested that if he only had had a +chance to be in New York and meet Seward he would have "squelched" it +there also, it never occurred to him to breathe a word against Pryor. +I don't think that you can discover that Douglas ever talked of going +to Virginia to "squelch" out that idea there. No. More than that. +That same Roger A. Pryor was brought to Washington City and made the +editor of the par excellence Douglas paper, after making use of that +expression, which, in us, is so unpatriotic and heretical. From all +this, my Kentucky friends may see that this opinion is heretical in +his view only when it is expressed by men suspected of a desire that +the country shall all become free, and not when expressed by those +fairly known to entertain the desire that the whole country shall +become slave. When expressed by that class of men, it is in nowise +offensive to him. In this again, my friends of Kentucky, you have +Judge Douglas with you. + +There is another reason why you Southern people ought to nominate +Douglas at your convention at Charleston. That reason is the +wonderful capacity of the man,--the power he has of doing what would +seem to be impossible. Let me call your attention to one of these +apparently impossible things: + +Douglas had three or four very distinguished men of the most extreme +anti-slavery views of any men in the Republican party expressing +their desire for his re-election to the Senate last year. That +would, of itself, have seemed to be a little wonderful; but that +wonder is heightened when we see that Wise of Virginia, a man exactly +opposed to them, a man who believes in the divine right of slavery, +was also expressing his desire that Douglas should be reelected; that +another man that may be said to be kindred to Wise, Mr. Breckinridge, +the Vice-President, and of your own State, was also agreeing with the +anti-slavery men in the North that Douglas ought to be re-elected. +Still to heighten the wonder, a senator from Kentucky, whom I have +always loved with an affection as tender and endearing as I have ever +loved any man, who was opposed to the anti-slavery men for reasons +which seemed sufficient to him, and equally opposed to Wise and +Breckinridge, was writing letters into Illinois to secure the +reelection of Douglas. Now, that all these conflicting elements +should be brought, while at daggers' points with one another, to +support him, is a feat that is worthy for you to note and consider. +It is quite probable that each of these classes of men thought, by +the re-election of Douglas, their peculiar views would gain +something: it is probable that the anti-slavery men thought their +views would gain something; that Wise and Breckinridge thought so +too, as regards their opinions; that Mr. Crittenden thought that his +views would gain something, although he was opposed to both these +other men. It is probable that each and all of them thought that +they were using Douglas; and it is yet an unsolved problem whether he +was not using them all. If he was, then it is for you to consider +whether that power to perform wonders is one for you lightly to throw +away. + +There is one other thing that I will say to you, in this relation. It +is but my opinion, I give it to you without a fee. It is my opinion +that it is for you to take him or be defeated; and that if you do +take him you may be beaten. You will surely be beaten if you do not +take him. We, the Republicans and others forming the opposition of +the country, intend to "stand by our guns," to be patient and firm, +and in the long run to beat you, whether you take him or not. We +know that before we fairly beat you we have to beat you both +together. We know that you are "all of a feather," and that we have +to beat you all together, and we expect to do it. We don't intend to +be very impatient about it. We mean to be as deliberate and calm +about it as it is possible to be, but as firm and resolved as it is +possible for men to be. When we do as we say,--beat you,--you +perhaps want to know what we will do with you. + +I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the +opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as +near as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison +treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way interfere +with your institution; to abide by all and every compromise of the +Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to the original +proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we have +degenerated) may, according to the examples of those noble fathers, +Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are +as good as we; that there is no difference between us other than the +difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and bear in mind +always that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, +or as we claim to have, and treat you accordingly. We mean to marry +your girls when we have a chance, the white ones I mean; and I have +the honor to inform you that I once did have a chance in that way. + +I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, now, when that +thing takes place, what do you mean to do? I often hear it intimated +that you mean to divide the Union whenever a Republican, or anything +like it, is elected President of the United States. [A voice: "That +is so."] "That is so," one of them says; I wonder if he is a +Kentuckian? [A voice: "He is a Douglas man."] Well, then, I want to +know what you are going to do with your half of it? Are you going to +split the Ohio down through, and push your half off a piece? Or are +you going to keep it right alongside of us outrageous fellows? Or +are you going to build up a wall some way between your country and +ours, by which that movable property of yours can't come over here +any more, to the danger of your losing it? Do you think you can +better yourselves, on that subject, by leaving us here under no +obligation whatever to return those specimens of your movable +property that come hither? You have divided the Union because we +would not do right with you, as you think, upon that subject; when we +cease to be under obligations to do anything for you, how much better +off do you think you will be? Will you make war upon us and kill us +all? Why, gentlemen, I think you are as gallant and as brave men as +live; that you can fight as bravely in a good cause, man for man, as +any other people living; that you have shown yourselves capable of +this upon various occasions: but, man for man, you are not better +than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are of us. You +will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were fewer in +numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were equal, +it would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, you +will make nothing by attempting to master us. + +But perhaps I have addressed myself as long, or longer, to the +Kentuckians than I ought to have done, inasmuch as I have said that +whatever course you take we intend in the end to beat you. I propose +to address a few remarks to our friends, by way of discussing with +them the best means of keeping that promise that I have in good faith +made. + +It may appear a little episodical for me to mention the topic of +which I will speak now. It is a favorite position of Douglas's that +the interference of the General Government, through the Ordinance of +'87, or through any other act of the General Government never has +made or ever can make a free State; the Ordinance of '87 did not make +free States of Ohio, Indiana, or Illinois; that these States are free +upon his "great principle" of popular sovereignty, because the people +of those several States have chosen to make them so. At Columbus, +and probably here, he undertook to compliment the people that they +themselves have made the State of Ohio free, and that the Ordinance +of '87 was not entitled in any degree to divide the honor with them. +I have no doubt that the people of the State of Ohio did make her +free according to their own will and judgment, but let the facts be +remembered. + +In 1802, I believe, it was you who made your first constitution, with +the clause prohibiting slavery, and you did it, I suppose, very +nearly unanimously; but you should bear in mind that you--speaking of +you as one people--that you did so unembarrassed by the actual +presence of the, institution amongst you; that you made it a free +State not with the embarrassment upon you of already having among you +many slaves, which if they had been here, and you had sought to make +a free State, you would not know what to do with. If they had been +among you, embarrassing difficulties, most probably, would have +induced you to tolerate a slave constitution instead of a free one, +as indeed these very difficulties have constrained every people on +this continent who have adopted slavery. + +Pray what was it that made you free? What kept you free? Did you +not find your country free when you came to decide that Ohio should +be a free State? It is important to inquire by what reason you found +it so. Let us take an illustration between the States of Ohio and +Kentucky. Kentucky is separated by this River Ohio, not a mile wide. +A portion of Kentucky, by reason of the course of the Ohio, is +farther north than this portion of Ohio, in which we now stand. +Kentucky is entirely covered with slavery; Ohio is entirely free from +it: What made that difference? Was it climate? No. A portion of +Kentucky was farther north than this portion of Ohio. Was it soil? +No. There is nothing in the soil of the one more favorable to slave +than the other. It was not climate or soil that mused one side of the +line to be entirely covered with slavery, and the other side free of +it. What was it? Study over it. Tell us, if you can, in all the +range of conjecture, if there be anything you can conceive of that +made that difference, other than that there was no law of any sort +keeping it out of Kentucky, while the Ordinance of '87 kept it out of +Ohio. If there is any other reason than this, I confess that it is +wholly beyond my power to conceive of it. This, then, I offer to +combat the idea that that Ordinance has never made any State free. + +I don't stop at this illustration. I come to the State of Indiana; +and what I have said as between Kentucky and Ohio, I repeat as +between Indiana and Kentucky: it is equally applicable. One +additional argument is applicable also to Indiana. In her +Territorial condition she more than once petitioned Congress to +abrogate the Ordinance entirely, or at least so far as to suspend its +operation for a, time, in order that they should exercise the +"popular sovereignty" of having slaves if they wanted them. The men +then controlling the General Government, imitating the men of the +Revolution, refused Indiana that privilege. And so we have the +evidence that Indiana supposed she could have slaves, if it were not +for that Ordinance; that she besought Congress to put that barrier +out of the way; that Congress refused to do so; and it all ended at +last in Indiana being a free State. Tell me not then that the +Ordinance of '87 had nothing to do with making Indiana a free State, +when we find some men chafing against, and only restrained by, that +barrier. + +Come down again to our State of Illinois. The great Northwest +Territory, including Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and +Wisconsin, was acquired first, I believe, by the British Government, +in part at least, from the French. Before the establishment of our +independence it became a part of Virginia, enabling Virginia +afterward to transfer it to the General Government. There were +French settlements in what is now Illinois, and at the same time +there were French settlements in what is now Missouri, in the tract +of country that was not purchased till about 1803. In these French +settlements negro slavery had existed for many years, perhaps more +than a hundred; if not as much as two hundred years,--at Kaskaskia, +in Illinois, and at St. Genevieve, or Cape Girardeau, perhaps, in +Missouri. The number of slaves was not very great, but there was +about the same number in each place. They were there when we +acquired the Territory. There was no effort made to break up the +relation of master and slave, and even the Ordinance of 1787 was not +so enforced as to destroy that slavery in Illinois; nor did the +Ordinance apply to Missouri at all. + +What I want to ask your attention to; at this point, is that Illinois +and Missouri came into the Union about the same time, Illinois in the +latter part of 1818, and Missouri, after a struggle, I believe +sometime in 1820. They had been filling up with American people +about the same period of time; their progress enabling them to come +into the Union about the same time. At the end of that ten years, in +which they had been so preparing (for it was about that period of +time), the number of slaves in Illinois had actually decreased; while +in Missouri, beginning with very few, at the end of that ten years +there were about ten thousand. This being so, and it being +remembered that Missouri and Illinois are, to a certain extent, in +the same parallel of latitude, that the northern half of Missouri and +the southern half of Illinois are in the same parallel of latitude, +so that climate would have the same effect upon one as upon the +other, and that in the soil there is no material difference so far as +bears upon the question of slavery being settled upon one or the +other,--there being none of those natural causes to produce a +difference in filling them, and yet there being a broad difference to +their filling up, we are led again to inquire what was the cause of +that difference. + +It is most natural to say that in Missouri there was no law to keep +that country from filling up with slaves, while in Illinois there was +the Ordinance of The Ordinance being there, slavery decreased during +that ten years; the Ordinance not being in the other, it increased +from a few to ten thousand. Can anybody doubt the reason of the +difference? + +I think all these facts most abundantly prove that my friend Judge +Douglas's proposition, that the Ordinance of '87, or the national +restriction of slavery, never had a tendency to make a free State, is +a fallacy,--a proposition without the shadow or substance of truth +about it. + +Douglas sometimes says that all the States (and it is part of this +same proposition I have been discussing) that have become free have +become so upon his "great principle"; that the State of Illinois +itself came into the Union as a slave State, and that the people, +upon the "great principle" of popular sovereignty, have since made it +a free State. Allow me but a little while to state to you what facts +there are to justify him in saying that Illinois came into the Union +as a slave State. + +I have mentioned to you that there were a few old French slaves +there. They numbered, I think, one or two hundred. Besides that, +there had been a Territorial law for indenturing black persons. +Under that law, in violation of the Ordinance of '87, but without any +enforcement of the Ordinance to overthrow the system, there had been +a small number of slaves introduced as indentured persons. Owing to +this, the clause for the prohibition of slavery was slightly +modified. Instead of running like yours, that neither slavery nor +involuntary servitude, except for crime, of which the party shall +have been duly convicted, should exist in the State, they said that +neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should thereafter be +introduced; and that the children of indentured servants should be +born free; and nothing was said about the few old French slaves. Out +of this fact, that the clause for prohibiting slavery was modified +because of the actual presence of it, Douglas asserts again and again +that Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. How far the +facts sustain the conclusion that he draws, it is for intelligent and +impartial men to decide. I leave it with you, with these remarks, +worthy of being remembered, that that little thing, those few +indentured servants being there, was of itself sufficient to modify a +constitution made by a people ardently desiring to have a free +constitution; showing the power of the actual presence of the +institution of slavery to prevent any people, however anxious to make +a free State, from making it perfectly so. + +I have been detaining you longer, perhaps, than I ought to do. + +I am in some doubt whether to introduce another topic upon which I +could talk a while. [Cries of "Go on," and "Give us it."] It is this, +then: Douglas's Popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply this: +If one man chooses to make a slave of another man, neither that man +nor anybody else has a right to object. Apply it to government, as +he seeks to apply it, and it is this: If, in a new Territory into +which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose of making +their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their limits, +or to establish it there, however one or the other may affect the +persons to be enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons +who are afterward to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of +the family of communities of which they are but an incipient member, +or the general head of the family of States as parent of all, however +their action may affect one or the other of these, there is no power +or right to interfere. That is Douglas's popular sovereignty +applied. Now, I think that there is a real popular sovereignty in +the world. I think the definition of popular sovereignty, in the +abstract, would be about this: that each man shall do precisely as he +pleases with himself, and with all those things which exclusively +concern him. Applied in government, this principle would be that a +general government shall do all those things which pertain to it, and +all the local governments shall do precisely as they please in +respect to those matters which exclusively concern them. + +Douglas looks upon slavery as so insignificant that the people must +decide that question for themselves; and yet they are not fit to +decide who shall be their governor, judge, or secretary, or who shall +be any of their officers. These are vast national matters in his +estimation; but the little matter in his estimation is that of +planting slavery there. That is purely of local interest, which +nobody should be allowed to say a word about. + +Labor is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human +comforts and necessities are drawn. There is a difference in opinion +about the elements of labor in society. Some men assume that there +is necessary connection between capital and labor, and that +connection draws within it the whole of the labor of the community. +They assume that nobody works unless capital excites them to work. +They begin next to consider what is the best way. They say there are +but two ways: one is to hire men, and to allure them to labor by +their consent; the other is to buy the men, and drive them, to it, +and that is slavery. Having assumed that, they proceed to discuss +the question of whether the laborers themselves are better off in the +condition of slaves or of hired laborers, and they usually decide +that they are better off in the condition of slaves. + +In the first place, I say that the whole thing is a mistake. That +there is a certain relation between capital and labor, I admit. That +it does exist, and rightfully exists, I think is true. That men who +are industrious, and sober, and honest in the pursuit of their own +interests should after a while accumulate capital, and after that +should be allowed to enjoy it in peace, and also, if they should +choose, when they have accumulated it, to use it to save themselves +from actual labor, and hire other people to labor for them, is right. +In doing so they do not wrong the man they employ, for they find men +who have not of their own land to work upon, or shops to work in, and +who are benefited by working for others, hired laborers, receiving +their capital for it. Thus a few men, that own capital, hire a few +others, and these establish the relation of capital and labor +rightfully, a relation of which I make no complaint. But I insist +that that relation, after all, does not embrace more than one eighth +of the labor of the country. + +[The speaker proceeded to argue that the hired laborer, with his +ability to become an employer, must have every precedence over him +who labors under the inducement of force. He continued:] + +I have taken upon myself in the name of some of you to say that we +expect upon these principles to ultimately beat them. In order to do +so, I think we want and must have a national policy in regard to the +institution of slavery that acknowledges and deals with that +institution as being wrong. Whoever desires the prevention of the +spread of slavery and the nationalization of that institution yields +all when he yields to any policy that either recognizes slavery as +being right or as being an indifferent thing. Nothing will make you +successful but setting up a policy which shall treat the thing as +being wrong: When I say this, I do not mean to say that this General +Government is charged with the duty of redressing or preventing all +the wrongs in the world, but I do think that it is charged with +preventing and redressing all wrongs which are wrongs to itself. +This Government is expressly charged with the duty of providing for +the general welfare. We believe that the spreading out and +perpetuity of the institution of slavery impairs the general welfare. +We believe--nay, we know--that that is the only thing that has ever +threatened the perpetuity of the Union itself. The only thing which +has ever menaced the destruction of the government under which we +live is this very thing. To repress this thing, we think, is, +Providing for the general welfare. Our friends in Kentucky differ +from us. We need not make our argument for them, but we who think it +is wrong in all its relations, or in some of them at least, must +decide as to our own actions and our own course, upon our own +judgment. + +I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in +the States where it exists, because the Constitution forbids it, and +the general welfare does not require us to do so. We must not +withhold an efficient Fugitive Slave law, because the Constitution +requires us, as I understand it, not to withhold such a law. But we +must prevent the outspreading of the institution, because neither the +Constitution nor general welfare requires us to extend it. We must +prevent the revival of the African slave trade, and the enacting by +Congress of a Territorial slave code. We must prevent each of these +things being done by either Congresses or courts. The people of +these United States are the rightful masters of both Congresses and +courts, not to overthrow the Constitution, but to overthrow the men +who pervert the Constitution. + +To do these things we must employ instrumentalities. We must hold +conventions; we must adopt platforms, if we conform to ordinary +custom; we must nominate candidates; and we must carry elections. In +all these things, I think that we ought to keep in view our real +purpose, and in none do anything that stands adverse to our purpose. +If we shall adopt a platform that fails to recognize or express our +purpose, or elect a man that declares himself inimical to our +purpose, we not only take nothing by our success, but we tacitly +admit that we act upon no other principle than a desire to have "the +loaves and fishes," by which, in the end, our apparent success is +really an injury to us. + +I know that this is very desirable with me, as with everybody else, +that all the elements of the opposition shall unite in the next +Presidential election and in all future time. I am anxious that that +should be; but there are things seriously to be considered in +relation to that matter. If the terms can be arranged, I am in favor +of the union. But suppose we shall take up some man, and put him +upon one end or the other of the ticket, who declares himself against +us in regard to the prevention of the spread of slavery, who turns up +his nose and says he is tired of hearing anything more about it, who +is more against us than against the enemy, what will be the issue? +Why, he will get no slave States, after all,--he has tried that +already until being beat is the rule for him. If we nominate him +upon that ground, he will not carry a slave State; and not only so, +but that portion of our men who are high-strung upon the principle we +really fight for will not go for him, and he won't get a single +electoral vote anywhere, except, perhaps, in the State of Maryland. +There is no use in saying to us that we are stubborn and obstinate +because we won't do some such thing as this. We cannot do it. We +cannot get our men to vote it. I speak by the card, that we cannot +give the State of Illinois in such case by fifty thousand. We would +be flatter down than the "Negro Democracy" themselves have the heart +to wish to see us. + +After saying this much let me say a little on the other side. There +are plenty of men in the slave States that are altogether good enough +for me to be either President or Vice-President, provided they will +profess their sympathy with our purpose, and will place themselves on +the ground that our men, upon principle, can vote for them. There +are scores of them, good men in their character for intelligence and +talent and integrity. If such a one will place himself upon the +right ground, I am for his occupying one place upon the next +Republican or opposition ticket. I will heartily go for him. But +unless he does so place himself, I think it a matter of perfect +nonsense to attempt to bring about a union upon any other basis; that +if a union be made, the elements will scatter so that there can be no +success for such a ticket, nor anything like success. The good old +maxims of the Bible axe applicable, and truly applicable, to human +affairs, and in this, as in other things, we may say here that he who +is not for us is against us; he who gathereth not with us, +scattereth. I should be glad to have some of the many good and able +and noble men of the South to place themselves where we can confer +upon them the high honor of an election upon one or the other end of +our ticket. It would do my soul good to do that thing. It would +enable us to teach them that, inasmuch as we select one of their own +number to carry out our principles, we are free from the charge that +we mean more than we say. + +But, my friends, I have detained you much longer than I expected to +do. I believe I may do myself the compliment to say that you have +stayed and heard me with great patience, for which I return you my +most sincere thanks. + + + + +ON PROTECTIVE TARIFFS + +TO EDWARD WALLACE. + +CLINTON, October 11, 1859 + +Dr. EDWARD WALLACE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am here just now attending court. Yesterday, before +I left Springfield, your brother, Dr. William S. Wallace, showed me a +letter of yours, in which you kindly mention my name, inquiring for +my tariff views, and suggest the propriety of my writing a letter +upon the subject. I was an old Henry-Clay-Tariff Whig. In old times +I made more speeches on that subject than any other. + +I have not since changed my views. I believe yet, if we could have a +moderate, carefully adjusted protective tariff, so far acquiesced in +as not to be a perpetual subject of political strife, squabbles +changes, and uncertainties, it would be better for us. Still it is +my opinion that just now the revival of that question will not +advance the cause itself, or the man who revives it. + +I have not thought much on the subject recently, but my general +impression is that the necessity for a protective tariff will ere +long force its old opponents to take it up; and then its old friends +can join in and establish it on a more firm and durable basis. We, +the Old Whigs, have been entirely beaten out on the tariff question, +and we shall not be able to re-establish the policy until the absence +of it shall have demonstrated the necessity for it in the minds of +men heretofore opposed to it. With this view, I should prefer to not +now write a public letter on the subject. I therefore wish this to +be considered confidential. I shall be very glad to receive a +letter from you. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON MORTGAGES + +TO W. DUNGY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November, 2, 1859. + +WM. DUNGY, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of October 27 is received. When a mortgage is given +to secure two notes, and one of the notes is sold and assigned, if +the mortgaged premises are only sufficient to pay one note, the one +assigned will take it all. Also, an execution from a judgment on the +assigned note may take it all; it being the same thing in substance. +There is redemption on execution sales from the United States Court +just as from any other court. + +You did not mention the name of the plaintiff or defendant in the +suit, and so I can tell nothing about it as to sales, bids, etc. +Write again. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS, +DECEMBER, 1859. + +............. But you Democrats are for the Union; and you greatly +fear the success of the Republicans would destroy the Union. Why? Do +the Republicans declare against the Union? Nothing like it. Your own +statement of it is that if the Black Republicans elect a President, +you "won't stand it." You will break up the Union. If we shall +constitutionally elect a President, it will be our duty to see that +you submit. Old John Brown has been executed for treason against a +State. We cannot object, even though he agreed with us in thinking +slavery wrong. That cannot excuse violence, bloodshed and treason. +It could avail him nothing that he might think himself right. So, if +we constitutionally elect a President, and therefore you undertake to +destroy the Union, it will be our duty to deal with you as old John +Brown has been dealt with. We shall try to do our duty. We hope and +believe that in no section will a majority so act as to render such +extreme measures necessary. + + + + +TO G. W. DOLE, G. S. HUBBARD, AND W. H. BROWN. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 14, 1859 + +MESSRS. DOLE, HUBBARD & BROWN. + +GENT.:--Your favor of the 12th is at hand, and it gives me pleasure +to be able to answer it. It is not my intention to take part in any +of the rivalries for the gubernatorial nomination; but the fear of +being misunderstood upon that subject ought not to deter me from +doing justice to Mr. Judd, and preventing a wrong being done to him +by the use of nay name in connection with alleged wrongs to me. + +In answer to your first question, as to whether Mr. Judd was guilty +of any unfairness to me at the time of Senator Trumbull's election, I +answer unhesitatingly in the negative; Mr. Judd owed no political +allegiance to any party whose candidate I was. He was in the Senate, +holding over, having been elected by a Democratic Constituency. He +never was in any caucus of the friends who sought to make me U. S. +Senator, never gave me any promises or pledges to support me, and +subsequent events have greatly tended to prove the wisdom, +politically, of Mr. Judd's course. The election of Judge Trumbull +strongly tended to sustain and preserve the position of that lion of +the Democrats who condemned the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, +and left them in a position of joining with us in forming the +Republican party, as was done at the Bloomington convention in 1856. + +During the canvass of 1858 for the senatorship my belief was, and +still is, that I had no more sincere and faithful friend than Mr. +Judd--certainly none whom I trusted more. His position as chairman +of the State Central Committee led to my greater intercourse with +him, and to my giving him a larger share of my confidence, than with +or to almost any other friend; and I have never suspected that that +confidence was, to any degree, misplaced. + +My relations with Mr. Judo since the organization of the Republican +party, in, our State, in 1856, and especially since the adjournment +of the Legislature in Feb., 1857, have been so very intimate that I +deem it an impossibility that he could have been dealing +treacherously with me. He has also, at all times, appeared equally +true and faithful to the party. In his position as chairman of the +committee, I believe he did all that any man could have done. The +best of us are liable to commit errors, which become apparent by +subsequent developments; but I do not know of a single error, even, +committed by Mr. Judd, since he and I have acted together +politically. + +I, had occasionally heard these insinuations against Mr. Judd, before +the receipt of your letter; and in no instance have I hesitated to +pronounce them wholly unjust, to the full extent of my knowledge and +belief. I have been, and still am, very anxious to take no part +between the many friends, all good and true, who are mentioned as +candidates for a Republican gubernatorial nomination; but I can not +feel that my own honor is quite clear if I remain silent when I hear +any one of them assailed about matters of which I believe I know more +than his assailants. + +I take pleasure in adding that, of all the avowed friends I had in +the canvass of last year, I do not suspect any of having acted +treacherously to me, or to our cause; and that there is not one of +them in whose honesty, honor, and integrity I, today, have greater +confidence than I have in those of Mr. Judd. + +I dislike to appear before the public in this matter; but you are at +liberty to make such use of this letter as you may think justice +requires. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 19, 1859. + +MESSRS. G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS, CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, ETC. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your letter of the 7th instant, accompanied by a similar +one from the governor-elect, the Republican State officers, and the +Republican members of the State Board of Equalization of Ohio, both +requesting of me, for publication in permanent form, copies of the +political debates between Senator Douglas and myself last year, has +been received. With my grateful acknowledgments to both you and them +for the very flattering terms in which the request is communicated, I +transmit you the copies. The copies I send you are as reported and +printed by the respective friends of Senator Douglas and myself, at +the time--that is, his by his friends, and mine by mine. It would be +an unwarrantable liberty for us to change a word or a letter in his, +and the changes I have made in mine, you perceive, are verbal only, +and very few in number. I wish the reprint to be precisely as the +copies I send, without any comment whatever. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH + +TO J. W. FELL, + +SPRINGFIELD, December 20, 1859. + +J. W. FELL, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is a little sketch, as you requested. There +is not much of it, for the reason, I suppose, that there is not much +of me. If anything be made out of it, I wish it to be modest, and +not to go beyond the material. If it were thought necessary to +incorporate anything from any of my speeches I suppose there would be +no objection. Of course it must not appear to have been written by +myself. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN + +----------------------- + +I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. My parents +were both born in Virginia, of undistinguished families--second +families, perhaps I should say. My mother, who died in my tenth +year, was of a family of the name of Hanks, some of whom now reside +in Adams, and others in Macon County, Illinois. My paternal +grandfather, Abraham Lincoln, emigrated from Rockingham County, +Virginia, to Kentucky about 1781 or 1782, where a year or two later +he was killed by the Indians, not in battle, but by stealth, when he +was laboring to open a farm in the forest. His ancestors, who were +Quakers, went to Virginia from Berks County, Pennsylvania. An effort +to identify them with the New England family of the same name ended +in nothing more definite than a similarity of Christian names in both +families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, Solomon, Abraham, and the +like. + +My father, at the death of his father, was but six years of age, and +he grew up literally without education. He removed from Kentucky to +what is now Spencer County, Indiana, in my eighth year. We reached +our new home about the time that State came into the Union. It was a +wild region, with many bears and other wild animals still in the +woods. There I grew up. There were some schools, so called, but no +qualification was ever required of a teacher beyond "readin', +writin', and cipherin"' to the Rule of Three. If a straggler +supposed to understand Latin happened to sojourn in the neighborhood +he was looked upon as a wizard. There was absolutely nothing to +excite ambition for education. Of course, when I came of age I did +not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, and cipher to +the Rule of Three, but that was all. I have not been to school +since. The little advance I now have upon this store of education I +have picked up from time to time under the pressure of necessity. + +I was raised to farm work, which I continued till I was twenty-two. +At twenty-one I came to Illinois, Macon County. Then I got to New +Salem, at that time in Sangamon, now in Menard County, where I +remained a year as a sort of clerk in a store. Then came the Black +Hawk war; and I was elected a captain of volunteers, a success which +gave me more pleasure than any I have had since. I went the +campaign, was elected, ran for the Legislature the same year (1832), +and was beaten--the only time I ever have been beaten by the people. +The next and three succeeding biennial elections I was elected to the +Legislature. I was not a candidate afterward. During this +legislative period I had studied law, and removed to Springfield to +practice it. In 1846 I was once elected to the lower House of +Congress. Was not a candidate for re-election. From 1849 to 1854, +both inclusive, practiced law more assiduously than ever before. +Always a Whig in politics; and generally on the Whig electoral +tickets, making active canvasses. I was losing interest in politics +when the repeal of the Missouri Compromise aroused me again. What I +have done since then is pretty well known. + +If any personal description of me is thought desirable, it may be +said I am, in height, six feet four inches, nearly; lean in flesh, +weighing on an average one hundred and eighty pounds; dark +complexion, with coarse black hair and gray eyes. No other marks or +brands recollected. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON NOMINATION TO THE NATIONAL TICKET + +To N. B. JUDD. + +SPRINGFIELD, FEBRUARY 9, 1859 + +HON. N. B. JUDD. + +DEAR Sir:--I am not in a position where it would hurt much for me to +not be nominated on the national ticket; but I am where it would hurt +some for me to not get the Illinois delegates. What I expected when +I wrote the letter to Messrs. Dole and others is now happening. +Your discomfited assailants are most bitter against me; and they +will, for revenge upon me, lay to the Bates egg in the South, and to +the Seward egg in the North, and go far toward squeezing me out in +the middle with nothing. Can you help me a little in this matter in +your end of the vineyard. I mean this to be private. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + + +1860 + + +SPEECH AT THE COOPER INSTITUTE, NEW YORK +FEBRUARY 27, 1860 + + +MR. PRESIDENT AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW YORK:--The facts with which +I shall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar; nor is there +anything new in the general use I shall make of them. If there shall +be any novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and +the inferences and observations following that presentation. + +In his speech last autumn at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in the New +York Times, Senator Douglas said: + +"Our fathers, when they framed the Government under which we live, +understood this question just as well, and even better than we do +now." + +I fully indorse this, and I adopt it as a text for this discourse. +I so adopt it because it furnishes a precise and an agreed starting- +point for a discussion between Republicans and that wing of the +Democracy headed by Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry: +What was the understanding those fathers had of the question +mentioned? + +What is the frame of Government under which we live? + +The answer must be--the Constitution of the United States. That +Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787 (and under +which the present Government first went into operation), and twelve +subsequently framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed in +1789. + +Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? I suppose the +"thirty-nine" who signed the original instrument may be fairly called +our fathers who framed that part of the present Government. It is +almost exactly true to say they framed it, and it is altogether true +to say they fairly represented the opinion and sentiment of the whole +nation at that time. + +Their names, being familiar to nearly all, and accessible to quite +all, need not now be repeated. + +I take these "thirty-nine," for the present, as being our "fathers +who framed the Government under which we live." + +What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers +understood "just as well, and even better than we do now"? + +It is this: Does the proper division of local from Federal authority, +or anything in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Government to +control as to slavery in our Federal Territories? + +Upon this Senator Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans the +negative. This affirmation and denial form an issue, and this issue- +-this question is precisely what the text declares our fathers +understood "better than we." + +Let us now inquire whether the "thirty-nine," or any of them, acted +upon this question; and if they did, how they acted upon it--how they +expressed that better understanding. + +In 1784, three years before the Constitution--the United States then +owning the Northwestern Territory, and no other--the Congress of the +Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery in +that Territory; and four of the "thirty nine" who afterward framed +the Constitution were in that Congress and voted on that question. +Of these, Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin, and Hugh Williamson voted +for the prohibition, thus showing that, in their understanding, no +line dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything else, +properly forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in +Federal territory. The other of the four--James McHenry voted +against the prohibition, showing that, for some cause, he thought it +improper to vote for it. + +In 1787, still before the Constitution, but while the convention was +in session framing it, and while the Northwestern Territory still was +the only Territory owned by the United States, the same question of +prohibiting slavery in the Territory again came before the Congress +of the Confederation; and two more of the "thirty-nine" who afterward +signed the Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on the +question. They were William Blount and William Few; and they both +voted for the prohibition thus showing that, in their understanding, +no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything else, +properly forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in +Federal territory. This time the prohibition became a law, being part +of what is now well known as the Ordinance of '87. + +The question of Federal control of slavery in the Territories seems +not to have been directly before the convention which framed the +original Constitution; and hence it is not recorded that the +"thirty-nine," or any of them, while engaged on that instrument, +expressed any opinion on that precise question. + +In 1789, by the first Congress which sat under the Constitution, an +act was passed to enforce the Ordinance of '87, including the +prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory. The bill for +this act was reported by one of the "thirty-nine," Thomas +Fitzsimmons, then a member of the House of Representatives from +Pennsylvania. It went through all its stages without a word of +opposition, and finally passed both branches without yeas and nays, +which is equivalent to a unanimous passage. In this Congress there +were sixteen of the thirty-nine fathers who framed the original +Constitution. They were John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman, Wm. S. +Johnnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thos. Fitzsimmons, William +Few, Abraham Baldwin, Rufus King, William Paterson, George Claimer, +Richard Bassett, George Read, Pierce Butler, Daniel Carroll, James +Madison. + +This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from +Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, properly forbade +Congress to prohibit slavery in the Federal territory; else both +their fidelity to correct principles and their oath to support the +Constitution would have constrained them to oppose the prohibition. + +Again: George Washington, another of the "thirty nine," was then +President of the United States, and, as such, approved and signed the +bill; thus completing its validity as a law, and thus showing that, +in his understanding, no line dividing local from Federal authority, +nor anything in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to +control as to slavery in Federal territory. + +No great while after the adoption of the original Constitution, North +Carolina ceded to the Federal Government the country now constituting +the State of Tennessee; and, a few years later, Georgia ceded that +which now constitutes the States of Mississippi and Alabama. In both +deeds of cession it was made a condition by the ceding States that +the Federal Government should not prohibit slavery in the ceded +country. Besides this, slavery was then actually in the ceded +country. Under these circumstances, Congress, on taking charge of +these countries, did not absolutely prohibit slavery within them. +But they did interfere with it--take control of it--even there, to a +certain extent. In 1798, Congress organized the Territory of +Mississippi: In the act of organization they prohibited the bringing +of slaves into the Territory from any place without the United +States, by fine and giving freedom to slaves so brought. This act +passed both branches of Congress without yeas and nays. In that +Congress were three of the "thirty-nine" who framed the original +Constitution. They were John Langdon, George Read, and Abraham +Baldwin. They all, probably, voted for it. Certainly they would have +placed their opposition to it upon record, if, in their +understanding, any line dividing local from Federal authority, or +anything in the Constitution, properly forbade the Federal Government +to control as to slavery in Federal territory. + +In 1803, the Federal Government purchased the Louisiana country. Our +former territorial acquisitions came from certain of our own States; +but this Louisiana country was acquired from a foreign nation. In +1804, Congress gave a territorial organization to that part of it +which now constitutes the State of Lousiana. New Orleans, lying +within that part, was an old and comparatively large city. There +were other considerable towns and settlements, and slavery was +extensively and thoroughly intermingled with the people. Congress +did not, in the Territorial Act, prohibit slavery; but they did +interfere with it take control of it--in a more marked and extensive +way than they did in the case of Mississippi. The substance of the +provision therein made in relation to slaves was: + +First. That no slave should be imported into the Territory from +foreign parts. + +Second. That no slave should be carried into it who had been imported +into the United States since the first day of May, 1798. + +Third. That no slave should be carried into it except by the owner, +and for his own use as a settler; the penalty in all the cases being +a fine upon the violator of the law, and freedom to the slave. + +This act also was passed without yeas and nays. In the Congress which +passed it there were two of the "thirty-nine." They were Abraham +Baldwin and Jonathan Dayton. As stated in the case of Mississippi, +it is probable they both voted for it. They would not have allowed it +to pass without recording their opposition to it, if, in their +understanding, it violated either the line properly dividing local +from Federal authority, or any provision of the Constitution. + +In 1819-20 came and passed the Missouri question. Many votes were +taken, by yeas and nays, in both branches of Congress, upon the +various phases of the general question. Two of the "thirty-nine"- +-Rufus King and Charles Pinckney were members of that Congress. Mr. +King steadily voted for slavery prohibition and against all +compromises, while Mr. Pinckney as steadily voted against slavery +prohibition, and against all compromises. By this, Mr. King showed +that, in his understanding, no line dividing local from Federal +authority, nor anything in the Constitution, was violated by Congress +prohibiting slavery in Federal territory; while Mr. Pinckney, by his +vote, showed that in his understanding there was some sufficient +reason for opposing such prohibition in that case. + +The cases I have mentioned are the only acts of the "thirty-nine," or +of any of them, upon the direct issue, which I have been able to +discover. + +To enumerate the persons who thus acted, as being four in 1784, two +in 1787, seventeen in 1789, three in 1798, two in 1804, and two in +1819-20--there would be thirty of them. But this would be counting, +John Langdon, Roger Sherman, William Few, Rufus King, and George +Read, each twice, and Abraham Baldwin three times. The true number +of those of the "thirty-nine" whom I have shown to have acted upon +the question which, by the text, they understood better than we, is +twenty-three, leaving sixteen not shown to have acted upon it in any +way. + +Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our thirty-nine fathers "who +framed the Government under which we live," who have, upon their +official responsibility and their corporal oaths, acted upon the very +question which the text affirms they "understood just as well, and +even better than we do now"; and twenty-one of them--a clear majority +of the whole "thirty-nine"--so acting upon it as to make them guilty +of gross political impropriety and wilful perjury, if, in their +understanding, any proper division between local and Federal. +authority, or anything in the Constitution they had made themselves, +and sworn to support, forbade the Federal Government to control as to +slavery in the Federal Territories. Thus the twenty-one acted; and, +as actions speak louder than words, so actions under such +responsibilities speak still louder. + +Two of the twenty-three voted against Congressional prohibition of +slavery in the Federal Territories, in the instances in which they +acted upon the question. But for what reasons they so voted is not +known. They may have done so because they thought a proper division +of local from Federal authority, or some provision or principle of +the Constitution, stood in the way; or they may, without any such +question, have voted against the prohibition on what appeared to them +to be sufficient grounds of expediency. No one who has sworn to +support the Constitution can conscientiously vote for what he +understands to be an unconstitutional measure, however expedient he +may think it; but one may and ought to vote against a measure which +he deems constitutional, if, at the same time, he deems it +inexpedient. It therefore would be unsafe to set down even the two +who voted against the prohibition as having done so because, in their +understanding, any proper division of local from Federal authority, +or anything in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to +control as to slavery in Federal territory. + +The remaining sixteen of the "thirty-nine," so far as I have +discovered, have left no record of their understanding upon the +direct question of Federal control on slavery in the Federal +Territories. But there is much reason to believe that their +understanding upon that question would not have appeared different +from that of their twenty-three compeers, had it been manifested at +all. + +For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have purposely +omitted whatever understanding may have been manifested by any +person, however distinguished, other than the thirty-nine fathers who +framed the original Constitution; and, for the same reason, I have +also omitted whatever understanding may have been manifested by any +of the "thirty tine" even on any other phase of the general question +of slavery. If we should look into their acts and declarations on +those other phases, as the foreign slave trade, and the morality and +policy of slavery generally, it would appear to us that on the direct +question of Federal control of slavery in Federal Territories, the +sixteen, if they had acted at all, would probably have acted just as +the twenty-three did. Among that sixteen were several of the most +noted anti-slavery men of those times--as Dr. Franklin, Alexander +Hamilton, and Gouverneur Morris while there was not one now known to +have been otherwise, unless it may be John Rutledge, of South +Carolina. + +The sum of the whole is, that of our thirty-nine fathers who framed +the original Constitution, twenty-one--a clear majority of the +whole--certainly understood that no proper division of local from +Federal authority, nor any part of the Constitution, forbade the +Federal Government to control slavery in the Federal Territories; +whilst all the rest probably had the same understanding. Such, +unquestionably, was the understanding of our fathers who framed the +original Constitution; and the text affirms that they understood the +question "better than we." + +But, so far, I have been considering the understanding of the +question manifested by the framers of the original Constitution. In +and by the original instrument, a mode was provided for amending it; +and, as I have already stated, the present frame of "the Government +under which we live" consists of that original, and twelve amendatory +articles framed and adopted since. Those who now insist that Federal +control of slavery in Federal Territories violates the Constitution, +point us to the provisions which they suppose it thus violates; and, +as I understand, they all fix upon provisions in these amendatory +articles, and not in the original instrument. The Supreme Court, in +the Dred Scott case, plant themselves upon the fifth amendment, which +provides that no person shall be deprived of "life, liberty, or +property without due process of law"; while Senator Douglas and his +peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth amendment, +providing that "the powers not delegated to the United States by the +Constitution" "are reserved to the States respectively, or to the +people." + +Now, it so happens that these amendments were framed by the first +Congress which sat under the Constitution--the identical Congress +which passed the act already mentioned, enforcing the prohibition of +slavery in the Northwestern Territory. Not only was it the same +Congress, but they were the identical same individual men who, at the +same session, and at the same time within the session, had under +consideration, and in progress toward maturity, these Constitutional +amendments, and this act prohibiting slavery in all the territory the +nation then owned. The Constitutional amendments were introduced +before and passed after the act enforcing the Ordinance of '87; so +that, during the whole pendency of the act to enforce the Ordinance, +the Constitutional amendments were also pending. + +The seventy-six members of that Congress, including sixteen of the +framers of the original Constitution, as before stated, were +pre-eminently our fathers who framed that part of "the Government +under which we live," which is now claimed as forbidding the Federal +Government to control slavery in the Federal Territories. + +Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day to affirm that +the two things which that Congress deliberately framed, and carried +to maturity at the same time, are absolutely inconsistent with each +other? And does not such affirmation become impudently absurd when +coupled with the other affirmation from the same mouth, that those +who did the two things alleged to be inconsistent understood whether +they really were inconsistent better than we--better than he who +affirms that they are inconsistent? + +It is surely safe to assume that the thirty-nine framers of the +original Constitution, and the seventy-six members of the Congress +which framed the amendments thereto, taken together, do certainly +include those who may be fairly called "our fathers who framed the +Government under which we live." And, so assuming, I defy any man to +show that any one of them ever, in his whole life, declared that, in +his understanding, any proper division of local from Federal +authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal +Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. I go +a step further. I defy any one to show that any living man in the +world ever did, prior to the beginning of the present century (and I +might almost say prior to the beginning of the last half of the +present century), declare that, in his understanding, any proper +division of local from Federal authority, or any part of the +Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery +in the Federal Territories. To those who now so declare, I give not +only "our fathers who framed the Government under which we live," but +with them all other living men within the century in which it was +framed, among whom to search, and they shall not be able to find the +evidence of a single man agreeing with them. + +Now and here let me guard a little against being misunderstood. I do +not mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our +fathers did. To do so would be to discard all the lights of current +experience to reject all progress, all improvement. What I do say is +that, if we would supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in +any case, we should do so upon evidence so conclusive, and argument +so clear, that even their great authority, fairly considered and +weighed, cannot stand; and most surely not in a case whereof we +ourselves declare they understood the question better than we. + +If any man at this day sincerely believes that proper division of +local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, +forbids the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the +Federal Territories, he is right to say so, and to enforce his +position by all truthful evidence and fair argument which he can. +But he has no right to mislead others who have less access to +history, and less leisure to study it, into the false belief that +"our fathers who framed the Government under which we live" were of +the same opinion thus substituting falsehood and deception for +truthful evidence and fair argument. If any man at this day +sincerely believes "our fathers, who framed the Government under +which we live," used and applied principles, in other cases, which +ought to have led them to understand that a proper division of local +from Federal authority, or some part of the Constitution, forbids the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal +Territories, he is right to say so. But he should, at the same time, +brave the responsibility of declaring that, in his opinion, he +understands their principles better than they did themselves; and +especially should he not shirk that responsibility by asserting that +they "understood the question just as well, and even better than we +do now." + +But enough! Let all who believe that "our fathers, who framed the +Government under which we live, understood this question just as +well, and even better than we do now," speak as they spoke, and act +as they acted upon it. This is all Republicans ask--all Republicans +desire--in relation to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let +it be again marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be +tolerated and protected only because of, and so far as, its actual +presence among us makes that toleration and protection a necessity. +Let all the guaranties those fathers gave it be not grudgingly, but +fully and fairly maintained. For this Republicans contend, and with +this, so far as I know or believe, they will be content. + +And now, if they would listen--as I suppose they will not--I would +address a few words to the Southern people. + +I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just +people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and +justice you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you +speak of us Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, +or, at the best, as no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing +to pirates or murderers, but nothing like it to "Black Republicans." +In all your contentions with one another, each of you deems an +unconditional condemnation of "Black Republicanism" as the first +thing to be attended to. Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be +an indispensable prerequisite license, so to speak among you, to be +admitted or permitted to speak at all: Now; can you, or not, be +prevailed upon to pause, and to consider whether this is quite just +to us, or even to yourselves? Bring forward your charges and +specifications, and then be patient long enough to hear us deny or +justify. + +You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the +burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? +Why, that our party has no existence in your section--gets no votes +in your section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove +the issue? If it does, then in case we should, without change of +principle, begin to get votes in your section, we should thereby +cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, +are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon +find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in +your section this very year. You will then begin to discover, as the +truth plainly is, that your proof, does not touch the issue. The fact +that we get no votes in your section is a fact of your making, and +not of ours. And if there be fault in that fact, that fault is +primarily yours, and remains so until you show that we repel you by, +some wrong principle or practice. If we do repel you by any wrong +principle or practice, the fault is ours; but this brings you to +where you ought to have started to a discussion of the right or wrong +of our principle. If our principle, put in practice, would wrong +your section for the benefit of ours, or for any other object, then +our principle, and we with it, are sectional, and are justly opposed +and denounced as such. Meet us, then, on the question of whether our +principle, put in practice, would wrong your section; and so meet us +as if it were possible that something may be said on our side. Do +you accept the challenge? No! Then you really believe that the +principle which "our fathers who framed the Government under which we +live" thought so clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse it again +and again, upon their official oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as +to demand your condemnation without a moment's consideration. + +Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against +sectional parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less +than eight years before Washington gave that warning, he had, as +President of the United States, approved and signed an act of +Congress enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern +Territory, which act embodied the policy of the Government upon that +subject up to, and at, the very moment he penned that warning; and +about one year after he penned it, he wrote La Fayette that he +considered that prohibition a wise measure, expressing in the same +connection his hope that we should at some time have a confederacy of +free States. + +Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen +upon this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands +against us, or in our hands against you? Could Washington himself +speak, would he cast the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who +sustain his policy, or upon you, who repudiate it? We respect that +warning of Washington, and we commend it to you, together with his +example pointing to the right application of it. + +But you say you are conservative--eminently conservative--while we +are revolutionary, destructive, or something, of the sort. What is +conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against a +new and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy +on the point in controversy which was adopted by "our fathers who +framed the Government under which we live"; while you with one accord +reject, and scout, and spit upon that old policy and insist upon +substituting something new. True, you disagree among yourselves as +to what that substitute shall be. You are divided on new +propositions and plans, but you are unanimous in rejecting and +denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some of you are for +reviving the foreign slave trade; some for a Congressional slave code +for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the Territories to +prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining slavery in +the Territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reat +pur-rinciple" that "if one man would enslave another, no third man +should object," fantastically called "popular sovereignty"; but never +a man among you in favor of Federal prohibition of slavery in Federal +Territories, according to the practice of "our fathers who framed the +Government under which we live." Not one of all your various plans +can show a precedent or an advocate in the century within which our +Government originated. Consider, then, whether your claim of +conservatism for yourselves, and your charge of destructiveness +against us, are based on the most clear and stable foundations. + +Again: You say we have made the slavery question more prominent than +it formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, +but we deny that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who +discarded the old policy of the fathers. We resisted and still +resist your innovation; and thence comes the greater prominence of +the question. Would you have that question reduced to its former +proportions? Go back to that old policy. What has been will be +again, under the same conditions. If you would have the peace of the +old times, readopt the precepts and policy of the old times. + +You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We deny +it; and what is your proof'? Harper's Ferry! John Brown!! John +Brown was no Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single +Republican in his Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our +party is guilty in that matter you know it or you do not know it. If +you do know it, you are inexcusable for not designating the man and +proving the fact. If you do not know it, you are inexcusable for +asserting it, and especially for persisting in the assertion after +you have tried and failed to make the proof. You need not be told +that persisting in a charge which one does not know to be true is +simply malicious slander. + +Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged +the Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that our doctrines and +declarations necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. +We know we hold to no doctrine, and make no declaration, which were +not held to and made by our fathers who framed the Government under +which we live. You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this +affair. When it occurred, some important State elections were near +at hand, and you were in evident glee with the belief that, by +charging the blame upon us, you could get an advantage of us in those +elections. The elections came, and your expectations were not quite +fulfilled. Every Republican man knew that, as to himself at least, +your charge was a slander, and he was not much inclined by it to cast +his vote in your favor. Republican doctrines and declarations are +accompanied with a continued protest against any interference +whatever with your slaves, or with you about your slaves. Surely, +this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, in common with +"our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live," declare +our belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not hear us +declare even this. For any thing we say or do, the slaves would +scarcely know there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, +in fact, generally know it but for your misrepresentations of us in +their hearing. In your political contests among yourselves, each +faction charges the other with sympathy with Black Republicanism; and +then, to give point to the charge, defines Black Republicanism to +simply be insurrection, blood, and thunder among the slaves. + +Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the +Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton +insurrection, twenty-eight years ago, in which, at least, three times +as many lives were lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely +stretch your very elastic fancy to the conclusion that Southampton +was "got up by Black Republicanism." In the present state of things +in the United States, I do not think a general or even a very +extensive slave insurrection is possible. The indispensable concert +of action cannot be attained. The slaves have no means of rapid +communication; nor can incendiary freemen, black or white, supply it. +The explosive materials are everywhere in parcels; but there neither +are, nor can be supplied the indispensable connecting trains. + +Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for +their masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true. A +plot for an uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to +twenty individuals before some one of them, to save the life of a +favorite master or mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and +the slave revolution in Hayti was not an exception to it, but a case +occurring under peculiar circumstances. The gunpowder plot of +British history, though not connected with slaves, was more in point. +In that case, only about twenty were admitted to the secret; and yet +one of them, in his anxiety to save a friend, betrayed the plot to +that friend, and, by consequence, averted the calamity. Occasional +poisonings from the kitchen, and open or stealthy assassinations in +the field, and local revolts, extending to a score or so, will +continue to occur as the natural results of slavery; but no general +insurrection of slaves, as I think, can happen in this country for a +long time. Whoever much fears or much hopes for such an event will +be alike disappointed. + +In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, "It is +still in our power to direct the process of emancipation and +deportation peaceably, and in such slow degrees as that the evil will +wear off insensibly, and their places be, pari passu, filled up by +free white laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself +on, human nature must shudder at the prospect held up." + +Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of +emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia; +and, as to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slave holding +States only. The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the +power of restraining the extension of the institution--the power to +insure that a slave insurrection shall never occur on any American +soil which is now free from slavery. + +John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. +It was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in +which the slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd +that the slaves, with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it +could not succeed. That affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with +the many attempts related in history at the assassination of kings +and emperors. An enthusiast broods over the oppression of a people +till he fancies himself commissioned by Heaven to liberate them. He +ventures the attempt, which ends in little else than his own +execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon and John Brown's +attempt at Harper's Ferry were, in their philosophy, precisely the +same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one case, +and on New England in the other, does not disprove the sameness of +the two things. + +And how much would it avail you, if you could, by the use of John +Brown, Helper's Book, and the like, break up the Republican +organization? Human action can be modified to some extent, but human +nature cannot be changed. There is a judgment and a feeling against +slavery in this nation, which cast at least a million and a half of +votes. You cannot destroy that judgment and feeling--that sentiment- +-by breaking up the political organization which rallies around it. +You can scarcely scatter and disperse an army which has been formed +into order in the face of your heaviest fire; but if you could, how +much would you gain by forcing the sentiment which created it out of +the peaceful channel of the ballot-box, into some other channel? +What would that other channel probably be? Would the number of John +Browns be lessened or enlarged by the operation? + +But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of +your constitutional rights. + +That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated, if not +fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to +deprive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. +But we are proposing no such thing. + +When you make these declarations, you have a specific and well- +understood allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to +take slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as +property. But no such right is specifically written in the +Constitution. That instrument is literally silent about any such +right. We, on the contrary, deny that such a right has any existence +in the Constitution, even by implication. + +Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is that you will destroy the +Government unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the +Constitution as you please on all points in dispute between you and +us. You will rule or ruin, in all events. + +This, plainly stated, is your language. Perhaps you will say the +Supreme Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in +your favor. Not quite so. But, waiving the lawyer's distinction +between dictum and decision, the court have decided the question for +you in a sort of way. The court have substantially said it is your +constitutional right to take slaves into the Federal Territories, and +to hold them there as property. When I say, the decision was made in +a sort of way, I mean it was made in a divided court, by a bare +majority of the judges, and they not quite agreeing with one another +in the reasons for making it; that it is so made as that its avowed +supporters disagree with one another about its meaning, and that it +was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of fact--the statement in +the opinion that "the right of property in a slave is distinctly and +expressly affirmed in the Constitution." + +An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of +property in a slave is not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it. +Bear in mind, the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that +such right is impliedly affirmed in the Constitution; but they pledge +their veracity that it is "distinctly and expressly" affirmed there- +-"distinctly," that is, not mingled with anything else; "expressly," +that is, in words meaning just that, without the aid of any +inference, and susceptible of no other meaning. + +If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right is +affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others +to show that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in +the Constitution, nor the word "property" even, in any connection +with language alluding to the things slave or slavery; and that +wherever in that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a +"person"; and wherever his master's legal right in relation to him is +alluded to, it is spoken of as "service or labor which may be due," +as a debt payable in service or labor. Also, it would be open to +show, by contemporaneous history, that this mode of alluding to +slaves and slavery, instead of speaking of them, was employed on +purpose to exclude from the Constitution the idea that there could be +property in man. + +To show all this, is easy and certain. + +When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their +notice, is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the +mistaken statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it? + +And then it is to be remembered that "our fathers; who framed the +Government under which we live",--the men who made the Constitution-- +decided this same constitutional question in our favor, long ago; +decided it without division among themselves, when making the +decision, without division among themselves about the meaning of it +after it was made, and, so far as any evidence is left, without +basing it upon any mistaken statement of facts. + +Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves +justified to break up this Government unless such a court decision as +yours is shall be at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule +of political action? But you will not abide the election of a +Republican President! In that supposed event, you say, you will +destroy the Union; and then, you say, the great crime of having +destroyed it will be upon us! That is cool. A highwayman holds a +pistol to my ear, and mutters through his teeth, "stand and deliver, +or I shall kill you, and then you'll be a murderer!" + +To be sure, what the robber demanded of me-my money was my own, and I +had a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my vote +is my own; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the +threat of destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely +be distinguished in principle. + +A few words now to Republicans: It is exceedingly desirable that all +parts of this great confederacy shall be at peace and in harmony one +with another. Let us Republicans do our part to have it so. Even +though much provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill +temper. Even though the Southern people will not so much as listen +to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and yield to them if, in +our deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all +they say and do, and by the subject and nature of their controversy +with us, let us determine, if we can, what will satisfy them. + +Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally +surrendered to them? We know they will not. In all their present +complaints against us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. +Invasions and insurrections are the rage now. Will it satisfy them +if, in the future, we have nothing to do with invasions and, +insurrections? We know it will not. We so know because we know we +never had anything to do with invasions and insurrections; and yet +this total abstaining does not exempt us from the charge and the +denunciation. + +The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: We must +not only let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we +do let them alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. +We have been so trying to convince them from the very beginning of +our organization, but with no success. In all our platforms and +speeches we have constantly protested our purpose to let them alone; +but this has had no tendency to convince them. Alike unavailing to +convince them is the fact that they have never detected a man of us +in any attempt to disturb them. + +These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will +convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and +join them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly-- +done in acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated--we +must place ourselves avowedly with them. Senator Douglas's new +sedition law must be enacted and enforced, suppressing all +declarations that slavery is wrong, whether made in politics, in +presses, in pulpits; or in private. We must arrest and return their +fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must pull down our free +State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be disinfected from +all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will cease to believe +that all their troubles proceed from us. + +I am quite aware they do not state their case precisely in this way. +Most of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to +us, and say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone +have never disturbed them--so that after all it is what we say which +dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until +we cease saying. + +I am also aware they have not as yet, in terms, demanded the +overthrow of our free State constitutions. Yet those constitutions +declare the wrong of slavery, with more solemn emphasis than do all +other sayings against it; and when all these other sayings shall have +been silenced, the overthrow of these constitutions will be demanded, +and nothing be left to resist the demand. It is nothing to the +contrary, that they do not demand the whole of this just now. +Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, they can +voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. Holding, as +they do, that slavery is morally right, and socially elevating, they +cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of it, as a legal +right and a social blessing. + +Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our +conviction that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, +acts, laws, and constitutions against it are themselves wrong, and +should be silenced and swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly +object to its nationality its universality; if it is wrong, they +cannot justly insist upon its extension--its enlargement. All they +ask we could readily grant if we thought slavery right; all we ask +they could as readily grant, if they thought it wrong. Their +thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the precise fact upon +which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right, as they do, +they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition, as being +right; but thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? Can we +cast our votes with their view, and against our own? In view of our +moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we do this? Wrong +as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it +is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual +presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, +allow it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us +here in these free States? If our sense of duty forbids this, then +let us stand by our duty, fearlessly and effectively. Let us be +diverted by none of those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are +so industriously plied and belabored-contrivances such as groping for +some middle ground between the right and the wrong, vain as the +search for a man who should be neither a living man nor a dead +man-such as a policy of "don't care" on a question about which all +true men do care--such as Union appeals beseeching true Union men to +yield to Disunionists, reversing the divine rule, and calling, not +the sinners, but the righteous to repentance--such as invocations to +Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington said, and undo +what Washington did. + +Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations +against us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the +Government nor of dungeons to ourselves. LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT +MAKES MIGHT, AND IN THAT FAITH LET US, TO THE END, DARE TO DO OUR +DUTY AS WE UNDERSTAND IT. + + + + +SPEECH AT NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, MARCH 6, 1860 + +MR. PRESIDENT, AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW HAVEN:--If the Republican +party of this nation shall ever have the national House entrusted to +its keeping, it will be the duty of that party to attend to all the +affairs of national housekeeping. Whatever matters of importance may +come up, whatever difficulties may arise in its way of administration +of the Government, that party will then have to attend to. It will +then be compelled to attend to other questions, besides this question +which now assumes an overwhelming importance--the question of +slavery. It is true that in the organization of the Republican party +this question of slavery was more important than any other: indeed, +so much more important has it become that no more national question +can even get a hearing just at present. The old question of tariff- +-a matter that will remain one of the chief affairs of national +house-keeping to all time; the question of the management of +financial affairs; the question of the disposition of the public +domain how shall it be managed for the purpose of getting it well +settled, and of making there the homes of a free and happy people? +these will remain open and require attention for a great while yet, +and these questions will have to be attended to by whatever party has +the control of the Government. Yet, just now, they cannot even +obtain a hearing, and I do not propose to detain you upon these +topics or what sort of hearing they should have when opportunity +shall come. + +For, whether we will or not, the question of slavery is the question, +the all-absorbing topic of the day. It is true that all of us--and by +that I mean, not the Republican party alone, but the whole American +people, here and elsewhere--all of us wish this question settled, +wish it out of the way. It stands in the way, and prevents the +adjustment, and the giving of necessary attention to other questions +of national house-keeping. The people of the whole nation agree that +this question ought to be settled, and yet it is not settled. And +the reason is that they are not yet agreed how it shall be settled. +All wish it done, but some wish one way and some another, and some a +third, or fourth, or fifth; different bodies are pulling in different +directions, and none of them, having a decided majority, are able to +accomplish the common object. + +In the beginning of the year 1854, a new policy was inaugurated with +the avowed object and confident promise that it would entirely and +forever put an end to the slavery agitation. It was again and again +declared that under this policy, when once successfully established, +the country would be forever rid of this whole question. Yet under +the operation of that policy this agitation has not only not ceased, +but it has been constantly augmented. And this too, although, from +the day of its introduction, its friends, who promised that it would +wholly end all agitation, constantly insisted, down to the time that +the Lecompton Bill was introduced, that it was working admirably, and +that its inevitable tendency was to remove the question forever from +the politics of the country. Can you call to mind any Democratic +speech, made after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, down to the +time of the Lecompton Bill, in which it was not predicted that the +slavery agitation was just at an end, that "the abolition excitement +was played out," "the Kansas question was dead," "they have made the +most they can out of this question and it is now forever settled"? +But since the Lecompton Bill no Democrat, within my experience, has +ever pretended that he could see the end. That cry has been dropped. +They themselves do not pretend, now, that the agitation of this +subject has come to an end yet. + +The truth is that this question is one of national importance, and we +cannot help dealing with it; we must do something about it, whether +we will or not. We cannot avoid it; the subject is one we cannot +avoid considering; we can no more avoid it than a man can live +without eating. It is upon us; it attaches to the body politic as +much and closely as the natural wants attach to our natural bodies. +Now I think it important that this matter should be taken up in +earnest, and really settled: And one way to bring about a true +settlement of the question is to understand its true magnitude. + +There have been many efforts made to settle it. Again and again it +has been fondly hoped that it was settled; but every time it breaks +out afresh, and more violently than ever. It was settled, our +fathers hoped, by the Missouri Compromise, but it did not stay +settled. Then the compromises of 1850 were declared to be a full and +final settlement of the question. The two great parties, each in +national convention, adopted resolutions declaring that the +settlement made by the Compromise of 1850 was a finality that it +would last forever. Yet how long before it was unsettled again? +It broke out again in 1854, and blazed higher and raged more +furiously than ever before, and the agitation has not rested since. + +These repeated settlements must have some faults about them. There +must be some inadequacy in their very nature to the purpose to which +they were designed. We can only speculate as to where that fault, +that inadequacy, is, but we may perhaps profit by past experiences. + +I think that one of the causes of these repeated failures is that our +best and greatest men have greatly underestimated the size of this +question. They have constantly brought forward small cures for great +sores--plasters too small to cover the wound. That is one reason +that all settlements have proved temporary--so evanescent. + +Look at the magnitude of this subject: One sixth of our population, +in round numbers--not quite one sixth, and yet more than a seventh,-- +about one sixth of the whole population of the United States are +slaves. The owners of these slaves consider them property. The +effect upon the minds of the owners is that of property, and nothing +else it induces them to insist upon all that will favorably affect +its value as property, to demand laws and institutions and a public +policy that shall increase and secure its value, and make it durable, +lasting, and universal. The effect on the minds of the owners is to +persuade them that there is no wrong in it. The slaveholder does not +like to be considered a mean fellow for holding that species of +property, and hence, he has to struggle within himself and sets about +arguing himself into the belief that slavery is right. The property +influences his mind. The dissenting minister who argued some +theological point with one of the established church was always met +with the reply, "I can't see it so." He opened a Bible and pointed +him a passage, but the orthodox minister replied, "I can't see it +so." Then he showed him a single word--"Can you see that?" "Yes, I +see it," was the reply. The dissenter laid a guinea over the word +and asked, "Do you see it now?" So here. Whether the owners of this +species of property do really see it as it is, it is not for me to +say, but if they do, they see it as it is through two thousand +millions of dollars, and that is a pretty thick coating. Certain it +is that they do not see it as we see it. Certain it is that this two +thousand millions of dollars, invested in this species of property, +all so concentrated that the mind can grasp it at once--this immense +pecuniary interest--has its influence upon their minds. + +But here in Connecticut and at the North slavery does not exist, and +we see it through no such medium. + +To us it appears natural to think that slaves are human beings; men, +not property; that some of the things, at least, stated about men in +the Declaration of Independence apply to them as well as to us. +I say we think, most of us, that this charter of freedom applies to +the slaves as well as to ourselves; that the class of arguments put +forward to batter down that idea are also calculated to break down +the very idea of a free government, even for white men, and to +undermine the very foundations of free society. We think slavery a +great moral wrong, and, while we do not claim the right to touch it +where it exists, we wish to treat it as a wrong in the Territories, +where our votes will reach it. We think that a respect for +ourselves, a regard for future generations and for the God that made +us, require that we put down this wrong where our votes will properly +reach it. We think that species of labor an injury to free white men +--in short, we think slavery a great moral, social, and political +evil, tolerable only because, and so far as, its actual existence +makes it necessary to tolerate it, and that beyond that it ought to +be treated as a wrong. + +Now these two ideas, the property idea that slavery is right, and the +idea that it is wrong, come into collision, and do actually produce +that irrepressible conflict which Mr. Seward has been so roundly +abused for mentioning. The two ideas conflict, and must conflict. + +Again, in its political aspect, does anything in any way endanger the +perpetuity of this Union but that single thing, slavery? Many of our +adversaries are anxious to claim that they are specially devoted to +the Union, and take pains to charge upon us hostility to the Union. +Now we claim that we are the only true Union men, and we put to them +this one proposition: Whatever endangers this Union, save and except +slavery? Did any other thing ever cause a moment's fear? All men +must agree that this thing alone has ever endangered the perpetuity +of the Union. But if it was threatened by any other influence, would +not all men say that the best thing that could be done, if we could +not or ought not to destroy it, would be at least to keep it from +growing any larger? Can any man believe, that the way to save the +Union is to extend and increase the only thing that threatens the +Union, and to suffer it to grow bigger and bigger? + +Whenever this question shall be settled, it must be settled on some +philosophical basis. No policy that does not rest upon some +philosophical opinion can be permanently maintained. And hence there +are but two policies in regard to slavery that can be at all +maintained. The first, based on the property view that slavery is +right, conforms to that idea throughout, and demands that we shall do +everything for it that we ought to do if it were right. We must +sweep away all opposition, for opposition to the right is wrong; we +must agree that slavery is right, and we must adopt the idea that +property has persuaded the owner to believe that slavery is morally +right and socially elevating. This gives a philosophical basis for a +permanent policy of encouragement. + +The other policy is one that squares with the idea that slavery is +wrong, and it consists in doing everything that we ought to do if it +is wrong. Now, I don't wish to be misunderstood, nor to leave a gap +down to be misrepresented, even. I don't mean that we ought to +attack it where it exists. To me it seems that if we were to form a +government anew, in view of the actual presence of slavery we should +find it necessary to frame just such a government as our fathers did- +-giving to the slaveholder the entire control where the system was +established, while we possessed the power to restrain it from going +outside those limits. From the necessities of the case we should be +compelled to form just such a government as our blessed fathers gave +us; and, surely, if they have so made it, that adds another reason +why we should let slavery alone where it exists. + +If I saw a venomous snake crawling in the road, any man would say I +might seize the nearest stick and kill it; but if I found that snake +in bed with my children, that would be another question. I might +hurt the children more than the snake, and it might bite them. Much +more if I found it in bed with my neighbor's children, and I had +bound myself by a solemn compact not to meddle with his children +under any circumstances, it would become me to let that particular +mode of getting rid of the gentleman alone. But if there was a bed +newly made up, to which the children were to be taken, and it was +proposed to take a batch of young snakes and put them there with +them, I take it no man would say there was any question how I ought +to decide! + +That is just the case. The new Territories are the newly made bed to +which our children are to go, and it lies with the nation to say +whether they shall have snakes mixed up with them or not. It does +not seem as if there could be much hesitation what our policy should +be! + +Now I have spoken of a policy based on the idea that slavery is +wrong, and a policy based on the idea that it is right. But an +effort has been made for a policy that shall treat it as neither +right nor wrong. It is based upon utter indifference. Its leading +advocate [Douglas] has said, "I don't care whether it be voted up or +down." "It is merely a matter of dollars and cents." "The Almighty +has drawn a line across this continent, on one side of which all soil +must forever be cultivated by slave labor, and on the other by free." +"When the struggle is between the white man and the negro, I am for +the white man; when it is between the negro and the crocodile, I am +for the negro." Its central idea is indifference. It holds that it +makes no more difference to us whether the Territories become free or +slave States than whether my neighbor stocks his farm with horned +cattle or puts in tobacco. All recognize this policy, the plausible +sugar-coated name of which is "popular sovereignty." + +This policy chiefly stands in the way of a permanent settlement of +the question. I believe there is no danger of its becoming the +permanent policy of the country, for it is based on a public +indifference. There is nobody that "don't care." All the people do +care one way or the other! I do not charge that its author, when he +says he "don't care," states his individual opinion; he only +expresses his policy for the government. I understand that he has +never said as an individual whether he thought slavery right or +wrong--and he is the only man in the nation that has not! Now such a +policy may have a temporary run; it may spring up as necessary to the +political prospects of some gentleman; but it is utterly baseless: +the people are not indifferent, and it can therefore have no +durability or permanence. + +But suppose it could: Then it could be maintained only by a public +opinion that shall say, "We don't care." There must be a change in +public opinion; the public mind must be so far debauched as to square +with this policy of caring not at all. The people must come to +consider this as "merely a question of dollars and cents," and to +believe that in some places the Almighty has made slavery necessarily +eternal. This policy can be brought to prevail if the people can be +brought round to say honestly, "We don't care"; if not, it can never +be maintained. It is for you to say whether that can be done. + +You are ready to say it cannot, but be not too fast! Remember what a +long stride has been taken since the repeal of the Missouri +Compromise! Do you know of any Democrat, of either branch of the +party--do you know one who declares that he believes that the +Declaration of Independence has any application to the negro? Judge +Taney declares that it has not, and Judge Douglas even vilifies me +personally and scolds me roundly for saying that the Declaration +applies to all men, and that negroes are men. Is there a Democrat +here who does not deny that the Declaration applies to the negro? Do +any of you know of one? Well, I have tried before perhaps fifty +audiences, some larger and some smaller than this, to find one such +Democrat, and never yet have I found one who said I did not place him +right in that. I must assume that Democrats hold that, and now, not +one of these Democrats can show that he said that five years ago! I +venture to defy the whole party to produce one man that ever uttered +the belief that the Declaration did not apply to negroes, before the +repeal of the Missouri Compromise! Four or five years ago we all +thought negroes were men, and that when "all men" were named, negroes +were included. But the whole Democratic party has deliberately taken +negroes from the class of men and put them in the class of brutes. +Turn it as you will it is simply the truth! Don't be too hasty, then, +in saying that the people cannot be brought to this new doctrine, but +note that long stride. One more as long completes the journey from +where negroes are estimated as men to where they are estimated as +mere brutes--as rightful property! + +That saying "In the struggle between white men and the negro," etc., +which I know came from the same source as this policy--that saying +marks another step. There is a falsehood wrapped up in that +statement. "In the struggle between the white man and the negro" +assumes that there is a struggle, in which either the white man must +enslave the negro or the negro must enslave the white. There is no +such struggle! It is merely the ingenious falsehood to degrade and +brutalize the negro. Let each let the other alone, and there is no +struggle about it. If it was like two wrecked seamen on a narrow +plank, when each must push the other off or drown himself, I would +push the negro off or a white man either, but it is not; the plank is +large enough for both. This good earth is plenty broad enough for +white man and negro both, and there is no need of either pushing the +other off. + +So that saying, "In the struggle between the negro and the +crocodile," etc., is made up from the idea that down where the +crocodile inhabits, a white man can't labor; it must be nothing else +but crocodile or negro; if the negro does not the crocodile must +possess the earth; in that case he declares for the negro. The +meaning of the whole is just this: As a white man is to a negro, so +is a negro to a crocodile; and as the negro may rightfully treat the +crocodile, so may the white man rightfully treat the negro. This +very dear phrase coined by its author, and so dear that he +deliberately repeats it in many speeches, has a tendency to still +further brutalize the negro, and to bring public opinion to the point +of utter indifference whether men so brutalized are enslaved or not. +When that time shall come, if ever, I think that policy to which I +refer may prevail. But I hope the good freemen of this country will +never allow it to come, and until then the policy can never be +maintained. + +Now consider the effect of this policy. We in the States are not to +care whether freedom or slavery gets the better, but the people in +the Territories may care. They are to decide, and they may think +what they please; it is a matter of dollars and cents! But are not +the people of the Territories detailed from the States? If this +feeling of indifference this absence of moral sense about the +question prevails in the States, will it not be carried into the +Territories? Will not every man say, "I don't care, it is nothing to +me"? If any one comes that wants slavery, must they not say, "I don't +care whether freedom or slavery be voted up or voted down"? It +results at last in nationalizing the institution of slavery. Even if +fairly carried out, that policy is just as certain to nationalize +slavery as the doctrine of Jeff Davis himself. These are only two +roads to the same goal, and "popular sovereignty" is just as sure and +almost as short as the other. + +What we want, and all we want, is to have with us the men who think +slavery wrong. But those who say they hate slavery, and are opposed +to it, but yet act with the Democratic party--where are they? Let us +apply a few tests. You say that you think slavery is wrong, but you +denounce all attempts to restrain it. Is there anything else that +you think wrong that you are not willing to deal with as wrong? Why +are you so careful, so tender, of this one wrong and no other? You +will not let us do a single thing as if it was wrong; there is no +place where you will even allow it to be called wrong! We must not +call it wrong in the free States, because it is not there, and we +must not call it wrong in the slave States, because it is there; we +must not call it wrong in politics because that is bringing morality +into politics, and we must not call it wrong in the pulpit because +that is bringing politics into religion; we must not bring it into +the Tract Society or the other societies, because those are such +unsuitable places--and there is no single place, according to you, +where this wrong thing can properly be called wrong! + +Perhaps you will plead that if the people of the slave States should +themselves set on foot an effort for emancipation, you would wish +them success, and bid them God-speed. Let us test that: In 1858 the +emancipation party of Missouri, with Frank Blair at their head, tried +to get up a movement for that purpose, and having started a party +contested the State. Blair was beaten, apparently if not truly, and +when the news came to Connecticut, you, who knew that Frank Blair was +taking hold of this thing by the right end, and doing the only thing +that you say can properly be done to remove this wrong--did you bow +your heads in sorrow because of that defeat? Do you, any of you, know +one single Democrat that showed sorrow over that result? Not one! On +the contrary every man threw up his hat, and hallooed at the top of +his lungs, "Hooray for Democracy!" + +Now, gentlemen, the Republicans desire to place this great question +of slavery on the very basis on which our fathers placed it, and no +other. It is easy to demonstrate that "our fathers, who framed this +Government under which we live," looked on slavery as wrong, and so +framed it and everything about it as to square with the idea that it +was wrong, so far as the necessities arising from its existence +permitted. In forming the Constitution they found the slave trade +existing, capital invested in it, fields depending upon it for labor, +and the whole system resting upon the importation of slave labor. +They therefore did not prohibit the slave trade at once, but they +gave the power to prohibit it after twenty years. Why was this? What +other foreign trade did they treat in that way? Would they have done +this if they had not thought slavery wrong? + +Another thing was done by some of the same men who framed the +Constitution, and afterwards adopted as their own the act by the +first Congress held under that Constitution, of which many of the +framers were members, that prohibited the spread of slavery into +Territories. Thus the same men, the framers of the Constitution, cut +off the supply and prohibited the spread of slavery, and both acts +show conclusively that they considered that the thing was wrong. + +If additional proof is wanted it can be found in the phraseology of +the Constitution. When men are framing a supreme law and chart of +government, to secure blessings and prosperity to untold generations +yet to come, they use language as short and direct and plain as can +be found, to express their meaning In all matters but this of +slavery the framers of the Constitution used the very clearest, +shortest, and most direct language. But the Constitution alludes to +slavery three times without mentioning it once The language used +becomes ambiguous, roundabout, and mystical. They speak of the +"immigration of persons," and mean the importation of slaves, but do +not say so. In establishing a basis of representation they say "all +other persons," when they mean to say slaves--why did they not use +the shortest phrase? In providing for the return of fugitives they +say "persons held to service or labor." If they had said slaves it +would have been plainer, and less liable to misconstruction. Why did +n't they do it? We cannot doubt that it was done on purpose. Only +one reason is possible, and that is supplied us by one of the framers +of the Constitution--and it is not possible for man to conceive of +any other--they expected and desired that the system would come to an +end, and meant that when it did, the Constitution should not show +that there ever had been a slave in this good free country of ours. + +I will dwell on that no longer. I see the signs of approaching +triumph of the Republicans in the bearing of their political +adversaries. A great deal of their war with us nowadays is mere +bushwhacking. At the battle of Waterloo, when Napoleon's cavalry had +charged again and again upon the unbroken squares of British +infantry, at last they were giving up the attempt, and going off in +disorder, when some of the officers in mere vexation and complete +despair fired their pistols at those solid squares. The Democrats +are in that sort of extreme desperation; it is nothing else. I will +take up a few of these arguments. + +There is "the irrepressible conflict." How they rail at Seward for +that saying! They repeat it constantly; and, although the proof has +been thrust under their noses again and again that almost every good +man since the formation of our Government has uttered that same +sentiment, from General Washington, who "trusted that we should yet +have a confederacy of free States," with Jefferson, Jay, Monroe, down +to the latest days, yet they refuse to notice that at all, and +persist in railing at Seward for saying it. Even Roger A. Pryor, +editor of the Richmond Enquirer, uttered the same sentiment in almost +the same language, and yet so little offence did it give the +Democrats that he was sent for to Washington to edit the States--the +Douglas organ there--while Douglas goes into hydrophobia and spasms +of rage because Seward dared to repeat it. This is what I call +bushwhacking, a sort of argument that they must know any child can +see through. + +Another is John Brown: "You stir up insurrections, you invade the +South; John Brown! Harper's Ferry!" Why, John Brown was not a +Republican! You have never implicated a single Republican in that +Harper's Ferry enterprise. We tell you that if any member of the +Republican party is guilty in that matter, you know it or you do not +know it. If you do know it, you are inexcusable not to designate the +man and prove the fact. If you do not know it, you are inexcusable +to assert it, and especially to persist in the assertion after you +have tried and failed to make the proof. You need not be told that +persisting in a charge which one does not know to be true is simply +malicious slander. Some of you admit that no Republican designedly +aided or encouraged the Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that +our doctrines and declarations necessarily lead to such results. We +do not believe it. We know we hold to no doctrines, and make no +declarations, which were not held to and made by our fathers who +framed the Government 'under which we live, and we cannot see how +declarations that were patriotic when they made them are villainous +when we make them. You never dealt fairly by us in relation to that +affair--and I will say frankly that I know of nothing in your +character that should lead us to suppose that you would. You had +just been soundly thrashed in elections in several States, and others +were soon to come. You rejoiced at the occasion, and only were +troubled that there were not three times as many killed in the +affair. You were in evident glee; there was no sorrow for the killed +nor for the peace of Virginia disturbed; you were rejoicing that by +charging Republicans with this thing you might get an advantage of us +in New York, and the other States. You pulled that string as tightly +as you could, but your very generous and worthy expectations were not +quite fulfilled. Each Republican knew that the charge was a slander +as to himself at least, and was not inclined by it to cast his vote +in your favor. It was mere bushwhacking, because you had nothing +else to do. You are still on that track, and I say, go on! If you +think you can slander a woman into loving you or a man into voting +for you, try it till you are satisfied! + +Another specimen of this bushwhacking, that "shoe strike." Now be it +understood that I do not pretend to know all about the matter. I am +merely going to speculate a little about some of its phases. And at +the outset, I am glad to see that a system of labor prevails in New +England under which laborers can strike when they want to, where they +are not obliged to work under all circumstances, and are not tied +down and obliged to labor whether you pay them or not! I like the +system which lets a man quit when he wants to, and wish it might +prevail everywhere. One of the reasons why I am opposed to slavery +is just here. What is the true condition of the laborer? I take it +that it is best for all to leave each man free to acquire property as +fast as he can. Some will get wealthy. I don't believe in a law to +prevent a man from getting rich; it would do more harm than good. +So, while we do not propose any war upon capital, we do wish to allow +the humblest man an equal chance to get rich with everybody else. +When one starts poor, as most do in the race of life, free society is +such that he knows he can better his condition; he knows that there +is no fixed condition of labor for his whole life. I am not ashamed +to confess that twenty-five years ago I was a hired laborer, mauling +rails, at work on a flatboat--just what might happen to any poor +man's son! I want every man to have a chance--and I believe a Black +man is entitled to it--in which he can better his condition; when he +may look forward and hope to be a hired laborer this year and the +next, work for himself afterward, and finally to hire men to work for +him! That is the system. Up here in New England, you have a soil +that scarcely sprouts black-eyed beans, and yet where will you find +wealthy men so wealthy, and poverty so rarely in extremity? There is +not another such place on earth! I desire that if you get too thick +here, and find it hard to better your condition on this soil, you may +have a chance to strike and go somewhere else, where you may not be +degraded, nor have your families corrupted, by forced rivalry with +negro slaves. I want you to have a clean bed and no snakes in it! +Then you can better your condition, and so it may go on and on in one +endless round so long as man exists on the face of the earth! + +Now, to come back to this shoe strike,--if, as the senator from +Illinois asserts, this is caused by withdrawal of Southern votes, +consider briefly how you will meet the difficulty. You have done +nothing, and have protested that you have done nothing, to injure the +South. And yet, to get back the shoe trade, you must leave off doing +something which you are now doing. What is it? You must stop +thinking slavery wrong! Let your institutions be wholly changed; let +your State constitutions be subverted; glorify slavery, and so you +will get back the shoe trade--for what? You have brought owned labor +with it, to compete with your own labor, to underwork you, and to +degrade you! Are you ready to get back the trade on those terms? + +But the statement is not correct. You have not lost that trade; +orders were never better than now! Senator Mason, a Democrat, comes +into the Senate in homespun, a proof that the dissolution of the +Union has actually begun! but orders are the same. Your factories +have not struck work, neither those where they make anything for +coats, nor for pants nor for shirts, nor for ladies' dresses. Mr. +Mason has not reached the manufacturers who ought to have made him a +coat and pants! To make his proof good for anything he should have +come into the Senate barefoot! + +Another bushwhacking contrivance; simply that, nothing else! I find a +good many people who are very much concerned about the loss of +Southern trade. Now either these people are sincere or they are not. +I will speculate a little about that. If they are sincere, and are +moved by any real danger of the loss of Southern trade, they will +simply get their names on the white list, and then, instead of +persuading Republicans to do likewise, they will be glad to keep you +away! Don't you see that they cut off competition? They would not be +whispering around to Republicans to come in and share the profits +with them. But if they are not sincere, and are merely trying to +fool Republicans out of their votes, they will grow very anxious +about your pecuniary prospects; they are afraid you are going to get +broken up and ruined; they do not care about Democratic votes, oh, +no, no, no! You must judge which class those belong to whom you meet: +I leave it to you to determine from the facts. + +Let us notice some more of the stale charges against Republicans. +You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the +burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? +Why, that our party has no existence in your section--gets no votes +in your section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove +the issue? If it does, then in case we should, without change of +principle, begin to get votes in your section, we should thereby +cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, +are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon +find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in +your section this very year. The fact that we get no votes in your +section is a fact of your making and not of ours. And if there be +fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains so +until you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or practice. + If we do repel you by any wrong principle or practice, the fault is +ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have started--to a +discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our principle, +put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of ours, or +for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are +sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, +then, on the question of whether our principle put in practice would +wrong your section; and so meet it as if it were possible that +something may be said on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No? +Then you really believe that the principle which our fathers who +framed the Government under which we live thought so clearly right as +to adopt it, and indorse it again and again, upon their official +oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand our condemnation +without a moment's consideration. Some of you delight to flaunt in +our faces the warning against sectional parties given by Washington +in his Farewell Address. Less than eight years before Washington +gave that warning, he had, as President of the United States, +approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the prohibition of +slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied the policy +of government upon that subject, up to and at the very moment he +penned that warning; and about one year after he penned it he wrote +La Fayette that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, +expressing in the same connection his hope that we should sometime +have a confederacy of free States. + +Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen +upon this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands +against us, or in our hands against you? Could Washington himself +speak, would he cast the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who +sustain his policy, or upon you, who repudiate it? We respect that +warning of Washington, and we commend it to you, together with his +example pointing to the right application of it. + +But you say you are conservative--eminently conservative--while we +are revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort. What is +conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against the +new and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy +on the point in controversy which was adopted by our fathers who +framed the Government under which we live; while you with one accord +reject and scout and spit upon that old policy, and insist upon +substituting something new. + +True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall +be. You have considerable variety of new propositions and plans, but +you are unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the +fathers. Some of you are for reviving the foreign slave-trade; some +for a congressional slave code for the Territories; some for Congress +forbidding the Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; +some for maintaining slavery in the Territories through the +judiciary; some for the "gur-reat pur-rinciple" that if one man would +enslave another, no third man should object--fantastically called +"popular sovereignty." But never a man among you in favor of +prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, according to the +practice of our fathers who framed the Government under which we +live. Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an +advocate in the century within which our Government originated. And +yet you draw yourselves up and say, "We are eminently conservative." + +It is exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great confederacy +shall be at peace, and in harmony one with another. Let us +Republicans do our part to have it so. Even though much provoked, +let us do nothing through passion and ill-temper. Even though the +Southern people will not so much as listen to us, let us calmly +consider their demands, and yield to them if, in our deliberate view +of our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all they say and do, and by +the subject and nature of their controversy with us, let us +determine, if we can, what will satisfy them. + +Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally +surrendered to them? We know they will not. In all their present +complaints against us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. +Invasions and insurrections are the rage now. Will it satisfy them, +in the future, if we have nothing to do with invasions and +insurrections? We know it will not. We so know because we know we +never had anything to do with invasions and insurrections; and yet +this total abstaining does not exempt us from the charge and the +denunciation. + +The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: we must not +only let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do +let them alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We +have been so trying to convince them, from the very beginning of our +organization, but with no success. In all our platforms and +speeches, we have constantly protested our purpose to let them alone; +but this had no tendency to convince them. Alike unavailing to +convince them is the fact that they have never detected a man of us +in any attempt to disturb them. + +These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will +convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and +join them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly-- +done in acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated--we +must place ourselves avowedly with them. Douglas's new sedition law +must be enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that +slavery is wrong, whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits, +or in private. We must arrest and return their fugitive slaves with +greedy pleasure. We must pull down our free State constitutions. +The whole atmosphere must be disinfected of all taint of opposition +to slavery, before they will cease to believe that all their troubles +proceed from us. So long as we call slavery wrong, whenever a slave +runs away they will overlook the obvious fact that be ran away +because he was oppressed, and declare he was stolen off. Whenever a +master cuts his slaves with a lash, and they cry out under it, he +will overlook the obvious fact that the negroes cry out because they +are hurt, and insist that they were put up to it by some rascally +abolitionist. + +I am quite aware that they do not state their case precisely in this +way. Most of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do +nothing to us, and say what you please about slavery." But we do let +them alone--have never disturbed them--so that, after all, it is what +we say which dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of +doing, until we cease saying. + +I am also aware that they have not as yet in terms demanded the +overthrow of our free-State constitutions. Yet those constitutions +declare the wrong of slavery with more solemn emphasis than do all +other sayings against it; and when all these other sayings shall have +been silenced, the overthrow of these constitutions will be demanded. +It is nothing to the contrary that they do not demand the whole of +this just now. Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, +they can voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. +Holding as they do that slavery is morally right, and socially +elevating, they cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of +it, as a legal right, and a social blessing. + +Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our +conviction that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, +acts, laws, and constitutions against it are themselves wrong and +should be silenced and swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly +object to its nationality--its universality: if it is wrong, they +cannot justly insist upon its extension--its enlargement. All they +ask, we could readily grant, if we thought slavery right; all we ask, +they could as readily grant, if they thought it wrong. Their +thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the precise fact on +which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right as they do, +they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition, as being +right; but, thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? Can we +cast our votes with their view, and against our own? In view of our +moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we do this? + +Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where +it is because that much is due to the necessity arising from its +actual presence m the nation; but can we, while our votes will +prevent it, allow it to spread into the national Territories, and to +overrun us here in these free States? + +If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty, +fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those +sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and +belabored--contrivances such as groping for some middle ground +between the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who +would be neither a living man nor a dead man--such as a policy of +"don't care" on a question about which all free men do care--such as +Union appeals beseeching true Union men to yield to Disunionists, +reversing the divine rule, and caning, not the sinners, but the +righteous to repentance--such as invocations of Washington, imploring +men to unsay what Washington did. + +Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations +against us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the +Government, nor of dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that +right makes might; and in that faith, let us, to the end, dare to do +our duty as we understand it. + +[As Mr. Lincoln concluded his address, there was witnessed the +wildest scene of enthusiasm and excitement that has been in New Haven +for years. The Palladium editorially says: "We give up most of our +space to-day to a very full report of the eloquent speech of the HON. +Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, delivered last night at Union Hall."] + + + + +RESPONSE TO AN ELECTOR'S REQUEST FOR MONEY + +TO ________________ +March 16, 1860 + +As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I cannot enter the +ring on the money basis--first, because in the main it is wrong; and +secondly, I have not and cannot get the money. + +I say, in the main, the use of money is wrong; but for certain +objects in a political contest, the use of some is both right and +indispensable. With me, as with yourself, the long struggle has been +one of great pecuniary loss. + +I now distinctly say this--if you shall be appointed a delegate to +Chicago, I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expenses of +the trip. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Extract from a letter to a Kansas delegate.] + + + + +TO J. W. SOMERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 17, 1860 + +JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Reaching home three days ago, I found your letter of +February 26th. Considering your difficulty of hearing, I think you +had better settle in Chicago, if, as you say, a good man already in +fair practice there will take you into partnership. If you had not +that difficulty, I still should think it an even balance whether you +would not better remain in Chicago, with such a chance for +copartnership. + +If I went west, I think I would go to Kansas, to Leavenworth or +Atchison. Both of them are and will continue to be fine growing +places. + +I believe I have said all I can, and I have said it with the deepest +interest for your welfare. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ACCUSATION OF HAVING BEEN PAID FOR A +POLITICAL SPEECH + +TO C. F. McNEIL. + +SPRINGFIELD, April 6, 1860 + +C. F. MCNEIL, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Reaching home yesterday, I found yours of the 23d March, +inclosing a slip from The Middleport Press. It is not true that I +ever charged anything for a political speech in my life; but this +much is true: Last October I was requested by letter to deliver some +sort of speech in Mr. Beecher's church, in Brooklyn--two hundred +dollars being offered in the first letter. I wrote that I could do +it in February, provided they would take a political speech if I +could find time to get up no other. They agreed; and subsequently I +informed them the speech would have to be a political one. When I +reached New York, I for the first time learned that the place was +changed to "Cooper Institute." I made the speech, and left for New +Hampshire, where I have a son at school, neither asking for pay nor +having any offered me. Three days after a check for two hundred +dollars was sent to me at New Hampshire; and I took it, and did not +know it was wrong. My understanding now is--though I knew nothing of +it at the time--that they did charge for admittance to the Cooper +Institute, and that they took in more than twice two hundred dollars. + +I have made this explanation to you as a friend; but I wish no +explanation made to our enemies. What they want is a squabble and a +fuss, and that they can have if we explain; and they cannot have it +if we don't. + +When I returned through New York from New England, I was told by the +gentlemen who sent me the Check that a drunken vagabond in the club, +having learned something about the two hundred dollars, made the +exhibition out of which The Herald manufactured the article quoted by +The Press of your town. + +My judgment is, and therefore my request is, that you give no denial +and no explanation. + +Thanking you for your kind interest in the matter, I remain, +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. TAYLOR. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., April 21, 1860. + +HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th is just received. It surprises me that +you have written twice, without receiving an answer. I have answered +all I ever received from you; and certainly one since my return from +the East. + +Opinions here, as to the prospect of Douglas being nominated, are +quite conflicting--some very confident he will, and others that he +will not be. I think his nomination possible, but that the chances +are against him. + +I am glad there is a prospect of your party passing this way to +Chicago. Wishing to make your visit here as pleasant as we can, we +wish you to notify us as soon as possible whether you come this way, +how many, and when you will arrive. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TELEGRAM TO A MEMBER OF THE ILLINOIS DELEGATION +AT THE CHICAGO CONVENTION. +SPRINGFIELD, May 17? 1860. + +I authorize no bargains and will be bound by none. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE COMMITTEE SENT BY THE CHICAGO CONVENTION TO INFORM +LINCOLN OF HIS +NOMINATION, + +MAY 19, 1860. + + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:--I tender to you, and +through you to the Republican National Convention, and all the people +represented in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done me, +which you now formally announce. Deeply and even painfully sensible +of the great responsibility which is inseparable from this high +honor--a responsibility which I could almost wish had fallen upon +some one of the far more eminent men and experienced statesmen whose +distinguished names were before the convention--I shall, by your +leave, consider more fully the resolutions of the convention, +denominated their platform, and without any unnecessary or +unreasonable delay respond to you, Mr. Chairman, in writing--not +doubting that the platform will be found satisfactory, and the +nomination gratefully accepted. + +And now I will not longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each +of you, by the hand. + + + + +ACCEPTANCE OF NOMINATION AS REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE + FOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES + +TO GEORGE ASHMUN AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD ILLINOIS, May 23, 1860 + +HON. GEORGE ASHMUN, +President of Republican National Convention. + +SIR:--I accept the nomination tendered me by the convention over +which you presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter +of yourself and others, acting as a committee of the convention for +that purpose. + +The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your +letter meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or +disregard it in any part. + +Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to +the views and feelings of all who were represented in the convention, +to the rights of all the States and Territories and people of the +nation, to the inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual +union, harmony, and prosperity of all--I am most happy to co-operate +for the practical success of the principles declared by the +convention. + +Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +To C. B. SMITH. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., May 26, 1860. + +HON. C. B. SMITH. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Yours of the 21st was duly received, but have found no +time until now to say a word in the way of answer. I am indeed much +indebted to Indiana; and, as my home friends tell me, much to you +personally. Your saying, you no longer consider Ia. a doubtful State +is very gratifying. The thing starts well everywhere--too well, I +almost fear, to last. But we are in, and stick or go through must be +the word. + +Let me hear from Indiana occasionally. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FORM OF REPLY PREPARED BY MR. LINCOLN, WITH WHICH HIS PRIVATE +SECRETARY WAS INSTRUCTED TO ANSWER A NUMEROUS CLASS OF LETTERS IN +THE CAMPAIGN OF 1860. + +(Doctrine.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, _______, 1860 + +DEAR SIR:--Your letter to Mr. Lincoln of and by which you seek to +obtain his opinions on certain political points, has been received by +him. He has received others of a similar character, but he also has +a greater number of the exactly opposite character. The latter class +beseech him to write nothing whatever upon any point of political +doctrine. They say his positions were well known when he was +nominated, and that he must not now embarrass the canvass by +undertaking to shift or modify them. He regrets that he cannot +oblige all, but you perceive it is impossible for him to do so. + +Yours, etc., + +JNO. J. NICOLAY. + + + + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, +MAY 26, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have several letters from you written since the +nomination, but till now have found no moment to say a word by way of +answer. Of course I am glad that the nomination is well received by +our friends, and I sincerely thank you for so informing me. So far +as I can learn, the nominations start well everywhere; and, if they +get no back-set, it would seem as if they are going through. I hope +you will write often; and as you write more rapidly than I do, don't +make your letters so short as mine. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO S. HAYCRAFT. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 4, 1860. + +HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Like yourself I belonged to the old Whig party from its +origin to its close. I never belonged to the American party +organization, nor ever to a party called a Union party; though I hope +I neither am or ever have been less devoted to the Union than +yourself or any other patriotic man. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ABRAHAM OR "ABRAM" + +TO G. ASHMUN. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. June 4, 1860 + +HON. GEORGE ASHMUN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--It seems as if the question whether my first name is +"Abraham" or "Abram" will never be settled. It is "Abraham," and if +the letter of acceptance is not yet in print, you may, if you think +fit, have my signature thereto printed "Abraham Lincoln." Exercise +your judgment about this. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +UNAUTHORIZED BIOGRAPHY + +TO S. GALLOWAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 19, 1860 + +HON. SAM'L GALLOWAY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 15th is received. Messrs. +Follett, Foster, & Co.'s Life of me is not by my authority; and I +have scarcely been so much astounded by anything, as by their public +announcement that it is authorized by me. They have fallen into some +strange misunderstanding. I certainly knew they contemplated +publishing a biography, and I certainly did not object to their doing +so, upon their own responsibility. I even took pains to facilitate +them. But, at the same time, I made myself tiresome, if not hoarse, +with repeating to Mr. Howard, their only agent seen by me, my protest +that I authorized nothing--would be responsible for nothing. How +they could so misunderstand me, passes comprehension. As a matter +wholly my own, I would authorize no biography, without time and +opportunity [sic] to carefully examine and consider every word of it +and, in this case, in the nature of things, I can have no such time +and Opportunity [sic]. But, in my present position, when, by the +lessons of the past, and the united voice of all discreet friends, I +can neither write nor speak a word for the public, how dare I to send +forth, by my authority, a volume of hundreds of pages, for +adversaries to make points upon without end? Were I to do so, the +convention would have a right to re-assemble and substitute another +name for mine. + +For these reasons, I would not look at the proof sheets--I am +determined to maintain the position of [sic] truly saying I never saw +the proof sheets, or any part of their work, before its publication. + +Now, do not mistake me--I feel great kindness for Messrs. F., F., & +Co.--do not think they have intentionally done wrong. There may be +nothing wrong in their proposed book--I sincerely hope there will +not. I barely suggest that you, or any of the friends there, on the +party account, look it over, and exclude what you may think would +embarrass the party bearing in mind, at all times, that I authorize +nothing--will be responsible for nothing. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[The custom then, and it may be a good one, was for the Presidential +candidate to do no personal canvassing or speaking--or as we have it +now "running for election." He stayed at home and kept his mouth +shut. D.W.] + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, July 18, 1860. + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. +MY DEAR SIR:--It appears to me that you and I ought to be acquainted, +and accordingly I write this as a sort of introduction of myself to +you. You first entered the Senate during the single term I was a +member of the House of Representatives, but I have no recollection +that we were introduced. I shall be pleased to receive a line from +you. + +The prospect of Republican success now appears very flattering, so +far as I can perceive. Do you see anything to the contrary? + +Yours truly, A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. JONAS. + +(Confidential.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, JULY 21, 1860. + +HON. A. JONAS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 20th is received. I suppose as good or +even better men than I may have been in American or Know-Nothing +lodges; but in point of fact, I never was in one at Quincy or +elsewhere. I was never in Quincy but one day and two nights while +Know-Nothing lodges were in existence, and you were with me that day +and both those nights. I had never been there before in my life, and +never afterward, till the joint debate with Douglas in 1858. It was +in 1854 when I spoke in some hall there, and after the speaking, you, +with others, took me to an oyster-saloon, passed an hour there, and +you walked with me to, and parted with me at, the Quincy House, quite +late at night. I left by stage for Naples before daylight in the +morning, having come in by the same route after dark the evening, +previous to the speaking, when I found you waiting at the Quincy +House to meet me. A few days after I was there, Richardson, as I +understood, started this same story about my having been in a +Know-Nothing lodge. When I heard of the charge, as I did soon after; +I taxed my recollection for some incident which could have suggested +it; and I remembered that on parting with you the last night I went +to the office of the hotel to take my stage-passage for the morning, +was told that no stage-office for that line was kept there, and that +I must see the driver before retiring, to insure his calling for me +in the morning; and a servant was sent with me to find the driver, +who, after taking me a square or two, stopped me, and stepped perhaps +a dozen steps farther, and in my hearing called to some one, who +answered him, apparently from the upper part of a building, and +promised to call with the stage for me at the Quincy House. +I returned, and went to bed, and before day the stage called and took +me. This is all. + +That I never was in a Know-Nothing lodge in Quincy, I should expect +could be easily proved by respectable men who were always in the +lodges and never saw me there. An affidavit of one or two such would +put the matter at rest. + +And now a word of caution. Our adversaries think they can gain a +point if they could force me to openly deny the charge, by which some +degree of offence would be given to the Americans. For this reason +it must not publicly appear that I am paying any attention to the +charge. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOHN B. FRY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, August 15, 1860. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th, inclosing the letter of HON. John +Minor Botts, was duly received. The latter is herewith returned +according to your request. It contains one of the many assurances I +receive from the South, that in no probable event will there be any +very formidable effort to break up the Union. The people of the +South have too much of good sense and good temper to attempt the ruin +of the government rather than see it administered as it was +administered by the men who made it. At least so I hope and believe. +I thank you both for your own letter and a sight of that of Mr. +Botts. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. August 17 1860. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 13th was received this morning. Douglas +is managing the Bell element with great adroitness. He had his men +in Kentucky to vote for the Bell candidate, producing a result which +has badly alarmed and damaged Breckenridge, and at the same time has +induced the Bell men to suppose that Bell will certainly be +President, if they can keep a few of the Northern States away from us +by throwing them to Douglas. But you, better than I, understand all +this. + +I think there will be the most extraordinary effort ever made to +carry New York for Douglas. You and all others who write me from +your State think the effort cannot succeed, and I hope you are right. +Still, it will require close watching and great efforts on the other +side. + +Herewith I send you a copy of a letter written at New York, which +sufficiently explains itself, and which may or may not give you a +valuable hint. You have seen that Bell tickets have been put on the +track both here and in Indiana. In both cases the object has been, I +think, the same as the Hunt movement in New York--to throw States to +Douglas. In our State, we know the thing is engineered by Douglas +men, and we do not believe they can make a great deal out of it. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SLOW TO LISTEN TO CRIMINATIONS + +TO HON. JOHN ______________ + +(Private.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Aug. 31, 1860 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 27th is duly received. It consists almost +exclusively of a historical detail of some local troubles, among some +of our friends in Pennsylvania; and I suppose its object is to guard +me against forming a prejudice against Mr. McC___________, I have not +heard near so much upon that subject as you probably suppose; and I +am slow to listen to criminations among friends, and never expose +their quarrels on either side. My sincere wish is that both sides +will allow bygones to be bygones, and look to the present and future +only. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 4, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am annoyed some by a letter from a friend in Chicago, +in which the following passage occurs: "Hamlin has written Colfax +that two members of Congress will, he fears, be lost in Maine, the +first and sixth districts; and that Washburne's majority for governor +will not exceed six thousand." + +I had heard something like this six weeks ago, but had been assured +since that it was not so. Your secretary of state,--Mr. Smith, I +think,--whom you introduced to me by letter, gave this assurance; +more recently, Mr. Fessenden, our candidate for Congress in one of +those districts, wrote a relative here that his election was sure by +at least five thousand, and that Washburne's majority would be from +14,000 to 17,000; and still later, Mr. Fogg, of New Hampshire, now at +New York serving on a national committee, wrote me that we were +having a desperate fight in Maine, which would end in a splendid +victory for us. + +Such a result as you seem to have predicted in Maine, in your letter +to Colfax, would, I fear, put us on the down-hill track, lose us the +State elections in Pennsylvania and Indiana, and probably ruin us on +the main turn in November. + +You must not allow it. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, +September 9, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR: Yours of the 5th was received last evening. I was right +glad to see it. It contains the freshest "posting" which I now have. +It relieved me some from a little anxiety I had about Maine. Jo +Medill, on August 3oth, wrote me that Colfax had a letter from Mr. +Hamlin saying we were in great danger of losing two members of +Congress in Maine, and that your brother would not have exceeding six +thousand majority for Governor. I addressed you at once, at Galena, +asking for your latest information. As you are at Washington, that +letter you will receive some time after the Maine election. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. H. HERNDON. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., OCTOBER 10, 1860 + +DEAR WILLIAM:--I cannot give you details, but it is entirely certain +that Pennsylvania and Indiana have gone Republican very largely. +Pennsylvania 25,000, and Indiana 5000 to 10,000. Ohio of course is +safe. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO L. M. BOND. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 15, 1860 + +L. MONTGOMERY BOND, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR: I certainly am in no temper and have no purpose to +embitter the feelings of the South, but whether I am inclined to such +a course as would in fact embitter their feelings you can better +judge by my published speeches than by anything I would say in a +short letter if I were inclined now, as I am not, to define my +position anew. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER SUGGESTING A BEARD + +TO MISS GRACE BEDELL, RIPLEY N.Y. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 19, 1860 + +MISS GRACE BEDELL. + +MY DEAR LITTLE MISS:--Your very agreeable letter of the 15th is +received. I regret the necessity of saying I have no daughter. I +have three sons--one seventeen, one nine, and one seven. They with +their mother constitute my whole family. As to the whiskers, as I +have never worn any, do you not think that people would call it a +piece of silly affectation were I to begin wearing them now? + +I am your true friend and sincere well-wisher, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EARLY INFORMATION ON ARMY DEFECTION IN SOUTH + +TO D. HUNTER. + +(Private and Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, October 26, 1860 + +MAJOR DAVID HUNTER + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 20th was duly received, +for which please accept my thanks. I have another letter, from a +writer unknown to me, saying the officers of the army at Fort Kearny +have determined in case of Republican success at the approaching +Presidential election, to take themselves, and the arms at that +point, south, for the purpose of resistance to the government. While +I think there are many chances to one that this is a humbug, it +occurs to me that any real movement of this sort in the Army would +leak out and become known to you. In such case, if it would not be +unprofessional or dishonorable (of which you are to be judge), I +shall be much obliged if you will apprise me of it. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD. ILLINOIS, November 8, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am anxious for a personal interview with you at as +early a day as possible. Can you, without much inconvenience, meet +me at Chicago? If you can, please name as early a day as you +conveniently can, and telegraph me, unless there be sufficient time +before the day named to communicate by mail. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +(Private and Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Nov.13, 1860 + +HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th is just received. I can only answer +briefly. Rest fully assured that the good people of the South who +will put themselves in the same temper and mood towards me which you +do will find no cause to complain of me. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REMARKS AT THE MEETING AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS +TO CELEBRATE LINCOLN'S ELECTION, + +NOVEMBER 20, 1860 + +FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:--Please excuse me on this occasion from +making a speech. I thank you in common with all those who have +thought fit by their votes to indorse the Republican cause. I +rejoice with you in the success which has thus far attended that +cause. Yet in all our rejoicings let us neither express nor cherish +any hard feelings toward any citizen who by his vote has differed +with us. Let us at all times remember that all American citizens are +brothers of a common country, and should dwell together in the bonds +of fraternal feeling. Let me again beg you to accept my thanks, and +to excuse me from further speaking at this time. + + + + +TO ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. NOV. 30, 1860 + +HON. A. H. STEPHENS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have read in the newspapers your speech recently +delivered (I think) before the Georgia Legislature, or its assembled +members. If you have revised it, as is probable, I shall be much +obliged if you will send me a copy. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +(Private) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 8, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 4th was duly received. The inclosed to +Governor Seward covers two notes to him, copies of which you find +open for your inspection. Consult with Judge Trumbull; and if you +and he see no reason to the contrary, deliver the letter to Governor +Seward at once. If you see reason to the contrary write me at once. + +I have an intimation that Governor Banks would yet accept a place in +the Cabinet. Please ascertain and write me how this is, + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +BLOCKING "COMPROMISE" ON SLAVERY ISSUE + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE + +(Private and Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., December 13, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your long letter received. Prevent, as far as +possible, any of our friends from demoralizing themselves and our +cause by entertaining propositions for compromise of any sort on +"slavery extension." There is no possible compromise upon it but +which puts us under again, and leaves all our work to do over again. +Whether it be a Missouri line or Eli Thayer's popular sovereignty, it +is all the same. Let either be done, and immediately filibustering +and extending slavery recommences. On that point hold firm, as with +a chain of steel. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +OPINION ON SECESSION + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 17, 1860 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 11th was received two days ago. Should +the convocation of governors of which you speak seem desirous to know +my views on the present aspect of things, tell them you judge from my +speeches that I will be inflexible on the territorial question; but I +probably think either the Missouri line extended, or Douglas's and +Eli Thayer's popular sovereignty would lose us everything we gain by +the election; that filibustering for all south of us and making slave +States of it would follow in spite of us, in either case; also that I +probably think all opposition, real and apparent, to the fugitive +slave clause of the Constitution ought to be withdrawn. + +I believe you can pretend to find but little, if anything, in my +speeches, about secession. But my opinion is that no State can in +any way lawfully get out of the Union without the consent of the +others; and that it is the duty of the President and other government +functionaries to run the machine as it is. + +Truly yours, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SOME FORTS SURRENDERED TO THE SOUTH + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE + +(Confidential) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 21, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Last night I received your letter giving an account of +your interview with General Scott, and for which I thank you. Please +present my respects to the General, and tell him, confidentially, I +shall be obliged to him to be as well prepared as he can to either +hold or retake the forts, as the case may require, at and after the +inauguration. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. H. STEPHENS. + +(For your own eye only) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 22, 1860 + +HON. ALEXANDER STEVENS + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your obliging answer to my short note is just received, +and for which please accept my thanks. I fully appreciate the +present peril the country is in, and the weight of responsibility on +me. Do the people of the South really entertain fear that a +Republican administration would, directly or indirectly, interfere +with the slaves, or with them about the slaves? If they do, I wish to +assure you, as once a friend, and still, I hope, not an enemy, that +there is no cause for such fears. The South would be in no more +danger in this respect than it was in the days of Washington. I +suppose, however, this does not meet the case. You think slavery is +right and ought to be extended, while we think it is wrong and ought +to be restricted. That, I suppose, is the rub. It certainly is the +only substantial difference between us. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SUPPORT OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE CLAUSE + +MEMORANDUM + +December [22?], 1860 + +Resolved: +That the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution ought to be +enforced by a law of Congress, with efficient provisions for that +object, not obliging private persons to assist in its execution, but +punishing all who resist it, and with the usual safeguards to +liberty, securing free men against being surrendered as slaves. + +That all State laws, if there be such, really or apparently in +conflict with such law of Congress, ought to be repealed; and no +opposition to the execution of such law of Congress ought to be made. + +That the Federal Union must be preserved. + + +Prepared for the consideration of the Republican members of the +Senate Committee of Thirteen. + + + + +TO D. HUNTER. + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS December 22, 1860 + +MAJOR DAVID HUNTER. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am much obliged by the receipt of yours of the 18th. +The most we can do now is to watch events, and be as well prepared as +possible for any turn things may take. If the forts fall, my +judgment is that they are to be retaken. When I shall determine +definitely my time of starting to Washington, I will notify you. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO I. N. MORRIS + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Dec 24, 1860 + +HON. I. N. MORRIS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Without supposing that you and I are any nearer +together, politically, than heretofore, allow me to tender you my +sincere thanks for your Union resolution, expressive of views upon +which we never were, and, I trust, never will be at variance. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ATTEMPT TO FORM A COALITION CABINET + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 14, 1860. + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I need a man of Democratic antecedents from New +England. I cannot get a fair share of that element in without. This +stands in the way of Mr. Adams. I think of Governor Banks, Mr. +Welles, and Mr. Tuck. Which of them do the New England delegation +prefer? Or shall I decide for myself? + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + + + +1861 + + +TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + +(Private.) +SPRINGFIELD. ILL., January 3, 1861. + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours without signature was received last night. I have +been considering your suggestions as to my reaching Washington +somewhat earlier than is usual. It seems to me the inauguration is +not the most dangerous point for us. Our adversaries have us now +clearly at disadvantage on the second Wednesday of February, when the +votes should be officially counted. If the two houses refuse to meet +at all, or meet without a quorum of each, where shall we be? I do +not think that this counting is constitutionally essential to the +election, but how are we to proceed in the absence of it? In view of +this, I think it is best for me not to attempt appearing in +Washington till the result of that ceremony is known. + +It certainly would be of some advantage if you could know who are to +be at the heads of the War and Navy departments, but until I can +ascertain definitely whether I can get any suitable men from the +South, and who, and how many, I can not well decide. As yet, I have +no word from Mr. Gilmer in answer to my request for an interview with +him. I look for something on the subject, through you, before long. +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. H. SEWARD. +(Private.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., January 12, 1861 + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 8th received. I still hope Mr. Gilmer +will, on a fair understanding with us, consent to take a place in the +Cabinet. The preference for him over Mr. Hunt or Mr. Gentry is that, +up to date--he has a living position in the South, while they have +not. He is only better than Winter Davis in that he is farther +south. I fear, if we could get, we could not safely take more than +one such man--that is, not more than one who opposed us in the +election--the danger being to lose the confidence of our own friends. +Your selection for the State Department having become public, I am +happy to find scarcely any objection to it. I shall have trouble +with every other Northern Cabinet appointment--so much so that I +shall have to defer them as long as possible to avoid being teased +into insanity, to make changes. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO E. D. MORGAN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. FEB. 4, 1861 + +SIR:--Your letter of the 30th ult. inviting me, on behalf of the +Legislature of New York, to pass through that State on my way to +Washington, and tendering me the hospitalities of her authorities and +people, has been duly received. With the feelings of deep gratitude +to you and them for this testimonial of regard and esteem I beg you +to notify them that I accept the invitation so kindly tendered. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN + +P.S.--Please let the ceremonies be only such as to take the least +time possible. A. L. + + + + +PATRONAGE CLAIMS + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., February 4, 1861 + +DEAR SIR:--I have both your letter to myself and that to Judge Davis, +in relation to a certain gentleman in your State claiming to dispense +patronage in my name, and also to be authorized to use my name to +advance the chances of Mr. Greeley for an election to the United +States Senate. + +It is very strange that such things should be said by any one. The +gentleman you mention did speak to me of Mr. Greeley in connection +with the senatorial election, and I replied in terms of kindness +toward Mr. Greeley, which I really feel, but always with an expressed +protest that my name must not be used in the senatorial election in +favor of or against any one. Any other representation of me is a +misrepresentation. + +As to the matter of dispensing patronage, it perhaps will surprise +you to learn that I have information that you claim to have my +authority to arrange that matter in New York. I do not believe you +have so claimed; but still so some men say. On that subject you know +all I have said to you is "justice to all," and I have said nothing +more particular to any one. I say this to reassure you that I have +not changed my position. + +In the hope, however, that you will not use my name in the matter, I +am, + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FAREWELL ADDRESS AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, +FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +MY FRIENDS:--One who has never been placed in a like position cannot +understand my feelings at this hour, nor the oppressive sadness I +feel at this parting. For more than twenty-five years I have lived +among you, and during all that time I have received nothing but +kindness at your hands. Here the most cherished ties of earth were +assumed. Here my children were born, and here one of them lies +buried. To you, my friends, I owe all that I have, all that I am. +All the strange checkered past seems to crowd upon my mind. To-day I +leave you. I go to assume a task more difficult than that which +devolved upon General Washington. Unless the great God who assisted +him shall be with and aid me I cannot prevail; but if the same +almighty arm that directed and protected him shall guide and support +me I shall not fail; I shall succeed. Let us pray that the God of +our fathers may not forsake us now. To Him I commend you all. +Permit me to ask that with equal sincerity and faith you will all +invoke His wisdom and goodness for me. + +With these words I must leave you; for how long I know not. Friends, +one and all, I must now wish you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +REMARKS AT TOLONO, ILLINOIS, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +I am leaving you on an errand of national importance, attended, as +you are aware, with considerable difficulties. Let us believe, as +some poet has expressed it, "Behind the cloud the sun is still +shining." I bid you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +REPLY TO ADDRESS OF WELCOME, INDIANAPOLIS, + +INDIANA, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +GOVERNOR MORTON AND FELLOW CITIZENS +OF THE STATE OF INDIANA: + +Most heartily do I thank you for this magnificent reception, and +while I cannot take to myself any share of the compliment thus paid, +more than that which pertains to a mere instrument, an accidental +instrument, perhaps I should say, of a great cause, I yet must look +upon it as a most magnificent reception, and as such most heartily do +thank you for it. You have been pleased to address yourself to me +chiefly in behalf of this glorious Union in which we live, in all of +which you have my hearty sympathy, and, as far as may be within my +power, will have, one and inseparable, my hearty consideration. +While I do not expect, upon this occasion, or until I get to +Washington, to attempt any lengthy speech, I will only say to the +salvation of the Union there needs but one single thing--the hearts +of a people like yours. + +The people--when they rise in mass in behalf of the Union and the +liberties of their country, truly may it be said, "The gates of hell +cannot prevail against them." In all trying positions in which I +shall be +placed--and, doubtless, I shall be placed in many such--my reliance +will be placed upon you and the people of the United States; and I +wish you to remember, now and forever, that it is your business, and +not mine; that if the union of these States and the liberties of this +people shall be lost, it is but little to any one man of fifty-two +years of age, but a great deal to the thirty millions of people who +inhabit these United States, and to their posterity in all coming +time. It is your business to rise up and preserve the Union and +liberty for yourselves, and not for me. + +I desire they should be constitutionally performed. I, as already +intimated, am but an accidental instrument, temporary, and to serve +but for a limited time; and I appeal to you again to constantly bear +in mind that with you, and not with politicians, not with Presidents, +not with office-seekers, but with you is the question, Shall the +Union and shall the liberties of this country be preserved to the +latest generations? + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF INDIANA, AT INDIANAPOLIS, + +FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA:--I am here to thank you much +for this magnificent welcome, and still more for the generous support +given by your State to that political cause which I think is the true +and just cause of the whole country and the whole world. + +Solomon says there is "a time to keep silence," and when men wrangle +by the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing while +using the same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep +silence. + +The words "coercion" and "invasion" are much used in these days, and +often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, +the meaning of those who use them. Let us get the exact definitions +of these words, not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, +who certainly deprecate the things they would represent by the use of +the words. + +What, then, is coercion? What is invasion? Would the marching of an +army into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and with +hostile intent toward them, be invasion? I certainly think it would, +and it would be coercion also, if the South Carolinians were forced +to submit. But if the United States should merely hold and retake +its own forts and other property, and collect the duties on foreign +importations, or even withhold the mails from places where they were +habitually violated, would any or all of these things be invasion or +coercion? Do our professed lovers of the Union, who spitefully +resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion, understand that +such things as these, on the part of the United States, would be +coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of means to +preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be +exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the +homoeopathist would be much too large for it to swallow. In their +view, the Union, as a family relation, would seem to be no regular +marriage, but rather a sort of "free-love" arrangement, to be +maintained on passional attraction. + +By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I +speak not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the +Constitution, for that is a bond we all recognize. That position, +however, a State cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of +that assumed primary right of a State to rule all which is less than +itself, and to ruin all which is larger than itself. If a State and +a county, in a given case, should be equal in number of inhabitants, +in what, as a matter of principle, is the State better than the +county? Would an exchange of name be an exchange of rights? Upon what +principle, upon what rightful principle, may a State, being no more +than one fiftieth part of the nation in soil and population, break up +the nation, and then coerce a proportionably large subdivision of +itself in the most arbitrary way? What mysterious right to play +tyrant is conferred on a district of country, with its people, by +merely calling it a State? Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting +anything. I am merely asking questions for you to consider. And now +allow me to bid you farewell. + + + + +INTENTIONS TOWARD THE SOUTH + +ADDRESS TO THE MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF + +CINCINNATI, OHIO, FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR, AND GENTLEMEN:--Twenty-four hours ago, at the capital of +Indiana, I said to myself, "I have never seen so many people +assembled together in winter weather." I am no longer able to say +that. But it is what might reasonably have been expected--that this +great city of Cincinnati would thus acquit herself on such an +occasion. My friends, I am entirely overwhelmed by the magnificence +of the reception which has been given, I will not say to me, but to +the President-elect of the United States of America. Most heartily +do I thank you, one and all, for it. + +I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati. That was a year +previous to the late Presidential election. On that occasion, in a +playful manner, but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I +said to the Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we, as Republicans, +would ultimately beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone +that result longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the Presidency +than they could by any other way. They did not, in any true sense of +the word, nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result has come certainly as +soon as ever I expected. I also told them how I expected they would +be treated after they should have been beaten, and I now wish to call +their attention to what I then said upon that subject. I then said: + +"When we do as we say, beat you, you perhaps want to know what we +will do with you. I will tell you, as far as I am authorized to +speak for the Opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to +treat you, as near as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and +Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way to +interfere with your institutions; to abide by all and every +compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to the +original proposition, to treat you so far as degenerate men, if we +have degenerated, may, according to the example of those noble +fathers, Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. + +"We mean to remember that you are as good as we; that there is no +difference between us other than the difference of circumstances. We +mean to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good +hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and +treat you accordingly." + +Fellow-citizens of Kentucky--friends and brethren, may I call you in +my new position?--I see no occasion and feel no inclination to +retract a word of this. If it shall not be made good, be assured the +fault shall not be mine. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN CLUB OF CINCINNATI, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + + +Mr. CHAIRMAN:--I thank you and those whom you represent for the +compliment you have paid me by tendering me this address. In so far +as there is an allusion to our present national difficulties, which +expresses, as you have said, the views of the gentlemen present, I +shall have to beg pardon for not entering fully upon the questions +which the address you have now read suggests. + +I deem it my duty--a duty which I owe to my constituents--to you, +gentlemen, that I should wait until the last moment for a development +of the present national difficulties before I express myself +decidedly as to what course I shall pursue. I hope, then, not to be +false to anything that you have expected of me. + +I agree with you, Mr. Chairman, that the working men are the basis of +all governments, for the plain reason that they are all the more +numerous, and as you added that those were the sentiments of the +gentlemen present, representing not only the working class, but +citizens of other callings than those of the mechanic, I am happy to +concur with you in these sentiments, not only of the native-born +citizens, but also of the Germans and foreigners from other +countries. + +Mr. Chairman, I hold that while man exists it is his duty to improve +not only his own condition, but to assist in ameliorating the +condition of mankind; and therefore, without entering upon the +details of the question, I will simply say that I am for those means +which will give the greatest good to the greatest number. + +In regard to the Homestead law, I have to say that, in so far as the +government lands can be disposed of, I am in favor of cutting up the +wild lands into parcels, so that every poor man may have a home. + +In regard to the Germans and foreigners, I esteem them no better than +other people, nor any worse. It is not my nature, when I see a +people borne down by the weight of their shackles--the oppression of +tyranny--to make their life more bitter by heaping upon them greater +burdens; but rather would I do all in my power to raise the yoke than +to add anything that would tend to crush them. + +Inasmuch as our own country is extensive and new, and the countries +of Europe are densely populated, if there are any abroad who desire +to make this the land of their adoption, it is not in my heart to +throw aught in their way to prevent them from coming to the United +States. + +Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I will bid you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF OHIO AT COLUMBUS +FEBRUARY 13, 1861 + +Mr. PRESIDENT AND Mr. SPEAKER, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY +OF OHIO:--It is true, as has been said by the president of the +Senate, that very great responsibility rests upon me in the position +to which the votes of the American people have called me. I am +deeply sensible of that weighty responsibility. I cannot but know +what you all know, that without a name, perhaps without a reason why +I should have a name, there has fallen upon me a task such as did not +rest even upon the Father of his Country; and so feeling, I can turn +and look for that support without which it will be impossible for me +to perform that great task. I turn, then, and look to the American +people and to that God who has never forsaken them. Allusion has +been made to the interest felt in relation to the policy of the new +administration. In this I have received from some a degree of credit +for having kept silence, and from others some deprecation. I still +think that I was right. + +In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, and +without a precedent which could enable me to judge by the past, it +has seemed fitting that before speaking upon the difficulties of the +country I should have gained a view of the whole field, being at +liberty to modify and change the course of policy as future events +may make a change necessary. + +I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a +good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing +going wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we look out +there is nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different +views upon political questions, but nobody is suffering anything. +This is a most consoling circumstance, and from it we may conclude +that all we want is time, patience, and a reliance on that God who +has never forsaken this people. + +Fellow-citizens, what I have said I have said altogether +extemporaneously, and I will now come to a close. + + + + +ADDRESS AT STEUBENVILLE, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 14, 1861 + +I fear that the great confidence placed in my ability is unfounded. +Indeed, I am sure it is. Encompassed by vast difficulties as I am, +nothing shall be wanting on my part, if sustained by God and the +American people. I believe the devotion to the Constitution is +equally great on both sides of the river. It is only the different +understanding of that instrument that causes difficulty. The only +dispute on both sides is, "What are their rights?" If the majority +should not rule, who would be the judge? Where is such a judge to be +found? We should all be bound by the majority of the American people; +if not, then the minority must control. Would that be right? Would +it be just or generous? Assuredly not. I reiterate that the majority +should rule. If I adopt a wrong policy, the opportunity for +condemnation will occur in four years' time. Then I can be turned +out, and a better man with better views put in my place. + + + + +ADDRESS AT PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA +FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + +I most cordially thank his Honor Mayor Wilson, and the citizens of +Pittsburg generally, for their flattering reception. I am the more +grateful because I know that it is not given to me alone, but to the +cause I represent, which clearly proves to me their good-will, and +that sincere feeling is at the bottom of it. And here I may remark +that in every short address I have made to the people, in every crowd +through which I have passed of late, some allusion has been made to +the present distracted condition of the country. It is natural to +expect that I should say something on this subject; but to touch upon +it at all would involve an elaborate discussion of a great many +questions and circumstances, requiring more time than I can at +present command, and would, perhaps, unnecessarily commit me upon +matters which have not yet fully developed themselves. The condition +of the country is an extraordinary one, and fills the mind of every +patriot with anxiety. It is my intention to give this subject all +the consideration I possibly can before specially deciding in regard +to it, so that when I do speak it may be as nearly right as possible. +When I do speak I hope I may say nothing in opposition to the spirit +of the Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, or which +will prove inimical to the liberties of the people, or to the peace +of the whole country. And furthermore, when the time arrives for me +to speak on this great subject, I hope I may say nothing to +disappoint the people generally throughout the country, especially if +the expectation has been based upon anything which I may have +heretofore said. Notwithstanding the troubles across the river [the +speaker pointing southwardly across the Monongahela, and smiling], +there is no crisis but an artificial one. What is there now to +warrant the condition of affairs presented by our friends over the +river? Take even their own view of the questions involved, and there +is nothing to justify the course they are pursuing. I repeat, then, +there is no crisis, excepting such a one as may be gotten up at any +time by turbulent men aided by designing politicians, My advice to +them, under such circumstances, is to keep cool. If the great +American people only keep their temper on both sides of the line, the +troubles will come to an end, and the question which now distracts +the country will be settled, just as surely as all other difficulties +of a like character which have originated in this government have +been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep their +self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared away in due +time, so will this great nation continue to prosper as heretofore. +But, fellow-citizens, I have spoken longer on this subject than I +intended at the outset. + +It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of Pennsylvania. +Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adopted, the tariff +question must be as durable as the government itself. It is a +question of national housekeeping. It is to the government what +replenishing the meal-tub is to the family. Every varying +circumstances will require frequent modifications as to the amount +needed and the sources of supply. So far there is little difference +of opinion among the people. It is as to whether, and how far, +duties on imports shall be adjusted to favor home production in the +home market, that controversy begins. One party insists that such +adjustment oppresses one class for the advantage of another; while +the other party argues that, with all its incidents, in the long run +all classes are benefited. In the Chicago platform there is a plank +upon this subject which should be a general law to the incoming +administration. We should do neither more nor less than we gave the +people reason to believe we would when they gave us their votes. +Permit me, fellow-citizens, to read the tariff plank of the Chicago +platform, or rather have it read in your hearing by one who has +younger eyes. + +[Mr. Lincoln's private secretary then read Section 12 of the Chicago +platform, as follows:] + +"That, while providing revenue for the support of the General +Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an +adjustment of these imposts as will encourage the development of the +industrial interest of the whole country; and we commend that policy +of national exchanges which secures to working-men liberal wages, to +agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers +adequate return for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the +nation commercial prosperity and independence." + +As with all general propositions, doubtless, there will be shades of +difference in construing this. I have by no means a thoroughly +matured judgment upon this subject, especially as to details; some +general ideas are about all. I have long thought it would be to our +advantage to produce any necessary article at home which can be made +of as good quality and with as little labor at home as abroad, at +least by the difference of the carrying from abroad. In such case +the carrying is demonstrably a dead loss of labor. For instance, +labor being the true standard of value, is it not plain that if equal +labor get a bar of railroad iron out of a mine in England and another +out of a mine in Pennsylvania, each can be laid down in a track at +home cheaper than they could exchange countries, at least by the +carriage? If there be a present cause why one can be both made and +carried cheaper in money price than the other can be made without +carrying, that cause is an unnatural and injurious one, and ought +gradually, if not rapidly, to be removed. The condition of the +treasury at this time would seem to render an early revision of the +tariff indispensable. The Morrill [tariff] bill, now pending before +Congress, may or may not become a law. I am not posted as to its +particular provisions, but if they are generally satisfactory, and +the bill shall now pass, there will be an end for the present. If, +however, it shall not pass, I suppose the whole subject will be one +of the most pressing and important for the next Congress. By the +Constitution, the executive may recommend measures which he may think +proper, and he may veto those he thinks improper, and it is supposed +that he may add to these certain indirect influences to affect the +action of Congress. My political education strongly inclines me +against a very free use of any of these means by the executive to +control the legislation of the country. As a rule, I think it better +that Congress should originate as well as perfect its measures +without external bias. I therefore would rather recommend to every +gentleman who knows he is to be a member of the next Congress to take +an enlarged view, and post himself thoroughly, so as to contribute +his part to such an adjustment of the tariff as shall produce a +sufficient revenue, and in its other bearings, so far as possible, be +just and equal to all sections of the country and classes of the +people. + + + + +ADDRESS AT CLEVELAND, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF CLEVELAND:--We have been marching +about two miles through snow, rain, and deep mud. The large numbers +that have turned out under these circumstances testify that you are +in earnest about something or other. But do I think so meanly of you +as to suppose that that earnestness is about me personally? I would +be doing you an injustice to suppose you did. You have assembled to +testify your respect for the Union, the Constitution, and the laws; +and here let me say that it is with you, the people, to advance the +great cause of the Union and the Constitution, and not with any one +man. It rests with you alone. This fact is strongly impressed upon +my mind at present. In a community like this, whose appearance +testifies to their intelligence, I am convinced that the cause of +liberty and the Union can never be in danger. Frequent allusion is +made to the excitement at present existing in our national politics, +and it is as well that I should also allude to it here. I think that +there is no occasion for any excitement. 'The crisis, as it is +called, is altogether an artificial crisis. In all parts of the +nation there are differences of opinion on politics. There are +differences of opinion even here. You did not all vote for the +person who now addresses you. What is happening now will not hurt +those who are farther away from here. Have they not all their rights +now as they ever have had? Do they not have their fugitive slaves +returned now as ever? Have they not the same Constitution that they +have lived under for seventy-odd years? Have they not a position as +citizens of this common country, and have we any power to change that +position? What, then, is the matter with them? Why all this +excitement? Why all these complaints? + +As I said before, this crisis is all artificial! It has no foundation +in facts. It is not argued up, as the saying is, and cannot, +therefore, be argued down. Let it alone and it will go down of +itself. + +[Mr. Lincoln then said that they must be content with a few words +from him, as he was tired, etc. Having been given to understand that +the crowd was not all Republican, but consisted of men of all +parties, he continued:] + +This is as it should be. If Judge Douglas had been elected and had +been here on his way to Washington, as I am to-night, the Republicans +should have joined his supporters in welcoming him, just as his +friends have joined with mine tonight. If all do not join now to +save the good old ship of the Union this voyage, nobody will have a +chance to pilot her on another voyage. + + + + +ADDRESS AT BUFFALO, NEW YORK, +FEBRUARY 16, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF BUFFALO AND THE STATE OF NEW YORK:-- +I am here to thank you briefly for this grand reception given to me, +not personally, but as the representative of our great and beloved +country. Your worthy mayor has been pleased to mention, in his +address to me, the fortunate and agreeable journey which I have had +from home, on my rather circuitous route to the Federal capital. I +am very happy that he was enabled in truth to congratulate myself and +company on that fact. It is true we have had nothing thus far. to +mar the pleasure of the trip. We have not been met alone by those +who assisted in giving the election to me--I say not alone by them, +but by the whole population of the country through which we have +passed. This is as it should be. Had the election fallen to any +other of the distinguished candidates instead of myself, under the +peculiar circumstances, to say the least, it would have been proper +for all citizens to have greeted him as you now greet me. It is an +evidence of the devotion of the whole people to the Constitution, the +Union, and the perpetuity of the liberties of this country. I am +unwilling on any occasion that I should be so meanly thought of as to +have it supposed for a moment that these demonstrations are tendered +to me personally. They are tendered to the country, to the +institutions of the country, and to the perpetuity of the liberties +of the country, for which these institutions were made and created. + +Your worthy mayor has thought fit to express the hope that I may be +able to relieve the country from the present, or, I should say, the +threatened difficulties. I am sure I bring a heart true to the work. +For the ability to perform it, I must trust in that Supreme Being who +has never forsaken this favored land, through the instrumentality of +this great and intelligent people. Without that assistance I shall +surely fail; with it, I cannot fail. When we speak of threatened +difficulties to the Country, it is natural that it should be expected +that something should be said by myself with regard to particular +measures. Upon more mature reflection, however, others will agree +with me that, when it is considered that these difficulties are +without precedent, and have never been acted upon by any individual +situated as I am, it is most proper I should wait and see the +developments, and get all the light possible, so that when I do speak +authoritatively, I may be as near right as possible. When I shall +speak authoritatively, I hope to say nothing inconsistent with the +Constitution, the Union, the rights of all the States, of each State, +and of each section of the country, and not to disappoint the +reasonable expectations of those who have confided to me their votes. +In this connection allow me to say that you, as a portion of the +great American people, need only to maintain your composure, stand up +to your sober convictions of right, to your obligations to the +Constitution, and act in accordance with those sober convictions, and +the clouds now on the horizon will be dispelled, and we shall have a +bright and glorious future; and when this generation has passed away, +tens of thousands will inhabit this country where only thousands +inhabit it now. I do not propose to address you at length; I have no +voice for it. Allow me again to thank you for this magnificent +reception, and bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT ROCHESTER, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861 + +I confess myself, after having seen many large audiences since +leaving home, overwhelmed with this vast number of faces at this hour +of the morning. I am not vain enough to believe that you are here +from any wish to see me as an individual, but because I am for the +time being the representative of the American people. I could not, +if I would, address you at any length. I have not the strength, even +if I had the time, for a speech at each of these many interviews that +are afforded me on my way to Washington. I appear merely to see you, +and to let you see me, and to bid you. farewell. I hope it will be +understood that it is from no disinclination to oblige anybody that I +do not address you at greater length. + + + + +ADDRESS AT SYRACUSE, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I See you have erected a very fine and +handsome platform here for me, and I presume you expected me to speak +from it. If I should go upon it, you would imagine that I was about +to deliver you a much longer speech than I am. I wish you to +understand that I mean no discourtesy to you by thus declining. I +intend discourtesy to no one. But I wish you to understand that, +though I am unwilling to go upon this platform, you are not at +liberty to draw inferences concerning any other platform with which +my name has been or is connected. I wish you long life and +prosperity individually, and pray that with the perpetuity of those +institutions under which we have all so long lived and prospered, our +happiness may be secured, our future made brilliant, and the glorious +destiny of our country established forever. I bid you a kind +farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT UTICA, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1860 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I have no speech to make to you; and no time +to speak in. I appear before you that I may see you, and that you +may see me; and I am willing to admit that so far as the ladies are +concerned I have the best of the bargain, though I wish it to be +understood that I do not make the same acknowledgment concerning the +men. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF ALBANY, NEW YORK + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +MR. MAYOR:--I can hardly appropriate to myself the flattering terms +in which you communicate the tender of this reception, as personal to +myself. I most gratefully accept the hospitalities tendered to me, +and will not detain you or the audience with any extended remarks at +this time. I presume that in the two or three courses through which +I shall have to go, I shall have to repeat somewhat, and I will +therefore only express to you my thanks for this kind reception. + + + + +REPLY TO GOVERNOR MORGAN OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +GOVERNOR MORGAN:--I was pleased to receive an invitation to visit the +capital of the great Empire State of this nation while on my way to +the Federal capital. I now thank you, Mr. Governor, and you, the +people of the capital of the State of New York, for this most hearty +and magnificent welcome. If I am not at fault, the great Empire +State at this time contains a larger population than did the whole of +the United States of America at the time they achieved their national +independence, and I was proud--to be invited to visit its capital, to +meet its citizens, as I now have the honor to do. I am notified by +your governor that this reception is tendered by citizens without +distinction of party. Because of this I accept it the more gladly. +In this country, and in any country where freedom of thought is +tolerated, citizens attach themselves to political parties. It is +but an ordinary degree of charity to attribute this act to the +supposition that, in thus attaching themselves to the various +parties, each man in his own judgment supposes he thereby best +advances the interests of the whole country. And when an election is +past it is altogether befitting a free people, as I suppose, that, +until the next election, they should be one people. The reception +you have extended me to-day is not given to me personally,--it should +not be so,--but as the representative, for the time being, of the +majority of the nation. If the election had fallen to any of the +more distinguished citizens who received the support of the people, +this same honor should have greeted him that greets me this day, in +testimony of the universal, unanimous devotion of the whole people to +the Constitution, the Union, and to the perpetual liberties of +succeeding generations in this country. + +I have neither the voice nor the strength to address you at any +greater length. I beg you will therefore accept my most grateful +thanks for this manifest devotion--not to me, but the institutions of +this great and glorious country. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF +NEW YORK:--It is with feelings of great diffidence, and, I may say, +with feelings of awe, perhaps greater than I have recently +experienced, that I meet you here in this place. The history of this +great State, the renown of those great men who have stood here, and +have spoken here, and have been heard here, all crowd around my +fancy, and incline me to shrink from any attempt to address you. Yet +I have some confidence given me by the generous manner in which you +have invited me, and by the still more generous manner in which you +have received me, to speak further. You have invited and received me +without distinction of party. I cannot for a moment suppose that +this has been done in any considerable degree with reference to my +personal services, but that it is done in so far as I am regarded, at +this time, as the representative of the majesty of this great nation. +I doubt not this is the truth, and the whole truth of the case, and +this is as it should be. It is much more gratifying to me that this +reception has been given to me as the elected representative of a +free people, than it could possibly be if tendered merely as an +evidence of devotion to me, or to any one man personally. + +And now I think it were more fitting that I should close these hasty +remarks. It is true that, while I hold myself, without mock modesty, +the humblest of all individuals that have ever been elevated to the +Presidency, I have a more difficult task to perform than any one of +them. + +You have generously tendered me the support--the united support--of +the great Empire State. For this, in behalf of the nation--in behalf +of the present and future of the nation--in behalf of civil and +religious liberty for all time to come, most gratefully do I thank +you. I do not propose to enter into an explanation of any particular +line of policy, as to our present difficulties, to be adopted by the +incoming administration. I deem it just to you, to myself, to all, +that I should see everything, that I should hear everything, that I +should have every light that can be brought within my reach, in order +that, when I do so speak, I shall have enjoyed every opportunity to +take correct and true ground; and for this reason I do not propose to +speak at this time of the policy of the Government. But when the +time comes, I shall speak, as well as I am able, for the good of the +present and future of this country for the good both of the North and +of the South--for the good of the one and the other, and of all +sections of the country. In the meantime, if we have patience, if we +restrain ourselves, if we allow ourselves not to run off in a +passion, I still have confidence that the Almighty, the Maker of the +universe, will, through the instrumentality of this great and +intelligent people, bring us through this as He has through all the +other difficulties of our country. Relying on this, I again thank you +for this generous reception. + + + + +ADDRESS AT TROY, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +MR. MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF TROY:--I thank you very kindly for this +great reception. Since I left my home it has not been my fortune to +meet an assemblage more numerous and more orderly than this. I am +the more gratified at this mark of your regard since you assure me it +is tendered, not to the individual but to the high office you have +called me to fill. I have neither strength nor time to make any +extended remarks on this occasion, and I can only repeat to you my +sincere thanks for the kind reception you have thought proper to +extend to me. + + + + +ADDRESS AT POUGHKEEPSIE, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--It is altogether impossible I should make myself +heard by any considerable portion of this vast assemblage; but, +although I appear before you mainly for the purpose of seeing you, +and to let you see rather than hear me, I cannot refrain from saying +that I am highly gratified--as much here, indeed, under the +circumstances, as I have been anywhere on my route--to witness this +noble demonstration--made, not in honor of an individual, but of the +man who at this time humbly, but earnestly, represents the majesty of +the nation. + +This reception, like all the others that have been tendered to me, +doubtless emanates from all the political parties, and not from one +alone. As such I accept it the more gratefully, since it indicates +an earnest desire on the part of the whole people, with out regard to +political differences, to save--not the country, because the country +will save itself but to save the institutions of the country, those +institutions under which, in the last three quarters of a century, we +have grown to a great, and intelligent, and a happy people--the +greatest, the most intelligent, and the happiest people in the world. +These noble manifestations indicate, with unerring certainty, that +the whole people are willing to make common cause for this object; +that if, as it ever must be, some have been successful in the recent +election and some have been beaten, if some are satisfied and some +are dissatisfied, the defeated party are not in favor of sinking the +ship, but are desirous of running it through the tempest in safety, +and willing, if they think the people have committed an error in +their verdict now, to wait in the hope of reversing it and setting it +right next time. I do not say that in the recent election the people +did the wisest thing, that could have been done--indeed, I do not +think they did; but I do say that in accepting the great trust +committed to me, which I do with a determination to endeavor to prove +worthy of it, I must rely upon you, upon the people of the whole +country, for support; and with their sustaining aid, even I, humble +as I am, cannot fail to carry the ship of state safely through the +storm. + +I have now only to thank you warmly for your kind attendance, and bid +you all an affectionate farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT HUDSON, NEW YORK,. + +FEBRUARY 19, 1860 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I see that you are providing a platform for me. I +shall have to decline standing upon it, because the president of the +company tells me that I shall not have time to wait until it is +brought to me. As I said yesterday, under similar circumstances at +another gathering, you must not draw the inference that I have any +intention of deserting any platform with which I have a legitimate +connection because I do not stand on yours. Allow me to thank you +for this splendid reception, and I now bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT PEEKSKILL, NEW YORK, +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I have but a moment to stand before you to +listen to and return your kind greeting. I thank you for this +reception, and for the pleasant manner in which it is tendered to me +by our mutual friends. I will say in a single sentence, in regard to +the difficulties that lie before me and our beloved country, that if +I can only be as generously and unanimously sustained as the +demonstrations I have witnessed indicate I shall be, I shall not +fail; but without your sustaining hands I am sure that neither I nor +any other man can hope to surmount these difficulties. I trust that +in the course I shall pursue I shall be sustained not only by the +party that elected me, but by the patriotic people of the whole +country. + + + + +ADDRESS AT FISHKILL LANDING + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I appear before you not to make a speech. I +have not sufficient time, if I had the strength, to repeat speeches +at every station where the people kindly gather to welcome me as we +go along. If I had the strength, and should take the time, I should +not get to Washington until after the inauguration, which you must be +aware would not fit exactly. That such an untoward event might not +transpire, I know you will readily forego any further remarks; and I +close by bidding you farewell. + + + + +REMARKS AT THE ASTOR HOUSE, NEW YORK CITY, FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I have stepped before you merely in compliance with +what appears to be your wish, and not with the purpose of making a +speech. I do not propose making a speech this afternoon. I could +not be heard by any but a small fraction of you, at best; but, what +is still worse than that, I have nothing just now to say that is +worthy of your hearing. I beg you to believe that I do not now +refuse to address you from any disposition to disoblige you, but to +the contrary. But, at the same time, I beg of you to excuse me for +the present. + + + + +ADDRESS AT NEW YORK CITY, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN:--I am rather an old man to avail myself +of such an excuse as I am now about to do. Yet the truth is so +distinct, and presses itself so distinctly upon me, that I cannot +well avoid it--and that is, that I did not understand when I was +brought into this room that I was to be brought here to make a +speech. It was not intimated to me that I was brought into the room +where Daniel Webster and Henry Clay had made speeches, and where one +in my position might be expected to do something like those men or +say something worthy of myself or my audience. I therefore beg you +to make allowance for the circumstances in which I have been by +surprise brought before you. Now I have been in the habit of +thinking and sometimes speaking upon political questions that have +for some years past agitated the country; and, if I were disposed to +do so, and we could take up some one of the issues, as the lawyers +call them, and I were called upon to make an argument about it to the +best of my ability, I could do so without much preparation. But that +is not what you desire to have done here to-night. + +I have been occupying a position, since the Presidential election, of +silence--of avoiding public speaking, of avoiding public writing. I +have been doing so because I thought, upon full consideration, that +was the proper course for me to take. I am brought before you now, +and required to make a speech, when you all approve more than +anything else of the fact that I have been keeping silence. And now +it seems to me that the response you give to that remark ought to +justify me in closing just here. I have not kept silence since the +Presidential election from any party wantonness, or from any +indifference to the anxiety that pervades the minds of men about the +aspect of the political affairs of this country. I have kept silence +for the reason that I supposed it was peculiarly proper that I should +do so until the time came when, according to the custom of the +country, I could speak officially. + +I still suppose that, while the political drama being enacted in this +country at this time is rapidly shifting its scenes--forbidding an +anticipation with any degree of certainty to-day of what we shall see +to-morrow--it is peculiarly fitting that I should see it all, up to +the last minute, before I should take ground that I might be +disposed, by the shifting of the scenes afterward, also to shift. I +have said several times upon this journey, and I now repeat it to +you, that when the time does come, I shall then take the ground that +I think is right--right for the North, for the South, for the East, +for the West, for the whole country. And in doing so I hope to feel +no necessity pressing upon me to say anything in conflict with the +Constitution, in conflict with the continued union of these States, +in conflict with the perpetuation of the liberties of this people, or +anything in conflict with anything whatever that I have ever given +you reason to expect from me. And now, my friends, have I said +enough? [Loud cries of "No, no!" and, "Three cheers for LINCOLN!"] +Now, my friends, there appears to be a difference of opinion between +you and me, and I really feel called upon to decide the question +myself. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEW YORK CITY, +FEBRUARY 20, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR:--It is with feelings of deep gratitude that I make my +acknowledgments for the reception that has been given me in the great +commercial city of New York. I cannot but remember that it is done +by the people who do not, by a large majority, agree with me in +political sentiment. It is the more grateful to me because in this I +see that for the great principles of our Government the people are +pretty nearly or quite unanimous. In regard to the difficulties that +confront us at this time, and of which you have seen fit to speak so +becomingly and so justly, I can only say I agree with the sentiments +expressed. In my devotion to the Union I hope I am behind no man in +the nation. As to my wisdom in conducting affairs so as to tend to +the preservation of the Union, I fear too great confidence may have +been placed in me. I am sure I bring a heart devoted to the work. +There is nothing that could ever bring me to consent--willingly to +consent--to the destruction of this Union (in which not only the +great city of New York, but the whole country, has acquired its +greatness), unless it would be that thing for which the Union itself +was made. I understand that the ship is made for the carrying and +preservation of the cargo; and so long as the ship is safe with the +cargo, it shall not be abandoned. This Union shall never be +abandoned, unless the possibility of its existence shall cease to +exist without the necessity of throwing passengers and cargo +overboard. So long, then, as it is possible that the prosperity and +liberties of this people can be preserved within this Union, it shall +be my purpose at all tunes to preserve it. And now, Mr. Mayor, +renewing my thanks for this cordial reception, allow me to come to a +close. + + + + +ADDRESS AT JERSEY CITY, NEW JERSEY + +FEBRUARY 21, 1860 + +MR. DAYTON AND GENTLEMEN OF THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY:--I shall only +thank you briefly for this very kind reception given me, not +personally, but as the temporary representative of the majesty of the +nation. To the kindness of your hearts, and of the hearts of your +brethren in your State, I should be very proud to respond, but I +shall not have strength to address you or other assemblages at +length, even if I had the time to do so. I appear before you, +therefore, for little else than to greet you, and to briefly say +farewell. You have done me the very high honor to present your +reception courtesies to me through your great man a man with whom it +is an honor to be associated anywhere, and in owning whom no State +can be poor. He has said enough, and by the saying of it suggested +enough, to require a response of an hour, well considered. I could +not in an hour make a worthy response to it. I therefore, ladies and +gentlemen of New Jersey, content myself with saying, most heartily do +I indorse all the sentiments he has expressed. Allow me, most +gratefully, to bid you farewell. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEWARK, NEW JERSEY, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861. + +MR. MAYOR:--I thank you for this reception at the city of Newark. +With regard to the great work of which you speak, I will say that I +bring to it a heart filled with love for my country, and an honest +desire to do what is right. I am sure, however, that I have not the +ability to do anything unaided of God, and that without His support +and that of this free, happy, prosperous, and intelligent people, no +man can succeed in doing that the importance of which we all +comprehend. Again thanking you for the reception you have given me, +I will now bid you farewell, and proceed upon my journey. + + + + +ADDRESS IN TRENTON AT THE TRENTON HOUSE, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +I have been invited by your representatives to the Legislature to +visit this the capital of your honored State, and in acknowledging +their kind invitation, compelled to respond to the welcome of the +presiding officers of each body, and I suppose they intended I should +speak to you through them, as they are the representatives of all of +you; and if I were to speak again here, I should only have to repeat +in a great measure much that I have said, which would be disgusting +to my friends around me who have met here. I have no speech to make, +but merely appear to see you and let you look at me; and as to the +latter I think I have greatly the best of the bargain. My friends, +allow me to bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE SENATE OF NEW JERSEY + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE OF THE STATE OF NEW +JERSEY:--I am very grateful to you for the honorable reception of +which I have been the object. I cannot but remember the place that +New Jersey holds in our early history. In the Revolutionary struggle +few of the States among the Old Thirteen had more of the battle- +fields of the country within their limits than New Jersey. May I be +pardoned if, upon this occasion, I mention that away back in my +childhood, the earliest days of my being able to read, I got hold of +a small book, such a one as few of the younger members have ever seen +Weems's Life of Washington. I remember all the accounts there given +of the battle-fields and struggles for the liberties of the country; +and none fixed themselves upon my imagination so deeply as the +struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The crossing of the river, the +contest with the Hessians, the great hardships endured at that time, +all fixed themselves on my memory more than any single Revolutionary +event; and you all know, for you have all been boys, how these early +impressions last longer than any others. I recollect thinking then, +boy even though I was, that there must have been something more than +common that these men struggled for. I am exceedingly anxious that +that thing that something even more than national independence, that +something that held out a great promise to all the people of the +world to all time to come--I am exceedingly anxious that this Union, +the Constitution, and the liberties of the people shall be +perpetuated in accordance with the original idea for which that +struggle was made; and I shall be most happy indeed if I shall be a +humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and of this his +almost chosen people, for perpetuating the object of that great +struggle. You give me this reception, as I understand, without +distinction of party. I learn that this body is composed of a +majority of gentlemen who, in the exercise of their best judgment in +the choice of a chief magistrate, did not think I was the man. I +understand, nevertheless, that they come forward here to greet me as +the constitutionally elected President of the United States--as +citizens of the United States to meet the man who, for the time +being, is the representative of the majesty of the nation--united by +the single purpose to perpetuate the Constitution, the union, and the +liberties of the people. As such, I accept this reception more +gratefully than I could do did I believe it were tendered to me as an +individual. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF NEW JERSEY, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. SPEAKER AND GENTLEMEN: I have just enjoyed the honor of a +reception by the other branch of this Legislature, and I return to +you and them my thanks for the reception which the people of New +Jersey have given through their chosen representatives to me as the +representative, for the time being, of the majesty of the people of +the United States. I appropriate to myself very little of the +demonstrations of respect with which I have been greeted. I think +little should be given to any man, but that it should be a +manifestation of adherence to the Union and the Constitution. +I understand myself to be received here by the representatives of the +people of New Jersey, a majority of whom differ in opinion from those +with whom I have acted. This manifestation is therefore to be +regarded by me as expressing their devotion to the Union, the +Constitution, and the liberties of the people. + +You, Mr. Speaker, have well said that this is a time when the bravest +and wisest look with doubt and awe upon the aspect presented by our +national affairs. Under these circumstances you will readily see why +I should not speak in detail of the course I shall deem it best to +pursue. It is proper that I should avail myself of all the +information and all the time at my command, in order that when the +time arrives in which I must speak officially, I shall be able to +take the ground which I deem best and safest, and from which I may +have no occasion to swerve. I shall endeavor to take the ground I +deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the South, and the +whole country. I shall take it, I hope, in good temper, certainly +with no malice toward, any section. I shall do all that may be in my +power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficulties. The +man does not live who is more devoted to peace than I am, none who +would do more to preserve it, but it may be necessary to put the foot +down firmly. And if I do my duty and do right, you will sustain me, +will you not? [Loud cheers, and cries of "Yes, yes; we will."] +Received as I am by the members of a Legislature the majority of whom +do not agree with me in political sentiments, I trust that I may have +their assistance in piloting the ship of state through this voyage, +surrounded by perils as it is; for if it should suffer wreck now, +there will be no pilot ever needed for another voyage. + +Gentlemen, I have already spoken longer than I intended, and must beg +leave to stop here. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA, +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA:--I appear before you +to make no lengthy speech, but to thank you for this reception. The +reception you have given me to-night is not to me, the man, the +individual, but to the man who temporarily represents, or should +represent, the majesty of the nation. It is true, as your worthy +mayor has said, that there is great anxiety amongst the citizens of +the United States at this time. I deem it a happy circumstance that +this dissatisfied portion of our fellow-citizens does not point us to +anything in which they are being injured or about to be injured; for +which reason I have felt all the while justified in concluding that +the crisis, the panic, the anxiety of the country at this time is +artificial. If there be those who differ with me upon this subject, +they have not pointed out the substantial difficulty that exists. +I do not mean to say that an artificial panic may not do considerable +harm; that it has done such I do not deny. The hope that has been +expressed by your mayor, that I may be able to restore peace, +harmony, and prosperity to the country, is most worthy of him; and +most happy, indeed, will I be if I shall be able to verify and fulfil +that hope. I promise you that I bring to the work a sincere heart. +Whether I will bring a head equal to that heart will be for future +times to determine. It were useless for me to speak of details of +plans now; I shall speak officially next Monday week, if ever. If I +should not speak then, it were useless for me to do so now. If I do +speak then, it is useless for me to do so now. When I do speak, I +shall take such ground as I deem best calculated to restore peace, +harmony, and prosperity to the country, and tend to the perpetuity of +the nation and the liberty of these States and these people. Your +worthy mayor has expressed the wish, in which I join with him, that +it were convenient for me to remain in your city long enough to +consult your merchants and manufacturers; or, as it were, to listen +to those breathings rising within the consecrated walls wherein the +Constitution of the United States and, I will add, the Declaration of +Independence, were originally framed and adopted. I assure you and +your mayor that I had hoped on this occasion, and upon all occasions +during my life, that I shall do nothing inconsistent with the +teachings of these holy and most sacred walls. I have never asked +anything that does not breathe from those walls. All my political +warfare has been in favor of the teachings that come forth from these +sacred walls. May my right hand forget its cunning and my tongue +cleave to the roof of my mouth if ever I prove false to those +teachings. Fellow-citizens, I have addressed you longer than I +expected to do, and now allow me to bid you goodnight. + + + + +ADDRESS IN THE HALL OF INDEPENDENCE, PHILADELPHIA, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. CUYLER:--I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing +here, in this place, where were collected together the wisdom, the +devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which +we live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task +of restoring peace to the present distracted condition of the +country. I can say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments +I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, +from the sentiments which originated and were given to the world from +this hall. I have never had a feeling politically that did not +spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of +Independence. I have often pondered over the dangers which were +incurred by the men who assembled here and framed and adopted that +Declaration of Independence. I have pondered over the toils that +were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved +that independence. I have often inquired of myself what great +principle or idea it was that kept the confederacy so long together. +It was not the mere matter of separation of the colonies from the +motherland, but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence +which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but, I +hope, to the world for all future time. It was that which gave +promise that in due time the weight would be lifted from the +shoulders of all men. This is the sentiment embodied in the +Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, can the country be +saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the +happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it cannot be +saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. But if this +country cannot be saved without giving up that principle, I was about +to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. +Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no +bloodshed or war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor +of such a course, and I may say, in advance, that there will be no +bloodshed unless it is forced upon the Government, and then it will +be compelled to act in self-defence. + +My friends; this is wholly an unexpected speech, and I did not expect +to be called upon to say a word when I came here. I supposed it was +merely to do something toward raising the flag. I may, therefore, +have said something indiscreet. I have said nothing but what I am +willing to live by and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, die +by. + + + + +REPLY TO THE WILMINGTON DELEGATION, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. CHAIRMAN:--I feel highly flattered by the encomiums you have seen +fit to bestow upon me. Soon after the nomination of General Taylor, +I attended a political meeting in the city of Wilmington, and have +since carried with me a fond remembrance of the hospitalities of the +city on that occasion. The programme established provides for my +presence in Harrisburg in twenty-four hours from this time. I expect +to be in Washington on Saturday. It is, therefore, an impossibility +that I should accept your kind invitation. There are no people whom +I would more gladly accommodate than those of Delaware; but +circumstances forbid, gentlemen. With many regrets for the character +of the reply I am compelled to give you, I bid you adieu. + + + + +ADDRESS AT LANCASTER, PENNSYLVANIA, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1860 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN OF OLD LANCASTER:--I appear not to make a +speech. I have not time to make a speech at length, and not strength +to make them on every occasion; and, worse than all, I have none to +make. There is plenty of matter to speak about in these times, but +it is well known that the more a man speaks the less he is +understood--the more he says one thing, the more his adversaries +contend he meant something else. I shall soon have occasion to speak +officially, and then I will endeavor to put my thoughts just as plain +as I can express myself--true to the Constitution and Union of all +the States, and to the perpetual liberty of all the people. Until I +so speak, there is no need to enter upon details. In conclusion, I +greet you most heartily, and bid you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA, AT HARRISBURG, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. SPEAKER OF THE SENATE, AND ALSO MR. SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF +REPRESENTATIVES, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE +OF PENNSYLVANIA:--I appear before you only for a very few brief +remarks in response to what has been said to me. I thank you most +sincerely for this reception, and the generous words in which support +has been promised me upon this occasion. I thank your great +commonwealth for the overwhelming support it recently gave, not me +personally, but the cause which I think a just one, in the late +election. + +Allusion has been made to the fact--the interesting fact perhaps we +should say--that I for the first time appear at the capital of the +great commonwealth of Pennsylvania upon the birthday of the Father of +his Country. In connection with that beloved anniversary connected +with the history of this country, I have already gone through one +exceedingly interesting scene this morning in the ceremonies at +Philadelphia. Under the kind conduct of gentlemen there, I was for +the first time allowed the privilege of standing in old Independence +Hall to have a few words addressed to me there, and opening up to me +an opportunity of manifesting my deep regret that I had not more time +to express something of my own feelings excited by the occasion, that +had been really the feelings of my whole life. + +Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent flag of +the country. They had arranged it so that I was given the honor of +raising it to the head of its staff, and when it went up I was +pleased that it went to its place by the strength of my own feeble +arm. When, according to the arrangement, the cord was pulled, and it +floated gloriously to the wind, without an accident, in the bright, +glowing sunshine of the morning, I could not help hoping that there +was in the entire success of that beautiful ceremony at least +something of an omen of what is to come. Nor could I help feeling +then, as I have often felt, that in the whole of that proceeding I +was a very humbled instrument. I had not provided the flag; I had +not made the arrangements for elevating it to its place; I had +applied but a very small portion of even my feeble strength in +raising it. In the whole transaction I was in the hands of the +people who had arranged it, and if I can have the same generous +co-operation of the people of this nation, I think the flag of our +country may yet be kept flaunting gloriously. + +I recur for a moment but to repeat some words uttered at the hotel in +regard to what has been said about the military support which the +General Government may expect from the commonwealth of Pennsylvania +in a proper emergency. To guard against any possible mistake do I +recur to this. It is not with any pleasure that I contemplate the +possibility that a necessity may arise in this country for the use of +the military arm. While I am exceedingly gratified to see the +manifestation upon your streets of your military force here, and +exceedingly gratified at your promise to use that force upon a proper +emergency--while I make these acknowledgments I desire to repeat, in +order to preclude any possible misconstruction, that I do most +sincerely hope that we shall have no use for them; that it will never +become their duty to shed blood, and most especially never to shed +fraternal blood. I promise that so far as I may have wisdom to +direct, if so painful a result shall in any wise be brought about, it +shall he through no fault of mine. + +Allusion has also been made by one of your honored speakers to some +remarks recently made by myself at Pittsburg in regard to what is +supposed to be the especial interest of this great commonwealth of +Pennsylvania. I now wish only to say in regard to that matter, that +the few remarks which I uttered on that occasion were rather +carefully worded. I took pains that they should be so. I have seen +no occasion since to add to them or subtract from them. I leave them +precisely as they stand, adding only now that I am pleased to have an +expression from you, gentlemen of Pennsylvania, signifying that they +are satisfactory to you. + +And now, gentlemen of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of +Pennsylvania, allow me again to return to you my most sincere thanks. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF WASHINGTON, D.C., + +FEBRUARY 27, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR:--I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities of +this city who accompany you, for this welcome. And as it is the +first time in my life, since the present phase of politics has +presented itself in this country, that I have said anything publicly +within a region of country where the institution of slavery exists, I +will take this occasion to say that I think very much of the ill +feeling that has existed and still exists between the people in the +section from which I came and the people here, is dependent upon a +misunderstanding of one another. I therefore avail myself of this +opportunity to assure you, Mr. Mayor, and all the gentlemen present, +that I have not now, and never have had, any other than as kindly +feelings toward you as to the people of my own section. I have not +now, and never have had, any disposition to treat you in any respect +otherwise than as my own neighbors. I have not now any purpose to +withhold from you any of the benefits of the Constitution, under any +circumstances, that I would not feel myself constrained to withhold +from my own neighbors; and I hope, in a word, that when we shall +become better acquainted--and I say it with great confidence--we +shall like each other better. I thank you for the kindness of this +reception. + + + + +REPLY TO A SERENADE AT WASHINGTON, D.C., +FEBRUARY 28, 1861 + +MY FRIENDS:--I suppose that I may take this as a compliment paid to +me, and as such please accept my thanks for it. I have reached this +city of Washington under circumstances considerably differing from +those under which any other man has ever reached it. I am here for +the purpose of taking an official position amongst the people, almost +all of whom were politically opposed to me, and are yet opposed to +me, as I suppose. + +I propose no lengthy address to you. I only propose to say, as I did +on yesterday, when your worthy mayor and board of aldermen called +upon me, that I thought much of the ill feeling that has existed +between you and the people of your surroundings and that people from +among whom I came, has depended, and now depends, upon a +misunderstanding. + +I hope that, if things shall go along as prosperously as I believe we +all desire they may, I may have it in my power to remove something of +this misunderstanding; that I may be enabled to convince you, and the +people of your section of the country, that we regard you as in all +things our equals, and in all things entitled to the same respect and +the same treatment that we claim for ourselves; that we are in no +wise disposed, if it were in our power, to oppress you, to deprive +you of any of your rights under the Constitution of the United +States, or even narrowly to split hairs with you in regard to these +rights, but are determined to give you, as far as lies in our hands, +all your rights under the Constitution--not grudgingly, but fully and +fairly. I hope that, by thus dealing with you, we will become better +acquainted, and be better friends. + +And now, my friends, with these few remarks, and again returning my +thanks for this compliment, and expressing my desire to hear a little +more of your good music, I bid you good-night. + + + + +WASHINGTON, SUNDAY, MARCH 3, 1861 + +[During the struggle over the appointments of LINCOLN's Cabinet, the +President-elect spoke as follows:] + +Gentlemen, it is evident that some one must take the responsibility +of these appointments, and I will do it. My Cabinet is completed. +The positions are not definitely assigned, and will not be until I +announce them privately to the gentlemen whom I have selected as my +Constitutional advisers. + + + + +FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS, +MARCH 4, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES:--In compliance with a custom as +old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you +briefly, and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the +Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President +"before he enters on the execution of his office." + +I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those +matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or +excitement. + +Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States +that by the accession of a Republican administration their property +and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There +has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, +the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and +been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the +published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from +one of those speeches when I declare that + +"I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the +institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I +have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." + +Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I +had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted +them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my +acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and +emphatic resolution which I now read: + +"Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the +States, and especially the right of each State to order and control +its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment +exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the +perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we +denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State +or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as amongst the gravest of +crimes." + +I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon +the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case +is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section +are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. +I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the +Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to +all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as +cheerfully to one section as to another. + +There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from +service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the +Constitution as any other of its provisions: + +"No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws +thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or +regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but +shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or +labor may be due." + +It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those +who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and +the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress +swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as +much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose +cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up," +their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in +good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and +pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? + +There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be +enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that +difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be +surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others +by which authority it is done. And should any one in any case be +content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial +controversy as to how it shall be kept? + +Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of +liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, +so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And +might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the +enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that +"the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and +immunities of citizens in the several States"? + +I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with +no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical +rules. And, while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of +Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much +safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to +and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate +any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be +unconstitutional. + +It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President +under our national Constitution. During that period fifteen +different and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, +administered the executive branch of the Government. They have +conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. +Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task +for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and +peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore +only menaced, is now formidably attempted. + +I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the +Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is +implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national +governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had +a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to +execute all the express provisions of our national Constitution, and +the Union will endure forever--it being impossible to destroy it +except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. + +Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an +association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it as a +contract be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made +it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak; +but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? + +Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition +that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the +history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the +Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association +in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of +Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all +the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it +should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And, +finally, in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining and +establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union." + +But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the +States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before +the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. + +It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion +can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to +that effect are legally void; and that acts of violence, within any +State or States, against the authority of the United States, are +insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances. + +I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, +the Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take +care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the +laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing +this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform +it so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American +people, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative +manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a +menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will +constitutionally defend and maintain itself. + +In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there +shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The +power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the +property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the +duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these +objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or +among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States, in +any interior locality, shall be so great and universal as to prevent +competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there +will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for +that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the +government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to +do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, +that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such +offices. + +The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all +parts of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall +have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm +thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed +unless current events and experience shall show a modification or +change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best +discretion will be exercised according to circumstances actually +existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the +national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and +affections. + +That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy +the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will +neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word +to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not +speak? + +Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our +national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, +would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you +hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any +portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, +while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones +you fly from--will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? + +All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights +can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written +in the Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human +mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of +doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a +plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. +If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority +of any clearly written constitutional right, it might, in a moral +point of view, justify revolution--certainly would if such a right +were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of +minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by +affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the +Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no +organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically +applicable to every question which may occur in practical +administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of +reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible +questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or +by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May +Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does +not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? +The Constitution does not expressly say. + +From questions of this class spring all our constitutional +controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and +minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, +or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative; for +continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. + +If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they +make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; for a +minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority +refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not +any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily +secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to +secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being +educated to the exact temper of doing this. + +Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to +compose a new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed +secession? + +Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A +majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, +and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular +opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. +Whoever rejects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to +despotism. Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority, as a +permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the +majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is +left. + +I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional +questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that +such decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a +suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to +very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all +other departments of the government. And, while it is obviously +possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still +the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, +with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent +for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a +different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must +confess that if the policy of the government, upon vital questions +affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions +of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary +litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have +ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically +resigned the government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor +is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It +is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly +brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to +turn their decisions to political purposes. + +One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be +extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be +extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave +clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the +foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law +can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people +imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people +abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over +in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured; and it would be +worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. +The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be +ultimately revived, without restriction, in one section, while +fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be +surrendered at all by the other. + +Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our +respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall +between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the +presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts +of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face, +and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between +them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more +advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can +aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties +be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among +friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, +after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease +fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are +again upon you. + +This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who +inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing +government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending +it, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I +cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic +citizens are desirous of having the national Constitution amended. +While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the +rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be +exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself, +and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose +a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will +venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in +that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, +instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions +originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which +might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or +refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution which +amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the +effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the +domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held +to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart +from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to +say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional +law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable. + +The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and +they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of +the States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; +but the executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is +to administer the present government, as it came to his hands, and to +transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successors. + +Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice +of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our +present differences is either party without faith of being in the +right? If the Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and +justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that +truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this +great tribunal of the American people. + +By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people +have wisely given their public servants but little power for +mischief; and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of +that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the +people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any +extreme of wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the +government in the short space of four years. + +My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole +subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be +an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would +never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking +time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are +now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on +the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the +new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to +change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied +hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good +reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, +Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken +this favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best way all +our present difficulty. + +In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is +the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail +you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the +aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the +government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, +protect, and defend" it. + +I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not +be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break, our +bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from +every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and +hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of +the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better +angels of our nature. + + + + +REFUSAL OF SEWARD RESIGNATION + +TO WM. H. SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 4, 1861. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your note of the 2d instant, asking to withdraw your +acceptance of my invitation to take charge of the State Department, +was duly received. It is the subject of the most painful solicitude +with me, and I feel constrained to beg that you will countermand the +withdrawal. The public interest, I think, demands that you should; +and my personal feelings are deeply enlisted in the same direction. +Please consider and answer by 9 A.M. to-morrow. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION, + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE PENNSYLVANIAN DELEGATION:--As I +have so frequently said heretofore, when I have had occasion to +address the people of the Keystone, in my visits to that State, I can +now but repeat the assurance of my gratification at the support you +gave me at the election, and at the promise of a continuation of that +support which is now tendered to me. + +Allusion has been made to the hope that you entertain that you have a +President and a government. In respect to that I wish to say to you +that in the position I have assumed I wish to do more than I have +ever given reason to believe I would do. I do not wish you to +believe that I assume to be any better than others who have gone +before me. I prefer rather to have it understood that if we ever +have a government on the principles we profess, we should remember, +while we exercise our opinion, that others have also rights to the +exercise of their opinions, and that we should endeavor to allow +these rights, and act in such a manner as to create no bad feeling. +I hope we have a government and a President. I hope, and wish it to +be understood, that there may he no allusion to unpleasant +differences. + +We must remember that the people of all the States are entitled to +all the privileges and immunities of the citizens of the several +States. We should bear this in mind, and act in such a way as to say +nothing insulting or irritating. I would inculcate this idea, so +that we may not, like Pharisees, set ourselves up to be better than +other people. + +Now, my friends, my public duties are pressing to-day, and will +prevent my giving more time to you. Indeed, I should not have left +them now, but I could not well deny myself to so large and +respectable a body. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION, + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + +I am thankful for this renewed assurance of kind feeling and +confidence, and the support of the old Bay State, in so far as you, +Mr. Chairman, have expressed, in behalf of those whom you represent, +your sanction of what I have enunciated in my inaugural address. +This is very grateful to my feelings. The object was one of great +delicacy, in presenting views at the opening of an administration +under the peculiar circumstances attending my entrance upon the +official duties connected with the Government. I studied all the +points with great anxiety, and presented them with whatever of +ability and sense of justice I could bring to bear. If it met the +approbation of our good friends in Massachusetts, I shall be +exceedingly gratified, while I hope it will meet the approbation of +friends everywhere. I am thankful for the expressions of those who +have voted with us; and like every other man of you, I like them as +certainly as I do others. As the President in the administration of +the Government, I hope to be man enough not to know one citizen of +the United States from another, nor one section from another. I +shall be gratified to have good friends of Massachusetts and others +who have thus far supported me in these national views still to +support me in carrying them out. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD + +EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, MARCH 7, 1861 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is the diplomatic address and my reply. To +whom the reply should be addressed--that is, by what title or style-- +I do not quite understand, and therefore I have left it blank. + +Will you please bring with you to-day the message from the War +Department, with General Scott's note upon it, which we had here +yesterday? I wish to examine the General's opinion, which I have not +yet done. + +Yours very truly +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS + +WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, MARCH 7, 1861 + +Mr. FIGANIERE AND GENTLEMEN OF THE DIPLOMATIC BODY:--Please accept my +sincere thanks for your kind congratulations. It affords me pleasure +to confirm the confidence you so generously express in the friendly +disposition of the United States, through me, towards the sovereigns +and governments you respectively represent. With equal satisfaction +I accept the assurance you are pleased to give, that the same +disposition is reciprocated by your sovereigns, your governments, and +yourselves. + +Allow me to express the hope that these friendly relations may remain +undisturbed, arid also my fervent wishes for the health and happiness +of yourselves personally. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 11,1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. +DEAR SIR:--What think you of sending ministers at once as follows: +Dayton to England; Fremont to France; Clay to Spain; Corwin to +Mexico? + +We need to have these points guarded as strongly and quickly as +possible. This is suggestion merely, and not dictation. + +Your obedient servant, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. COLLAMER + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 12, 1861 + +HON. JACOB COLLAMER. +MY DEAR SIR:--God help me. It is said I have offended you. I hope +you will tell me how. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + +March 14, 1861. +DEAR SIR:--I am entirely unconscious that you have any way offended +me. I cherish no sentiment towards you but that of kindness and +confidence. +Your humble servant, +J. COLLAMER + + [Returned with indorsement:] + +Very glad to know that I have n't. +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 13, 1861 + +HON. P. M. G. + +DEAR SIR:--The bearer of this, Mr. C. T. Hempstow, is a Virginian who +wishes to get, for his son, a small place in your Dept. I think +Virginia should be heard, in such cases. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +NOTE ASKING CABINET OPINIONS ON FORT SUMTER. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 15, 1861 + +THE HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort +Sumter, under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it? Please +give me your opinion in writing on this question. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Same to other members of the Cabinet.] + + + + +ON ROYAL ARBITRATION OF AMERICAN BOUNDARY LINE + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES + +The Senate has transmitted to me a copy of the message sent by my +predecessor to that body on the 21st of February last, proposing to +take its advice on the subject of a proposition made by the British +Government through its minister here to refer the matter in +controversy between that government and the Government of the United +States to the arbitrament of the King of Sweden and Norway, the King +of the Netherlands, or the Republic of the Swiss Confederation. + +In that message my predecessor stated that he wished to present to +the Senate the precise questions following, namely: + +"Will the Senate approve a treaty referring to either of the +sovereign powers above named the dispute now existing between the +governments of the United States and Great Britain concerning the +boundary line between Vancouver's Island and the American continent? +In case the referee shall find himself unable to decide where the +line is by the description of it in the treaty of June 15, 1846, +shall he be authorized to establish a line according to the treaty as +nearly as possible? Which of the three powers named by Great Britain +as an arbiter shall be chosen by the United States?" + +I find no reason to disapprove of the course of my predecessor in +this important matter; but, on the contrary, I not only shall receive +the advice of the Senate thereon cheerfully, but I respectfully ask +the Senate for their advice on the three questions before recited + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. +WASHINGTON, March 16, 1861 + + + + +AMBASSADORIAL APPOINTMENTS + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 18, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I believe it is a necessity with us to make the +appointments I mentioned last night--that is, Charles F. Adams to +England, William L. Dayton to France, George P. Marsh to Sardinia, +and Anson Burlingame to Austria. These gentlemen all have my highest +esteem, but no one of them is originally suggested by me except Mr. +Dayton. Mr. Adams I take because you suggested him, coupled with his +eminent fitness for the place. Mr. Marsh and Mr. Burlingame I take +because of the intense pressure of their respective States, and their +fitness also. + +The objection to this card is that locally they are so huddled up-- +three being in New England and two from a single State. I have +considered this, and will not shrink from the responsibility. This, +being done, leaves but five full missions undisposed of--Rome, China, +Brazil, Peru, and Chili. And then what about Carl Schurz; or, in +other words, what about our German friends? + +Shall we put the card through, and arrange the rest afterward? What +say you? + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO G. E. PATTEN. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 19, 1861. + +TO MASTER GEO. EVANS PATTEN. + +WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:--I did see and talk with Master Geo. Evans +Patten last May at Springfield, Ill. + +Respectfully, +A. LINCOLN. + +[Written because of a denial that any interview with young Patten, +then a schoolboy, had ever taken place.] + + + + +RESPONSE TO SENATE INQUIRY RE. FORT SUMTER + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:--I have received a copy of the +resolution of the Senate, passed on the 25th instant, requesting me, +if in my opinion not incompatible with the public interest, to +communicate to the Senate the despatches of Major Robert Anderson to +the War Department during the time he has been in command of Fort +Sumter. On examination of the correspondence thus called for, I +have, with the highest respect for the Senate, come to the conclusion +that at the present moment the publication of it would be +inexpedient. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN +WASHINGTON, MARCH 16, 1861 + + + + +PREPARATION OF FIRST NAVAL ACTION + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 29, 1861 + +HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +SIR:--I desire that an expedition to move by sea be got ready to sail +as early as the 6th of April next, the whole according to memorandum +attached, and that you cooperate with the Secretary of the Navy for +that object. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + +[Inclosure.] + +Steamers Pocahontas at Norfolk, Paunee at Washington, Harriet Lane at +New York, to be under sailing orders for sea, with stores, etc., for +one month. Three hundred men to be kept ready for departure from on +board the receiving-ships at New York. Two hundred men to be ready to +leave Governor's Island in New York. Supplies for twelve months for +one hundred men to be put in portable shape, ready for instant +shipping. A large steamer and three tugs conditionally engaged. + + + + +TO ______ STUART. + +WASHINGTON, March 30, 1861 + +DEAR STUART: + +Cousin Lizzie shows me your letter of the 27th. The question of +giving her the Springfield post-office troubles me. You see I have +already appointed William Jayne a Territorial governor and Judge +Trumbull's brother to a land-office. Will it do for me to go on and +justify the declaration that Trumbull and I have divided out all the +offices among our relatives? Dr. Wallace, you know, is needy, and +looks to me; and I personally owe him much. + +I see by the papers, a vote is to be taken as to the post-office. +Could you not set up Lizzie and beat them all? She, being here, need +know nothing of it, so therefore there would be no indelicacy on her +part. Yours as ever, + + + + +TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NEW YORK NAVY-YARD. + +NAVY DEPT., WASHINGTON, April 1, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NAVY-YARD, +Brooklyn, N. Y. + +Fit out the Powhatan to go to sea at the earnest possible moment +under sealed orders. Orders by a confidential messenger go forward +to-morrow. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861 + +LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER, United States Navy. + + +SIR:--You will proceed to New York, and with the least possible +delay, assuming command of any naval steamer available, proceed to +Pensacola Harbor, and at any cost or risk prevent any expedition from +the mainland reaching Fort Pickens or Santa Rosa Island. + +You will exhibit this order to any naval officer at Pensacola, if you +deem it necessary, after you have established yourself within the +harbor, and will request co-operation by the entrance of at least one +other steamer. + +This order, its object, and your destination will be communicated to +no person whatever until you reach the harbor of Pensacola. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +Recommended, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + + + + +RELIEF EXPEDITION FOR FORT SUMTER + +ORDER TO OFFICERS OF THE ARMY AND NAVY. + +WASHINGTON, EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861. + +All officers of the army and navy to whom this order may be exhibited +will aid by every means in their power the expedition under the +command of Colonel Harvey Brown, supplying him with men and material, +and co-operating with him as he may desire. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO CAPTAIN SAMUEL MERCER. +(Confidential.) + +WASHINGTON CITY, +April 1, 1861 + +SIR:--Circumstances render it necessary to place in command of your +ship (and for a special purpose) an officer who is fully informed and +instructed in relation to the wishes of the Government, and you will +therefore consider yourself detached. But in taking this step the +Government does not in the least reflect upon your efficiency or +patriotism; on the contrary, have the fullest confidence in your +ability to perform any duty required of you. Hoping soon to be able +to give you a better command than the one you now enjoy, and trusting +that you will have full confidence in the disposition of the +Government toward you, +I remain, etc., + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +SECRETARY SEWARD'S BID FOR POWER + +MEMORANDUM FROM SECRETARY SEWARD, +APRIL 1, 1861 + +Some thoughts for the President's Consideration, + +First. We are at the end of a month's administration, and yet +without a policy either domestic or foreign. + +Second. This, however, is not culpable, and it has even been +unavoidable. The presence of the Senate, with the need to meet +applications for patronage, have prevented attention to other and +more grave matters. + +Third. But further delay to adopt and prosecute our policies for +both domestic and foreign affairs would not only bring scandal on the +administration, but danger upon the country. + +Fourth. To do this we must dismiss the applicants for office. But +how? I suggest that we make the local appointments forthwith, leaving +foreign or general ones for ulterior and occasional action. + +Fifth. The policy at home. I am aware that my views are singular, +and perhaps not sufficiently explained. My system is built upon this +idea as a ruling one, namely, that we must +CHANGE THE QUESTION BEFORE THE PUBLIC FROM ONE UPON SLAVERY, OR ABOUT +SLAVERY, for a question upon UNION OR DISUNION: +In other words, from what would be regarded as a party question, to +one of patriotism or union. + +The occupation or evacuation of Fort Sumter, although not in fact a +slavery or a party question, is so regarded. Witness the temper +manifested by the Republicans in the free States, and even by the +Union men in the South. + +I would therefore terminate it as a safe means for changing the +issue. I deem it fortunate that the last administration created the +necessity. + +For the rest, I would simultaneously defend and reinforce all the +ports in the gulf, and have the navy recalled from foreign stations +to be prepared for a blockade. Put the island of Key West under +martial law. + +This will raise distinctly the question of union or disunion. I +would maintain every fort and possession in the South. + + +FOR FOREIGN NATIONS, + +I would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at +once. + +I would seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia, and send +agents into Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous +continental spirit of independence on this continent against European +intervention. + +And, if satisfactory explanations are not received from Spain and +France, + +Would convene Congress and declare war against them. + +But whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution +of it. + +For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct +it incessantly. + +Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active +in it, or Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, +debates on it must end, and all agree and abide. + +It is not in my especial province; But I neither seek to evade nor +assume responsibility. + + + + +REPLY TO SECRETARY SEWARD'S MEMORANDUM + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, APRIL 1, 1861 + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Since parting with you I have been considering your +paper dated this day, and entitled "Some Thoughts for the President's +Consideration." The first proposition in it is, "First, We are at +the end of a month's administration, and yet without a policy either +domestic or foreign." + +At the beginning of that month, in the inaugural, I said: "The power +confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property +and places belonging to the Government, and to Collect the duties and +imposts." This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken in +connection with the order I immediately gave General Scott, directing +him to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold the +forts, comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with the +single exception that it does not propose to abandon Fort Sumter. + +Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement of Fort Sumter would +be done on a slavery or a party issue, while that of Fort Pickens +would be on a more national and patriotic one. + +The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly brings +a new item within the range of our foreign policy; but up to that +time we have been preparing circulars and instructions to ministers +and the like, all in perfect harmony, without even a suggestion that +we had no foreign policy. + +Upon your Closing propositions--that, + +"Whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of +it. + +"For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct +it incessantly. + +"Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active +in it, or, + +"Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on +it must end, and all agree and abide"-- + +I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general +line of policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its +being changed without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of +unnecessary debate; still, upon points arising in its progress I +wish, and suppose I am entitled to have, the advice of all the +Cabinet. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO A COMMITTEE FROM THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION, APRIL 13, 1861 + +HON. WILLIAM BALLARD PRESTON, ALEXANDER H. +H. STUART, GEORGE W. RANDOLPH, Esq. + +GENTLEMEN:--As a committee of the Virginia Convention now in Session, +you present me a preamble and resolution in these words: + +"Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which +prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal +Executive intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely +injurious to the industrial and commercial interests of the country, +tends to keep up an excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment +of pending difficulties, and threatens a disturbance of the public +peace: therefore + +"Resolved, that a committee of three delegates be appointed by this +Convention to wait upon the President of the United States, present +to him this preamble and resolution, and respectfully ask him to +communicate to this Convention the policy which the Federal Executive +intends to pursue in regard to the Confederate States. + +"Adopted by the Convention of the State of Virginia, Richmond, April +8, 1861." + +In answer I have to say that, having at the beginning of my official +term expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is +with deep regret and some mortification I now learn that there is +great and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that +policy is, and what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet +seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue the course +marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful +consideration of the whole document as the best expression I can give +of my purposes. + +As I then and therein said, I now repeat: "The power confided to me +will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places +belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; +but beyond what is necessary for these objects, there will be no +invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere." By +the words "property and places belonging to the Government," I +chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in the +possession of the Government when it came to my hands. + +But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive +the United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault +has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to +repossess, if I can, like places which had been seized before the +Government was devolved upon me. And in every event I shall, to the +extent of my ability, repel force by force. In case it proves true +that Fort Sumter has been assaulted, as is reported, I shall perhaps +cause the United States mails to be withdrawn from all the States +which claim to have seceded, believing that the commencement of +actual war against the Government justifies and possibly demands +this. + +I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and +property situated within the States which claim to have seceded as +yet belonging to the Government of the United States as much as they +did before the supposed secession. + +Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to +collect the duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of +the country; not meaning by this, however, that I may not land a +force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon a border of the +country. + +From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it +must not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of +which I reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be +regarded as a modification. + + + + +PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 75,000 MILITIA, AND CONVENING CONGRESS IN +EXTRA SESSION, APRIL 15, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF +AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past +and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the +States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, +Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed +by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers +vested in the marshals bylaw: + +Now, therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, +in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, +have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia +of the several States of the Union, to the aggregate number of +seventy-five thousand, in order to suppress said combinations, and to +cause the laws to be duly executed. + +The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the +State authorities through the War Department. + +I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this +effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our +National Union, and the perpetuity of popular government; and to +redress wrongs already long enough endured. + +I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces +hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, +and property which have been seized from the Union; and in every +event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects +aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of or +interference with property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens +in any part of the country. + +And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid +to disperse and retire peacefully to their respective abodes within +twenty days from date. + +Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an +extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me +vested by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. +Senators and Representatives are therefore summoned to assemble at +their respective chambers, at twelve o'clock noon, on Thursday, the +fourth day of July next, then and there to consider and determine +such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may +seem to demand. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the +year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, +Secretary of State. + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 19, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF + +AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas an insurrection against the Government of the United States +has broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, +Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the +United States for the collection of the revenue cannot be effectually +executed therein conformably to that provision of the Constitution +which requires duties to be uniform throughout the United States: + +And Whereas a combination of persons engaged in such insurrection +have threatened to grant pretended letters of marque to authorize the +bearers thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, and +property of good citizens of the country lawfully engaged in commerce +on the high seas, and in waters of the United States: + +And Whereas an executive proclamation has been already issued +requiring the persons engaged in these disorderly proceedings to +desist therefrom, calling out a militia force for the purpose of +repressing the same, and convening Congress in extraordinary session +to deliberate and determine thereon: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the United States, +with a view to the same purposes before mentioned, and to the +protection of the public peace, and the lives and property of quiet +and orderly citizens pursuing their lawful occupations, until +Congress shall have assembled and deliberated on the said unlawful +proceedings, or until the same shall have ceased, have further deemed +it advisable to set on foot a blockade of the ports within the States +aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United States, and of the +law of nations in such case provided. For this purpose a competent +force will be posted so as to prevent entrance and exit of vessels +from the ports aforesaid. If, therefore, with a view to violate such +blockade, a vessel shall approach or shall attempt to leave either of +the said ports, she will be duly warned by the commander of one of +the blockading vessels, who will indorse on her register the fact and +date of such warning, and if the same vessel shall again attempt to +enter or leave the blockaded port, she will be captured and sent to +the nearest convenient port, for such proceedings against her and her +cargo, as prize, as may be deemed advisable. + +And I hereby proclaim and declare that if any person, under the +pretended authority of the said States, or under any other pretense, +shall molest a vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo +on board of her, such person will be held amenable to the laws of the +United States for the prevention and punishment of piracy. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of April, in the +year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, +Secretary of State. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + +WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 + +GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brune is +received. I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to +keep the peace in the trying situation in which you are placed. + +For the future troops must be brought here, but I make no point of +bringing them through Baltimore. Without any military knowledge +myself, of course I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily +said this morning in the presence of these gentlemen, "March them +around Baltimore, and not through it." I sincerely hope the General, +on fuller reflection, will consider this practical and proper, and +that you will not object to it. By this a collision of the people of +Baltimore with the troops will be avoided, unless they go out of +their way to seek it. I hope you will exert your influence to +prevent this. + +Now and ever I shall do all in my power for peace consistently with +the maintenance of the Government. + +Your obedient servant, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR HICKS. + +WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 + +GOVERNOR HICKS: + +I desire to consult with you and the Mayor of Baltimore relative to +preserving the peace of Maryland. Please come immediately by special +train, which you can take at Baltimore; or, if necessary, one can be +sent from here. Answer forthwith. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO DEFEND FROM A MARYLAND INSURRECTION + +ORDER TO GENERAL SCOTT. +WASHINGTON, April 25, 1861 + +LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SCOTT. + +MY DEAR SIR--The Maryland Legislature assembles to-morrow at +Annapolis, and not improbably will take action to arm the people +of that State against the United States. The question has been +submitted to and considered by me whether it would not be +justifiable, upon the ground of necessary defense, for you, as +General in Chief of the United States Army, to arrest or disperse the +members of that body. I think it would not be justifiable nor +efficient for the desired object. + +First. They have a clearly legal right to assemble, and we cannot +know in advance that their action will not be lawful and peaceful, +and if we wait until they shall have acted their arrest or dispersion +will not lessen the effect of their action. + +Secondly. We cannot permanently prevent their action. If we arrest +them, we cannot long hold them as prisoners, and when liberated they +will immediately reassemble and take their action; and precisely the +same if we simply disperse them--they will immediately reassemble in +some other place. + +I therefore conclude that it is only left to the Commanding General +to watch and await their action, which, if it shall be to arm their +people against the United States, he is to adopt the most prompt and +efficient means to counteract, even, if necessary, to the bombardment +of their cities and, in the extremist necessity, the suspension of +the writ of habeas corpus. + +Your obedient servant, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 27, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas, for the reasons assigned in my proclamation of the +nineteenth instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South +Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and +Texas was ordered to be established: + +And whereas, since that date, public property of the United States +has been seized, the collection of the revenue obstructed, and duly +commissioned officers of the United States, while engaged in +executing the orders of their superiors, have been arrested and held +in custody as prisoners, or have been impeded in the discharge of +their official duties, without due legal process, by persons claiming +to act under authorities of the States of Virginia and North +Carolina: + +An efficient blockade of the ports of those States will also be +established + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this twenty seventh day of April, in +the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of +the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +REMARKS TO A MILITARY COMPANY, WASHINGTON, +APRIL 27, 1861 + +I have desired as sincerely as any man, and I sometimes think more +than any other man, that our present difficulties might be settled +without the shedding of blood. I will not say that all hope has yet +gone; but if the alternative is presented whether the Union is to be +broken in fragments and the liberties of the people lost, or blood be +shed, you will probably make the choice with which I shall not be +dissatisfied. + + + + +LOCALIZED REPEAL OF WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS + +TO GENERAL SCOTT. + +TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, +ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES. + +You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of +the United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any +military line which is now or which shall be used between the City of +Philadelphia and the city of Washington you find resistance which +renders it necessary to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the +public safety, you personally, or through the officer in command at +the point at which resistance occurs, are authorized to suspend that +writ. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, April 17, 1861 + + + + +MILITARY ENROLLMENT OF ST. LOUIS CITIZENS + +FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR +WAR DEPARTMENT, April 30, 1861 + +TO CAPTAIN NATHANIEL LYON. + +CAPT. NATHANIEL LYON, +Commanding Department of the West. + +SIR:--The President of the United States directs that you enroll in +the military service of the United States the loyal citizens of Saint +Louis and vicinity, not exceeding, with those heretofore enlisted, +ten thousand in number, for the purpose of maintaining the authority +of the United States; for the protection of the peaceful inhabitants +of Missouri; and you will, if deemed necessary for that purpose by +yourself, by Messrs. Oliver F. Ferny, John How, James O. Broadhead, +Samuel T. Glover, J. Wilzie, Francis P. Blair, Jr., proclaim martial +law in the city of Saint Louis. + +The additional force hereby authorized shall be discharged in part or +in whole, if enlisted. As soon as it appears to you and the +gentlemen above mentioned that there is no danger of an attempt on +the part of the enemies of the Government to take military possession +of the city of Saint Louis, or put the city in control of the +combination against the Government of the United States; and whilst +such additional force remains in the service the same shall be +governed by the Rules and Articles of War, and such special +regulations as you may prescribe. I shall like the force hereafter +directed to be enrolled to be under your command. + +The arms and other military stores in the Saint Louis Arsenal not +needed for the forces of the United States in Missouri must be +removed to Springfield, or some other safe place of deposit in the +State of Illinois, as speedily as practicable, by the ordnance +officers in charge at Saint Louis. + +(Indorsement.) + +It is revolutionary times, and therefore I do not object to the +irregularity of this. W. S. + +Approved, April 30, 1861. A. LINCOLN. + +Colonel Thomas will make this order. +SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War. + + + + +CONDOLENCE OVER FAILURE OF FT. SUMTER RELIEF + +TO GUSTAVUS V. FOX. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., May 1, 1861 + +CAPTAIN G. V. Fox. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I sincerely regret that the failure of the late attempt +to provision Fort Sumter should be the source of any annoyance to +you. + +The practicability of your plan was not, in fact, brought to a test. +By reason of a gale, well known in advance to be possible and not +improbable, the tugs, an essential part of the plan, never reached +the ground; while, by an accident for which you were in no wise +responsible, and possibly I to some extent was, you were deprived of +a war vessel, with her men, which you deemed of great importance to +the enterprise. + +I most cheerfully and truly declare that the failure of the +undertaking has not lowered you a particle, while the qualities you +developed in the effort have greatly heightened you in my estimation. + +For a daring and dangerous enterprise of a similar character you +would to-day be the man of all my acquaintances whom I would select. +You and I both anticipated that the cause of the country would be +advanced by making the attempt to provision Fort Sumter, even if it +should fail; and it is no small consolation now to feel that our +anticipation is justified by the result. + +Very truly your friend, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 42,034 VOLUNTEERS, + +MAY 3, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. + +A Proclamation.. + +Whereas existing exigencies demand immediate and adequate measures +for the protection of the National Constitution and the preservation +of the National Union by the suppression of the insurrectionary +combinations now existing in several States for opposing the laws of +the Union and obstructing the execution thereof, to which end a +military force in addition to that called forth by my proclamation of +the 15th day of April in the present year appears to be indispensably +necessary: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States +and Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy thereof and of the +militia of the several States when called into actual service, do +hereby call into the service of the United States 42,034 volunteers +to serve for the period of three years, unless sooner discharged, and +to be mustered into service as infantry and cavalry. The proportions +of each arm and the details of enrollment and organization will be +made known through the Department of War. + +And I also direct that the Regular Army of the United States be +increased by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one +regiment of cavalry, and one regiment of artillery, making altogether +a maximum aggregate increase of 22,714 officers and enlisted men, the +details of which increase will also be made known through the +Department of War. + +And I further direct the enlistment for not less than one or more +than three years of 18,000 seamen, in addition to the present force, +for the naval service of the United States. The details of the +enlistment and organization will be made known through the Department +of the Navy. + +The call for volunteers hereby made and the direction for the +increase of the Regular Army and for the enlistment of seamen hereby +given, together with the plan of organization adopted for the +volunteer and for the regular forces hereby authorized, will be +submitted to Congress as soon as assembled. + +In the meantime I earnestly invoke the co-operation of all good +citizens in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual suppression +of unlawful violence, for the impartial enforcement of constitutional +laws, and for the speediest possible restoration of peace and order, +and with these of happiness and prosperity, throughout our country. + +In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my band and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed................ + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +COMMUNICATION WITH VICE-PRESIDENT + +TO VICE-PRESIDENT HAMLIN. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., May 6, 1861 + +HON. H. HAMLIN, New York. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Please advise me at the close of each day what troops +left during the day, where going, and by what route; what remaining +at New York, and what expected in the next day. Give the numbers, as +near as convenient, and what corps they are. This information, +reaching us daily, will be very useful as well as satisfactory. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO COLONEL ANDERSON, +MAY 7, 1861 + +TO ALL WHO SHALL SEE THESE PRESENTS, GREETING: + +Know ye that, reposing special trust and confidence in the +patriotism, valor, fidelity, and ability of Colonel Robert Anderson, +U. S. Army, I have empowered him, and do hereby empower him, to +receive into the army of the United States as many regiments of +volunteer troops from the State of Kentucky and from the western part +of the State of Virginia as shall be willing to engage in the Service +of the United States for the term of three years, upon the terms and +according to the plan proposed by the proclamation of May 3, 1861, +and General Orders No. 15, from the War Department, of May 4, 1861. + +The troops whom he receives shall be on the same footing in every +respect as those of the like kind called for in the proclamation +above cited, except that the officers shall be commissioned by the +United States. He is therefore carefully and diligently to discharge +the duty hereby devolved upon him by doing and performing all manner +of things thereunto belonging. + +Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 7th day of May, +A. D. 1861, and in the eighty-fifth year of the independence of the +United States. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War, + + + + +PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING THE WRIT OF HABEAS +CORPUS IN FLORIDA, MAY 10, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas an insurrection exists in the State of Florida, by which the +lives, liberty, and property of loyal citizens of the United States +are endangered: + +And whereas it is deemed proper that all needful measures should be +taken for the protection of such citizens and all officers of the +United States in the discharge of their public duties in the State +aforesaid: + +Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the +United States, do hereby direct the commander of the forces of the +United States on the Florida coast to permit no person to exercise +any office or authority upon the islands of Key West, the Tortugas, +and Santa Rosa, which may be inconsistent with the laws and +Constitution of the United States, authorizing him at the same time, +if he shall find it necessary, to suspend there the writ of habeas +corpus, and to remove from the vicinity of the United States +fortresses all dangerous or suspected persons. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed..................... + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY WELLES. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 11, 1861 + +TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. + +SIR:-Lieut. D. D. Porter was placed in command of the steamer +Powhatan, and Captain Samuel Mercer was detached therefrom, by my +special order, and neither of them is responsible for any apparent or +real irregularity on their part or in connection with that vessel. + +Hereafter Captain Porter is relieved from that special service and +placed under the direction of the Navy Department, from which he will +receive instructions and to which he will report. + +Very respectfully, +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CORRECTIONS OF A DIPLOMATIC DESPATCH WRITTEN BY +THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO MINISTER ADAMS + +NO. 10. + +DEPARTMENT OF STATE. +WASHINGTON, May 21, 1861 + +SIR:---Mr. Dallas, in a brief despatch of May 2d (No. 333), tells us +that Lord John Russell recently requested an interview with him on +account of the solicitude which his lordship felt concerning the +effect of certain measures represented as likely to be adopted by the +President. In that conversation the British secretary told Mr. +Dallas that the three representatives of the Southern Confederacy +were then in London, that Lord John Russell had not yet seen them, +but that he was not unwilling to see them unofficially. He further +informed Mr. Dallas that an understanding exists between the British +and French governments which would lead both to take one and the same +course as to recognition. His lordship then referred to the rumor of +a meditated blockade by us of Southern ports, and a discontinuance of +them as ports of entry. Mr. Dallas answered that he knew nothing on +those topics, and therefore + + (The President's corrections, both in notes and text, are in + caps. All matter between brackets was to be marked out.) + +could say nothing. He added that you were expected to arrive in two +weeks. Upon this statement Lord John Russell acquiesced in the +expediency of waiting for the full knowledge you were expected to +bring. + +Mr. Dallas transmitted to us some newspaper reports of ministerial +explanations made in Parliament. + +You will base no proceedings on parliamentary debates further than to +seek explanations when necessary and communicate them to this +department. [We intend to have a clear and simple record of whatever +issue may arise between us and Great Britain.] + +The President [is surprised and grieved] regrets that Mr. Dallas did +not protest against the proposed unofficial intercourse between the +British Government and the missionaries of the insurgents [as well as +against the demand for explanations made by the British Government]. +It is due, however, to Mr. Dallas to say that our instructions had +been given only to you and not to him, and that his loyalty and +fidelity, too rare in these times [among our late representatives +abroad, are confessed and] are appreciated. + +Intercourse of any kind with the so-called commissioners is liable to +be construed as a recognition of the authority which appointed them. +Such intercourse would be none the less [wrongful] hurtful to us for +being called unofficial, and it might be even more injurious, because +we should have no means of knowing what points might be resolved by +it. Moreover, unofficial intercourse is useless and meaningless if +it is not expected to ripen into official intercourse and direct +recognition. It is left doubtful here whether the proposed +unofficial intercourse has yet actually begun. Your own [present] +antecedent instructions are deemed explicit enough, and it is hoped +that you have not misunderstood them. You will in any event desist +from all intercourse whatever, unofficial as well as official, with +the British Government, so long as it shall continue intercourse of +either kind with the domestic enemies of this country [confining +yourself to a delivery of a copy of this paper to the Secretary of +State. After doing this.] When intercourse shall have been arrested +for this cause, you will communicate with this department and receive +further directions. + +Lord John Russell has informed us of an understanding between the +British and French governments that they will act together in regard +to our affairs. This communication, however, loses something of its +value from the circumstance that the communication was withheld until +after knowledge of the fact had been acquired by us from other +sources. We know also another fact that has not yet been officially +communicated to us--namely, that other European States are apprised +by France and England of their agreement, and are expected to concur +with or follow them in whatever measures they adopt on the subject of +recognition. The United States have been impartial and just in all +their conduct toward the several nations of Europe. They will not +complain, however, of the combination now announced by the two +leading powers, although they think they had a right to expect a more +independent, if not a more friendly, course from each of them. You +will take no notice of that or any other alliance. Whenever the +European governments shall see fit to communicate directly with us, +we shall be, as heretofore, frank and explicit in our reply. + +As to the blockade, you will say that by [the] our own laws [of +nature] and the laws of nature and the laws of nations, this +Government has a clear right to suppress insurrection. An exclusion +of commerce from national ports which have been seized by the +insurgents, in the equitable form of blockade, is the proper means to +that end. You will [admit] not insist that our blockade is [not] to +be respected if it be not maintained by a competent force; but +passing by that question as not now a practical, or at least an +urgent, one, you will add that [it] the blockade is now, and it will +continue to be so maintained, and therefore we expect it to be +respected by Great Britain. You will add that we have already +revoked the exequatur of a Russian consul who had enlisted in the +military service of the insurgents, and we shall dismiss or demand +the recall of every foreign agent, consular or diplomatic, who shall +either disobey the Federal laws or disown the Federal authority. + +As to the recognition of the so-called Southern Confederacy, it is +not to be made a subject of technical definition. It is, of course, +[quasi] direct recognition to publish an acknowledgment of the +sovereignty and independence of a new power. It is [quasi] direct +recognition to receive its ambassadors, ministers, agents, or +commissioners officially. A concession of belligerent rights is +liable to be construed as a recognition of them. No one of these +proceedings will [be borne] pass [unnoticed] unquestioned by the +United States in this case. + +Hitherto recognition has been moved only on the assumption that the +so-called Confederate States are de facto a self-sustaining power. +Now, after long forbearance, designed to soothe discontent and avert +the need of civil war, the land and naval forces of the United States +have been put in motion to repress the insurrection. The true +character of the pretended new State is at once revealed. It is seen +to be a power existing in pronunciamento only, It has never won a +field. It has obtained no forts that were not virtually betrayed +into its hands or seized in breach of trust. It commands not a +single port on the coast nor any highway out from its pretended +capital by land. Under these circumstances Great Britain is called +upon to intervene and give it body and independence by resisting our +measures of suppression. British recognition would be British +intervention to create within our own territory a hostile state by +overthrowing this republic itself. [When this act of intervention is +distinctly performed, we from that hour shall cease to be friends, +and become once more, as we have twice before been forced to be, +enemies of Great Britain.] + +As to the treatment of privateers in the insurgent service, you will +say that this is a question exclusively our own. We treat them as +pirates. They are our own citizens, or persons employed by our +citizens, preying on the commerce of our country. If Great Britain +shall choose to recognize them as lawful belligerents, and give them +shelter from our pursuit and punishment, the laws of nations afford +an adequate and proper remedy [and we shall avail ourselves of it. +And while you need not say this in advance, be sure that you say +nothing inconsistent with it.] + +Happily, however, her Britannic Majesty's government can avoid all +these difficulties. It invited us in 1856 to accede to the +declaration of the Congress of Paris, of which body Great Britain was +herself a member, abolishing privateering everywhere in all cases and +forever. You already have our authority to propose to her our +accession to that declaration. If she refuse to receive it, it can +only be because she is willing to become the patron of privateering +when aimed at our devastation. + +These positions are not elaborately defended now, because to +vindicate them would imply a possibility of our waiving them. + + +1 We are not insensible of the grave importance of + +1 (Drop all from this line to the end, and in lieu of it write, "This +paper is for your own guidance only, and not [sic] to be read or +shown to any one.) + +(Secretary Seward, when the despatch was returned to him, added an +introductory paragraph stating that the document was strictly +confidential. For this reason these last two paragraphs remained as +they are here printed.) + +this occasion. We see how, upon the result of the debate in which we +are engaged, a war may ensue between the United States and one, two, +or even more European nations. War in any case is as exceptionable +from the habits as it is revolting from the sentiments of the +American people. But if it come, it will be fully seen that it +results from the action of Great Britain, not our own; that Great +Britain will have decided to fraternize with our domestic enemy, +either without waiting to hear from you our remonstrances and our +warnings, or after having heard them. War in defense of national +life is not immoral, and war in defense of independence is an +inevitable part of the discipline of nations. + +The dispute will be between the European and the American branches of +the British race. All who belong to that race will especially +deprecate it, as they ought. It may well be believed that men of +every race and kindred will deplore it. A war not unlike it between +the same parties occurred at the close of the last century. Europe +atoned by forty years of suffering for the error that Great Britain +committed in provoking that contest. If that nation shall now repeat +the same great error, the social convulsions which will follow may +not be so long, but they will be more general. When they shall have +ceased, it will, we think, be seen, whatever may have been the +fortunes of other nations, that it is not the United States that will +have come out of them with its precious Constitution altered or its +honestly obtained dominion in any degree abridged. Great Britain has +but to wait a few months and all her present inconveniences will +cease with all our own troubles. If she take a different course, she +will calculate for herself the ultimate as well as the immediate +consequences, and will consider what position she will hold when she +shall have forever lost the sympathies and the affections of the only +nation on whose sympathies and affections she has a natural claim. +In making that calculation she will do well to remember that in the +controversy she proposes to open we shall be actuated by neither +pride, nor passion, nor cupidity, nor ambition; but we shall stand +simply on the principle of self-preservation, and that our cause will +involve the independence of nations and the rights of human nature. + +I am, Sir, respectfully your obedient servant, +W. H. S. + +CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., etc, + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 21, 1861. + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. +MY DEAR SIR:--Why cannot Colonel Small's Philadelphia regiment be +received? I sincerely wish it could. There is something strange +about it. Give these gentlemen an interview, and take their +regiment. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR MORGAN. + +WASHINGTON, May 12, 1861 + +GOVERNOR E. D. MORGAN, Albany, N.Y. + +I wish to see you face to face to clear these difficulties about +forwarding troops from New York. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO CAPTAIN DAHLGREEN. + +EXECUTIVE, MANSION, May 23, 1863. + +CAPT. DAHLGREEN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Allow me to introduce Col. J. A. McLernand, M.C. of my +own district in Illinois. If he should desire to visit Fortress +Monroe, please introduce him to the captain of one of the vessels in +our service, and pass him down and back. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER OF CONDOLENCE TO ONE OF FIRST CASUALTIES + +TO COLONEL ELLSWORTH'S PARENTS, +WASHINGTON, D.C., May 25, 1861 + +TO THE FATHER AND MOTHER +OF COL. ELMER E. ELLSWORTH. + +MY DEAR SIR AND MADAME:--In the untimely loss of your noble son, our +affliction here is scarcely less than your own. So much of promised +usefulness to one's country, and of bright hopes for one's self and +friends, have never been so suddenly dashed as in his fall. In size, +in years, and in youthful appearance a boy only, his power to command +men was surpassingly great. This power, combined with a fine +intellectual and indomitable energy, and a taste altogether military, +constituted in him, as seemed to me, the best natural talent in that +department I ever knew. And yet he was singularly modest and +deferential in social intercourse. My acquaintance with him began +less than two years ago; yet, through the latter half of the +intervening period, it was as intense as the disparity of our ages +and my engrossing engagements would permit. To me he appeared to +have no indulgences or pastimes, and I never heard him utter a +profane or an intemperate word. What was conclusive of his good +heart, he never forgot his parents. The honors he labored for so +laudably, and for which, in the sad end, he so gallantly gave his +life, he meant for them no less than for himself. + +In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon the sacredness of your +sorrow, I have ventured to address you this tribute to the memory of +my young friend and your brave and early fallen son. + +May God give you the consolation which is beyond all early power. + + +Sincerely your friend in common affliction, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO COLONEL BARTLETT. + +WASHINGTON, May 27, 1861 + +COL. W. A. BARTLETT, New York. + +The Naval Brigade was to go to Fort Monroe without trouble to the +government, and must so go or not at all. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MEMORANDUM ABOUT INDIANA REGIMENTS. + +WASHINGTON, JUNE 11, 1861 + + The government has already accepted ten regiments from the State of +Indiana. I think at least six more ought to be received from that +State, two to be those of Colonel James W. McMillan and Colonel +William L. Brown, and the other four to be designated by the Governor +of the State of Indiana, and to be received into the volunteer +service of the United States according to the "Plan of Organization" +in the General Orders of the War Department, No.15. When they report +to Major-General McClellan in condition to pass muster according to +that order, and with the approval of the Secretary of War to be +indorsed hereon, and left in his department, I direct that the whole +six, or any smaller number of such regiments, be received. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--There is, it seems, a regiment in Massachusetts +commanded by Fletcher Webster, and which HON. Daniel Webster's old +friends very much wish to get into the service. If it can be +received with the approval of your department and the consent of the +Governor of Massachusetts I shall indeed be much gratified. Give Mr. +Ashmun a chance to explain fully. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR--I think it is entirely safe to accept a fifth regiment +from Michigan, and with your approbation I should say a regiment +presented by Col. T. B. W. Stockton, ready for service within two +weeks from now, will be received. Look at Colonel Stockton's +testimonials. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 17, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY Of WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--With your concurrence, and that of the Governor of +Indiana, I am in favor of accepting into what we call the three +years' service any number not exceeding four additional regiments +from that State. Probably they should come from the triangular +region between the Ohio and Wabash Rivers, including my own old +boyhood home. Please see HON. C. M. Allen, Speaker of the Indiana +House of Representatives, and unless you perceive good reason to the +contrary, draw up an order for him according to the above. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 17,1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. +MY DEAR SIR:--With your concurrence, and that of the Governor of +Ohio, I am in favor of receiving into what we call the three years' +service any number not exceeding six additional regiments from that +State, unless you perceive good reasons to the contrary. Please see +HON. John A. Gurley, who bears this, and make an order corresponding +with the above. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO N. W. EDWARDS + +WASHINGTON, D. C., June 19, 1861 + +Hon. N. W. EDWARDS +MY DEAR SIR: +............. +............. +When you wrote me some time ago in reference to looking up something +in the departments here, I thought I would inquire into the thing and +write you, but the extraordinary pressure upon me diverted me from +it, and soon it passed out of my mind. The thing you proposed, it +seemed to me, I ought to understand myself before it was set on foot +by my direction or permission; and I really had no time to make +myself acquainted with it. Nor have I yet. And yet I am unwilling, +of course, that you should be deprived of a chance to make something, +if it can be done without injustice to the Government, or to any +individual. If you choose to come here and point out to me how this +can be done I shall not only not object, but shall be gratified to be +able to oblige you. + +Your friend as ever + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 20, 1861. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Since you spoke to me yesterday about General J. H. +Lane, of Kansas, I have been reflecting upon the subject, and have +concluded that we need the service of such a man out there at once; +that we had better appoint him a brigadier-general of volunteers +to-day, and send him off with such authority to raise a force (I +think two regiments better than three, but as to this I am not +particular) as you think will get him into actual work quickest. +Tell him, when he starts, to put it through not to be writing or +telegraphing back here, but put it through. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +[Indorsement.] + +General Lane has been authorized to raise two additional regiments of +volunteers. + +SIMON CAMERON, Secretary o f War. + + + + +TO THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 29, 1861. + +GENTLEMEN OF THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION WHO ARE FOR THE UNION: + +I somewhat wish to authorize my friend Jesse Bayles to raise a +Kentucky regiment, but I do not wish to do it without your consent. +If you consent, please write so at the bottom of this. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + +We consent: +R. MALLORY. +H. GRIDER. +G. W. DUNLAP. +J. S. JACKSON. +C. A. WICKLIFFE. + + + + +August 5, 1861. + +I repeat, I would like for Col. Bayles to raise a regiment of cavalry +whenever the Union men of Kentucky desire or consent to it. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL SCOTT TO SUSPEND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, +JULY 2, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, +ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES: + +You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of +the United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any +military line which is now or which shall be used between the city of +New York and the city of Washington you find resistance which renders +it necessary to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public +safety, you personally, or through the officer in command at the +point where resistance occurs, are authorized to suspend that writ. + +Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at the city of +Washington, this second day of July, A.D. 1861, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 3, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--General Scott had sent me a copy of the despatch of +which you kindly sent one. Thanks to both him and you. Please +assemble the Cabinet at twelve to-day to look over the message and +reports. + +And now, suppose you step over at once and let us see General Scott +(and) General Cameron about assigning a position to General Fremont. + +Yours as ever, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS IN SPECIAL SESSION, +JULY 4, 1861. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--Having +been convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the +Constitution, your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of +legislation. + +At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four months ago, +the functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally +suspended within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, +Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of +the Post-Office Department. + +Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dockyards, +custom-houses, and the like, including the movable and stationary +property in and about them, had been seized, and were held in open +hostility to this government, excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, +and Jefferson, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in +Charleston Harbor, South Carolina. The forts thus seized had been +put in improved condition, new ones had been built, and armed forces +had been organized and were organizing, all avowedly with the same +hostile purpose. + +The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal Government in +and near these States were either besieged or menaced by warlike +preparations, and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by +well-protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the +best of its own, and outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. +A disproportionate share of the Federal muskets and rifles had +somehow found their way into these States, and had been seized to be +used against the government. Accumulations of the public revenue +lying within them had been seized for the same object. The navy was +scattered in distant seas, leaving but a very small part of it within +the immediate reach of the government. Officers of the Federal army +and navy had resigned in great numbers; and of those resigning a +large proportion had taken up arms against the government. +Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, the purpose to sever +the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance with this +purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States, +declaring the States respectively to be separated from the national +Union. A formula for instituting a combined government of these +States had been promulgated; and this illegal organization, in the +character of confederate States, was already invoking recognition, +aid, and intervention from foreign powers. + +Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an +imperative duty upon the incoming executive to prevent, if possible, +the consummation of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a +choice of means to that end became indispensable. This choice was +made and was declared in the inaugural address. The policy chosen +looked to the exhaustion of all peaceful measures before a resort to +any stronger ones. It sought only to hold the public places and +property not already wrested from the government, and to collect the +revenue, relying for the rest on time, discussion, and the +ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the mails, at government +expense, to the very people who were resisting the government; and it +gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to any of the people, +or any of their rights. Of all that which a President might +constitutionally and justifiably do in such a case, everything was +forborne without which it was believed possible to keep the +government on foot. + +On the 5th of March (the present incumbent's first full day in +office), a letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, +written on the 28th of February and received at the War Department on +the 4th of March, was by that department placed in his hands. This +letter expressed the professional opinion of the writer that +reinforcements could not be thrown into that fort within the time for +his relief, rendered necessary by the limited supply of provisions, +and with a view of holding possession of the same, with a force of +less than twenty thousand good and well-disciplined men. This +opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his command, and +their memoranda on the subject were made inclosures of Major +Anderson's letter. The whole was immediately laid before +Lieutenant-General Scott, who at once concurred with Major Anderson +in opinion. On reflection, however, he took full time, consulting +with other officers, both of the army and the navy, and at the end of +four days came reluctantly but decidedly to the same conclusion as +before. He also stated at the same time that no such sufficient +force was then at the control of the government, or could be raised +and brought to the ground within the time when the provisions in the +fort would be exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this +reduced the duty of the administration in the case to the mere matter +of getting the garrison safely out of the fort. + +It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the +circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity under +which it was to be done would not be fully understood; that by many +it would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home +it would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its +adversaries, and go far to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; +that in fact, it would be our national destruction consummated. This +could not be allowed. Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and +ere it would be reached Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last +would be a clear indication of policy, and would better enable the +country to accept the evacuation of Fort Sumter as a military +necessity. An order was at once directed to be sent for the landing +of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort Pickens. This +order could not go by land, but must take the longer and slower route +by sea. The first return news from the order was received just one +week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news itself was that the +officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had been +transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of +the late administration (and of the existence of which the present +administration, up to the time the order was despatched, had only too +vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention), had refused to land the +troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would be +reached at Fort Sumter was impossible--rendered so by the near +exhaustion of provisions in the latter-named fort. In precaution +against such a conjuncture, the government had, a few days before, +commenced preparing an expedition as well adapted as might be to +relieve Fort Sumter, which expedition was intended to be ultimately +used, or not, according to circumstances. The strongest anticipated +case for using it was now presented, and it was resolved to send it +forward. As had been intended in this contingency, it was also +resolved to notify the governor of South Carolina that he might +expect an attempt would be made to provision the fort; and that, if +the attempt should not be resisted, there would be no effort to throw +in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an +attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given; whereupon +the fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even +awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition. + +It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sumter +was in no sense a matter of self-defense on the part of the +assailants. They well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no +possibility commit aggression upon them. They knew--they were +expressly notified--that the giving of bread to the few brave and +hungry men of the garrison was all which would on that occasion be +attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke +more. They knew that this government desired to keep the garrison in +the fort, not to assail them, but merely to maintain visible +possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and immediate +dissolution--trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, +and the ballot-box for final adjustment; and they assailed and +reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object--to drive out the +visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to +immediate dissolution. That this was their object the executive well +understood; and having said to them in the inaugural address, "You +can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors," he +took pains not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep +the case so free from the power of ingenious sophistry that the world +should not be able to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort +Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that point was reached. +Then and thereby the assailants of the government began the conflict +of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return their +fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years before +for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in +whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have +forced upon the country the distinct issue, "immediate dissolution or +blood." + +And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. +It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a +constitutional republic or democracy--a government of the people by +the same people--can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity +against its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether +discontented individuals, too few in numbers to control +administration according to organic law in any case, can always, upon +the pretenses made in this case, or on any other pretenses, or +arbitrarily without any pretense, break up their government, and thus +practically put an end to free government upon the earth. It forces +us to ask: Is there in all republics this inherent and fatal +weakness? Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the +liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own +existence? + +So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war +power of the government, and so to resist force employed for its +destruction by force for its preservation. + +The call was made, and the response of the country was most +gratifying, surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine +expectation. Yet none of the States commonly called slave States, +except Delaware, gave a regiment through regular State organization. +A few regiments have been organized within some others of those +States by individual enterprise, and received into the government +service. Of course the seceded States, so called (and to which Texas +had been joined about the time of the inauguration), gave no troops +to the cause of the Union. + +The border States, so called, were not uniform in their action, some +of them being almost for the Union, while in others--as Virginia, +North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas--the Union sentiment was +nearly repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the +most remarkable--perhaps the most important. A convention elected by +the people of that State to consider this very question of disrupting +the Federal Union was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort +Sumter fell. To this body the people had chosen a large majority of +professed Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, +many members of that majority went over to the original disunion +minority, and with them adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the +State from the Union. Whether this change was wrought by their great +approval of the assault upon Sumter, or their great resentment at the +government's resistance to that assault, is not definitely known. +Although they submitted the ordinance for ratification to a vote of +the people, to be taken on a day then somewhat more than a month +distant, the convention and the Legislature (which was also in +session at the same time and place), with leading men of the State +not members of either, immediately commenced acting as if the State +were already out of the Union. They pushed military preparations +vigorously forward all over the State. They seized the United States +armory at Harper's Ferry, and the navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. +They received perhaps invited--into their State large bodies of +troops, with their warlike appointments, from the so-called seceded +States. They formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance +and co-operation with the so-called "Confederate States," and sent +members to their congress at Montgomery. And finally, they permitted +the insurrectionary government to be transferred to their capital at +Richmond. + +The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to +make its nest within her borders; and this government has no choice +left but to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less +regret as the loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed its +protection. Those loyal citizens this government is bound to +recognize and protect, as being Virginia. + +In the border States, so called,--in fact, the middle States,--there +are those who favor a policy which they call "armed neutrality"; that +is, an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one +way, or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be +disunion completed. Figuratively speaking, it would be the building +of an impassable wall along the line of separation--and yet not quite +an impassable one, for under the guise of neutrality it would tie the +hands of Union men and freely pass supplies from among them to the +insurrectionists, which it could not do as an open enemy. At a +stroke it would take all the trouble off the hands of secession, +except only what proceeds from the external blockade. It would do +for the disunionists that which, of all things, they most desire-- +feed them well and give them disunion without a struggle of their +own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation to +maintain the Union; and while very many who have favored it are +doubtless loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very injurious in +effect. + +Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated that at +first a call was made for 75,000 militia; and, rapidly following +this, a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the +insurrectionary districts by proceedings in the nature of blockade. +So far all was believed to be strictly legal. At this point the +insurrectionists announced their purpose to enter upon the practice +of privateering. + +Other calls were made for volunteers to serve for three years, unless +sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular army +and navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were +ventured upon, under what appeared to be a popular demand and a +public necessity; trusting then, as now, that Congress would readily +ratify them. It is believed that nothing has been done beyond the +constitutional competency of Congress. + +Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to +authorize the commanding general in proper cases, according to his +discretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, +or, in other words, to arrest and detain, without resort to the +ordinary processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might +deem dangerous to the public safety. This authority has purposely +been exercised but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and +propriety of what has been done under it are questioned, and the +attention of the country has been called to the proposition that one +who has sworn to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed" +should not himself violate them. Of course some consideration was +given to the questions of power and propriety before this matter was +acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required to be +faithfully executed were being resisted and failing of execution in +nearly one third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail +of execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the use of the +means necessary to their execution some single law, made in such +extreme tenderness of the citizen's liberty that, practically, it +relieves more of the guilty than of the innocent, should to a very +limited extent be violated? To state the question more directly, are +all the laws but one to go unexecuted, and the government itself go +to pieces lest that one be violated? Even in such a case, would not +the official oath be broken if the government should be overthrown +when it was believed that disregarding the single law would tend to +preserve it? But it was not believed that this question was +presented. It was not believed that any law was violated. The +provision of the Constitution that "the privilege of the writ of +habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of +rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it," is +equivalent to a provision--is a provision--that such privilege may be +suspended when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety +does require it. It was decided that we have a case of rebellion, +and that the public safety does require the qualified suspension of +the privilege of the writ which was authorized to be made. Now it is +insisted that Congress, and not the executive, is vested with this +power. But the Constitution itself is silent as to which or who is +to exercise the power; and as the provision was plainly made for a +dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed the framers of the +instrument intended that in every case the danger should run its +course until Congress could be called together, the very assembling +of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by the +rebellion. + +No more extended argument is now offered, as an opinion at some +length will probably be presented by the attorney-general. Whether +there shall be any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is +submitted entirely to the better judgment of Congress. + +The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary and so +long continued as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action +as if they supposed the early destruction of our national Union was +probable. While this, on discovery, gave the executive some concern, +he is now happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United +States are now everywhere practically respected by foreign powers; +and a general sympathy with the country is manifested throughout the +world. + +The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy +will give the information in detail deemed necessary and convenient +for your deliberation and action; while the executive and all the +departments will stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate +new facts considered important for you to know. + +It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this +contest a short and decisive one: that you place at the control of +the government for the work at least four hundred thousand men and +$400,000,000. That number of men is about one-tenth of those of +proper ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to +engage; and the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money +value owned by the men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of +$600,000,000 now is a less sum per head than was the debt of our +Revolution when we came out of that struggle; and the money value in +the country now bears even a greater proportion to what it was then +than does the population. Surely each man has as strong a motive now +to preserve our liberties as each had then to establish them. + +A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten +times the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from +the country leaves no doubt that the material for the work is +abundant, and that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it +legal sanction, and the hand of the executive to give it practical +shape and efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities of the +government is to avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide +for them. In a word, the people will save their government if the +government itself will do its part only indifferently well. + +It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether +the present movement at the South be called "secession" or +"rebellion." The movers, however, well understand the difference. At +the beginning they knew they could never raise their treason to any +respectable magnitude by any name which implies violation of law. +They knew their people possessed as much of moral sense, as much of +devotion to law and order, and as much pride in and reverence for the +history and government of their common country as any other civilized +and patriotic people. They knew they could make no advancement +directly in the teeth of these strong and noble sentiments. +Accordingly, they commenced by an insidious debauching of the public +mind. They invented an ingenious sophism which, if conceded, was +followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the incidents, to +the complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself is that +any State of the Union may consistently with the national +Constitution, and therefore lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from +the Union without the consent of the Union or of any other State. +The little disguise that the supposed right is to be exercised only +for just cause, themselves to be the sole judges of its justice, is +too thin to merit any notice. + +With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been drugging the public +mind of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length +they have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms +against the government the day after some assemblage of men have +enacted the farcical pretense of taking their State out of the Union, +who could have been brought to no such thing the day before. + +This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency from +the assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy +pertaining to a State--to each State of our Federal Union. Our +States have neither more nor less power than that reserved to them in +the Union by the Constitution--no one of them ever having been a +State out of the Union. The original ones passed into the Union even +before they cast off their British colonial dependence; and the new +ones each came into the Union directly from a condition of +dependence, excepting Texas. And even Texas in its temporary +independence was never designated a State. The new ones only took +the designation of States on coming into the Union, while that name +was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of +Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were declared to be +"free and independent States"; but even then the object plainly was +not to declare their independence of one another or of the Union, but +directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action +before, at the time, and afterward, abundantly show. The express +plighting of faith by each and all of the original thirteen in the +Articles of Confederation, two years later, that the Union shall be +perpetual, is most conclusive. Having never been States either in +substance or in name outside of the Union, whence this magical +omnipotence of "State rights," asserting a claim of power to +lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is said about the +"sovereignty" of the States; but the word even is not in the national +Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State constitutions. +What is "sovereignty" in the political sense of the term? Would it be +far wrong to define it as "a political community without a political +superior"? Tested by this, no one of our States except Texas ever was +a sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the character on coming into +the Union; by which act she acknowledged the Constitution of the +United States, and the laws and treaties of the United States made in +pursuance of the Constitution, to be for her the supreme law of the +land. The States have their status in the Union, and they have no +other legal status. If they break from this, they can only do so +against law and by revolution. The Union, and not themselves +separately, procured their independence and their liberty. By +conquest or purchase the Union gave each of them whatever of +independence or liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the +States, and, in fact, it created them as States. Originally some +dependent colonies made the Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off +their old dependence for them, and made them States, such as they +are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution independent of +the Union. Of course, it is not forgotten that all the new States +framed their constitutions before they entered the Union +nevertheless, dependent upon and preparatory to coming into the +Union. + +Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to them +in and by the national Constitution; but among these surely are not +included all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive, +but, at most, such only as were known in the world at the time as +governmental powers; and certainly a power to destroy the government +itself had never been known as a governmental, as a merely +administrative power. This relative matter of national power and +State rights, as a principle, is no other than the principle of +generality and locality. Whatever concerns the whole should be +confided to the whole--to the General Government; while whatever +concerns only the State should be left exclusively to the State. +This is all there is of original principle about it. Whether the +national Constitution in defining boundaries between the two has +applied the principle with exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. +We are all bound by that defining, without question. + +What is now combated is the position that secession is consistent +with the Constitution--is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended +that there is any express law for it; and nothing should ever be +implied as law which leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The +nation purchased with money the countries out of which several of +these States were formed. Is it just that they shall go off without +leave and without refunding? The nation paid very large sums (in the +aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred millions) to relieve Florida +of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she shall now be off +without consent or without making any return? The nation is now in +debt for money applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding +States in common with the rest. Is it just either that creditors +shall go unpaid or the remaining States pay the whole? A part of the +present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. +Is it just that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself? + +Again, if one State may secede, so may another; and when all shall +have seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just for +creditors? Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we +borrowed their money? If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing +the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if +others choose to go or to extort terms upon which they will promise +to remain. + +The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They +have assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which +of necessity they have either discarded or retained the right of +secession as they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded +it, they thereby admit that on principle it ought not to be in ours. +If they have retained it, by their own construction of ours, they +show that to be consistent they must secede from one another whenever +they shall find it the easiest way of settling their debts, or +effecting any other selfish or unjust object. The principle itself +is one of disintegration and upon which no government can possibly +endure. + +If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one +out of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder +politicians would at once deny the power and denounce the act as the +greatest outrage upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the +same act, instead of being called "driving the one out," should be +called "the seceding of the others from that one," it would be +exactly what the seceders claim to do, unless, indeed, they make the +point that the one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do what +the others, because they are a majority, may not rightfully do. +These politicians are subtle and profound on the rights of +minorities. They are not partial to that power which made the +Constitution and speaks from the preamble calling itself "We, the +People." + +It may well be questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the +legally qualified voters of any State except perhaps South Carolina +in favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union +men are the majority in many, if not in every other one, of the so- +called seceded States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any +one of them. It is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and +Tennessee; for the result of an election held in military camps, +where the bayonets are all on one side of the question voted upon, +can scarcely be considered as demonstrating popular sentiment. At +such an election, all that large class who are at once for the Union +and against coercion would be coerced to vote against the Union. + +It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institutions we +enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our +whole people beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a +striking and an impressive illustration. So large an army as the +government has now on foot was never before known without a soldier +in it but who has taken his place there of his own free choice. But +more than this, there are many single regiments whose members, one +and another, possess full practical knowledge of all the arts, +sciences, professions, and whatever else, whether useful or elegant, +is known in the world; and there is scarcely one from which there +could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a Congress, and perhaps +a court, abundantly competent to administer the government itself. +Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of our late friends, +now adversaries in this contest; but if it is, so much better the +reason why the government which has conferred such benefits on both +them and us should not be broken up. Whoever in any section proposes +to abandon such a government would do well to consider in deference +to what principle it is that he does it; what better he is likely to +get in its stead; whether the substitute will give, or be intended to +give, so much of good to the people. There are some foreshadowings +on this subject. Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of +independence in which, unlike the good old one, penned by Jefferson, +they omit the words "all men are created equal." Why? They have +adopted a temporary national constitution, in the preamble of which, +unlike our good old one, signed by Washington, they omit "We, the +People," and substitute, "We, the deputies of the sovereign and +independent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view +the rights of men and the authority of the people? + +This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it +is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of +government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men to +lift artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of +laudable pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and a +fair chance in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary +departures, from necessity; this is the leading object of the +government for whose existence we contend. + +I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and +appreciate this. It is worthy of note that, while in this the +government's hour of trial large numbers of those in the army and +navy who have been favored with the offices have resigned and proved +false to the hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier or +common sailor is known to have deserted his flag. + +Great honor is due to those officers who remained true, despite the +example of their treacherous associates; but the greatest honor, and +most important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common +soldiers and common sailors. To the last man, so far as known, they +have successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose +commands, but an hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is +the patriotic instinct of the plain people. They understand, without +an argument, that the destroying of the government which was made by +Washington means no good to them. + +Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two +points in it our people have already settled--the successful +establishing and the successful administering of it. One still +remains--its successful maintenance against a formidable internal +attempt to overthrow it. It is now for them to demonstrate to the +world that those who can fairly carry an election can also suppress a +rebellion; that ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of +bullets; and that when ballots have fairly and constitutionally +decided, there can be no successful appeal back to bullets; that +there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots themselves, at +succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace: +teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can +they take it by a war; teaching all the folly of being the beginners +of a war. + +Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what +is to be the course of the government toward the Southern States +after the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the executive deems +it proper to say it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided +by the Constitution and the laws; and that he probably will have no +different understanding of the powers and duties of the Federal +Government relatively to the rights of the States and the people, +under the Constitution, than that expressed in the inaugural address. + +He desires to preserve the government, that it may be administered +for all as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal +citizens everywhere have the right to claim this of their government, +and the government has no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not +perceived that in giving it there is any coercion, any conquest, or +any subjugation, in any just sense of those terms. + +The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the +provision, that "the United States shall guarantee to every State in +this Union a republican form of government." But if a State may +lawfully go out of the Union, having done so it may also discard the +republican form of government, so that to prevent its going out is an +indispensable means to the end of maintaining the guarantee +mentioned; and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the +indispensable means to it are also lawful and obligatory. + +It was with the deepest regret that the executive found the duty of +employing the war power in defense of the government forced upon him. +He could but perform this duty or surrender the existence of the +government. No compromise by public servants could, in this case, be +a cure; not that compromises are not often proper, but that no +popular government can long survive a marked precedent that those who +carry an election can only save the government from immediate +destruction by giving up the main point upon which the people gave +the election. The people themselves, and not their servants, can +safely reverse their own deliberate decisions. + +As a private citizen the executive could not have consented that +these institutions shall perish; much less could he in betrayal of so +vast and so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him. +He felt that he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the +chances of his own life, in what might follow. In full view of his +great responsibility he has, so far, done what he has deemed his +duty. You will now, according to your own judgment, perform yours. +He sincerely hopes that your views and your action may so accord with +his as to assure all faithful citizens who have been disturbed in +their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to them, under the +Constitution and the laws. + +And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure +purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear +and with manly hearts. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, July 4, 1861 + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, July 6, 1861. + +HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Please ask the Comr. of Indian Affairs, and of the +Gen'l Land Office to come with you, and see me at once. I want the +assistance of all of you in overhauling the list of appointments a +little before I send them to the Senate. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the +9th instant, requesting a copy of correspondence upon the subject of +the incorporation of the Dominican republic with the Spanish +monarchy, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State; to whom +the resolution was referred. + +WASHINGTON, July 11, 1861. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a copy of correspondence between the Secretary +of State and her Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister +plenipotentiary accredited to this government, relative to the +exhibition of the products of industry of all nations, which is to +take place at London in the course of next year. As citizens of the +United States may justly pride themselves upon their proficiency in +industrial arts, it is desirable that they should have proper +facilities toward taking part in the exhibition. With this view I +recommend such legislation by Congress at this session as may be +necessary for that purpose. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, July 16, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +As the United States have, in common with Great Britain and France, a +deep interest in the preservation and development of the fisheries +adjacent to the northeastern coast and islands of this continent, it +seems proper that we should concert with the governments of those +countries such measures as may be conducive to those important +objects. With this view I transmit to Congress a copy of a +correspondence between the Secretary of State and the British +minister here, in which the latter proposes, on behalf of his +government, the appointment of a joint commission to inquire into the +matter, in order that such ulterior measures may be adopted as may be +advisable for the objects proposed. Such legislation recommended as +may be necessary to enable the executive to provide for a commissioner +on behalf of the United States: + +WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL + +WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861 + +ADJUTANT-GENERAL: + +I have agreed, and do agree, that the two Indian regiments named +within shall be accepted if the act of Congress shall admit it. Let +there be no further question about it. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MEMORANDA OF MILITARY POLICY SUGGESTED BY THE +BULL RUN DEFEAT. + +JULY 23, 1861 + +1. Let the plan for making the blockade effective be pushed forward +with all possible despatch. + +2. Let the volunteer forces at Fort Monroe and vicinity under +General Butler be constantly drilled, disciplined, and instructed +without more for the present. + +3. Let Baltimore be held as now, with a gentle but firm and certain +hand. + +4. Let the force now under Patterson or Banks be strengthened and made +secure in its position. + +5. Let the forces in Western Virginia act till further orders +according to instructions or orders from General McClellan. + +6. [Let] General Fremont push forward his organization and operations +in the West as rapidly as possible, giving rather special attention +to Missouri. + +7. Let the forces late before Manassas, except the three-months men, +be reorganized as rapidly as possible in their camps here and about +Arlington. + +8. Let the three-months forces who decline to enter the longer service +be discharged as rapidly as circumstances will permit. + +9. Let the new volunteer forces be brought forward as fast as +possible, and especially into the camps on the two sides of the river +here. + +When the foregoing shall be substantially attended to: + +1. Let Manassas Junction (or some point on one or other of the +railroads near it) and Strasburg be seized, and permanently held, +with an open line from Washington to Manassas, and an open line from +Harper's Ferry to Strasburg the military men to find the way of doing +these. + +2. This done, a joint movement from Cairo on Memphis; and from +Cincinnati on East Tennessee. + + + + +TO THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., July 24, 1861 + +THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + +SIR:--Together with the regiments of three years' volunteers which +the government already has in service in your State, enough to make +eight in all, if tendered in a reasonable time, will be accepted, the +new regiments to be taken, as far as convenient, from the three +months' men and officers just discharged, and to be organized, +equipped, and sent forward as fast as single regiments are ready, On +the same terms as were those already in the service from that State. + +Your obedient servant, +A. LINCOLN. + +[Indorsement.] + +This order is entered in the War Department, and the Governor of New +Jersey is authorized to furnish the regiments with wagons and horses. + +S. CAMERON, Secretary of War. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the +22d instant; requesting a copy of the correspondence between this, +government and foreign powers with reference to maritime right, I +transmit a report from the Secretary of State. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the +15th instant, requesting a copy of the correspondence between this +government and foreign powers on the subject of the existing +insurrection in the United States, I transmit a report from the +Secretary of State. + +WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CHASE. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 16, 1861 + +MR CHASE:--The bearer, Mr._____ , wants ________in the custom house +at Baltimore. If his recommendations are satisfactory, and I +recollect them to have been so, the fact that he is urged by the +Methodists should be in his favor, as they complain of us some. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the +24th instant, asking the grounds, reasons, and evidence upon which +the police Commissioners of Baltimore were arrested and are now +detained as prisoners at Port McHenry, I have to state that it is +judged to be incompatible with the public interest at this time to +furnish the information called for by the resolution. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, JULY 27, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 19th instant +requesting information concerning the quasi armistice alluded to in +my message of the 4th instant, I transmit a report from the Secretary +of the Navy. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. +JULY 30, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 23d instant +requesting information concerning the imprisonment of Lieutenant John +J. Worden (John L. Worden) of the United States navy, I transmit a +report from the Secretary of the Navy. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. +July 30, 1861 + + + + +ORDER TO UNITED STATES MARSHALS. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C., +JULY 31, 1861 + +The Marshals of the United States in the vicinity of forts where +political prisoners are held will supply decent lodging and +sustenance for such prisoners unless they shall prefer to provide in +those respects for themselves, in which case they will be allowed to +do so by the commanding officer in charge. + +Approved, and the Secretary of the State will transmit the order to +the Marshals, to the Lieutenant-General, and the Secretary of the +Interior. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of +yesterday, requesting information regarding the imprisonment of loyal +citizens of the United States by the forces now in rebellion against +this government, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and +the copy of a telegraphic despatch by which it was accompanied. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, August 2, 1861. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of your honorable body of date July 31, +1861, requesting the President to inform the Senate whether the Hon. +James H. Lane, a member of that body from Kansas, has been appointed +a brigadier-general in the army of the United States, and if so, +whether he has accepted such appointment, I have the honor to +transmit herewith certain papers, numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, +which, taken together, explain themselves, and which contain all the +information I possess upon the questions propounded. + +It was my intention, as shown by my letter of June 20, 1861, to +appoint Hon. James H. Lane, of Kansas, a brigadier-general of United +States volunteers in anticipation of the act of Congress, since +passed, for raising such volunteers; and I have no further knowledge +upon the subject, except as derived from the papers herewith +enclosed. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 5, 1861 + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, AUGUST 7, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR + +MY DEAR SIR:--The within paper, as you see, is by HON. John S. Phelps +and HON. Frank P. Blair, Jr., both members of the present Congress +from Missouri. The object is to get up an efficient force of +Missourians in the southwestern part of the State. It ought to be +done, and Mr. Phelps ought to have general superintendence of it. +I see by a private report to me from the department that eighteen +regiments are already accepted from Missouri. Can it not be arranged +that part of them (not yet organized, as I understand) may be taken +from the locality mentioned and put under the control of Mr. Phelps, +and let him have discretion to accept them for a shorter term than +three years--or the war--understanding, however, that he will get +them for the full term if he can? I hope this can be done, because +Mr. Phelps is too zealous and efficient and understands his ground +too well for us to lose his service. Of course provision for arming, +equipping, etc., must be made. Mr. Phelps is here, and wishes to +carry home with him authority for this matter. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF A NATIONAL FAST-DAY, +AUGUST 12, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES +OF AMERICA + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas a joint committee of both houses of Congress has waited on +the President of the United States and requested him to "recommend a +day of public humiliation, prayer, and fasting to be observed by the +people of the United States with religious solemnities and the +offering of fervent supplications to Almighty God for the safety and +welfare of these States, His blessings on their arms, and a speedy +restoration of peace"; and + +Whereas it is fit and becoming in all people at all times to +acknowledge and revere the supreme government of God, to bow in +humble submission to His chastisements, to confess and deplore their +sins and transgressions in the full conviction that the fear of the +Lord is the beginning of wisdom, and to pray with all fervency and +contrition for the pardon of their past offences and for a blessing +upon their present and prospective action; and + +Whereas when our own beloved country, once, by the blessing of God, +united, prosperous, and happy, is now afflicted with faction and +civil war, it is peculiarly fit for us to recognize the hand of God +in this terrible visitation, and in sorrowful remembrance of our own +faults and crimes as a nation and as individuals to humble ourselves +before Him and to pray for His mercy-to pray that we may be spared +further punishment, though most justly deserved, that our arms may be +blessed and made effectual for the re-establishment of order, law, +and peace throughout the wide extent of our country, and that the +inestimable boon of civil and religious liberty, earned under His +guidance and blessing by the labors and sufferings of our fathers, +may be restored in all its original excellence + +Therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do +appoint the last Thursday in September next as a day of humiliation, +prayer, and fasting for all the people of the nation. And I do +earnestly recommend to all the people, and especially to all +ministers and teachers of religion of all denominations and to all +heads of families, to observe and keep that day according to their +several creeds and modes of worship in all humility and with all +religious solemnity, to the end that the united prayer of the nation +may ascend to the Throne of Grace and bring down plentiful blessings +upon our country. + + In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand + and caused the seal of the United States to +[SEAL.] be affixed, this twelfth day of August, A. D. + 1861, and of the independence of the United + States of America the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President + +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary o f State. + + + + +TO JAMES POLLOCK. + +WASHINGTON, AUGUST 15, 1861 + +HON. JAMES POLLOCK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--You must make a job for the bearer of this--make a job +of it with the collector and have it done. You can do it for me and +you must. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 15, 1861 + +GOVERNOR MORTON, Indiana: +Start your four regiments to St. Louis at the earliest moment +possible. Get such harness as may be necessary for your rifled gums. +Do not delay a single regiment, but hasten everything forward as soon +as any one regiment is ready. Have your three additional regiments +organized at once. We shall endeavor to send you the arms this week. +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FREMONT, + +WASHINGTON, August 15, 1861 + +TO MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + +Been answering your messages since day before yesterday. Do you +receive the answers? The War Department has notified all the +governors you designate to forward all available force. So +telegraphed you. Have you received these messages? Answer +immediately. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION FORBIDDING INTERCOURSE WITH +REBEL STATES, AUGUST 16, 1861. +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES +OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas on the fifteenth day of April, eighteen hundred and sixty- +one, the President of the United States, in view of an insurrection +against the laws, Constitution, and government of the United States +which had broken out within the States of South Carolina, Georgia, +Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and in pursuance +of the provisions of the act entitled "An act to provide for calling +forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress +insurrections, and repel invasions, and to repeal the act now in +force for that purpose," approved February twenty-eighth, seventeen +hundred and ninety-five, did call forth the militia to suppress said +insurrection, and to cause the laws of the Union to be duly executed, +and the insurgents have failed to disperse by the time directed by +the President; and whereas such insurrection has since broken out and +yet exists within the States of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, +and Arkansas; and whereas the insurgents in all the said States claim +to act under the authority thereof, and such claim is not disclaimed +or repudiated by the persons exercising the functions of government +in such State or States, or in the part or parts thereof in which +such combinations exist, nor has such insurrection been suppressed by +said States: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, +in pursuance of an act of Congress approved July thirteen, eighteen +hundred and sixty-one, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the +said States of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North Carolina, +Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and +Florida (except the inhabitants of that part of the State of Virginia +lying west of the Allegheny Mountains, and of such other parts of +that State, and the other States hereinbefore named, as may maintain +a loyal adhesion to the Union and the Constitution, or may be time to +time occupied and controlled by forces of the United States engaged +in the dispersion of said insurgents), are in a state of insurrection +against the United States, and that all commercial intercourse +between the same and the inhabitants thereof, with the exceptions +aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and other parts of the +United States, is unlawful, and will remain unlawful until such +insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed; that all goods and +chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of said States, with +the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, +without the special license and permission of the President, through +the Secretary of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said States, +with the exceptions aforesaid, by land or water, together with the +vessel or vehicle conveying the same, or conveying persons to or from +said States, with said exceptions, will be forfeited to the United +States; and that from and after fifteen days from the issuing of this +proclamation all ships and vessels belonging in whole or in part to +any citizen or inhabitant of any of said States, with said +exceptions, found at sea, or in any port of the United States, will +be forfeited to the United States; and I hereby enjoin upon all +district attorneys, marshals, and officers of the revenue and of the +military and naval forces of the United States to be vigilant in the +execution of said act, and in the enforcement of the penalties and +forfeitures imposed or declared by it; leaving any party who may +think himself aggrieved thereby to his application to the Secretary +of the Treasury for the remission of any penalty or forfeiture, which +the said Secretary is authorized by law to grant if, in his judgment, +the special circumstances of any case shall require such remission. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand,................... + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of Sate. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 17, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Unless there be reason to the contrary, not known to +me, make out a commission for Simon B. Buckner, of Kentucky, as a +brigadier-general of volunteers. It is to be put into the hands of +General Anderson, and delivered to General Buckner or not, at the +discretion of General Anderson. Of course it is to remain a secret +unless and until the commission is delivered. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN + +Same day made. + +[Indorsement.] + + + + +TO GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN, + +WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 24, 1861 + +To HIS EXCELLENCY B. MAGOFFIN, +Governor of the State of Kentucky. + +SIR:--Your letter of the 19th instant, in which you urge the "removal +from the limits of Kentucky of the military force now organized and +in camp within that State," is received. + +I may not possess full and precisely accurate knowledge upon this +subject; but I believe it is true that there is a military force in +camp within Kentucky, acting by authority of the United States, which +force is not very large, and is not now being augmented. + +I also believe that some arms have been furnished to this force by +the United States. + +I also believe this force consists exclusively of Kentuckians, having +their camp in the immediate vicinity of their own homes, and not +assailing or menacing any of the good people of Kentucky. + +In all I have done in the premises I have acted upon the urgent +solicitation of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with what I +believed, and still believe, to be the wish of a majority of all the +Union-loving people of Kentucky. + +While I have conversed on this subject with many eminent men of +Kentucky, including a large majority of her members of Congress, I do +not remember that any one of them, or any other person, except your +Excellency and the bearers of your Excellency's letter, has urged me +to remove the military force from Kentucky or to disband it. One +other very worthy citizen of Kentucky did solicit me to have the +augmenting of the force suspended for a time. + +Taking all the means within my reach to form a judgment, I do not +believe it is the popular wish of Kentucky that this force shall be +removed beyond her limits; and, with this impression, I must +respectfully decline to so remove it. + +I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in the wish to +preserve the peace of my own native State, Kentucky. It is with +regret I search, and cannot find, in your not very short letter, any +declaration or intimation that you entertain any desire for the +preservation of the Federal Union. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 2, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Two points in your proclamation of August 30 give me +some anxiety. + +First. Should you shoot a man, according to the proclamation, the +Confederates would very certainly shoot our best men in their hands +in retaliation; and so, man for man, indefinitely. It is, therefore, +my order that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation +without first having my approbation or consent. + +Second. I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in +relation to the confiscation of property and the liberating slaves of +traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends and turn +them against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky. +Allow me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion, +modify that paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth +sections of the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate +property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, +and a copy of which act I herewith send you. + +This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure. I +send it by special messenger, in order that it may certainly and +speedily reach you. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNORS WASHBURN OF MAINE, FAIRBANKS OF VERMONT, BERRY +OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, ANDREW OF MASSACHUSETTS, BUCKINGHAM OF CONNECTICUT, +AND SPRAGUE OF RHODE ISLAND. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, September 11, 1861. + +General Butler proposes raising in New England six regiments, to be +recruited and commanded by himself, and to go on special service. + +I shall be glad if you, as governor of ______, will answer by +telegraph if you consent. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 11, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN C. FREMONT. + +SIR:-Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just +received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge of +the necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on +seeing your proclamation of August 30 I perceived no general objection +to it. The particular clause, however, in relation to the +confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves appeared to me +to be objectionable in its nonconformity to the act of Congress +passed the 6th of last August upon the same subjects; and hence I +wrote you, expressing my wish that that clause should be modified +accordingly. Your answer, just received, expresses the preference on +your part that I should make an open order for the modification, +which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that the said +clause of said proclamation be so modified, held, and construed as to +conform to, and not to transcend, the provisions on the same subject +contained in the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate +property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, +and that said act be published at length with this order. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO MRS. FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., +September 12, 1861 + +Mrs. GENERAL FREMONT. + +MY DEAR MADAM:--Your two notes of to-day are before me. I answered +the letter you bore me from General Fremont on yesterday, and not +hearing from you during the day, I sent the answer to him by mail. +It is not exactly correct, as you say you were told by the elder Mr. +Blair, to say that I sent Postmaster-General Blair to St. Louis to +examine into that department and report. Postmaster-General Blair +did go, with my approbation, to see and converse with General Fremont +as a friend. I do not feel authorized to furnish you with copies of +letters in my possession without the consent of the writers. No +impression has been made on my mind against the honor or integrity of +General Fremont, and I now enter my protest against being understood +as acting in any hostility toward him. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOSEPH HOLT, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + +HON. JOSEPH HOLT. + +DEAR SIR:-Yours of this day in relation to the late proclamation of +General Fremont is received yesterday I addressed a letter to him, by +mail, on the same subject, and which is to be made public when he +receives it. I herewith send you a copy of that letter, which +perhaps shows my position as distinctly as any new one I could write. +I will thank you not to make it public until General Fremont shall +have had time to receive the original. + +Your obedient servant, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL SCOTT + +WASHINGTON, D.C., September 16, 1861. + +DEAR SIR:--Since conversing with you I have concluded to request you +to frame an order for recruiting North Carolinians at Fort Hatteras. +I suggest it to be so framed as for us to accept a smaller force-- +even a company--if we cannot get a regiment or more. What is +necessary to now say about officers you will judge. Governor Seward +says he has a nephew (Clarence A. Seward, I believe) who would be +willing to go and play colonel and assist in raising the force. +Still it is to be considered whether the North Carolinians will not +prefer officers of their own. I should expect they would. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 18, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. +MY DEAR SIR:--To guard against misunderstanding, I think fit to say +that the joint expedition of the army and navy agreed upon some time +since, and in which General T. W. Sherman was and is to bear a +conspicuous part, is in no wise to be abandoned, but must be ready to +move by the 1st of, or very early in, October. Let all preparations +go forward accordingly. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT, + +WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + +Governor Morton telegraphs as follows: "Colonel Lane, just arrived by +special train, represents Owensborough, forty miles above Evansville, +in possession of secessionists. Green River is navigable. +Owensborough must be seized. We want a gunboat sent up from Paducah +for that purpose." Send up the gunboat if, in your discretion, you +think it right. Perhaps you had better order those in charge of the +Ohio River to guard it vigilantly at all points. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +To O. H. BROWNING. + +(Private and Confidential) + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON +SEPTEMBER 22, 1861 + +HON. O. H. BROWNING. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 17th is just received; and coming from you, +I confess it astonishes me. That you should object to my adhering to +a law which you had assisted in making and presenting to me less than +a month before is odd enough. But this is a very small part. +General Fremont's proclamation as to confiscation of property and the +liberation of slaves is purely political and not within the range of +military law or necessity. If a commanding general finds a necessity +to seize the farm of a private owner for a pasture, an encampment, or +a fortification, he has the right to do so, and to so hold it as long +as the necessity lasts; and this is within military law, because +within military necessity. But to say the farm shall no longer +belong to the owner, or his heirs forever, and this as well when the +farm is not needed for military purposes as when it is, is purely +political, without the savor of military law about it. And the same +is true of slaves. If the general needs them, he can seize them and +use them; but when the need is past, it is not for him to fix their +permanent future condition. That must be settled according to laws +made by law-makers, and not by military proclamations. The +proclamation in the point in question is simply "dictatorship." It +assumes that the general may do anything he pleases confiscate the +lands and free the slaves of loyal people, as well as of disloyal +ones. And going the whole figure, I have no doubt, would be more +popular with some thoughtless people than that which has been done, +But I cannot assume this reckless position, nor allow others to +assume it on my responsibility. + +You speak of it as being the only means of saving the government. On +the contrary, it is itself the surrender of the government. Can it +be pretended that it is any longer the Government of the United +States--any government of constitution and laws wherein a general or +a president may make permanent rules of property by proclamation? I +do not say Congress might not with propriety pass a law on the point, +just such as General Fremont proclaimed. + +I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote for it. What +I object to is, that I, as President, shall expressly or impliedly +seize and exercise the permanent legislative functions of the +government. + +So much as to principle. Now as to policy. No doubt the thing was +popular in some quarters, and would have been more so if it had been +a general declaration of emancipation. The Kentucky Legislature +would not budge till that proclamation was modified; and General +Anderson telegraphed me that on the news of General Fremont having +actually issued deeds of manumission, a whole company of our +volunteers threw down their arms and disbanded. I was so assured as +to think it probable that the very arms we had furnished Kentucky +would be turned against us. I think to lose Kentucky is nearly the +same as to lose the whole game. Kentucky gone, we cannot hold +Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all against us, and the +job on our hands is too large for us. We would as well consent to +separation at once, including the surrender of this Capital. On the +contrary, if you will give up your restlessness for new positions, +and back me manfully on the grounds upon which you and other kind +friends gave me the election and have approved in my public +documents, we shall go through triumphantly. You must not understand +I took my course on the proclamation because of Kentucky. I took the +same ground in a private letter to General Fremont before I heard +from Kentucky. + +You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid General +Fremont to shoot men under the proclamation. I understand that part +to be within military law, but I also think, and so privately wrote +General Fremont, that it is impolitic in this, that our adversaries +have the power, and will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many of +our men as we shoot of theirs. I did not say this in the public +letter, because it is a subject I prefer not to discuss in the +hearing of our enemies. + +There has been no thought of removing General Fremont on any ground +connected with his proclamation, and if there has been any wish for +his removal on any ground, our mutual friend Sam. Glover can +probably tell you what it was. I hope no real necessity for it +exists on any ground. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +MEMORANDUM FOR A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN +[OCTOBER 1?] 1861 + +On or about the 5th of October (the exact date to be determined +hereafter) I wish a movement made to seize and hold a point on the +railroad connecting Virginia and Tennessee near the mountain-pass +called Cumberland Gap. That point is now guarded against us by +Zollicoffer, with 6000 or 8000 rebels at Barboursville Ky.,--say +twenty-five miles from the Gap, toward Lexington. We have a force +of 5000 or 6000 under General Thomas, at Camp Dick Robinson, about +twenty-five miles from Lexington and seventy-five from Zollicoffer's +camp, On the road between the two. There is not a railroad anywhere +between Lexington and the point to be seized, and along the whole +length of which the Union sentiment among the people largely +predominates. We have military possession of the railroad from +Cincinnati to Lexington, and from Louisville to Lexington, and some +home guards, under General Crittenden, are on the latter line. We +have possession of the railroad from Louisville to Nashville, Tenn., +so far as Muldraugh's Hill, about forty miles, and the rebels have +possession of that road all south of there. At the Hill we have a +force of 8000, under General Sherman, and about an equal force of +rebels is a very short distance south, under General Buckner. + +We have a large force at Paducah, and a smaller at Port Holt, both on +the Kentucky side, with some at Bird's Point, Cairo, Mound City, +Evansville, and New Albany, all on the other side, and all which, +with the gunboats on the river, are perhaps sufficient to guard the +Ohio from Louisville to its mouth. + +About supplies of troops, my general idea is that all from Wisconsin, +Minnesota, Iowa, Illinois, Missouri, and Kansas, not now elsewhere, +be left to Fremont. All from Indiana and Michigan, not now +elsewhere, be sent to Anderson at Louisville. All from Ohio needed +in western Virginia be sent there, and any remainder be sent to +Mitchell at Cincinnati, for Anderson. All east of the mountains be +appropriated to McClellan and to the coast. + +As to movements, my idea is that the one for the coast and that on +Cumberland Gap be simultaneous, and that in the meantime preparation, +vigilant watching, and the defensive only be acted upon; this, +however, not to apply to Fremont's operations in northern and middle +Missouri. That before these movements Thomas and Sherman shall +respectively watch but not attack Zollicoffer and Buckner. That when +the coast and Gap movements shall be ready Sherman is merely to stand +fast, while all at Cincinnati and all at Louisville, with all on the +line, concentrate rapidly at Lexington, and thence to Thomas's camp, +joining him, and the whole thence upon the Gap. It is for the +military men to decide whether they can find a pass through the +mountains at or near the Gap which cannot be defended by the enemy +with a greatly inferior force, and what is to be done in regard to +this. + +The coast and Gap movements made, Generals McClellan and Fremont, in +their respective departments, will avail themselves of any advantages +the diversions may present. + +[He was entirely unable to get this started, Sherman would have taken +an active part if given him, the others were too busy getting lines +of communication guarded--and discovering many "critical" supply +items that had not been sent them. Also the commanding general did +not like it. D.W.] + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 4, 1861 + +HONORABLE SECRETARY OF STATE. + +DEAR SIR:--Please see Mr. Walker, well vouched as a Union man and +son-in-law of Governor Morehead, and pleading for his release. I +understand the Kentucky arrests were not made by special direction +from here, and I am willing if you are that any of the parties may be +released when James Guthrie and James Speed think they should be. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE VICEROY OF EGYPT. + +WASHINGTON, October 11, 1861. + +GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND:--I have received from Mr. Thayer, Consul- +General of the United States at Alexandria, a full account of the +liberal, enlightened, and energetic proceedings which, on his +complaint, you have adopted in bringing to speedy and condign +punishment the parties, subjects of your Highness in Upper Egypt, who +were concerned in an act of criminal persecution against Faris, an +agent of certain Christian missionaries in Upper Egypt. I pray your +Highness to be assured that these proceedings, at once so prompt and +so just, will be regarded as a new and unmistakable proof equally of +your Highness's friendship for the United States and of the firmness, +integrity and wisdom, with which the government of your Highness is +conducted. Wishing you great prosperity and success, I am your +friend, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +HIS HIGHNESS MOHAMMED SAID PACHA, +Viceroy of Egypt and its Dependencies, etc. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OF +HABEAS CORPUS. + +October 14 1861 + +LIEUTENANT-GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT: + +The military line of the United States for the suppression of the +insurrection may be extended so far as Bangor, in Maine. You and any +officer acting under your authority are hereby authorized to suspend +the writ of habeas corpus in any place between that place and the +city of Washington. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY OF INTERIOR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 14, 1861 + +HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + +DEAR SIR:--How is this? I supposed I was appointing for register of +wills a citizen of this District. Now the commission comes to me +"Moses Kelly, of New Hampshire." I do not like this. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TWO SONS WHO WANT TO WORK + +TO MAJOR RAMSEY. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 17, 1861 + +MAJOR RAMSEY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The lady bearer of this says she has two sons who want +to work. Set them at it if possible. Wanting to work is so rare a +want that it should be encouraged. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL THOMAS W. SHERMAN. + +WASHINGTON, October 18, 1861. + +GENERAL THOMAS SHERMAN, Annapolis, Md.: + +Your despatch of yesterday received and shown to General McClellan. +I have promised him not to direct his army here without his consent. +I do not think I shall come to Annapolis. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL CURTIS, WITH INCLOSURES. + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is a document--half letter, half order--which, +wishing you to see, but not to make public, I send unsealed. Please +read it and then inclose it to the officer who may be in command of +the Department of the West at the time it reaches him. I cannot now +know whether Fremont or Hunter will then be in command. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + +DEAR SIR:--On receipt of this, with the accompanying inclosures, you +will take safe, certain, and suitable measures to have the inclosure +addressed to Major-General Fremont delivered to him with all +reasonable despatch, subject to these conditions only: that if, when +General Fremont shall be reached by the messenger--yourself or any +one sent by you--he shall then have, in personal command, fought and +won a battle, or shall then be actually in a battle, or shall then be +in the immediate presence of the enemy in expectation of a battle, it +is not to be delivered, but held for further orders. After, and not +till after, the delivery to General Fremont, let the inclosure +addressed to General Hunter be delivered to him. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + +(General Orders No. 18.) +HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +Major-General Fremont, of the United States Army, the present +commander of the Western Department of the same, will, on the receipt +of this order, call Major-General Hunter, of the United States +Volunteers, to relieve him temporarily in that command, when he +(Major-General Fremont) will report to general headquarters by letter +for further orders. + +WINFIELD SCOTT. +By command: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General. + + + + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDER OF THE +DEPARTMENT OF THE WEST. + +SIR:--The command of the Department of the West having devolved upon +you, I propose to offer you a few suggestions. Knowing how hazardous +it is to bind down a distant commander in the field to specific lines +and operations, as so much always depends on a knowledge of +localities and passing events, it is intended, therefore, to leave a +considerable margin for the exercise of your judgment and discretion. + +The main rebel army (Price's) west of the Mississippi is believed to +have passed Dade County in full retreat upon northwestern Arkansas, +leaving Missouri almost freed from the enemy, excepting in the +southeast of the State. Assuming this basis of fact, it seems +desirable, as you are not likely to overtake Price, and are in danger +of making too long a line from your own base of supplies and +reinforcements, that you should give up the pursuit, halt your main +army, divide it into two corps of observation, one occupying Sedalia +and the other Rolla, the present termini of railroads; then recruit +the condition of both corps by re-establishing and improving their +discipline and instructions, perfecting their clothing and +equipments, and providing less uncomfortable quarters. Of course, +both railroads must be guarded and kept open, judiciously employing +just so much force as is necessary for this. From these two points, +Sedalia and Rolla, and especially in judicious cooperation with Lane +on the Kansas border, it would be so easy to concentrate and repel +any army of the enemy returning on Missouri from the southwest, that +it is not probable any such attempt will be made before or during the +approaching cold weather. Before spring the people of Missouri will +probably be in no favorable mood to renew for next year the troubles +which have so much afflicted and impoverished them during this. If +you adopt this line of policy, and if, as I anticipate, you will see +no enemy in great force approaching, you will have a surplus of force +which you can withdraw from these points and direct to others as may +be needed, the railroads furnishing ready means of reinforcing these +main points if occasion requires. Doubtless local uprisings will for +a time continue to occur, but these can be met by detachments and +local forces of our own, and will ere long tire out of themselves. + +While, as stated in the beginning of the letter, a large discretion +must be and is left with yourself, I feel sure that an indefinite +pursuit of Price or an attempt by this long and circuitous route to +reach Memphis will be exhaustive beyond endurance, and will end in +the loss of the whole force engaged in it. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER RETIRING GENERAL SCOTT AND APPOINTING +GENERAL McCLELLAN HIS SUCCESSOR. +(General Orders, No.94.) + +WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE + +WASHINGTON, November 1, 1861 + +The following order from the President of the United States, +announcing the retirement from active command of the honored veteran +Lieutenant general Winfield Scott, will be read by the army with +profound regret: + + + + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. + +November 1, 1861 + +On the 1st day of November, A.D. 1861, upon his own application to +the President of the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General +Winfield Scott is ordered to be placed, and hereby is placed, upon +the list of retired officers of the army of the United States, +without reduction in his current pay, subsistence, or allowances. + +The American people will hear with sadness and deep emotion that +General Scott has withdrawn from the active control of the army, +while the President and a unanimous Cabinet express their own and the +nation's sympathy in his personal affliction and their profound sense +of the important public services rendered by him to his country +during his long and brilliant career, among which will ever be +gratefully distinguished his faithful devotion to the Constitution, +the Union, and the flag when assailed by parricidal rebellion. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + + + +The President is pleased to direct that Major general George B. +McClellan assume the command of the army of the United States. The +headquarters of the army will be established in the city of +Washington. All communications intended for the commanding general +will hereafter be addressed direct to the adjutant-general. The +duplicate returns, orders, and other papers heretofore sent to the +assistant adjutant-general, headquarters of the army, will be +discontinued. + +By order of the Secretary of War: +L. THOMAS, Adjutant General. + + + + +ORDER APPROVING THE PLAN OF GOVERNOR GAMBLE +OF MISSOURI. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +November 5, 1861. + +The Governor of the State of Missouri, acting under the direction of +the convention of that State, proposes to the Government of the +United States that he will raise a military force to serve within the +State as State militia during the war there, to cooperate with the +troops in the service of the United States in repelling the invasion +of the State and suppressing rebellion therein; the said State +militia to be embodied and to be held in the camp and in the field, +drilled, disciplined, and governed according to the Army Regulations +and subject to the Articles of War; the said State militia not to be +ordered out of the State except for the immediate defense of the +State of Missouri, but to co-operate with the troops in the service +of the United States in military operations within the State or +necessary to its defense, and when officers of the State militia act +with officers in the service of the United States of the same grade +the officers of the United States service shall command the combined +force; the State militia to be armed, equipped, clothed, subsisted, +transported, and paid by the United States during such time as they +shall be actually engaged as an embodied military force in service in +accordance with regulations of the United States Army or general +orders as issued from time to time. + +In order that the Treasury of the United States may not be burdened +with the pay of unnecessary officers, the governor proposes that, +although the State law requires him to appoint upon the general staff +an adjutant-general, a commissary-general, an inspector-general, a +quartermaster-general, a paymaster-general, and a surgeon-general, +each with the rank of colonel of cavalry, yet he proposes that the +Government of the United States pay only the adjutant-general, the +quartermaster-general, and inspector-general, their services being +necessary in the relations which would exist between the State +militia and the United States. The governor further proposes that +while he is allowed by the State law to appoint aides-de-camp to the +governor at his discretion, with the rank of colonel, three only +shall be reported to the United States for payment. He also proposes +that the State militia shall be commanded by a single major-general +and by such number of brigadier-generals as shall allow one for a +brigade of not less than four regiments, and that no greater number +of staff officers shall be appointed for regimental, brigade, and +division duties than as provided for in the act of Congress of the +22d July, 1861; and that, whatever be the rank of such officers as +fixed by the law of the State, the compensation that they shall +receive from the United States shall only be that which belongs to +the rank given by said act of Congress to officers in the United +States service performing the same duties. + +The field officers of a regiment in the State militia are one +colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, and one major, and the company +officers are a captain, a first lieutenant, and a second lieutenant. +The governor proposes that, as the money to be disbursed is the money +of the United States, such staff officers in the service of the +United States as may be necessary to act as disbursing officers for +the State militia shall be assigned by the War Department for that +duty; or, if such cannot be spared from their present duty, he will +appoint such persons disbursing officers for the State militia as the +President of the United States may designate. Such regulations as +may be required, in the judgment of the President, to insure +regularity of returns and to protect the United States from any +fraudulent practices shall be observed and obeyed by all in office in +the State militia. + +The above propositions are accepted on the part of the United States, +and the Secretary of War is directed to make the necessary orders +upon the Ordnance, Quartermaster's, Commissary, Pay, and Medical +departments to carry this agreement into effect. He will cause the +necessary staff officers in the United States service to be detailed +for duty in connection with the Missouri State militia, and will +order them to make the necessary provision in their respective +offices for fulfilling this agreement. All requisitions upon the +different officers of the United States under this agreement to be +made in substance in the same mode for the Missouri State militia as +similar requisitions are made for troops in the service of the United +States; and the Secretary of War will cause any additional +regulations that may be necessary to insure regularity and economy in +carrying this agreement into effect to be adopted and communicated to +the Governor of Missouri for the government of the Missouri State +militia. + +[Indorsement.] + +November 6, 1861. + +This plan approved, with the modification that the governor +stipulates that when he commissions a major-general of militia it +shall be the same person at the time in command of the United States +Department of the West; and in case the United States shall change +such commander of the department, he (the governor) will revoke the +State commission given to the person relieved and give one to the +person substituted to the United States command of said department. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MINISTER FROM SWEDEN. + +November 8, 1861. + +SIR:--I receive with great pleasure a Minister from Sweden. That +pleasure is enhanced by the information which preceded your arrival +here, that his Majesty, your sovereign, had selected you to fill the +mission upon the grounds of your derivation from an ancestral stock +identified with the most glorious era of your country's noble +history, and your own eminent social and political standing in +Sweden. This country, sir, maintains, and means to maintain, the +rights of human nature, and the capacity of men for self-government. +The history of Sweden proves that this is the faith of the people of +Sweden, and we know that it is the faith and practice of their +respected sovereign. Rest assured, therefore, that we shall be found +always just and paternal in our transactions with your government, +and that nothing will be omitted on my part to make your residence in +this capital agreeable to yourself and satisfactory to your +government. + + + + +INDORSEMENT AUTHORIZING MARTIAL LAW IN SAINT LOUIS. + +St. Louis, November 20, 1861. +(Received Nov. 20th.) + +GENERAL McCLELLAN, + +For the President of the United States. + +No written authority is found here to declare and enforce martial law +in this department. Please send me such written authority and +telegraph me that it has been sent by mail. + +H. W. HALLECK, +Major-General. + + +[Indorsement.] +November 21, 1861. + +If General McClellan and General Halleck deem it necessary to declare +and maintain martial law in Saint Louis, the same is hereby +authorized. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +OFFER TO COOPERATE AND GIVE SPECIAL LINE OF INFORMATION TO HORACE +GREELEY + +TO GOVERNOR WALKER. + +WASHINGTON, November 21, 1861 + +DEAR GOVERNOR:--I have thought over the interview which Mr. Gilmore +has had with Mr. Greeley, and the proposal that Greeley has made to +Gilmore, namely, that he [Gilmore] shall communicate to him [Greeley] +all that he learns from you of the inner workings of the +administration, in return for his [Greeley's] giving such aid as he +can to the new magazine, and allowing you [Walker] from time to time +the use of his [Greeley's] columns when it is desirable to feel of, +or forestall, public opinion on important subjects. The arrangement +meets my unqualified approval, and I shall further it to the extent +of my ability, by opening to you--as I do now--fully the policy of +the Government,--its present views and future intentions when formed, +giving you permission to communicate them to Gilmore for Greeley; and +in case you go to Europe I will give these things direct to Gilmore. +But all this must be on the express and explicit understanding that +the fact of these communications coming from me shall be absolutely +confidential,--not to be disclosed by Greeley to his nearest friend, +or any of his subordinates. He will be, in effect, my mouthpiece, +but I must not be known to be the speaker. + +I need not tell you that I have the highest confidence in Mr. +Greeley. He is a great power. Having him firmly behind me will be +as helpful to me as an army of one hundred thousand men. + +This was to be most severely regretted, when Greeley became a traitor +to the cause, editorialized for compromise and separation--and +promoted McClellan as Democratic candidate for the Presidency. + +That he has ever kicked the traces has been owing to his not being +fully informed. Tell Gilmore to say to him that, if he ever objects +to my policy, I shall be glad to have him state to me his views +frankly and fully. I shall adopt his if I can. If I cannot, I will +at least tell him why. He and I should stand together, and let no +minor differences come between us; for we both seek one end, which is +the saving of our country. Now, Governor, this is a longer letter +than I have written in a month,--longer than I would have written for +any other man than Horace Greeley. + +Your friend, truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +P. S.--The sooner Gilmore sees Greeley the better, as you may before +long think it wise to ventilate our policy on the Trent affair. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL HALLECK TO SUSPEND +THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, + +DECEMBER 2, 1861. + +MAJOR-GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, +Commanding in the Department of Missouri. + +GENERAL:--As an insurrection exists in the United States, and is in +arms in the State of Missouri, you are hereby authorized and +empowered to suspend the writ of habeas corpus within the limits of +the military division under your command, and to exercise martial law +as you find it necessary in your discretion to secure the public +safety and the authority of the United States. + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the +seal of the United States to be affixed at Washington, this second +day of December, A.D. 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. +WASHINGTON, December 3, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--In the +midst of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great +gratitude to God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests. + +You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of +the times our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with +profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs. + +A disloyal portion of the American people have during the whole year +been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation +which endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect +abroad, and one party, if not both, is sure sooner or later to invoke +foreign intervention. + +Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the +counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although +measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate +and injurious to those adopting them. + +The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin +of our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have +invoked abroad have received less patronage and encouragement than +they probably expected. If it were just to suppose, as the +insurgents have seemed to assume, that foreign nations in this case, +discarding all moral, social, and treaty obligations, would act +solely and selfishly for the most speedy restoration of commerce, +including especially the acquisition of cotton, those nations appear +as yet not to have seen their way to their object more directly or +clearly through the destruction than through the preservation of the +Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign nations are actuated +by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a sound argument +could be made to show them that they can reach their aim more readily +and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion than by giving +encouragement to it. + +The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign +nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the +embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably +saw from the first that it was the Union which made as well our +foreign as our domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to +perceive that the effort for disunion produces the existing +difficulty, and that one strong nation promises more durable peace +and a more extensive, valuable, and reliable commerce than can the +same nation broken into hostile fragments. + +It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states, +because, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the +integrity of our country and the stability of our government mainly +depend not upon them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and +intelligence of the American people. The correspondence itself, with +the usual reservations, is herewith submitted. + +I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and +liberality toward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation and +with firmness maintaining our own rights and honor. + +Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state, +foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recommend +that adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the +public defenses on every side. While under this general +recommendation provision for defending our seacoast line readily +occurs to the mind, I also in the same connection ask the attention +of Congress to our great lakes and rivers. It is believed that some +fortifications and depots of arms and munitions, with harbor and +navigation improvements, all at well-selected points upon these, +would be of great importance to the national defense and preservation +I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War, expressed in +his report, upon the same general subject. + +I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of east Tennessee and +western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky and other +faithful parts of the Union by rail-road. I therefore recommend, as +a military measure, that Congress provide for the construction of +such rail-road as speedily as possible. Kentucky will no doubt +co-operate, and through her Legislature make the most judicious +selection of a line. The northern terminus must connect with some +existing railroad, and whether the route shall be from Lexington or +Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, or from Lebanon to the Tennessee +line, in the direction of Knoxville, or on some still different line, +can easily be determined. Kentucky and the General Government +co-operating, the work can be completed in a very short time, and +when done it will be not only of vast present usefulness but also a +valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost in all the future. + +Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and +having no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and will +be submitted to the Senate for their consideration. + +Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers to +adopt a desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we have +removed all obstructions from the way of this humane reform except +such as are merely of temporary and accidental occurrence. + +I invite your attention to the correspondence between her Britannic +Majesty's minister accredited to this government and the Secretary of +State relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire in +June last by the United States steamer Massachusetts for a supposed +breach of the blockade. As this detention was occasioned by an +obvious misapprehension of the facts, and as justice requires that we +should commit no belligerent act not founded in strict right as +sanctioned by public law, I recommend that an appropriation be made +to satisfy the reasonable demand of the owners of the vessel for her +detention. + +I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor in his annual message +to Congress in December last in regard to the disposition of the +surplus which will probably remain after satisfying the claims of +American citizens against China, pursuant to the awards of the +commissioners under the act of the 3d of March, 1859. If, however, +it should not be deemed advisable to carry that recommendation into +effect, I would suggest that authority be given for investing the +principal, or the proceeds of the surplus referred to, in good +securities, with a view to the satisfaction of such other just claims +of our citizens against China as are not unlikely to arise hereafter +in the course of our extensive trade with that empire. + +By the act of the 5th of August last Congress authorized the +President to instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend +themselves against and to capture pirates. His authority has been +exercised in a single instance only. For the more effectual +protection of our extensive and valuable commerce in the Eastern seas +especially, it seems to me that it would also be advisable to +authorize the commanders of sailing vessels to recapture any prizes +which pirates may make of United States vessels and their cargoes, +and the consular courts now established by law in Eastern countries +to adjudicate the cases in the event that this should not be objected +to by the local authorities. + +If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in +withholding our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of +Haiti and Liberia, I am unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to +inaugurate a novel policy in regard to them without the approbation +of Congress, I submit for your consideration the expediency of an +appropriation for maintaining a charge d'affaires near each of those +new States. It does not admit of doubt that important commercial +advantages might be secured by favorable treaties with them. + +The operations of the treasury during the period which has elapsed +since your adjournment have been conducted with signal success. The +patriotism of the people has placed at the disposal of the government +the large means demanded by the public exigencies. Much of the +national loan has been taken by citizens of the industrial classes, +whose confidence in their country's faith and zeal for their +country's deliverance from present peril have induced them to +contribute to the support of the government the whole of their +limited acquisitions. This fact imposes peculiar obligations to +economy in disbursement and energy in action. + +The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial year +ending on the 30th of June, 1861, was $86,835,900.27, and the +expenditures for the same period, including payments on account of +the public debt, were $84,578,834.47, leaving a balance in the +treasury on the 1st of July of $2,257,065.80. For the first quarter +of the financial year ending on the 3oth of September, 1861, the +receipts from all sources, including the balance of the 1st of July, +were $102,532,509.27, and the expenses $98,239733.09, leaving a +balance on the 1st of October, 1861, of $4,292,776.18. + +Estimates for the remaining three quarters of the year and for the +financial year 1863, together with his views of ways and means for +meeting the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to +Congress by the Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know +that the expenditures made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond +the resources of the loyal people, and to believe that the same +patriotism which has thus far sustained the government will continue +to sustain it till peace and union shall again bless the land. + +I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War for +information respecting the numerical strength of the army and for +recommendations having in view an increase of its efficiency and the +well-being of the various branches of the service intrusted to his +care. It is gratifying to know that the patriotism of the people has +proved equal to the occasion, and that the number of troops tendered +greatly exceeds the force which Congress authorized me to call into +the field. + +I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make +allusion to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by +our troops and to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire +army. + +The recommendation of the Secretary for an organization of the +militia upon a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to the +future safety of the country, and is commended to the serious +attention of Congress. + +The large addition to the regular army, in connection with the +defection that has so considerably diminished the number of its +officers, gives peculiar importance to his recommendation for +increasing the corps of cadets to the greatest capacity of the +Military Academy. + +By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chaplains +for hospitals occupied by volunteers. This subject was brought to my +notice, and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy +of which, properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the +persons, and at the dates respectively named and stated in a +schedule, containing also the form of the letter, marked A, and +herewith transmitted. + +These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated at +the times respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored +faithfully therein ever since. I therefore recommend that they be +compensated at the same rate as chaplains in the army. I further +suggest that general provision be made for chaplains to serve at +hospitals, as well as with regiments. + +The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the +operations of that branch of the service, the activity and energy +which have characterized its administration, and the results of +measures to increase its efficiency and power such have been the +additions, by construction and purchase, that it may almost be said a +navy has been created and brought into service since our difficulties +commenced. + +Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than ever +before assembled under our flag have been put afloat and performed +deeds which have increased our naval renown. + +I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the +Secretary for a more perfect organization of the navy by introducing +additional grades in the service. + +The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the +suggestions submitted by the department will, it is believed, if +adopted, obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote harmony, and +increase the efficiency of the navy. + +There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court--two by +the decease of Justices Daniel and McLean and one by the resignation +of Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne making nominations to +fill these vacancies for reasons which I will now state. Two of the +outgoing judges resided within the States now overrun by revolt, so +that if successors were appointed in the same localities they could +not now serve upon their circuits; and many of the most competent men +there probably would not take the personal hazard of accepting to +serve, even here, upon the Supreme bench. I have been unwilling to +throw all the appointments north-ward, thus disabling myself from +doing justice to the South on the return of peace; although I may +remark that to transfer to the North one which has heretofore been in +the South would not, with reference to territory and population, be +unjust. + +During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean his +circuit grew into an empire-altogether too large for any one judge to +give the courts therein more than a nominal attendance--rising in +population from 1,470,018 in 1830 to 6,151,405 in 1860. + +Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present judicial +system. If uniformity was at all intended, the system requires that +all the States shall be accommodated with circuit courts, attended by +Supreme judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, +Florida, Texas, California, and Oregon have never had any such +courts. Nor can this well be remedied without a change in the +system, because the adding of judges to the Supreme Court, enough for +the accommodation of all parts of the country with circuit courts, +would create a court altogether too numerous for a judicial body of +any sort. And the evil, if it be one, will increase as new States +come into the Union. Circuit courts are useful or they are not +useful. If useful, no State should be denied them; if not useful, no +State should have them. Let them be provided for all or abolished as +to all. + +Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would be +an improvement upon our present system. Let the Supreme Court be of +convenient number in every event; then, first, let the whole country +be divided into circuits of convenient size, the Supreme judges to +serve in a number of them corresponding to their own number, and +independent circuit judges be provided for all the rest; or, +secondly, let the Supreme judges be relieved from circuit duties and +circuit judges provided for all the circuits; or, thirdly, dispense +with circuit courts altogether, leaving the judicial functions wholly +to the district courts and an independent Supreme Court. + +I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the present +condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be +able to find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils +which constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical +administration of them. Since the Organization of the government, +Congress has enacted some 5000 acts and joint resolutions, which fill +more than 6000 closely printed pages and are scattered through many +volumes. Many of these acts have been drawn in haste and without +sufficient caution, so that their provisions are often obscure in +themselves or in conflict with each other, or at least so doubtful as +to render it very difficult for even the best-informed persons to +ascertain precisely what the statute law really is. + +It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be made as +plain and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a +compass as may consist with the fullness and precision of the will of +the Legislature and the perspicuity of its language. This well done +would, I think, greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty it +is to assist in the administration of the laws, and would be a +lasting benefit to the people, by placing before them in a more +accessible and intelligible form the laws which so deeply concern +their interests arid their duties. + +I am informed by some whose opinions I respect that all the acts of +Congress now in force and of a permanent and general nature might be +revised and rewritten so as to be embraced in one volume (or at most +two volumes) of ordinary and convenient size; and I respectfully +recommend to Congress to consider of the subject, and if my +suggestion be approved to devise such plan as to their wisdom shall +seem most proper for the attainment of the end proposed. + +One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is +the entire suppression in many places of all the ordinary means of +administering civil justice by the officers and in the forms of +existing law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the +insurgent States; and as our armies advance upon and take possession +of parts of those States the practical evil becomes more apparent. +There are no courts or officers to whom the citizens of other States +may apply for the enforcement of their lawful claims against citizens +of the insurgent States, and there is a vast amount of debt +constituting such claims. Some have estimated it as high as +$200,000,000, due in large part from insurgents in open rebellion to +loyal citizens who are even now making great sacrifices in the +discharge of their patriotic duty to support the government. + + +Under these circumstances I have been urgently solicited to +establish, by military power, courts to administer summary justice in +such cases. I have thus far declined to do it, not because I had any +doubt that the end proposed--the collection of the debts--was just +and right in itself, but because I have been unwilling to go beyond +the pressure of necessity in the unusual exercise of power. But the +powers of Congress, I suppose, are equal to the anomalous occasion, +and therefore I refer the whole matter to Congress, with the hope +that a plan maybe devised for the administration of justice in all +such parts of the insurgent States and Territories as may be under +the control of this government, whether by a voluntary return to +allegiance and order or by the power of our arms; this, however, not +to be a permanent institution, but a temporary substitute, and to +cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be reestablished in peace. + +It is important that some more convenient means should be provided, +if possible, for the adjustment of claims against the government, +especially in view of their increased number by reason of the war. +It is as much the duty of government to render prompt justice against +itself in favor of citizens as it is to administer the same between +private individuals. The investigation and adjudication of claims in +their nature belong to the judicial department. Besides, it is +apparent that the attention of Congress will be more than usually +engaged for some time to come with great national questions. It was +intended by the organization of the Court of Claims mainly to remove +this branch of business from the halls of Congress; but, while the +court has proved to be an effective and valuable means of +investigation, it in great degree fails to effect the object of its +creation for want of power to make its judgments final. + +Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger of the subject, I +commend to your careful consideration whether this power of making +judgments final may not properly be given to the court, reserving the +right of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such +other provisions as experience may have shown to be necessary. + +I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster general, the +following being a summary statement of the condition of the +department: + +The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, +1861, including the annual permanent appropriation of $700,000 for +the transportation of "free mail matter," was $9,049,296.40, being +about 2 per cent. less than the revenue for 1860. + +The expenditures were $13,606,759.11, showing a decrease of more than +8 per cent. as compared with those of the previous year and leaving +an excess of expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal year +of $4,557,462.71. + +The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated at +an increase of 4 per cent. on that of 1861, making $8,683,000, to +which should be added the earnings of the department in carrying free +matter, viz., $700,000, making $9,383,000. + +The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,528,000, leaving +an estimated deficiency of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the +treasury in addition to the permanent appropriation. + +The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this +District across the Potomac River at the time of establishing the +capital here was eminently wise, and consequently that the +relinquishment of that portion of it which lies within the State of +Virginia was unwise and dangerous. I submit for your consideration +the expediency of regaining that part of the District and the +restoration of the original boundaries thereof through negotiations +with the State of Virginia. + +The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompanying +documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the +public business pertaining to that department. The depressing +influences of the insurrection have been specially felt in the +operations of the Patent and General Land Offices. The cash receipts +from the sales of public lands during the past year have exceeded the +expenses of our land system only about $200,000. The sales have been +entirely suspended in the Southern States, while the interruptions to +the business of the country and the diversion of large numbers of men +from labor to military service have obstructed settlements in the new +States and Territories of the Northwest. + +The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months about +$100,000.00 rendering a large reduction of the force employed +necessary to make it self-sustaining. + +The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by the +insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the +casualties of the existing war, have already been made. There is +reason to believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls and in +receipt of the bounty of the government are in the ranks of the +insurgent army or giving them aid and comfort. The Secretary of the +Interior has directed a suspension of the payment of the pensions of +such persons upon proof of their disloyalty. I recommend that +Congress authorize that officer to cause the names of such persons to +be stricken from the pension rolls. + +The relations of the government with the Indian tribes have been +greatly disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the southern +superintendency and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south +of Kansas is in the possession of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. +The agents of the United States appointed since the 4th of March for +this superintendency have been unable to reach their posts, while the +most of those who were in office before that time have espoused the +insurrectionary cause, and assume to exercise the powers of agents by +virtue of commissions from the insurrectionists. It has been stated +in the public press that a portion of those Indians have been +organized as a military force and are attached to the army of the +insurgents. Although the government has no official information upon +this subject, letters have been written to the Commissioner of Indian +Affairs by several prominent chiefs giving assurance of their loyalty +to the United States and expressing a wish for the presence of +Federal troops to protect them. It is believed that upon the +repossession of the country by the Federal forces the Indians will +readily cease all hostile demonstrations and resume their former +relations to the government. + +Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not +a department nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in +the government. While it is fortunate that this great interest is so +independent in its nature as not to have demanded and extorted more +from the government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether +something more cannot be given voluntarily with general advantage. + +Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture, commerce, +and manufactures would present a fund of information of great +practical value to the country. While I make no suggestion as to +details, I venture the opinion that an agricultural and statistical +bureau might profitably be organized. + +The execution of the laws for the suppression of the African slave +trade has been confided to the Department of the Interior. It is a +subject of gratulation that the efforts which have been made for the +suppression of this inhuman traffic have been recently attended with +unusual success. Five vessels being fitted out for the slave trade +have been seized and condemned. Two mates of vessels engaged in the +trade and one person in equipping a vessel as a slaver have been +convicted and subjected to the penalty of fine and imprisonment, and +one captain, taken with a cargo of Africans on board his vessel, has +been convicted of the highest grade of offense under our laws, the +punishment of which is death. + +The Territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada, created by the last +Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been +inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying when it is +considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of +these new countries when the Federal officers arrived there. + +The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the +security and protection afforded by organized government, will +doubtless invite to them a large immigration when peace shall restore +the business of the country to its accustomed channels. I submit the +resolutions of the Legislature of Colorado, which evidence the +patriotic spirit of the people of the Territory. So far the +authority of the United States has been upheld in all the +Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the future. I commend +their interests and defense to the enlightened and generous care of +Congress. + +I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the interests +of the District of Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause of +much suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants, and as they have no +representative in Congress that body should not overlook their just +claims upon the government. + +At your late session a joint resolution was adopted authorizing the +President to take measures for facilitating a proper representation +of the industrial interests of the United States at the exhibition of +the industry of all nations to be holden at London in the year 1862. +I regret to say I have been unable to give personal attention to this +subject--a subject at once so interesting in itself and so +extensively and intimately connected with the material prosperity of +the world. Through the Secretaries of State and of the Interior a +plan or system has been devised and partly matured, and which will be +laid before you. + +Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled "An act to +confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved +August 6, 1861, the legal claims of certain persons to the labor and +service of certain other persons have become forfeited, and numbers +of the latter thus liberated are already dependent on the United +States, and must be provided for in some way. Besides this, it is +not impossible that some of the States will pass similar enactments +for their own benefit respectively, and by operation of which persons +of the same class will be thrown upon them for disposal. In such +case I recommend that Congress provide for accepting such persons +from such States, according to some mode of valuation, in lieu, pro +tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed on with +such States respectively; that such persons, on such acceptance by +the General Government, be at once deemed free, and that in any event +steps be taken for colonizing both classes (or the one first +mentioned if the other shall not be brought into existence) at some +place or places in a climate congenial to them. It might be well to +consider, too, whether the free colored people already in the United +States could not, so far as individuals may desire, be included in +such colonization. + +To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of +territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be +expended in the territorial acquisition. Having practised the +acquisition of territory for nearly sixty years, the question of +constitutional power to do so is no longer an open one with us. The +power was questioned at first by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the +purchase of Louisiana, yielded his scruples on the plea of great +expediency. If it be said that the only legitimate object of +acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white men, this measure +effects that object, for emigration of colored men leaves additional +room for white men remaining or coming here. Mr. Jefferson, however, +placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on political and +commercial grounds than on providing room for population. + +On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with +the acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to +absolute necessity--that without which the government itself cannot +be perpetuated? + +The war continues. In considering the policy to be adopted for +suppressing the insurrection I have been anxious and careful that the +inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a +violent and remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have therefore in +every case thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Union +prominent as the primary object of the contest on our part, leaving +all questions which are not of vital military importance to the more +deliberate action of the Legislature. + +In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the blockade +of the ports held by the insurgents, instead of putting in force by +proclamation the law of Congress enacted at the late session for +closing those ports. + +So also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well as the obligations +of law, instead of transcending I have adhered to the act of Congress +to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new +law upon the same subject shall be proposed, its propriety will be +duly considered. The Union must be preserved, and hence all +indispensable means must be employed. We should not be in haste to +determine that radical and extreme measures, which may reach the +loyal as well as the disloyal, are indispensable. + +The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration and the +message to Congress at the late special session were both mainly +devoted to topics domestic controversy out of which the insurrection +and consequent war have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add or +subtract to or from the principles or general purposes stated and +expressed in those documents. + +The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expired at +the assault upon Fort Sumter, and a general review of what has +occurred since may not be unprofitable. What was painfully uncertain +then is much better defined and more distinct now, and the progress +of events is plainly in the right direction. The insurgents +confidently claimed a strong support from north of Mason and Dixon's +line, and the friends of the Union were not free from apprehension on +the point. This, however, was soon settled definitely, and on the +right side. South of the line noble little Delaware led off right +from the first. Maryland was made to seem against the Union. Our +soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and railroads torn up +within her limits, and we were many days at one time without the +ability to bring a single regiment over her soil to the capital. Now +her bridges and railroads are repaired and open to the government; +she already gives seven regiments to the cause of the Union, and none +to the enemy; and her people, at a regular election, have sustained +the Union by a larger majority and a larger aggregate vote than they +ever before gave to any candidate or any question. Kentucky, too, +for some time in doubt, is now decidedly and, I think, unchangeably +ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri is comparatively quiet, +and, I believe, can, not again be overrun by the insurrectionists. +These three States of Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, neither of +which would promise a single soldier at first, have now an aggregate +of not less than forty thousand in the field for the Union, while of +their citizens certainly not more than a third of that number, and +they of doubtful whereabouts and doubtful existence, are in arms +against us. After a somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter +closes on the Union people of western Virginia, leaving them masters +of their own country. + +An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months dominating +the narrow peninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac and +Northampton, and known as Eastern Shore of Virginia, together with +some contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms, and the +people there have renewed their allegiance to and accepted the +protection of the old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist +north of the Potomac or east of the Chesapeake. + +Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points on the +southern coast of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island (near Savannah), +and Ship Island; and we likewise have some general accounts of +popular movements in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and +Tennessee. + +These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing +steadily and certainly southward. + +Since your last adjournment Lieutenant-General Scott has retired from +the head of the army. During his long life the nation has not been +unmindful of his merit; yet on calling to mind how faithfully, ably, +and brilliantly he has served the country, from a time far back in +our history, when few of the now living had been born, and +thenceforward continually, I cannot but think we are still his +debtors. I submit, therefore, for your consideration what further +mark of recognition is due to him, and to ourselves as a grateful +people. + +With the retirement of General Scott came the Executive duty of +appointing in his stead a general-in-chief of the army. It is a +fortunate circumstance that neither in council nor country was there, +so far as I know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person +to be selected. The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment +in favor of General McClellan for the position, and in this the +nation seemed to give a unanimous concurrence. The designation of +General McClellan is therefore in considerable degree the selection +of the country as well as of the Executive, and hence there is better +reason to hope there will be given him the confidence and cordial +support thus by fair implication promised, and without which he +cannot with so full efficiency serve the country. + +It has been said that one bad general is better than two good ones, +and the saying is true if taken to mean no more than that an army is +better directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two +superior ones at variance and cross-purposes with each other. + +And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged +can have none but a common end in view and can differ only as to the +choice of means. In a storm at sea no one on hoard can wish the ship +to sink, and yet not unfrequently all go down together because too +many will direct and no single mind can be allowed to control. + +It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not +exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government-- +the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in +the most grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as +in the general tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find +the abridgment of the existing right of suffrage and the denial to +the people of all right to participate in the selection of public +officers except the legislative boldly advocated, with labored +arguments to prove that large control of the people in government is +the source of all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes +hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people. + +In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit +raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. +It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be +made in favor of popular institutions, but there is one point, with +its connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a +brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal +footing with, if not above, labor in the structure of government. It +is assumed that labor is available only in connection with capital; +that nobody labors unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow by +the use of it induces him to labor. This assumed, it is next +considered whether it is best that capital shall hire laborers, and +thus induce them to work by their own consent, or buy them and drive +them to it without their consent. Having proceeded so far, it is +naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers or +what we call slaves. And further, it is assumed that whoever is once +a hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life. + +Now there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed, +nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the +condition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and +all inferences from them are groundless. + +Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the +fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first +existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the +higher consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of +protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and +probably always will be, a relation between labor and capital +producing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole +labor of community exists within that relation. A few men own +capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and with their capital +hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong +to neither class--neither work for others nor have others working for +them. In most of the Southern States a majority of the whole people +of all colors are neither slaves nor masters, while in the Northern a +large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men, with their +families--wives, sons, and daughters,--work for themselves on their +farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product +to themselves, and asking no favors of capital on the one hand nor of +hired laborers or slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a +considerable number of persons mingle their own labor with capital; +that is, they labor with their own hands and also buy or hire others +to labor for them; but this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. +No principle stated is disturbed by the existence of this mixed +class. + +Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such +thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for +life. Many independent men everywhere in these States a few years +back in their lives were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless +beginner in the world labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with +which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors on his own +account another while, and at length hires another new beginner to +help him. This is the just and generous and prosperous system which +opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and consequent energy and +progress and improvement of condition to all. No men living are more +worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty; none less +inclined to take or touch aught which they have not honestly earned. +Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they already +possess, and which if surrendered will surely be used to close the +door of advancement against such as they and to fix new disabilities +and burdens upon them till all of liberty shall be lost. + +From the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy +years, and we find our population at the end of the period eight +times as great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those +other things which men deem desirable has been even greater. We thus +have at one view what the popular principle, applied to government +through the machinery of the States and the Union, has produced in a +given time, and also what if firmly maintained it promises for the +future. There are already among us those who if the Union be +preserved will live to see it contain 200,000,000. The struggle of +to-day is not altogether for to-day; it is for a vast future also. +With a reliance on Providence all the more firm and earnest, let us +proceed in the great task which events have devolved upon us. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, December 20, 1861. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a letter from the secretary of the executive +committee of the commission appointed to represent the interests of +those American citizens who may desire to become exhibitors at the +industrial exhibition to be held in London in 1862, and a memorial of +that commission, with a report of the executive committee thereof and +copies of circulars announcing the decisions of Her Majesty's +commissioners in London, giving directions to be observed in regard +to articles intended for exhibition, and also of circular forms of +application, demands for space, approvals, etc., according to the +rules prescribed by the British commissioners. + +As these papers fully set forth the requirements necessary to enable +those citizens of the United States who may wish to become exhibitors +to avail themselves of the privileges of the exhibition, I commend +them to your early consideration, especially in view of the near +approach of the time when the exhibition will begin. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER OF REPRIMAND TO GENERAL HUNTER + +TO GENERAL HUNTER. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +Dec.31, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 23d is received, and I am constrained to say +it is difficult to answer so ugly a letter in good temper. I am, as +you intimate, losing much of the great confidence I placed in you, +not from any act or omission of yours touching the public service, up +to the time you were sent to Leavenworth, but from the flood of +grumbling despatches and letters I have seen from you since. I knew +you were being ordered to Leavenworth at the time it was done; and I +aver that with as tender a regard for your honor and your +sensibilities as I had for my own, it never occurred to me that you +were being "humiliated, insulted, and disgraced"; nor have I, up to +this day, heard an intimation that you have been wronged, coming from +any one but yourself. No one has blamed you for the retrograde +movement from Springfield, nor for the information you gave General +Cameron; and this you could readily understand, if it were not for +your unwarranted assumption that the ordering you to Leavenworth must +necessarily have been done as a punishment for some fault. I thought +then, and think yet, the position assigned to you is as responsible, +and as honorable, as that assigned to Buell--I know that General +McClellan expected more important results from it. My impression is +that at the time you were assigned to the new Western Department, it +had not been determined to replace General Sherman in Kentucky; but +of this I am not certain, because the idea that a command in Kentucky +was very desirable, and one in the farther West undesirable, had +never occurred to me. You constantly speak of being placed in +command of only 3000. Now, tell me, is this not mere impatience? +Have you not known all the while that you are to command four or five +times that many. + +I have been, and am sincerely your friend; and if, as such, I dare to +make a suggestion, I would say you are adopting the best possible way +to ruin yourself. "Act well your part, there all the honor lies." He +who does something at the head of one regiment, will eclipse him who +does nothing at the head of a hundred. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HALLECK. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., December 31, 1861 + +GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + +General McClellan is sick. Are General Buell and yourself in +concert? When he moves on Bowling Green, what hinders it being +reinforced from Columbus? A simultaneous movement by you on Columbus +might prevent it. + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Similar despatch to Buell same date.] + + + + + + +1862 + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +WASHINGTON CITY, January 1, 1862 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL, Louisville: + +General McClellan should not yet be disturbed with business. I think +you better get in concert with General Halleck at once. I write you +to-night. I also telegraph and write Halleck. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, January 1, 1862 + +DEAR GENERAL HALLECK: + +General McClellan is not dangerously ill, as I hope, but would better +not be disturbed with business. I am very anxious that, in case of +General Buell's moving toward Nashville, the enemy shall not be +greatly reinforced, and I think there is danger he will be from +Columbus. It seems to me that a real or feigned attack upon Columbus +from up the river at the same time would either prevent this or +compensate for it by throwing Columbus into our hands. I wrote +General Buell a letter similar to this, meaning that he and you shall +communicate and act in concert, unless it be your judgment and his +that there is no necessity for it. You and he will understand much +better than I how to do it. Please do not lose time in this matter. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND, + +In view of the recent declaration of the people of Maryland of their +adhesion to the Union, so distinctly made in their recent election, +the President directs that all the prisoners who having heretofore +been arrested in that State are now detained in military custody by +the President's authority, be released from their imprisonment on the +following conditions, namely: that if they were holding any civil or +military offices when arrested, the terms of which have expired, they +shall not resume or reclaim such office; and secondly, all persons +availing themselves of this proclamation shall engage by oath or +parole of honor to maintain the Union and the Constitution of the +United States, and in no way to aid or abet by arms, counsel, +conversation, or information of any kind the existing insurrection +against the Government of the United States. + +To guard against misapprehension it is proper to state that this +proclamation does not apply to prisoners of war. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 2, 1862 + +To THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES + +I transmit to Congress a copy of a letter to the Secretary of State +from James R. Partridge, secretary to the executive committee to the +in exhibition to be held in London in the course present year, and a +copy of the correspond which it refers, relative to a vessel for the +of taking such articles as persons in this country may wish to +exhibit on that occasion. As it appears no naval vessel can be spared +for the purpose, I recommend that authority be given to charter a +suitable merchant vessel, in order that facilities similar to those +afforded by the government exhibition of 1851 may also be extended to +citizens of the United States who may desire to contribute to the +exhibition of this year. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + + + + +MESSAGES OF DISAPPOINTMENT WITH HIS GENERALS + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +WASHINGTON, January 4, 1862. + +GENERAL BUELL: + +Have arms gone forward for East Tennessee? Please tell me the +progress and condition of the movement in that direction. Answer. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +January 6, 1862. + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your despatch of yesterday has been received, and it +disappoints and distresses me. I have shown it to General McClellan, +who says he will write you to-day. I am not competent to criticize +your views, and therefore what I offer is in justification of myself. +Of the two, I would rather have a point on the railroad south of +Cumberland Gap than Nashville. First, because it cuts a great artery +of the enemy's communication, which Nashville does not; and secondly, +because it is in the midst of loyal people who would rally around it, +while Nashville is not. Again, I cannot see why the movement on East +Tennessee would not be a diversion in your favor rather than a +disadvantage, assuming that a movement toward Nashville is the main +object. But my distress is that our friends in East Tennessee are +being hanged and driven to despair, and even now, I fear, are +thinking of taking rebel arms for the sake of personal protection. +In this we lose the most valuable stake we have in the South. My +despatch, to which yours is an answer, was sent with the knowledge of +Senator Johnson and Representative Maynard of East Tennessee, and +they will be upon me to know the answer, which I cannot safely show +them. They would despair, possibly resign to go and save their +families somehow, or die with them. I do not intend this to be an +order in any sense, but merely, as intimated before, to show you the +grounds of my anxiety. + +Yours very truly, + + A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUELL. + +WASHINGTON, January 7, 1862. + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL D.C. BUELL, Louisville: + +Please name as early a day as you safely can on or before which you +can be ready to move southward in concert with Major-General Halleck. +Delay is ruining us, and it is indispensable for me to have something +definite. I send a like despatch to Major-General Halleck. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 10, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the +minister of his Majesty the Emperor of Austria accredited to this +government, and a copy of a note to that minister from the Secretary +of State relative to the questions involved in the taking from the +British steamer Trent of certain citizens of the United States by +order of Captain Wilkes of the United States Navy. This +correspondence may be considered as a sequel to that previously +communicated to Congress relating to the same subject. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GENERAL HALLECK, +JANUARY 10, 1862. + +HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSOURI +ST. Louis, January 6, 1862. + +To His EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT: + +In reply to your Excellency's letter of the 1st instant, I have to +state that on receiving your telegram I immediately communicated with +General Buell and have since sent him all the information I could +obtain of the enemy's movements about Columbus and Camp Beauregard. +No considerable force has been sent from those places to Bowling +Green. They have about 22,000 men at Columbus, and the place is +strongly fortified. I have at Cairo, Port Holt, and Paducah only +about 15,000, which, after leaving guards at these places, would give +me but little over 10,000 men with which to assist General Buell. It +would be madness to attempt anything serious with such a force, and I +cannot at the present time withdraw any from Missouri without risking +the loss of this State. The troops recently raised in other States +of this department have, without my knowledge, been sent to Kentucky +and Kansas. + +I am satisfied that the authorities at Washington do not appreciate +the difficulties with which we have to contend here. The operations +of Lane, Jennison, and others have so enraged the people of Missouri +that it is estimated that there is a majority of 80,000 against the +government. We are virtually in an enemy's country. Price and +others have a considerable army in the southwest, against which I am +operating with all my available force. + +This city and most of the middle and northern counties are +insurrectionary,--burning bridges, destroying telegraph lines, etc.,- +-and can be kept down only by the presence of troops. A large +portion of the foreign troops organized by General Fremont are +unreliable; indeed, many of them are already mutinous. They have +been tampered with by politicians, and made to believe that if they +get up a mutiny and demand Fremont's return the government will be +forced to restore him to duty here. It is believed that some high +officers are in the plot I have already been obliged to disarm +several of these organizations, and I am daily expecting more serious +outbreaks. Another grave difficulty is the want of proper general +officers to command the troops and enforce order and discipline, and +especially to protect public property from robbery and plunder. Some +of the brigadier-generals assigned to this department are entirely +ignorant of their duties and unfit for any command. I assure you, +Mr. President, it is very difficult to accomplish much with such +means. I am in the condition of a carpenter who is required to build +a bridge with a dull axe, a broken saw, and rotten timber. It is +true that I have some very good green timber, which will answer the +purpose as soon as I can get it into shape and season it a little. + +I know nothing of General Buell's intended operations, never having +received any information in regard to the general plan of campaign. +If it be intended that his column shall move on Bowling Green while +another moves from Cairo or Paducah on Columbus or Camp Beauregard, +it will be a repetition of the same strategic error which produced +the disaster of Bull Run. To operate on exterior lines against an +enemy occupying a central position will fail, as it always has +failed, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred. It is condemned by +every military authority I have ever read. + +General Buell's army and the forces at Paducah occupy precisely the +same position in relation to each other and to the enemy as did the +armies of McDowell and Patterson before the battle of Bull Run. + +Very respectfully, your obedient servant, + +H. W. HALLECK, Major-General + + +[Indorsement] + +The within is a copy of a letter just received from General Halleck. +It is exceedingly discouraging. As everywhere else, nothing can be +done. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR ANDREW. + +WASHINGTON, D. C., +January 11, 1862 + +GOVERNOR JOHN A. ANDREW, Boston: + +I will be greatly obliged if you will arrange; somehow with General +Butler to officer his two un-officered regiments. + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 13, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + +MY DEAR SIR--Your despatch of yesterday is received, in which you +say, "I received your letter and General McClellan's, and will at +once devote my efforts to your views and his." In the midst of my +many cares I have not seen, nor asked to see, General McClellan's +letter to you. For my own views, I have not offered and do not now +offer them as orders; and while I am glad to have them respectfully +considered, I would blame you to follow them contrary to your own +clear judgment, unless I should put them in the form of orders. As +to General McClellan's views, you understand your duty in regard to +them better than I do. + +With this preliminary I state my general idea of this war to be, that +we have the greater numbers and the enemy has the greater facility of +concentrating forces upon points of collision; that we must fail +unless we can find some way of making our advantage an overmatch for +his; and that this can only be done by menacing him with superior +forces at different points at the same time, so that we can safely +attack one or both if he makes no change; and if he weakens one to +strengthen the other, forbear to attack the strengthened one, but +seize and hold the weakened one, gaining so much. + +To illustrate: Suppose last summer, when Winchester ran away to +reinforce Manassas, we had forborne to attack Manassas, but had +seized and held Winchester. I mention this to illustrate and not to +criticise. I did not lose confidence in McDowell, and I think less +harshly of Patterson than some others seem to. . . . Applying the +principle to your case, my idea is that Halleck shall menace Columbus +and "down river" generally, while you menace Bowling Green and East +Tennessee. If the enemy shall concentrate at Bowling Green, do not +retire from his front, yet do not fight him there either, but seize +Columbus and East Tennessee, one or both, left exposed by the +concentration at Bowling Green. It is a matter of no small anxiety +to me, and which I am sure you will not overlook, that the East +Tennessee line is so long and over so bad a road. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + +(Indorsement.) + +Having to-day written General Buell a letter, it occurs to me to send +General Halleck a copy of it. +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 1 , 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The Germans are true and patriotic and so far as they +have got cross in Missouri it is upon mistake and misunderstanding. +Without a knowledge of its contents, Governor Koerner, of Illinois, +will hand you this letter. He is an educated and talented German +gentleman, as true a man as lives. With his assistance you can set +everything right with the Germans. . . . My clear judgment is +that, with reference to the German element in your command, you +should have Governor Koerner with you; and if agreeable to you and +him, I will make him a brigadier-general, so that he can afford to +give his time. He does not wish to command in the field, though he +has more military knowledge than some who do. If he goes into the +place, he will simply be an efficient, zealous, and unselfish +assistant to you. I say all this upon intimate personal acquaintance +with Governor Koerner. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 17, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the +minister of his Majesty the King of Prussia accredited to this +government, and a copy of a note to that minister from the Secretary +of State relating to the capture and detention of certain citizens of +the United States, passengers on board the British steamer Trent, by +order of Captain Wilkes of the United States Navy. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + + + + +TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. + +January 20, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, + +Commanding Armies of the United States: + +You or any officer you may designate will in your discretion suspend +the writ of habeas corpus so far as may relate to Major Chase, lately +of the Engineer Corps of the Army of the United States, now alleged +to be guilty of treasonable practices against this government. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO. 1 + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON , January 27, 1862. + +Ordered, That the 22d day of February, 1862, be the day for a general +movement of the land and the naval forces of the United States +against the insurgent forces. + +That especially the army at and about Fortress Monroe, the Army of +the Potomac, the Army of Western Virginia, the army near +Munfordville, Kentucky, the army and flotilla at Cairo, and a naval +force in the Gulf of Mexico, be ready for a movement on that day. + +That all other forces, both land and naval, with their respective +commanders, obey existing orders for the time, and be ready to obey +additional orders when duly given. + +That the heads of departments, and especially the Secretaries of War +and of the Navy, with all their subordinates, and the +General-in-chief, with all other commanders and subordinates of land +and naval forces, will severally be held to their strict and full +responsibilities for the prompt execution of this order. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY STANTON, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--It is my wish that the expedition commonly called the +"Lane Expedition" shall be, as much as has been promised at the +adjutant-general's office, under the supervision of General +McClellan, and not any more. I have not intended, and do not now +intend, that it shall be a great, exhausting affair, but a snug, +sober column of 10,000 or 15,000. General Lane has been told by me +many times that he is under the command of General Hunter, and +assented to it as often as told. It was the distinct agreement +between him and me, when I appointed him, that he was to be under +Hunter. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO. 1. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862. + +Ordered, That all the disposable force of the Army of the Potomac, +after providing safely for the defence of Washington, be formed into +an expedition for the immediate object of seizing and occupying a +point upon the railroad southwestward of what is known as Manassas +Junction, all details to be in the discretion of the +commander-in-chief, and the expedition to move before or on the 22d +day of February next. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +OPPOSITION TO McCLELLAN'S PLANS + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL MCCLELLAN. + +DEAR SIR--You and I have distinct and different plans for a movement +of the Army of the Potomac--yours to be down the Chesapeake, up the +Rappahannock to Urbana, and across land to the terminus of the +railroad on the York River; mine to move directly to a point on the +railroad southwest of Manassas. + +If you will give me satisfactory answers to the following questions, +I shall gladly yield my plan to yours. + +First. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of +time and money than mine? + +Second. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan than mine? + +Third. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine? + +Fourth. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it +would break no great line of the enemy's communications, while mine +would? + +Fifth. In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult by +your plan than mine? + +Yours truly, +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +Memorandum accompanying Letter of President Lincoln to General +McClellan, dated February 3,1862. + +First. Suppose the enemy should attack us in force before we reach +the Occoquan, what? + +Second. Suppose the enemy in force shall dispute the crossing of the +Occoquan, what? In view of this, might it not be safest for us to +cross the Occoquan at Coichester, rather than at the village of +Occoquan? This would cost the enemy two miles of travel to meet us, +but would, on the contrary, leave us two miles farther from our +ultimate +destination. + +Third. Suppose we reach Maple Valley without an attack, will we not +be attacked there in force by the enemy marching by the several roads +from Manassas; and if so, what? + + + + +TO WM. H. HERNDON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, +February 3, 1862. + +DEAR WILLIAM:--Yours of January 30th just received. Do just as you +say about the money matter. + +As you well know, I have not time to write a letter of respectable +length. God bless you, says + +Your friend, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +RESPITE FOR NATHANIEL GORDON + +February 4, 1862 + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, +PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, +To all to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting: + +Whereas it appears that at a term of the Circuit Court of the United +States of America for the Southern District of New York held in the +month of November, A.D. 1861, Nathaniel Gordon was indicted and +convicted for being engaged in the slave trade, and was by the said +court sentenced to be put to death by hanging by the neck, on Friday +the 7th day of February, AD. 1862: + +And whereas a large number of respectable citizens have earnestly +besought me to commute the said sentence of the said Nathaniel Gordon +to a term of imprisonment for life, which application I have felt it +to be my duty to refuse: + +And whereas it has seemed to me probable that the unsuccessful +application made for the commutation of his sentence may have +prevented the said Nathaniel Gordon from making the necessary +preparation for the awful change which awaits him; + +Now, therefore, be it known, that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of +the United States of America, have granted and do hereby grant unto +him, the said Nathaniel Gordon, a respite of the above recited +sentence, until Friday the twenty-first day of February, A.D. 1862, +between the hours of twelve o'clock at noon and three o'clock in the +afternoon of the said day, when the said sentence shall be executed. + +In granting this respite, it becomes my painful duty to admonish the +prisoner that, relinquishing all expectation of pardon by human +authority, he refer himself alone to the mercy of the common God and +Father of all men. + +In testimony whereof I have hereunto signed my name and caused the +seal of the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the City of Washington, this fourth day of February, A.D. +1862, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +WASHINGTON CITY, February 4. 1862 + +To THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of +the Navy," approved December 21, 1862, provides: + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the +retired list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single +ships such officers as he may believe that the good of the service +requires to be thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon +the recommendation of the President of the United States they shall +receive a vote of thanks of Congress for their services and gallantry +in action against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not +otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, +was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in +command of the squadron which recently rendered such important +service to the Union in the expedition to the coast of South +Carolina. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully +correspond with the intention of the law, or be more pregnant with +happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain +Samuel F. Du Pont receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his +services and gallantry displayed in the capture of Forts Walker and +Beauregard, commanding the entrance of Port Royal Harbor, on the 7th +of November, 1861. +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERALS D. HUNTER AND J. H. LANE. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, FEBRUARY 4, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER AND BRIGADIER-GENERAL LANE, +Leavenworth, Kansas: + +My wish has been and is to avail the government of the services of +both General Hunter and General Lane, and, so far as possible, to +personally oblige both. General Hunter is the senior officer, and +must command when they serve together; though in so far as he can +consistently with the public service and his own honor oblige General +Lane, he will also oblige me. If they cannot come to an amicable +understanding, General Lane must report to General Hunter for duty, +according to the rules, or decline the service. +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 1, RELATING TO POLITICAL +PRISONERS. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, +February 14,1862. + +The breaking out of a formidable insurrection based on a conflict of +political ideas, being an event without precedent in the United +States, was necessarily attended by great confusion and perplexity of +the public mind. Disloyalty before unsuspected suddenly became bold, +and treason astonished the world by bringing at once into the field +military forces superior in number to the standing army of the United +States. + +Every department of the government was paralyzed by treason. +Defection appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in +the Cabinet, in the Federal courts; ministers and consuls returned +from foreign countries to enter the insurrectionary councils of land +or naval forces; commanding and other officers of the army and in the +navy betrayed our councils or deserted their posts for commands in +the insurgent forces. Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the +post-office service, as well as in the Territorial governments and in +the Indian reserves. + +Not only governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in +the States, but even whole States rushed one after another with +apparent unanimity into rebellion. The capital was besieged and its +connection with all the States cut off. Even in the portions of the +country which were most loyal, political combinations and secret +societies were formed furthering tile work of disunion, while, from +motives of disloyalty or cupidity or from excited passions or +perverted sympathies, individuals were found furnishing men, money, +and materials of war and supplies to the insurgents' military and +naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications, navy yards, arsenals, +military posts, and garrisons one after another were betrayed or +abandoned to the insurgents. + +Congress had not anticipated, and so had not provided for, the +emergency. The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. +The judicial machinery seemed as if it had been designed, not to +sustain the government, but to embarrass and betray it. + +Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by +the abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has only been +prevented by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the +most perfect moderation, in our intercourse with nations. + +The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately not +distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the +Federal Government, which one year before had been thought a model +worthy of universal acceptance, had indeed the ability to defend and +maintain itself. + +Some reverses, which, perhaps, were unavoidable, suffered by newly +levied and inefficient forces, discouraged the loyal and gave new +hopes to the insurgents. Voluntary enlistments seemed about to cease +and desertions commenced. Parties speculated upon the question +whether conscription had not become necessary to fill up the armies +of the United States. + +In this emergency the President felt it his duty to employ with +energy the extraordinary powers which the Constitution confides to +him in cases of insurrection. He called into the field such military +and naval forces, unauthorized by the existing laws, as seemed +necessary. He directed measures to prevent the use of the post- +office for treasonable correspondence. He subjected passengers to +and from foreign countries to new passport regulations, and he +instituted a blockade, suspended the writ of habeas corpus in various +places, and caused persons who were represented to him as being or +about to engage in disloyal and treasonable practices to be arrested +by special civil as well as military agencies and detained in +military custody when necessary to prevent them and deter others from +such practices. Examinations of such cases were instituted, and some +of the persons so arrested have been discharged from time to time +under circumstances or upon conditions compatible, as was thought, +with the public safety. + +Meantime a favorable change of public opinion has occurred. The line +between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly defined. The whole +structure of the government is firm and stable. Apprehension of +public danger and facilities for treasonable practices have +diminished with the passions which prompted heedless persons to adopt +them. The insurrection is believed to have culminated and to be +declining. + +The President, in view of these facts, and anxious to favor a return +to the normal course of the administration as far as regard for the +public welfare will allow, directs that all political prisoners or +state prisoners now held in military custody be released on their +subscribing to a parole engaging them to render no aid or comfort to +the enemies in hostility to the United States. + +The Secretary of War will, however, in his discretion, except from +the effect of this order any persons detained as spies in the service +of the insurgents, or others whose release at the present moment may +be deemed incompatible with the public safety. + +To all persons who shall be so released, and who shall keep their +parole, the President grants an amnesty for any past offences of +treason or disloyalty which they may have comminuted. + +Extraordinary arrests will hereafter be made under the direction of +the military authorities alone. + +By order of the President +EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. +WASHINGTON CITY, February 15, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES: +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of +the Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the +retired list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single +ships such officers as he may believe that the good of the service +requires to be thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon +the recommendation of the President of the United States they shall +receive a vote of thanks of Congress for their services and gallantry +in action against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not +otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Louis M. Goldsborough, of the +navy, was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer +in command of the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron, which recently +rendered such important service to the Union in the expedition to the +coast of North Carolina. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully +correspond with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with +happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain +Louis M. Goldsborough receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his +services and gallantry displayed in the combined attack of the forces +commanded by him and Brigadier-General Burnside in the capture of +Roanoke Island and the destruction of rebel gunboats On the 7th, 8th, +and 10th of February, 1862. +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +FIRST WRITTEN NOTICE OF GRANT + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +February 16, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + +You have Fort Donelson safe, unless Grant shall be overwhelmed from +outside; to prevent which latter will, I think, require all the +vigilance, energy, and skill of yourself and Buell, acting in full +co-operation. Columbus will not get at Grant, but the force from +Bowling Green will. They hold the railroad from Bowling Green to +within a few miles of Fort Donelson, with the bridge at Clarksville +undisturbed. It is unsafe to rely that they will not dare to expose +Nashville to Buell. A small part of their force can retire slowly +toward Nashville, breaking up the railroad as they go, and keep Buell +out of that city twenty days. Meanwhile Nashville will be abundantly +defended by forces from all South and perhaps from hers at Manassas. +Could not a cavalry force from General Thomas on the upper Cumberland +dash across, almost unresisted, and cut the railroad at or near +Knoxville, Tennessee? In the midst of a bombardment at Fort +Donelson, why could not a gunboat run up and destroy the bridge at +Clarksville? Our success or failure at Fort Donelson is vastly +important, and I beg you to put your soul in the effort. I send a +copy of this to Buell. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 2.--IN RELATION TO STATE PRISONERS. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, +FEBRUARY 27, 1862 + +It is ordered: + +First. That a special commission of two persons, one of military +rank and the other in civil life, be appointed to examine the cases +of the state prisoners remaining in the military custody of the +United States, and to determine whether in view of the public Safety +and the existing rebellion they should be discharged, or remain in +military custody, or be remitted to the civil tribunals for trial. + +Second. That Major-General John A. Dix, commanding in Baltimore, and +the HON. Edwards Pierrepont, of New York, be, and they are hereby, +appointed commissioners for the purpose above mentioned; and they are +authorized to examine, hear, and determine the cases aforesaid ex +parte and in a summary manner, at such times and places as in their +discretion they may appoint, and make full report to the War +Department. + +By order of the President +EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + + + + +ORDER RELATING TO COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE. + +Considering that the existing circumstances of the country allow a +partial restoration of commercial intercourse between the inhabitants +of those parts of the United States heretofore declared to be in +insurrection and the citizens of the loyal States of the Union, and +exercising the authority and discretion confided to me by the act of +Congress, approved July 13, 1861, entitled "An act further to provide +for the collection of duties on imports, and for other purposes," I +hereby license and permit such commercial intercourse in all cases +within the rules and regulations which have been or may be prescribed +by the Secretary of the Treasury for conducting and carrying on the +same on the inland waters arid ways of the United States. + +WASHINGTON, February 28, 1862. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +SPEECH TO THE PERUVIAN MINISTER, + +WASHINGTON, D. C., +MARCH 4, 1862 + +The United States have no enmities, animosities, or rivalries, and no +interests which conflict with the welfare, safety, and rights or +interests of any other nation. Their own prosperity, happiness, and +aggrandizement are sought most safely and advantageously through the +preservation not only of peace on their own part, but peace among all +other nations. But while the United States are thus a friend to all +other nations, they do not seek to conceal the fact that they cherish +especial sentiments of friendship for, and sympathies with, those +who, like themselves, have founded their institutions on the +principle of the equal rights of men; and such nations being more +prominently neighbors of the United States, the latter are +co-operating with them in establishing civilization and culture on +the American continent. Such being the general principles which +govern the United States in their foreign relations, you may be +assured, sir, that in all things this government will deal justly, +frankly, and, if it be possible, even liberally with Peru, whose +liberal sentiments toward us you have so kindly expressed. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS RECOMMENDING COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION. + +March 6, 1862 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:-- +I recommend the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable +bodies which shall be substantially as follows: + +"Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State +which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State +pecuniary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to +compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by +such change of system." + +If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the +approval of Congress and the country, there is the end; but if it +does command such approval, I deem it of importance that the States +and people immediately interested should be at once distinctly +notified of the fact, so that they may begin to consider whether to +accept or reject it. The Federal Government would find its highest +interest in such a measure, as one of the most efficient means of +self-preservation. The leaders of the existing insurrection +entertain the hope that this government will ultimately be forced to +acknowledge the independence of some part of the disaffected region, +and that all the slave States north of such part will then say, "The +Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we now choose +to go with the Southern section." To deprive them of this hope +substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipation +completely deprives them of it as to all the States initiating it. +The point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would very +soon, if at all, initiate emancipation; but that, while the offer is +equally made to all, the more northern shall by such initiation make +it certain to the more southern that in no event will the former ever +join the latter in their proposed confederacy. I say "initiation" +because, in my judgment, gradual and not sudden emancipation is +better for all. In the mere financial or pecuniary view, any member +of Congress with the census tables and treasury reports before him +can readily see for himself how very soon the current expenditures of +this war would purchase, at fair valuation, all the slaves in any +named State. Such a proposition on the part of the General +Government sets up no claim of a right by Federal authority to +interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as it does, +the absolute control of the subject in each case to the State and its +people immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of +perfectly free choice with them. + +In the annual message last December, I thought fit to say, "The Union +must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be +employed." I said this not hastily, but deliberately. War has been +made and continues to be an indispensable means to this end. A +practical reacknowledgment of the national authority would render the +war unnecessary, and it would at once cease. If, however, resistance +continues, the war must also continue; and it is impossible to +foresee all the incidents which may attend and all the ruin which may +follow it. Such as may seem indispensable or may obviously promise +great efficiency toward ending the struggle must and will come. + +The proposition now made (though an offer only), I hope it may be +esteemed no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration +tendered would not be of more value to the States and private persons +concerned than are the institution and property in it in the present +aspect of affairs. + +While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would +be merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it +is recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important +practical results. In full view of my great responsibility to my God +and to my country, I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the +people to the subject. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GOVERNOR YATES. + +STATE OF ILLINOIS, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., March 1, 1862 + +HON. EDWIN M. STANTON, +SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington, D. C. + +SIR:--The government at my special request a few months since +contracted for fourteen batteries of the James rifled gun, 6-pounder +calibre, and a limited quantity of the James projectiles, weighing +about fourteen pounds each. The reports showing the superiority of +this gun and projectile, both as regards range, accuracy, and +execution, for field service over that of all others at the battle of +Fort Donelson, leads me to request that there be furnished to the +State of Illinois in the shortest time practicable seven batteries of +12-pounder calibre James rifled guns, with carriages, harness, +implements, etc., complete and ready for field service, together with +the following fixed ammunition to each gun, viz., 225 shells, 225 +canister, and 50 solid projectiles, weighing about 24 pounds each, +and also 200 shells, 100 canister, and 100 solid projectiles for each +of the guns of the fourteen batteries named above, weighing about +14 pounds each, all to be of the James model. + +Very respectfully, + +RICHARD YATES, +Governor of Illinois. + +[Indorsement.] + +March 8, 1862. + +The within is from the Governor of Illinois. I understand the seven +additional batteries now sought are to be 6-gun batteries, and the +object is to mix them with the fourteen batteries they already have +so as to make each battery consist of four 6-pounders and two +12-pounders. I shall be very glad to have the requisition filled if +it can be without detriment to the service. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.2. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON + +March 8, 1862. + +Ordered: +1. That the major-general commanding the Army of the Potomac proceed +forthwith to organize that part of the said army destined to enter +upon active operations (including the reserve, but excluding the +troops to be left in the fortifications about Washington) into four +army corps, to be commanded according to seniority of rank, as +follows: + +First Corps to consist of four divisions, and to be commanded by +Major-General I. McDowell. +Second Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be commanded by +Brigadier-General E. V. Sumner. +Third Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be commanded by +Brigadier-General S. P. Heintzelman. +Fourth Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be commanded by +Brigadier-General E. D. Keyes. + +2. That the divisions now commanded by the officers above assigned +to the commands of army corps shall be embraced in and form part of +their respective corps. + +3. The forces left for the defense of Washington will be placed in +command of Brigadier-General James S. Wadsworth, who shall also be +military governor of the District of Columbia. + +4. That this order be executed with such promptness and dispatch as +not to delay the commencement of the operations already directed to +be underwritten by the Army of the Potomac. + +5. A fifth army corps, to be commanded by Major general N. P. Banks, +will be formed from his own and General Shields's (late General +Lander's) divisions. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 8,1862 + +Ordered: That no change of the base of operations of the Army of the +Potomac shall be made without leaving in and about Washington such a +force as in the opinion of the general-in-chief and the commanders of +all the army corps shall leave said city entirely secure. + +That no more than two army corps (about 50,000 troops) of said Army +of the Potomac shall be moved en route for a new base of operations +until the navigation of the Potomac from Washington to the Chesapeake +Bay shall be freed from enemy's batteries and other obstructions, or +until the President shall hereafter give express permission. + +That any movements as aforesaid en route for a new base of operations +which may be ordered by the general-in-chief, and which may be +intended to move upon the Chesapeake Bay, shall begin to move upon +the bay as early as the 18th day of March instant, and the +general-in-chief shall be responsible that it so move as early as +that day. + +Ordered, That the army and navy co-operate in an immediate effort to +capture the enemy's batteries upon the Potomac between Washington and +the Chesapeake Bay. + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +MEMORANDUM OF AN INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME BORDER +SLAVE STATE REPRESENTATIVES, BY HON. J. W. CRISFIELD. + +"DEAR SIR:--I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to +come to the White House tomorrow morning, at nine o'clock, and bring +such of your colleagues as are in town." + +WASHINGTON, March 10, 1862. + +Yesterday, on my return from church, I found Mr. Postmaster-General +Blair in my room, writing the above note, which he immediately +suspended, and verbally communicated the President's invitation, and +stated that the President's purpose was to have some conversation +with the delegations of Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Virginia, and +Delaware, in explanation of his message of the 6th instant. + +This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town, +assembled at the White House at the appointed time, and after some +little delay were admitted to an audience. Mr. Leary and myself were +the only members from Maryland present, and, I think, were the only +members of the delegation at that time in the city. I know that Mr. +Pearoe, of the Senate, and Messrs. Webster and Calvert, of the +House, were absent. + +After the usual salutations, and we were seated, the President said, +in substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some +conversation with us in explanation of his message of the 6th; that +since he had sent it in several of the gentlemen then present had +visited him, but had avoided any allusion to the message, and he +therefore inferred that the import of the message had been +misunderstood, and was regarded as inimical to the interests we +represented; and he had resolved he would talk with us, and disabuse +our minds of that erroneous opinion. + +The President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests or +wound the sensibilities of the slave States. On the contrary, his +purpose was to protect the one and respect the other; that we were +engaged in a terrible, wasting, and tedious war; immense armies were +in the field, and must continue in the field as long as the war +lasts; that these armies must, of necessity, be brought into contact +with slaves in the States we represented and in other States as they +advanced; that slaves would come to the camps, and continual +irritation was kept up; that he was constantly annoyed by conflicting +and antagonistic complaints: on the one side a certain class +complained if the slave was not protected by the army; persons were +frequently found who, participating in these views, acted in a way +unfriendly to the slaveholder; on the other hand, slaveholders +complained that their rights were interfered with, their slaves +induced to abscond and protected within the lines; these complaints +were numerous, loud and deep; were a serious annoyance to him and +embarrassing to the progress of the war; that it kept alive a spirit +hostile to the government in the States we represented; strengthened +the hopes of the Confederates that at some day the border States +would unite with them, and thus tend to prolong the war; and he was +of opinion, if this resolution should be adopted by Congress and +accepted by our States, these causes of irritation and these hopes +would be removed, and more would be accomplished toward shortening +the war than could be hoped from the greatest victory achieved by +Union armies; that he made this proposition in good faith, and +desired it to be accepted, if at all, voluntarily, and in the same +patriotic spirit in which it was made; that emancipation was a +subject exclusively under the control of the States, and must be +adopted or rejected by each for itself; that he did not claim nor had +this government any right to coerce them for that purpose; that such +was no part of his purpose in making this proposition, and he wished +it to be clearly understood; that he did not expect us there to be +prepared to give him an answer, but he hoped we would take the +subject into serious consideration, confer with one another, and then +take such course as we felt our duty and the interests of our +constituents required of us. + +Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State slavery was not +considered a permanent institution; that natural causes were there in +operation which would at no distant day extinguish it, and he did not +think that this proposition was necessary for that; and, besides +that, he and his friends felt solicitous as to the message on account +of the different constructions which the resolution and message had +received. The New York Tribune was for it, and understood it to mean +that we must accept gradual emancipation according to the plan +suggested, or get something worse. + +The President replied that he must not be expected to quarrel with +the New York Tribune before the right time; he hoped never to have to +do it; he would not anticipate events. In respect to emancipation in +Missouri, he said that what had been observed by Mr. Noell was +probably true, but the operation of these natural causes had not +prevented the irritating conduct to which he had referred, or +destroyed the hopes of the Confederates that Missouri would at some +time merge herself alongside of them, which, in his judgment, the +passage of this resolution by Congress and its acceptance by Missouri +would accomplish. + +Mr. Crisfield, of Maryland, asked what would be the effect of the +refusal of the State to accept this proposal, and he desired to know +if the President looked to any policy beyond the acceptance or +rejection of this scheme. + +The President replied that he had no designs beyond the actions of +the States on this particular subject. He should lament their +refusal to accept it, but he had no designs beyond their refusal of +it. + +Mr. Menzies, of Kentucky, inquired if the President thought there was +any power except in the States themselves to carry out his scheme of +emancipation. + +The President replied that he thought there could not be. He then +went off into a course of remarks not qualifying the foregoing +declaration nor material to be repeated to a just understanding of +his meaning. + +Mr. Crisfield said he did not think the people of Maryland looked +upon slavery as a permanent institution; and he did not know that +they would be very reluctant to give it up if provision was made to +meet the loss and they could be rid of the race; but they did not +like to be coerced into emancipation, either by the direct action of +the government or by indirection, as through the emancipation of +slaves in this District, or the confiscation of Southern property as +now threatened; and he thought before they would consent to consider +this proposition they would require to be informed on these points. +The President replied that, unless he was expelled by the act of God +or the Confederate armies he should occupy that house for three +years; and as long as he remained there Maryland had nothing to fear +either for her institutions or her interests on the points referred +to. + +Mr. Crisfield immediately added: "Mr. President, if what you now say +could be heard by the people of Maryland, they would consider your +proposition with a much better feeling than I fear without it they +will be inclined to do." + +The President: "That [meaning a publication of what he said] will not +do; it would force me into a quarrel before the proper time "; and, +again intimating, as he had before done, that a quarrel with the +"Greeley faction" was impending, he said he did not wish to encounter +it before the proper time, nor at all if it could be avoided. + +[The Greely faction wanted an immediate Emancipation Proclamation. +D.W.] + +Governor Wickliffe, of Kentucky, then asked him respecting the +constitutionality of his scheme. + +The President replied: "As you may suppose, I have considered that; +and the proposition now submitted does not encounter any +constitutional difficulty. It proposes simply to co-operate with any +State by giving such State pecuniary aid"; and he thought that the +resolution, as proposed by him, would be considered rather as the +expression of a sentiment than as involving any constitutional +question. + +Mr. Hall, of Missouri, thought that if this proposition was adopted +at all it should be by the votes of the free States, and come as a +proposition from them to the slave States, affording them an +inducement to put aside this subject of discord; that it ought not to +be expected that members representing slaveholding constituencies +should declare at once, and in advance of any proposition to them, +for the emancipation of slavery. + +The President said he saw and felt the force of the objection; it was +a fearful responsibility, and every gentleman must do as he thought +best; that he did not know how this scheme was received by the +members from the free States; some of them had spoken to him and +received it kindly; but for the most part they were as reserved and +chary as we had been, and he could not tell how they would vote. And +in reply to some expression of Mr. Hall as to his own opinion +regarding slavery, he said he did not pretend to disguise his anti- +slavery feeling; that he thought it was wrong, and should continue to +think so; but that was not the question we had to deal with now. +Slavery existed, and that, too, as well by the act of the North as of +the South; and in any scheme to get rid of it the North as well as +the South was morally bound to do its full and equal share. He +thought the institution wrong and ought never to have existed; but +yet he recognized the rights of property which had grown out of it, +and would respect those rights as fully as similar rights in any +other property; that property can exist and does legally exist. He +thought such a law wrong, but the rights of property resulting must +be respected; he would get rid of the odious law, not by violating +the rights, but by encouraging the proposition and offering +inducements to give it up. + +Here the interview, so far as this subject is concerned, terminated +by Mr. Crittenden's assuring the President that, whatever might be +our final action, we all thought him solely moved by a high +patriotism and sincere devotion to the happiness and glory of his +country; and with that conviction we should consider respectfully the +important suggestions he had made. + +After some conversation on the current war news, we retired, and I +immediately proceeded to my room and wrote out this paper. + +J. W. CRISFIELD. + + +We were present at the interview described in the foregoing paper of +Mr. Crisfield, and we certify that the substance of what passed on +the occasion is in this paper faithfully and fully given. + +J. W. MENZIES, +J. J. CRITTENDEN, +R. MALLORY. + +March 10, 1862. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 11, 1862. + +Major-General McClellan having personally taken the field at the head +of the Army of the Potomac, until otherwise ordered he is relieved +from the command of the other military departments, he retaining +command of the Department of the Potomac. + +Ordered further, That the departments now under the respective +commands of Generals Halleck and Hunter, together with so much of +that under General Buell as lies west of a north and south line +indefinitely drawn through Knoxville, Tenn., be consolidated and +designated the Department of the Mississippi, and that until +otherwise ordered Major General Halleck have command of said +department. + +Ordered also, That the country west of the Department of the Potomac +and east of the Department of the Mississippi be a military +department, to be called the Mountain Department, and that the same +be commanded by Major-General Fremont. + +That all the commanders of departments, after the receipt of this +order by them, respectively report severally and directly to the +Secretary of War, and that prompt, full, and frequent reports will be +expected of all and each of them. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL MCCLELLAN. +WAR DEPARTMENT, March 13, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN: + +The President, having considered the plan of operations agreed upon +by yourself and the commanders of army corps, makes no objection to +the same but gives the following directions as to its execution: + +1. Leave such force at Manassas Junction as shall make it entirely +certain that the enemy shall no repossess himself of that position +and line of communication. + +2. Leave Washington entirely secure. + +3. Move the remainder of the force down the Potomac, choosing a new +base at Fortress Monroe or anywhere between here and there, or, at +all events, move such remainder of the army at once in pursuit of the +enemy by some route. + +EDWARD M. STANTON, +Secretary of War. + + + + +SPEECH TO A PARTY OF MASSACHUSETTS GENTLEMAN + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 13, 1862 + +I thank you, Mr. Train, for your kindness in presenting me with this +truly elegant and highly creditable specimen of the handiwork of the +mechanics of your State of Massachusetts, and I beg of you to express +my hearty thanks to the donors. It displays a perfection of +workmanship which I really wish I had time to acknowledge in more +fitting words, and I might then follow your idea that it is +suggestive, for it is evidently expected that a good deal of whipping +is to be done. But as we meet here socially let us not think only of +whipping rebels, or of those who seem to think only of whipping +negroes, but of those pleasant days, which it is to be hoped are in +store for us, when seated behind a good pair of horses we can crack +our whips and drive through a peaceful, happy, and prosperous land. +With this idea, gentlemen, I must leave you for my business duties. +[It was likely a Buggy-Whip D.W.] + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON CITY, March 20, 1862. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of +the Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides: + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the +retired list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single +ships such officers as he may believe the good of the service +requires to be thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon +the recommendation of the President of the United States they shall +receive a vote of thanks cf Congress for their services and gallantry +in action against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not +otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, +was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in +command of the squadron which recently rendered such important +service to the Union in the expedition to the coasts of South +Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully +correspond with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with +happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain +Samuel F. Du Pont receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his +service and gallantry displayed in the capture since the 21st +December, 1861, of various ports on the coasts of Georgia and +Florida, particularly Brunswick, Cumberland Island and Sound, Amelia +Island, the towns of St. Mary's, St. Augustine, and Jacksonville and +Fernandina. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 31, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +MY DEAR SIR:-This morning I felt constrained to order Blenker's +division to Fremont, and I write this to assure you I did so with +great pain, understanding that you would wish it otherwise. If you +could know the full pressure of the case, I am confident that you +would justify it, even beyond a mere acknowledgment that the +commander-in-chief may order what he pleases. + +Yours very truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +GIFT OF SOME RABBITS + +TO MICHAEL CROCK. +360 N. Fourth St., Philadelphia. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, +April 2, 1862. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Allow me to thank you in behalf of my little son for +your present of white rabbits. He is very much pleased with them. + +Yours truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +INSTRUCTION TO SECRETARY STANTON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 3, 1862. + +The Secretary of War will order that one or the other of the corps of +General McDowell and General Sumner remain in front of Washington +until further orders from the department, to operate at or in the +direction of Manassas Junction, or otherwise, as occasion may +require; that the other Corps not so ordered to remain go forward to +General McClellan as speedily as possible; that General McClellan +commence his forward movements from his new base at once, and that +such incidental modifications as the foregoing may render proper be +also made. +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 6, 1862. + +GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN: + +Yours of 11 A. M. today received. Secretary of War informs me that +the forwarding of transportation, ammunition, and Woodbury's brigade, +under your orders, is not, and will not be, interfered with. You now +have over one hundred thousand troops with you, independent of +General Wool's command. I think you better break the enemy's line +from Yorktown to Warwick River at once. This will probably use time +as advantageously as you can. + +A. LINCOLN, President + + + + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +MY DEAR SIR+--Your despatches, complaining that you are not properly +sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very much. + +Blenker's division was withdrawn from you before you left here, and +you knew the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought, +acquiesced in it certainly not without reluctance. + +After you left I ascertained that less than 20,000 unorganized men, +without a single field battery, were all you designed to be left for +the defense of Washington and Manassas Junction, and part of this +even to go to General Hooker's old position; General Banks's corps, +once designed for Manassas Junction, was divided and tied up on the +line of Winchester and Strasburg, and could not leave it without +again exposing the upper Potomac and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. +This presented (or would present when McDowell and Sumner should be +gone) a great temptation to the enemy to turn back from the +Rappahannock and sack Washington. My explicit order that Washington +should, by the judgment of all the Commanders of corps, be left +entirely secure, had been neglected. It was precisely this that +drove me to detain McDowell. + +I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave +Banks at Manassas Junction; but when that arrangement was broken up +and nothing substituted for it, of course I was not satisfied. I was +constrained to substitute something for it myself. + +And now allow me to ask, do you really think I should permit the line +from Richmond via Manaasas Junction to this city to be entirely open, +except what resistance could be presented by less than 20,000 +unorganized troops? This is a question which the country will not +allow me to evade. + +There is a curious mystery about the number of the troops now with +you. When I telegraphed you on the 6th, saying you had over 100,000 +with you, I had just obtained from the Secretary of War a statement, +taken as he said from your own returns, making 108,000 then with you +and en route to you. You now say you will have but 85,000 when all +enroute to you shall have reached you. How can this discrepancy of +23,000 be accounted for? + +As to General Wool's command, I understand it is doing for you +precisely what a like number of your own would have to do if that +command was away. I suppose the whole force which has gone forward +to you is with you by this time; and if so, I think it is the precise +time for you to strike a blow. By delay the enemy will relatively +gain upon you--that is, he will gain faster by fortifications and +reinforcements than you can by reinforcements alone. + +And once more let me tell you it is indispensable to you that you +strike a blow. I am powerless to help this. You will do me the +justice to remember I always insisted that going down the bay in +search of a field, instead of fighting at or near Manassas, was only +shifting and not surmounting a difficulty; that we would find the +same enemy and the same or equal entrenchments at either place. The +country will not fail to note--is noting now--that the present +hesitation to move upon an entrenched enemy is but the story of +Manassas repeated. + +I beg to assure you that I have never written you or spoken to you in +greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller purpose to +sustain you, so far as in my most anxious judgment I consistently +can; but you must act. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, +April 9, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Saint Louis, Mo.: +If the rigor of the confinement of Magoffin (Governor of Kentucky) at +Alton is endangering his life, or materially impairing his health, I +wish it mitigated as far as it can be consistently with his safe +detention. +A. LINCOLN. + +Please send above, by order of the President. +JOHN HAY. + + + + +PROCLAMATION RECOMMENDING THANKSGIVING FOR VICTORIES, + +APRIL 10, 1862. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation + +It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal victories to the land +and naval forces engaged in suppressing, an internal rebellion, and +at the same time to avert from our country the dangers of foreign +intervention and invasion. + +It is therefore recommended to the people of the United States that +at their next weekly assemblages in their accustomed places of public +worship which shall occur after notice of this proclamation shall +have been received, they especially acknowledge and render thanks to +our Heavenly Father for these inestimable blessings, that they then +and there implore spiritual consolation in behalf of all who have +been brought into affliction by the casualties and calamities of +sedition and civil war, and that they reverently invoke the divine +guidance for our national counsels, to the end that they may speedily +result in the restoration of peace, harmony, and unity throughout our +borders and hasten the establishment of fraternal relations among all +the countries of the earth. + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of April, A.D. 1862, +and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN WASHINGTON, D.C. + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. +April 16, 1862. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: +The act entitled "An act for the relief of certain persons held to +service or labor in the District of Columbia" has this day been +approved and signed. + +I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Congress to +abolish slavery in this District, and I have ever desired to see the +national capital freed from the institution in some satisfactory way. +Hence there has never been in my mind any question on the subject +except the one of expediency, arising in view of all the +circumstances. If there be matters within and about this act which +might have taken a course or shape more satisfactory to my judgment, +I do not attempt to specify them. I am gratified that the two +principles of compensation and colonization are both recognized and +practically applied in the act. + +In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be +presented within ninety days from the passage of the act, "but not +thereafter"; and there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane +or absent persons. I presume this is an omission by mere oversight, +and I recommend that it be supplied by an amendatory or supplemental +act. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 21, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Your despatch of the 19th was received that day. Fredericksburg is +evacuated and the bridges destroyed by the enemy, and a small part of +McDowell's command occupies this side of the Rappahannock, opposite +the town. He purposes moving his whole force to that point. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL + +A. LINCOLN. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, +April 24, 1862. + +Hon. POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The member of Congress from the district including +Tiffin, O., calls on me about the postmaster at that place. +I believe I turned over a despatch to you from some persons there, +asking a suspension, so as for them to be heard, or something of the +sort. If nothing, or nothing amounting to anything, has been done, I +think the suspension might now be suspended, and the commission go +forward. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 29, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Would it derange or embarrass your operations if I were to appoint +Captain Charles Griffin a brigadier-general of volunteers? Please +answer. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE, MAY 1, 1862. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate [of April 22] in relation +to Brigadier-General Stone, I have the honor to state that he was +arrested and imprisoned under my general authority, and upon evidence +which whether he be guilty or innocent, required, as appears to me, +such proceedings to be had against him for the public safety. I +deem it incompatible with the public interest, as also, perhaps, +unjust to General Stone, to make a more particular statement of the +evidence. + +He has not been tried because, in the state of military operations at +the time of his arrest and since, the officers to constitute a court +martial and for witnesses could not be withdrawn from duty without +serious injury to the service. He will be allowed a trial without +any unnecessary delay; the charges and specifications will be +furnished him in due season, and every facility for his defense will +be afforded him by the War Department. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, +WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 + + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Your call for Parrott guns from Washington alarms me, chiefly because +it argues indefinite procrastination. Is anything to be done? + +A LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, MAY 1, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Pittsburgh Landing, Tennessee: + +I am pressed by the Missouri members of Congress to give General +Schofield independent command in Missouri. They insist that for want +of this their local troubles gradually grow worse. I have forborne, +so far, for fear of interfering with and embarrassing your +operations. Please answer telling me whether anything, and what, I +can do for them without injuriously interfering with you. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +RESPONSE TO EVANGELICAL LUTHERANS, MAY 6, 1862 + +GENTLEMEN:--I welcome here the representatives of the Evangelical +Lutherans of the United States. I accept with gratitude their +assurances of the sympathy and support of that enlightened, +influential, and loyal class of my fellow citizens in an important +crisis which involves, in my judgment, not only the civil and +religious liberties of our own dear land, but in a large degree the +civil and religious liberties of mankind in many countries and +through many ages. You well know, gentlemen, and the world knows, +how reluctantly I accepted this issue of battle forced upon me on my +advent to this place by the internal enemies of our country. You all +know, the world knows, the forces and the resources the public agents +have brought into employment to sustain a government against which +there has been brought not one complaint of real injury committed +against society at home or abroad. You all may recollect that in +taking up the sword thus forced into our hands this government +appealed to the prayers of the pious and the good, and declared that +it placed its whole dependence on the favor of God. I now humbly and +reverently, in your presence, reiterate the acknowledgment of that +dependence, not doubting that, if it shall please the Divine Being +who determines the destinies of nations, this shall remain a united +people, and that they will, humbly seeking the divine guidance, make +their prolonged national existence a source of new benefits to +themselves and their successors, and to all classes and conditions of +mankind. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH. + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, MAY 7, 1862 + +FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + +SIR:--Major-General McClellan telegraphs that he has ascertained by a +reconnaissance that the battery at Jamestown has been abandoned, and +he again requests that gunboats may be sent up the James River. + +If you have tolerable confidence that you can successfully contend +with the Merrimac without the help of the Galena and two accompanying +gunboats, send the Galena and two gunboats up the James River at +once. Please report your action on this to me at once. I shall be +found either at General Wool's headquarters or on board the Miami. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FURTHER REPRIMAND OF McCLELLAN + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 9, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have just assisted the Secretary of War in framing +part of a despatch to you relating to army corps, which despatch, of +course, will have reached you long before this will. I wish to say a +few words to you privately on this subject. I ordered the army corps +organization not only on the unanimous opinion of the twelve generals +whom you had selected and assigned as generals of divisions, but also +on the unanimous opinion of every military man I could get an opinion +from, and every modern military book, yourself only excepted. Of +course, I did not on my own judgment pretend to understand the +subject. I now think it indispensable for you to know how your +struggle against it is received in quarters which we cannot entirely +disregard. It is looked upon as merely an effort to pamper one or +two pets, and to persecute and degrade their supposed rivals. I have +had no word from Sumner, Heintzleman, or Keyes the commanders of +these corps are, of course, the three highest officers with you; but +I am constantly told that you have no consultation or communication +with them; that you consult and communicate with nobody but General +Fitz John Porter, and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say these +complaints are true or just; but at all events, it is proper you +should know of their existence. Do the commanders of corps disobey +your orders in anything? + +When you relieved General Hamilton of his command the other day, you +thereby lost the confidence of at least one of your best friends in +the Senate. And here let me say, not as applicable to you +personally, that Senators and Representatives speak of me in their +places without question, and that officers of the army must cease +addressing insulting letters to them for taking no greater liberty +with them. + +But to return. Are you strong enough--are you strong enough even +with my help--to set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, Heintzelman, +and Keyes all at once? This is a practical and very serious question +to you? + +The success of your army and the cause of the country are the same, +and, of course, I only desire the good of the cause. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH, + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 10, 1862 + +FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I send you this copy of your report of yesterday for +the purpose of saying to you in writing that you are quite right in +supposing the movement made by you and therein reported was made in +accordance with my wishes verbally expressed to you in advance. I +avail myself of the occasion to thank you for your courtesy and all +your conduct, so far as known to me, during my brief visit here. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION RAISING THE BLOCKADE OF CERTAIN PORTS. +May 12, 1862. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas, by my proclamation of the 19th of April, one thousand eight +hundred and sixty-one, it was declared that the ports of certain +States, including those of Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina, +Port Royal, in the State of South Carolina, and New Orleans, in the +State of Louisiana, were, for reasons therein set forth, intended to +be placed under blockade; and whereas the said ports of Beaufort, +Port Royal, and New Orleans have since been blockaded; but as the +blockade of the same ports may now be safely relaxed with advantage +to the interests of commerce: + +Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the +United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth +section of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July last, +entitled "An act further to provide for the collection of duties on +imports, and for other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade +of the said ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and New Orleans shall so +far cease and determine, from and after the first day of June next, +that commercial intercourse with those ports, except as to persons, +things, and information contraband of war, may from that time be +carried on, subject to the laws of the United States, and to the +limitations and in pursuance of the regulations which are prescribed +by the Secretary of the Treasury in his order of this date, which is +appended to this proclamation. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this twelfth day of May, in the year +of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +End of this Project Gutenberg Etext of The Writings of Lincoln, v5 +By Abraham Lincoln + diff --git a/old/5linc11.zip b/old/5linc11.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..7f08b2a --- /dev/null +++ b/old/5linc11.zip |