diff options
Diffstat (limited to 'old/20040930.2657.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/20040930.2657.txt | 14506 |
1 files changed, 14506 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/old/20040930.2657.txt b/old/20040930.2657.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..10e6f87 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/20040930.2657.txt @@ -0,0 +1,14506 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 5, +1858-1862, by Abraham Lincoln + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net + + +Title: The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 5, 1858-1862 + +Author: Abraham Lincoln + +Release Date: September 30, 2004 [EBook #2657] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS OF LINCOLN *** + + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + +THE WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Volume Five + +1858-1862 + + +CONSTITUTIONAL EDITION + + + + +TO SYDNEY SPRING, GRAYVILLE, ILL. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 19, 1858. + +SYDNEY SPRING, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your letter introducing Mr. Faree was duly received. There +was no opening to nominate him for Superintendent of Public Instruction, +but through him Egypt made a most valuable contribution to the +convention. I think it may be fairly said that he came off the lion of +the day--or rather of the night. Can you not elect him to the +Legislature? It seems to me he would be hard to beat. What objection +could be made to him? What is your Senator Martin saying and doing? What +is Webb about? + +Please write me. Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 24, 1858 + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +DEAR SIR:--Your letter enclosing the attack of the Times upon me was +received this morning. Give yourself no concern about my voting against +the supplies. Unless you are without faith that a lie can be successfully +contradicted, there is not a word of truth in the charge, and I am just +considering a little as to the best shape to put a contradiction in. Show +this to whomever you please, but do not publish it in the paper. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. W. SOMERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 25, 1858. + +JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 22nd, inclosing a draft of two hundred +dollars, was duly received. I have paid it on the judgment, and herewith +you have the receipt. I do not wish to say anything as to who shall be +the Republican candidate for the Legislature in your district, further +than that I have full confidence in Dr. Hull. Have you ever got in the +way of consulting with McKinley in political matters? He is true as +steel, and his judgment is very good. The last I heard from him, he +rather thought Weldon, of De Witt, was our best timber for +representative, all things considered. But you there must settle it among +yourselves. It may well puzzle older heads than yours to understand how, +as the Dred Scott decision holds, Congress can authorize a Territorial +Legislature to do everything else, and cannot authorize them to prohibit +slavery. That is one of the things the court can decide, but can never +give an intelligible reason for. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. CAMPBELL. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 28, 1858. + +A. CAMPBELL, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--In 1856 you gave me authority to draw on you for any sum +not exceeding five hundred dollars. I see clearly that such a privilege +would be more available now than it was then. I am aware that times are +tighter now than they were then. Please write me at all events, and +whether you can now do anything or not I shall continue grateful for the +past. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. GILLESPIE. + +SPRINGFIELD, July 16, 1858. + +HON. JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I write this to say that from the specimens of Douglas +Democracy we occasionally see here from Madison, we learn that they are +making very confident calculation of beating you and your friends for the +lower house, in that county. They offer to bet upon it. Billings and Job, +respectively, have been up here, and were each as I learn, talking +largely about it. If they do so, it can only be done by carrying the +Fillmore men of 1856 very differently from what they seem to [be] going +in the other party. Below is the vote of 1856, in your district: + +Counties. + + Counties. Buchanan. Fremont. Fillmore. + Bond ............ 607 153 659 + Madison ......... 1451 1111 1658 + Montgomery ...... 992 162 686 + ---- ---- ---- + 3050 1426 3003 + +By this you will see, if you go through the calculation, that if they get +one quarter of the Fillmore votes, and you three quarters, they will beat +you 125 votes. If they get one fifth, and you four fifths, you beat them +179. In Madison, alone, if our friends get 1000 of the Fillmore votes, +and their opponents the remainder, 658, we win by just two votes. + +This shows the whole field, on the basis of the election of 1856. + +Whether, since then, any Buchanan, or Fremonters, have shifted ground, +and how the majority of new votes will go, you can judge better than I. + +Of course you, on the ground, can better determine your line of tactics +than any one off the ground; but it behooves you to be wide awake and +actively working. + +Don't neglect it; and write me at your first leisure. Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOHN MATHERS, JACKSONVILLE, ILL. + +SPRINGFIELD, JULY 20, 1858. + +JNO. MATHERS, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your kind and interesting letter of the 19th was duly +received. Your suggestions as to placing one's self on the offensive +rather than the defensive are certainly correct. That is a point which I +shall not disregard. I spoke here on Saturday night. The speech, not very +well reported, appears in the State journal of this morning. You +doubtless will see it; and I hope that you will perceive in it that I am +already improving. I would mail you a copy now, but have not one [at] +hand. I thank you for your letter and shall be pleased to hear from you +again. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + +SPRINGFIELD, JULY 25, 1858. + +HON. J. GILLESPIE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your doleful letter of the 8th was received on my return +from Chicago last night. I do hope you are worse scared than hurt, though +you ought to know best. We must not lose the district. We must make a job +of it, and save it. Lay hold of the proper agencies, and secure all the +Americans you can, at once. I do hope, on closer inspection, you will +find they are not half gone. Make a little test. Run down one of the +poll-books of the Edwardsville precinct, and take the first hundred known +American names. Then quietly ascertain how many of them are actually +going for Douglas. I think you will find less than fifty. But even if you +find fifty, make sure of the other fifty, that is, make sure of all you +can, at all events. We will set other agencies to work which shall +compensate for the loss of a good many Americans. Don't fail to check the +stampede at once. Trumbull, I think, will be with you before long. + +There is much he cannot do, and some he can. I have reason to hope there +will be other help of an appropriate kind. Write me again. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO B. C. COOK. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 2, 1858. + +Hon. B. C. COOK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have a letter from a very true and intelligent man +insisting that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and Bureau to run +Douglas Republicans for Congress and for the Legislature in those +counties, if they can only get the encouragement of our folks nominating +pretty extreme abolitionists. + +It is thought they will do nothing if our folks nominate men who are not +very obnoxious to the charge of abolitionism. Please have your eye upon +this. Signs are looking pretty fair. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HON. J. M. PALMER. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 5, 1858. + +HON. J. M. PALMER. + +DEAR SIR:--Since we parted last evening no new thought has occurred to +[me] on the subject of which we talked most yesterday. + +I have concluded, however, to speak at your town on Tuesday, August 31st, +and have promised to have it so appear in the papers of to-morrow. Judge +Trumbull has not yet reached here. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO ALEXANDER SYMPSON. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 11, 1858. + +ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 6th received. If life and health continue I shall +pretty likely be at Augusta on the 25th. + +Things look reasonably well. Will tell you more fully when I see you. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. O. CUNNINGHAM. + +OTTAWA, August 22, 1858. + +J. O. CUNNINGHAM, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 18th, signed as secretary of the Republican +club, is received. In the matter of making speeches I am a good deal +pressed by invitations from almost all quarters, and while I hope to be +at Urbana some time during the canvass, I cannot yet say when. Can you +not see me at Monticello on the 6th of September? + +Douglas and I, for the first time this canvass, crossed swords here +yesterday; the fire flew some, and I am glad to know I am yet alive. +There was a vast concourse of people--more than could get near enough to +hear. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON SLAVERY IN A DEMOCRACY. + +August ??, 1858 + +As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my +idea of democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the +difference, is no democracy. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO B. C. COOK. + +SPRINGFIELD, August 2, 1858 + +HON. B. C. COOK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have a letter from a very true friend, and intelligent +man, writing that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and Bureau, to run +Douglas Republican for Congress and for the Legislature in those +counties, if they can only get the encouragement of our folks nominating +pretty extreme abolitionists. It is thought they will do nothing if our +folks nominate men who are not very [undecipherable word looks like +"obnoxious"] to the charge of abolitionism. Please have your eye upon +this. Signs are looking pretty fair. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO DR. WILLIAM FITHIAN, DANVILLE, ILL. + +BLOOMINGTON, Sept. 3, 1858 + +DEAR DOCTOR:--Yours of the 1st was received this morning, as also one +from Mr. Harmon, and one from Hiram Beckwith on the same subject. You +will see by the Journal that I have been appointed to speak at Danville +on the 22d of Sept.,--the day after Douglas speaks there. My recent +experience shows that speaking at the same place the next day after D. is +the very thing,--it is, in fact, a concluding speech on him. Please show +this to Messrs. Harmon and Beckwith; and tell them they must excuse me +from writing separate letters to them. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + +P. S.--Give full notice to all surrounding country. A.L. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT PARIS, ILL., + +SEPT. 8, 1858. + +Let us inquire what Judge Douglas really invented when he introduced the +Nebraska Bill? He called it Popular Sovereignty. What does that mean? It +means the sovereignty of the people over their own affairs--in other +words, the right of the people to govern themselves. Did Judge Douglas +invent this? Not quite. The idea of popular sovereignty was floating +about several ages before the author of the Nebraska Bill was +born--indeed, before Columbus set foot on this continent. In the year +1776 it took form in the noble words which you are all familiar with: "We +hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal," +etc. Was not this the origin of popular sovereignty as applied to the +American people? Here we are told that governments are instituted among +men deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. If that +is not popular sovereignty, then I have no conception of the meaning of +words. If Judge Douglas did not invent this kind of popular sovereignty, +let us pursue the inquiry and find out what kind he did invent. Was it +the right of emigrants to Kansas and Nebraska to govern themselves, and a +lot of "niggers," too, if they wanted them? Clearly this was no invention +of his because General Cass put forth the same doctrine in 1848 in his so +called Nicholson letter, six years before Douglas thought of such a +thing. Then what was it that the "Little Giant" invented? It never +occurred to General Cass to call his discovery by the odd name of popular +sovereignty. He had not the face to say that the right of the people to +govern "niggers" was the right of the people to govern themselves. His +notions of the fitness of things were not moulded to the brazenness of +calling the right to put a hundred "niggers" through under the lash in +Nebraska a "sacred" right of self-government. And here I submit to you +was Judge Douglas's discovery, and the whole of it: He discovered that +the right to breed and flog negroes in Nebraska was popular sovereignty. + + + + +SPEECH AT CLINTON, ILLINOIS, + +SEPTEMBER 8, 1858. + +The questions are sometimes asked "What is all this fuss that is being +made about negroes? What does it amount to? And where will it end?" These +questions imply that those who ask them consider the slavery question a +very insignificant matter they think that it amounts to little or nothing +and that those who agitate it are extremely foolish. Now it must be +admitted that if the great question which has caused so much trouble is +insignificant, we are very foolish to have anything to do with it--if it +is of no importance we had better throw it aside and busy ourselves with +something else. But let us inquire a little into this insignificant +matter, as it is called by some, and see if it is not important enough to +demand the close attention of every well-wisher of the Union. In one of +Douglas's recent speeches, I find a reference to one which was made by me +in Springfield some time ago. The judge makes one quotation from that +speech that requires some little notice from me at this time. I regret +that I have not my Springfield speech before me, but the judge has quoted +one particular part of it so often that I think I can recollect it. It +runs I think as follows: + +"We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the +avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery +agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only +not ceased but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease +until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. + +"A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government +cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the +Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect +it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the +other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of +it and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is +in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it +forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well +as new, North as well as South." + +Judge Douglas makes use of the above quotation, and finds a great deal of +fault with it. He deals unfairly with me, and tries to make the people of +this State believe that I advocated dangerous doctrines in my Springfield +speech. Let us see if that portion of my Springfield speech of which +Judge Douglas complains so bitterly, is as objectionable to others as it +is to him. We are, certainly, far into the fifth year since a policy was +initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end +to slavery agitation. On the fourth day of January, 1854, Judge Douglas +introduced the Kansas-Nebraska bill. He initiated a new policy, and that +policy, so he says, was to put an end to the agitation of the slavery +question. Whether that was his object or not I will not stop to discuss, +but at all events some kind of a policy was initiated; and what has been +the result? Instead of the quiet and good feeling which were promised us +by the self-styled author of Popular Sovereignty, we have had nothing but +ill-feeling and agitation. According to Judge Douglas, the passage of the +Nebraska bill would tranquilize the whole country--there would be no more +slavery agitation in or out of Congress, and the vexed question would be +left entirely to the people of the Territories. Such was the opinion of +Judge Douglas, and such were the opinions of the leading men of the +Democratic Party. Even as late as the spring of 1856 Mr. Buchanan said, a +short time subsequent to his nomination by the Cincinnati convention, +that the territory of Kansas would be tranquil in less than six weeks. +Perhaps he thought so, but Kansas has not been and is not tranquil, and +it may be a long time before she may be so. + +We all know how fierce the agitation was in Congress last winter, and +what a narrow escape Kansas had from being admitted into the Union with a +constitution that was detested by ninety-nine hundredths of her citizens. +Did the angry debates which took place at Washington during the last +season of Congress lead you to suppose that the slavery agitation was +settled? + +An election was held in Kansas in the month of August, and the +constitution which was submitted to the people was voted down by a large +majority. So Kansas is still out of the Union, and there is a probability +that she will remain out for some time. But Judge Douglas says the +slavery question is settled. He says the bill he introduced into the +Senate of the United States on the 4th day of January, 1854, settled the +slavery question forever! Perhaps he can tell us how that bill settled +the slavery question, for if he is able to settle a question of such +great magnitude he ought to be able to explain the manner in which he +does it. He knows and you know that the question is not settled, and that +his ill-timed experiment to settle it has made it worse than it ever was +before. + +And now let me say a few words in regard to Douglas's great hobby of +negro equality. He thinks--he says at least--that the Republican party is +in favor of allowing whites and blacks to intermarry, and that a man +can't be a good Republican unless he is willing to elevate black men to +office and to associate with them on terms of perfect equality. He knows +that we advocate no such doctrines as these, but he cares not how much he +misrepresents us if he can gain a few votes by so doing. To show you what +my opinion of negro equality was in times past, and to prove to you that +I stand on that question where I always stood, I will read you a few +extracts from a speech that was made by me in Peoria in 1854. It was made +in reply to one of Judge Douglas's speeches. + +(Mr. Lincoln then read a number of extracts which had the ring of the +true metal. We have rarely heard anything with which we have been more +pleased. And the audience after hearing the extracts read, and comparing +their conservative sentiments with those now advocated by Mr. Lincoln, +testified their approval by loud applause. How any reasonable man can +hear one of Mr. Lincoln's speeches without being converted to +Republicanism is something that we can't account for. Ed.) + +Slavery, continued Mr. Lincoln, is not a matter of little importance, it +overshadows every other question in which we are interested. It has +divided the Methodist and Presbyterian churches, and has sown discord in +the American Tract Society. The churches have split and the society will +follow their example before long. So it will be seen that slavery is +agitated in the religious as well as in the political world. Judge +Douglas is very much afraid in the triumph that the Republican party will +lead to a general mixture of the white and black races. Perhaps I am +wrong in saying that he is afraid, so I will correct myself by saying +that he pretends to fear that the success of our party will result in the +amalgamation of the blacks and whites. I think I can show plainly, from +documents now before me, that Judge Douglas's fears are groundless. The +census of 1800 tells us that in that year there were over four hundred +thousand mulattoes in the United States. Now let us take what is called +an Abolition State--the Republican, slavery-hating State of New +Hampshire--and see how many mulattoes we can find within her borders. The +number amounts to just one hundred and eighty-four. In the Old +Dominion--in the Democratic and aristocratic State of Virginia--there +were a few more mulattoes than the Census-takers found in New Hampshire. +How many do you suppose there were? Seventy-nine thousand, seven hundred +and seventy-five--twenty-three thousand more than there were in all the +free States! In the slave States there were in 1800, three hundred and +forty-eight thousand mulattoes all of home production; and in the free +States there were less than sixty thousand mulattoes--and a large number +of them were imported from the South. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT EDWARDSVILLE, ILL., + +SEPT. 13, 1858. + +I have been requested to give a concise statement of the difference, as I +understand it, between the Democratic and Republican parties, on the +leading issues of the campaign. This question has been put to me by a +gentleman whom I do not know. I do not even know whether he is a friend +of mine or a supporter of Judge Douglas in this contest, nor does that +make any difference. His question is a proper one. Lest I should forget +it, I will give you my answer before proceeding with the line of argument +I have marked out for this discussion. + +The difference between the Republican and the Democratic parties on the +leading issues of this contest, as I understand it, is that the former +consider slavery a moral, social and political wrong, while the latter do +not consider it either a moral, a social or a political wrong; and the +action of each, as respects the growth of the country and the expansion +of our population, is squared to meet these views. I will not affirm that +the Democratic party consider slavery morally, socially and politically +right, though their tendency to that view has, in my opinion, been +constant and unmistakable for the past five years. I prefer to take, as +the accepted maxim of the party, the idea put forth by Judge Douglas, +that he "don't care whether slavery is voted down or voted up." I am quite +willing to believe that many Democrats would prefer that slavery should +be always voted down, and I know that some prefer that it be always voted +up; but I have a right to insist that their action, especially if it be +their constant action, shall determine their ideas and preferences on +this subject. Every measure of the Democratic party of late years, +bearing directly or indirectly on the slavery question, has corresponded +with this notion of utter indifference whether slavery or freedom shall +outrun in the race of empire across to the Pacific--every measure, I say, +up to the Dred Scott decision, where, it seems to me, the idea is boldly +suggested that slavery is better than freedom. The Republican party, on +the contrary, hold that this government was instituted to secure the +blessings of freedom, and that slavery is an unqualified evil to the +negro, to the white man, to the soil, and to the State. Regarding it as +an evil, they will not molest it in the States where it exists, they will +not overlook the constitutional guards which our fathers placed around +it; they will do nothing that can give proper offence to those who hold +slaves by legal sanction; but they will use every constitutional method +to prevent the evil from becoming larger and involving more negroes, more +white men, more soil, and more States in its deplorable consequences. +They will, if possible, place it where the public mind shall rest in the +belief that it is in course of ultimate peaceable extinction in God's own +good time. And to this end they will, if possible, restore the government +to the policy of the fathers, the policy of preserving the new +Territories from the baneful influence of human bondage, as the +Northwestern Territories were sought to be preserved by the Ordinance of +1787, and the Compromise Act of 1820. They will oppose, in all its length +and breadth, the modern Democratic idea, that slavery is as good as +freedom, and ought to have room for expansion all over the continent, if +people can be found to carry it. All, or nearly all, of Judge Douglas's +arguments are logical, if you admit that slavery is as good and as right +as freedom, and not one of them is worth a rush if you deny it. This is +the difference, as I understand it, between the Republican and Democratic +parties. + +My friends, I have endeavored to show you the logical consequences of the +Dred Scott decision, which holds that the people of a Territory cannot +prevent the establishment of slavery in their midst. I have stated what +cannot be gainsaid, that the grounds upon which this decision is made are +equally applicable to the free States as to the free Territories, and +that the peculiar reasons put forth by Judge Douglas for indorsing this +decision commit him, in advance, to the next decision and to all other +decisions corning from the same source. And when, by all these means, you +have succeeded in dehumanizing the negro; when you have put him down and +made it impossible for him to be but as the beasts of the field; when you +have extinguished his soul in this world and placed him where the ray of +hope is blown out as in the darkness of the damned, are you quite sure +that the demon you have roused will not turn and rend you? What +constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and independence? It is not +our frowning battlements, our bristling sea coasts, our army and our +navy. These are not our reliance against tyranny All of those may be +turned against us without making us weaker for the struggle. Our reliance +is in the love of liberty which God has planted in us. Our defense is in +the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands +everywhere. Destroy this spirit and you have planted the seeds of +despotism at your own doors. Familiarize yourselves with the chains of +bondage and you prepare your own limbs to wear them. Accustomed to +trample on the rights of others, you have lost the genius of your own +independence and become the fit subjects of the first cunning tyrant who +rises among you. And let me tell you, that all these things are prepared +for you by the teachings of history, if the elections shall promise that +the next Dred Scott decision and all future decisions will be quietly +acquiesced in by the people. + + + + +VERSE TO "LINNIE" + +September 30,? 1858. + +TO "LINNIE": + +A sweet plaintive song did I hear And I fancied that she was the singer. +May emotions as pure as that song set astir Be the wont that the future +shall bring her. + + + + +NEGROES ARE MEN + +TO J. U. BROWN. + +SPRINGFIELD, OCT 18, 1858 + +HON. J. U. BROWN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I do not perceive how I can express myself more plainly +than I have in the fore-going extracts. In four of them I have expressly +disclaimed all intention to bring about social and political equality +between the white and black races and in all the rest I have done the +same thing by clear implication. + +I have made it equally plain that I think the negro is included in the +word "men" used in the Declaration of Independence. + +I believe the declaration that "all men are created equal" is the great +fundamental principle upon which our free institutions rest; that negro +slavery is violative of that principle; but that, by our frame of +government, that principle has not been made one of legal obligation; +that by our frame of government, States which have slavery are to retain +it, or surrender it at their own pleasure; and that all +others--individuals, free States and national Government--are +constitutionally bound to leave them alone about it. + +I believe our Government was thus framed because of the necessity +springing from the actual presence of slavery, when it was framed. + +That such necessity does not exist in the Territories when slavery is not +present. + +In his Mendenhall speech Mr. Clay says: "Now as an abstract principle +there is no doubt of the truth of that declaration (all men created +equal), and it is desirable, in the original construction of society, to +keep it in view as a great fundamental principle." + +Again, in the same speech Mr. Clay says: "If a state of nature existed +and we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man would be more +strongly opposed than I should to incorporate the institution of slavery +among its elements." + +Exactly so. In our new free Territories, a state of nature does exist. In +them Congress lays the foundations of society; and in laying those +foundations, I say, with Mr. Clay, it is desirable that the declaration +of the equality of all men shall be kept in view as a great fundamental +principle, and that Congress, which lays the foundations of society, +should, like Mr. Clay, be strongly opposed to the incorporation of +slavery and its elements. + +But it does not follow that social and political equality between whites +and blacks must be incorporated because slavery must not. The declaration +does not so require. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + +[Newspaper cuttings of Lincoln's speeches at Peoria, in 1854, at +Springfield, Ottawa, Chicago, and Charleston, in 1858. They were pasted +in a little book in which the above letter was also written.] + + + + +TO A. SYMPSON. + +BLANDINSVILLE, Oct 26, 1858 + +A. SYMPSON, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Since parting with you this morning I heard some things which +make me believe that Edmunds and Morrill will spend this week among the +National Democrats, trying to induce them to content themselves by voting +for Jake Davis, and then to vote for the Douglas candidates for senator +and representative. Have this headed off, if you can. Call Wagley's +attention to it and have him and the National Democrat for Rep. to +counteract it as far as they can. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SENATORIAL ELECTION LOST AND OUT OF MONEY + +TO N. B. JUDD. + +SPRINGFIELD, NOVEMBER 16, 1858 + +HON. N. B. JUDD + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th is just received. I wrote you the same day. +As to the pecuniary matter, I am willing to pay according to my ability; +but I am the poorest hand living to get others to pay. I have been on +expenses so long without earning anything that I am absolutely without +money now for even household purposes. Still, if you can put in two +hundred and fifty dollars for me toward discharging the debt of the +committee, I will allow it when you and I settle the private matter +between us. This, with what I have already paid, and with an outstanding +note of mine, will exceed my subscription of five hundred dollars. This, +too, is exclusive of my ordinary expenses during the campaign, all of +which, being added to my loss of time and business, bears pretty heavily +upon one no better off in [this] world's goods than I; but as I had the +post of honor, it is not for me to be over nice. You are feeling +badly,--"And this too shall pass away," never fear. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +THE FIGHT MUST GO ON + +TO H. ASBURY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November 19, 1858. + +HENRY ASBURY, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 13th was received some days ago. The fight must +go on. The cause of civil liberty must not be surrendered at the end of +one or even one hundred defeats. Douglas had the ingenuity to be +supported in the late contest both as the best means to break down and to +uphold the slave interest. No ingenuity can keep these antagonistic +elements in harmony long. Another explosion will soon come. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REALIZATION THAT DEBATES MUST BE SAVED + +TO C. H. RAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, Nov.20, 1858 + +DR. C. H. RAY + +MY DEAR SIR:--I wish to preserve a set of the late debates (if they may +be called so), between Douglas and myself. To enable me to do so, please +get two copies of each number of your paper containing the whole, and +send them to me by express; and I will pay you for the papers and for +your trouble. I wish the two sets in order to lay one away in the +[undecipherable word] and to put the other in a scrapbook. Remember, if +part of any debate is on both sides of the sheet it will take two sets to +make one scrap-book. + +I believe, according to a letter of yours to Hatch, you are "feeling like +h-ll yet." Quit that--you will soon feel better. Another "blow up" is +coming; and we shall have fun again. Douglas managed to be supported both +as the best instrument to down and to uphold the slave power; but no +ingenuity can long keep the antagonism in harmony. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November 30, 1858 + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Being desirous of preserving in some permanent form the +late joint discussion between Douglas and myself, ten days ago I wrote to +Dr. Ray, requesting him to forward to me by express two sets of the +numbers of the Tribune which contain the reports of those discussions. Up +to date I have no word from him on the subject. Will you, if in your +power, procure them and forward them to me by express? If you will, I +will pay all charges, and be greatly obliged, to boot. Hoping to visit +you before long, I remain + +As ever your friend, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. D. SHARPE. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 8, 1858. + +H. D. SHARPE, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of Nov. 9th was duly received. I do not +know that you expected or desired an answer; but glancing over the +contents of yours again, I am prompted to say that, while I desired the +result of the late canvass to have been different, I still regard it as +an exceeding small matter. I think we have fairly entered upon a durable +struggle as to whether this nation is to ultimately become all slave or +all free, and though I fall early in the contest, it is nothing if I +shall have contributed, in the least degree, to the final rightful +result. + +Respectfully yours, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. SYMPSON. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec.12, 1858. + +ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I expect the result of the election went hard with you. So +it did with me, too, perhaps not quite so hard as you may have supposed. +I have an abiding faith that we shall beat them in the long run. Step by +step the objects of the leaders will become too plain for the people to +stand them. I write merely to let you know that I am neither dead nor +dying. Please give my respects to your good family, and all inquiring +friends. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON BANKRUPTCY + + +NOTES OF AN ARGUMENT. + +December [?], 1858. + +Legislation and adjudication must follow and conform to the progress of +society. + +The progress of society now begins to produce cases of the transfer for +debts of the entire property of railroad corporations; and to enable +transferees to use and enjoy the transferred property, legislation and +adjudication begin to be necessary. + +Shall this class of legislation just now beginning with us be general or +special? + + + + +Section Ten of our Constitution requires that it should be general, + +if possible. (Read the section.) + +Special legislation always trenches upon the judicial department; and in +so far violates Section Two of the Constitution. (Read it.) + +Just reasoning--policy--is in favor of general legislation--else the +Legislature will be loaded down with the investigation of smaller +cases--a work which the courts ought to perform, and can perform much +more perfectly. How can the Legislature rightly decide the facts between +P. & B. and S.C. + +It is said that under a general law, whenever a R. R. Co. gets tired of +its debts, it may transfer fraudulently to get rid of them. So they +may--so may individuals; and which--the Legislature or the courts--is +best suited to try the question of fraud in either case? + +It is said, if a purchaser have acquired legal rights, let him not be +robbed of them, but if he needs legislation let him submit to just terms +to obtain it. + +Let him, say we, have general law in advance (guarded in every possible +way against fraud), so that, when he acquires a legal right, he will have +no occasion to wait for additional legislation; and if he has practiced +fraud let the courts so decide. + + + + +A LEGAL OPINION BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +The 11th Section of the Act of Congress, approved Feb. 11, 1805, +prescribing rules for the subdivision of sections of land within the +United States system of surveys, standing unrepealed, in my opinion, is +binding on the respective purchasers of different parts of the same +section, and furnishes the true rule for surveyors in establishing lines +between them. That law, being in force at the time each became a +purchaser, becomes a condition of the purchase. + +And, by that law, I think the true rule for dividing into quarters any +interior section or sections, which is not fractional, is to run straight +lines through the section from the opposite quarter section corners, +fixing the point where such straight lines cross, or intersect each +other, as the middle or centre of the section. + +Nearly, perhaps quite, all the original surveys are to some extent +erroneous, and in some of the sections, greatly so. In each of the +latter, it is obvious that a more equitable mode of division than the +above might be adopted; but as error is infinitely various perhaps no +better single rules can be prescribed. + +At all events I think the above has been prescribed by the competent +authority. + +SPRINGFIELD, Jany. 6, 1859. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO M. W. DELAHAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 4, 1859. + +M. W. DELAHAY, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR: Your second letter in relation to my being with you at your +Republican convention was duly received. It is not at hand just now, but +I have the impression from it that the convention was to be at +Leavenworth; but day before yesterday a friend handed me a letter from +Judge M. F. Caraway, in which he also expresses a wish for me to come, +and he fixes the place at Ossawatomie. This I believe is off of the +river, and will require more time and labor to get to it. It will push me +hard to get there without injury to my own business; but I shall try to +do it, though I am not yet quite certain I shall succeed. + +I should like to know before coming, that while some of you wish me to +come, there may not be others who would quite as lief I would stay away. +Write me again. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. M. MORRIS. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 28, 1859. + +W. M. MORRIS, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Your kind note inviting me to deliver a lecture at Galesburg +is received. I regret to say I cannot do so now; I must stick to the +courts awhile. I read a sort of lecture to three different audiences +during the last month and this; but I did so under circumstances which +made it a waste of no time whatever. + +Yours very truly, + + + + +TO H. L. PIERCE AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, April 6, 1859. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your kind note inviting me to attend a festival in Boston, on +the 28th instant, in honor of the birthday of Thomas Jefferson, was duly +received. My engagements are such that I cannot attend. + +Bearing in mind that about seventy years ago two great political parties +were first formed in this country, that Thomas Jefferson was the head of +one of them and Boston the headquarters of the other, it is both curious +and interesting that those supposed to descend politically from the party +opposed to Jefferson should now be celebrating his birthday in their own +original seat of empire, while those claiming political descent from him +have nearly ceased to breathe his name everywhere. + +Remembering, too, that the Jefferson party was formed upon its supposed +superior devotion to the personal rights of men, holding the rights of +property to be secondary only, and greatly inferior, and assuming that +the so-called Democracy of to-day are the Jefferson, and their opponents +the anti-Jefferson, party, it will be equally interesting to note how +completely the two have changed hands as to the principle upon which they +were originally supposed to be divided. The Democracy of to-day hold the +liberty of one man to be absolutely nothing, when in conflict with +another man's right of property; Republicans, on the contrary, are for +both the man and the dollar, but in case of conflict the man before the +dollar. + +I remember being once much amused at seeing two partially intoxicated men +engaged in a fight with their great-coats on, which fight, after a long +and rather harmless contest, ended in each having fought himself out of +his own coat and into that of the other. If the two leading parties of +this day are really identical with the two in the days of Jefferson and +Adams, they have performed the same feat as the two drunken men. + +But soberly, it is now no child's play to save the principles of +Jefferson from total overthrow in this nation. One would state with great +confidence that he could convince any sane child that the simpler +propositions of Euclid are true; but nevertheless he would fail, utterly, +with one who should deny the definitions and axioms. The principles of +Jefferson are the definitions and axioms of free society. And yet they +are denied and evaded, with no small show of success. One dashingly calls +them "glittering generalities." Another bluntly calls them "self-evident +lies." And others insidiously argue that they apply to "superior races." +These expressions, differing in form, are identical in object and +effect--the supplanting the principles of free government, and restoring +those of classification, caste, and legitimacy. They would delight a +convocation of crowned heads plotting against the people. They are the +vanguard, the miners and sappers, of returning despotism. We must repulse +them, or they will subjugate us. This is a world of compensation; and he +who would be no slave must consent to have no slave. Those who deny +freedom to others deserve it not for themselves, and, under a just God, +cannot long retain it. All honor to Jefferson to the man who, in the +concrete pressure of a struggle for national independence by a single +people, had the coolness, forecast, and capacity to introduce into a mere +revolutionary document an abstract truth, applicable to all men and all +times, and so to embalm it there that to-day and in all coming days it +shall be a rebuke and a stumbling-block to the very harbingers of +reappearing tyranny and oppression. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO T. CANISIUS. + +SPRINGFIELD, May 17, 1859. + +DR. THEODORE CANISIUS. + +DEAR SIR:--Your note asking, in behalf of yourself and other German +citizens, whether I am for or against the constitutional provision in +regard to naturalized citizens, lately adopted by Massachusetts, and +whether I am for or against a fusion of the Republicans and other +opposition elements for the canvass of 1860, is received. + +Massachusetts is a sovereign and independent State; and it is no +privilege of mine to scold her for what she does. Still, if from what she +has done an inference is sought to be drawn as to what I would do, I may +without impropriety speak out. I say, then, that, as I understand the +Massachusetts provision, I am against its adoption in Illinois, or in any +other place where I have a right to oppose it. Understanding the spirit +of our institutions to aim at the elevation of men, I am opposed to +whatever tends to degrade them. I have some little notoriety for +commiserating the oppressed negro; and I should be strangely inconsistent +if I could favor any project for curtailing the existing rights of white +men, even though born in different lands, and speaking different +languages from myself. As to the matter of fusion, I am for it if it can +be had on Republican grounds; and I am not for it on any other terms. A +fusion on any other terms would be as foolish as unprincipled. It would +lose the whole North, while the common enemy would still carry the whole +South. The question of men is a different one. There are good, patriotic +men and able statesmen in the South whom I would cheerfully support, if +they would now place themselves on Republican ground, but I am against +letting down the Republican standard a hairsbreadth. + +I have written this hastily, but I believe it answers your questions +substantially. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE GOVERNOR, AUDITOR, AND TREASURER OF THE STATE OF ILLINOIS. + +GENTLEMEN: + +In reply to your inquiry; requesting our written opinion as to what your +duty requires you to do in executing the latter clause of the Seventh +Section of "An Act in relation to the payment of the principal and +interest of the State debt," approved Feb'y 22, 1859, we reply that said +last clause of said section is certainly indefinite, general, and +ambiguous in its description of the bonds to be issued by you; giving no +time at which the bonds are to be made payable, no place at which either +principal or interest are to be paid, and no rate of interest which the +bonds are to bear; nor any other description except that they are to be +coupon bonds, which in commercial usage means interest-paying bonds with +obligations or orders attached to them for the payment of annual or +semiannual interest; there is we suppose no difficulty in ascertaining, +if this act stood alone, what ought to be the construction of the terms +"coupon bonds" and that it, would mean bonds bearing interest from the +time of issuing the same. And under this act considered by itself the +creditors would have a right to require such bonds. But your inquiry in +regard to a class of bonds on which no interest is to be paid or shall +begin to run until January 1, 1860, is whether the Act of February 18, +1857, would not authorize you to refuse to give bonds with any coupons +attached payable before the first day of July, 1860. We have very +maturely considered this question and have arrived at the conclusion that +you have a right to use such measures as will secure the State against +the loss of six months' interest on these bonds by the indefiniteness of +the Act of 1859. While it cannot be denied that the letter of the laws +favor the construction claimed by some of the creditors that +interest-bearing bonds were required to be issued to them, inasmuch as +the restriction that no interest is to run on said bonds until 1st +January, 1860, relates solely to the bonds issued under the Act of 1857. +And the Act of 1859 directing you to issue new bonds does not contain +this restriction, but directs you to issue coupon bonds. Nevertheless the +very indefiniteness and generality of the Act of 1859, giving no rate of +interest, no time due, no place of payment, no postponement of the time +when interest commences, necessarily implies that the Legislature +intended to invest you with a discretion to impose such terms and +restrictions as would protect the interest of the State; and we think you +have a right and that it is your duty to see that the State Bonds are so +issued that the State shall not lose six months' interest. Two plans +present themselves either of which will secure the State. 1st. If in +literal compliance with the law you issue bonds bearing interest from 1st +July, 1859, you may deduct from the bonds presented three thousand from +every $100,000 of bonds and issue $97,000 of coupon bonds; by this plan +$3000 out of $100,000 of principal would be extinguished in consideration +of paying $2910 interest on the first of January, 1860--and the interest +on the $3000 would forever cease; this would be no doubt most +advantageous to the State. But if the Auditor will not consent to this, +then, 2nd. Cut off of each bond all the coupons payable before 1st July, +1860. + +One of these plans would undoubtedly have been prescribed by the +Legislature if its attention had been directed to this question. + +May 28, 1859. + + + + +ON LINCOLN'S SCRAP BOOK + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, December 25, 1858. + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have just received yours of the 23rd inquiring whether I +received the newspapers you sent me by express. I did receive them, and +am very much obliged. There is some probability that my scrap-book will +be reprinted, and if it shall, I will save you a copy. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +1859 +FIRST SUGGESTION OF A PRESIDENTIAL OFFER. +TO S. GALLOWAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., July 28, 1859. + +HON. SAMUEL GALLOWAY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very complimentary, not to say flattering, letter of +the 23d inst. is received. Dr. Reynolds had induced me to expect you +here; and I was disappointed not a little by your failure to come. And +yet I fear you have formed an estimate of me which can scarcely be +sustained on a personal acquaintance. + +Two things done by the Ohio Republican convention--the repudiation of +Judge Swan, and the "plank" for a repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law--I +very much regretted. These two things are of a piece; and they are viewed +by many good men, sincerely opposed to slavery, as a struggle against, +and in disregard of, the Constitution itself. And it is the very thing +that will greatly endanger our cause, if it be not kept out of our +national convention. There is another thing our friends are doing which +gives me some uneasiness. It is their leaning toward "popular +sovereignty." There are three substantial objections to this: First, no +party can command respect which sustains this year what it opposed last. +Secondly, Douglas (who is the most dangerous enemy of liberty, because +the most insidious one) would have little support in the North, and by +consequence, no capital to trade on in the South, if it were not for his +friends thus magnifying him and his humbug. But lastly, and chiefly, +Douglas's popular sovereignty, accepted by the public mind as a just +principle, nationalizes slavery, and revives the African slave trade +inevitably. + +Taking slaves into new Territories, and buying slaves in Africa, are +identical things, identical rights or identical wrongs, and the argument +which establishes one will establish the other. Try a thousand years for +a sound reason why Congress shall not hinder the people of Kansas from +having slaves, and, when you have found it, it will be an equally good +one why Congress should not hinder the people of Georgia from importing +slaves from Africa. + +As to Governor Chase, I have a kind side for him. He was one of the few +distinguished men of the nation who gave us, in Illinois, their sympathy +last year. I never saw him, but suppose him to be able and right-minded; +but still he may not be the most suitable as a candidate for the +Presidency. + +I must say I do not think myself fit for the Presidency. As you propose a +correspondence with me, I shall look for your letters anxiously. + +I have not met Dr. Reynolds since receiving your letter; but when I +shall, I will present your respects as requested. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +IT IS BAD TO BE POOR. + +TO HAWKINS TAYLOR + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. Sept. 6, 1859. + +HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 3d is just received. There is some mistake about +my expected attendance of the U.S. Court in your city on the 3d Tuesday +of this month. I have had no thought of being there. + +It is bad to be poor. I shall go to the wall for bread and meat if I +neglect my business this year as well as last. It would please me much to +see the city and good people of Keokuk, but for this year it is little +less than an impossibility. I am constantly receiving invitations which I +am compelled to decline. I was pressingly urged to go to Minnesota; and I +now have two invitations to go to Ohio. These last are prompted by +Douglas going there; and I am really tempted to make a flying trip to +Columbus and Cincinnati. + +I do hope you will have no serious trouble in Iowa. What thinks Grimes +about it? I have not known him to be mistaken about an election in Iowa. +Present my respects to Col. Carter, and any other friends, and believe me + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SPEECH AT COLUMBUS, OHIO. + +SEPTEMBER 16, 1859. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF OHIO: I cannot fail to remember that I +appear for the first time before an audience in this now great State,--an +audience that is accustomed to hear such speakers as Corwin, and Chase, +and Wade, and many other renowned men; and, remembering this, I feel that +it will be well for you, as for me, that you should not raise your +expectations to that standard to which you would have been justified in +raising them had one of these distinguished men appeared before you. You +would perhaps be only preparing a disappointment for yourselves, and, as +a consequence of your disappointment, mortification to me. I hope, +therefore, that you will commence with very moderate expectations; and +perhaps, if you will give me your attention, I shall be able to interest +you to a moderate degree. + +Appearing here for the first time in my life, I have been somewhat +embarrassed for a topic by way of introduction to my speech; but I have +been relieved from that embarrassment by an introduction which the Ohio +Statesman newspaper gave me this morning. In this paper I have read an +article, in which, among other statements, I find the following: + +"In debating with Senator Douglas during the memorable contest of last +fall, Mr. Lincoln declared in favor of negro suffrage, and attempted to +defend that vile conception against the Little Giant." + +I mention this now, at the opening of my remarks, for the purpose of +making three comments upon it. The first I have already announced,--it +furnishes me an introductory topic; the second is to show that the +gentleman is mistaken; thirdly, to give him an opportunity to correct it. + +In the first place, in regard to this matter being a mistake. I have +found that it is not entirely safe, when one is misrepresented under his +very nose, to allow the misrepresentation to go uncontradicted. I +therefore propose, here at the outset, not only to say that this is a +misrepresentation, but to show conclusively that it is so; and you will +bear with me while I read a couple of extracts from that very "memorable" +debate with Judge Douglas last year, to which this newspaper refers. In +the first pitched battle which Senator Douglas and myself had, at the +town of Ottawa, I used the language which I will now read. Having been +previously reading an extract, I continued as follows: + +"Now, gentlemen, I don't want to read at any greater length, but this is +the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to the institution +of slavery and the black race. This is the whole of it; and anything that +argues me into his idea of perfect social and political equality with the +negro, is but a specious and fantastic arrangement of words, by which a +man can prove a horse-chestnut to be a chestnut horse. I will say here, +while upon this subject, that I have no purpose directly or indirectly to +interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. +I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to +do so. I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality +between the white and the black races. There is a physical difference +between the two which, in my judgment, will probably forbid their ever +living together upon the footing of perfect equality; and inasmuch as it +becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge +Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong having the superior +position. I have never said anything to the contrary, but I hold that, +notwithstanding all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro +is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration +of Independence,--the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of +happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man. +I agree with judge Douglas, he is not my equal in many respects, +--certainly not in color, perhaps not in moral or intellectual +endowments. But in the right to eat the bread, without leave of anybody +else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal, and the equal of Judge +Douglas, and the equal of every living man." + +Upon a subsequent occasion, when the reason for making a statement like +this occurred, I said: + +"While I was at the hotel to-day an elderly gentleman called upon me to +know whether I was really in favor of producing perfect equality between +the negroes and white people. While I had not proposed to myself on this +occasion to say much on that subject, yet, as the question was asked me, +I thought I would occupy perhaps five minutes in saying something in +regard to it. I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in +favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of +the white and black races; that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of +making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold +office, or intermarry with the white people; and I will say in addition +to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black +races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together +on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they can not +so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of +superior and inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of +having the superior position assigned to the white race. I say upon this +occasion I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the +superior position, the negro should be denied everything. I do not +understand that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I must +necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is that I can just let +her alone. I am now in my fiftieth year, and I certainly never have had a +black woman for either a slave or a wife. So it seems to me quite +possible for us to get along without making either slaves or wives of +negroes. I will add to this that I have never seen, to my knowledge, a +man, woman, or child, who was in favor of producing perfect equality, +social and political, between negroes and white men. I recollect of but +one distinguished instance that I ever heard of so frequently as to be +satisfied of its correctness, and that is the case of Judge Douglas's old +friend Colonel Richard M. Johnson. I will also add to the remarks I have +made (for I am not going to enter at large upon this subject), that I +have never had the least apprehension that I or my friends would marry +negroes, if there was no law to keep them from it; but as judge Douglas +and his friends seem to be in great apprehension that they might, if +there were no law to keep them from it, I give him the most solemn pledge +that I will to the very last stand by the law of the State which forbids +the marrying of white people with negroes." + +There, my friends, you have briefly what I have, upon former occasions, +said upon this subject to which this newspaper, to the extent of its +ability, has drawn the public attention. In it you not only perceive, as +a probability, that in that contest I did not at any time say I was in +favor of negro suffrage, but the absolute proof that twice--once +substantially, and once expressly--I declared against it. Having shown +you this, there remains but a word of comment upon that newspaper +article. It is this, that I presume the editor of that paper is an honest +and truth-loving man, and that he will be greatly obliged to me for +furnishing him thus early an opportunity to correct the misrepresentation +he has made, before it has run so long that malicious people can call him +a liar. + +The Giant himself has been here recently. I have seen a brief report of +his speech. If it were otherwise unpleasant to me to introduce the +subject of the negro as a topic for discussion, I might be somewhat +relieved by the fact that he dealt exclusively in that subject while he +was here. I shall, therefore, without much hesitation or diffidence, +enter upon this subject. + +The American people, on the first day of January, 1854, found the African +slave trade prohibited by a law of Congress. In a majority of the States +of this Union, they found African slavery, or any other sort of slavery, +prohibited by State constitutions. They also found a law existing, +supposed to be valid, by which slavery was excluded from almost all the +territory the United States then owned. This was the condition of the +country, with reference to the institution of slavery, on the first of +January, 1854. A few days after that, a bill was introduced into +Congress, which ran through its regular course in the two branches of the +national legislature, and finally passed into a law in the month of May, +by which the Act of Congress prohibiting slavery from going into the +Territories of the United States was repealed. In connection with the law +itself, and, in fact, in the terms of the law, the then existing +prohibition was not only repealed, but there was a declaration of a +purpose on the part of Congress never thereafter to exercise any power +that they might have, real or supposed, to prohibit the extension or +spread of slavery. This was a very great change; for the law thus +repealed was of more than thirty years' standing. Following rapidly upon +the heels of this action of Congress, a decision of the Supreme Court is +made, by which it is declared that Congress, if it desires to prohibit +the spread of slavery into the Territories, has no constitutional power +to do so. Not only so, but that decision lays down principles which, if +pushed to their logical conclusion,--I say pushed to their logical +conclusion,--would decide that the constitutions of free States, +forbidding slavery, are themselves unconstitutional. Mark me, I do not +say the judges said this, and let no man say I affirm the judges used +these words; but I only say it is my opinion that what they did say, if +pressed to its logical conclusion, will inevitably result thus. + +Looking at these things, the Republican party, as I understand its +principles and policy, believes that there is great danger of the +institution of slavery being spread out and extended until it is +ultimately made alike lawful in all the States of this Union; so +believing, to prevent that incidental and ultimate consummation is the +original and chief purpose of the Republican organization. I say "chief +purpose" of the Republican organization; for it is certainly true that if +the National House shall fall into the hands of the Republicans, they +will have to attend to all the other matters of national house-keeping, +as well as this. The chief and real purpose of the Republican party is +eminently conservative. It proposes nothing save and except to restore +this government to its original tone in regard to this element of +slavery, and there to maintain it, looking for no further change in +reference to it than that which the original framers of the Government +themselves expected and looked forward to. + +The chief danger to this purpose of the Republican party is not just now +the revival of the African slave trade, or the passage of a Congressional +slave code, or the declaring of a second Dred Scott decision, making +slavery lawful in all the States. These are not pressing us just now. +They are not quite ready yet. The authors of these measures know that we +are too strong for them; but they will be upon us in due time, and we +will be grappling with them hand to hand, if they are not now headed off. +They are not now the chief danger to the purpose of the Republican +organization; but the most imminent danger that now threatens that +purpose is that insidious Douglas popular sovereignty. This is the miner +and sapper. While it does not propose to revive the African slave trade, +nor to pass a slave code, nor to make a second Dred Scott decision, it is +preparing us for the onslaught and charge of these ultimate enemies when +they shall be ready to come on, and the word of command for them to +advance shall be given. I say this "Douglas popular sovereignty"; for +there is a broad distinction, as I now understand it, between that +article and a genuine popular sovereignty. + +I believe there is a genuine popular sovereignty. I think a definition of +"genuine popular sovereignty," in the abstract, would be about this: That +each man shall do precisely as he pleases with himself, and with all +those things which exclusively concern him. Applied to government, this +principle would be, that a general government shall do all those things +which pertain to it, and all the local governments shall do precisely as +they please in respect to those matters which exclusively concern them. I +understand that this government of the United States, under which we +live, is based upon this principle; and I am misunderstood if it is +supposed that I have any war to make upon that principle. + +Now, what is judge Douglas's popular sovereignty? It is, as a principle, +no other than that if one man chooses to make a slave of another man +neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to object. Applied in +government, as he seeks to apply it, it is this: If, in a new Territory +into which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose of making +their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their limits or +to establish it there, however one or the other may affect the persons to +be enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons who are +afterwards to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of the +families of communities, of which they are but an incipient member, or +the general head of the family of States as parent of all, however their +action may affect one or the other of these, there is no power or right +to interfere. That is Douglas's popular sovereignty applied. + +He has a good deal of trouble with popular sovereignty. His explanations +explanatory of explanations explained are interminable. The most lengthy, +and, as I suppose, the most maturely considered of this long series of +explanations is his great essay in Harper's Magazine. I will not attempt +to enter on any very thorough investigation of his argument as there made +and presented. I will nevertheless occupy a good portion of your time +here in drawing your attention to certain points in it. Such of you as +may have read this document will have perceived that the judge early in +the document quotes from two persons as belonging to the Republican +party, without naming them, but who can readily be recognized as being +Governor Seward of New York and myself. It is true that exactly fifteen +months ago this day, I believe, I for the first time expressed a +sentiment upon this subject, and in such a manner that it should get into +print, that the public might see it beyond the circle of my hearers; and +my expression of it at that time is the quotation that Judge Douglas +makes. He has not made the quotation with accuracy, but justice to him +requires me to say that it is sufficiently accurate not to change the +sense. + +The sense of that quotation condensed is this: that this slavery element +is a durable element of discord among us, and that we shall probably not +have perfect peace in this country with it until it either masters the +free principle in our government, or is so far mastered by the free +principle as for the public mind to rest in the belief that it is going +to its end. This sentiment, which I now express in this way, was, at no +great distance of time, perhaps in different language, and in connection +with some collateral ideas, expressed by Governor Seward. Judge Douglas +has been so much annoyed by the expression of that sentiment that he has +constantly, I believe, in almost all his speeches since it was uttered, +been referring to it. I find he alluded to it in his speech here, as well +as in the copyright essay. I do not now enter upon this for the purpose +of making an elaborate argument to show that we were right in the +expression of that sentiment. In other words, I shall not stop to say all +that might properly be said upon this point, but I only ask your +attention to it for the purpose of making one or two points upon it. + +If you will read the copyright essay, you will discover that judge +Douglas himself says a controversy between the American Colonies and the +Government of Great Britain began on the slavery question in 1699, and +continued from that time until the Revolution; and, while he did not say +so, we all know that it has continued with more or less violence ever +since the Revolution. + +Then we need not appeal to history, to the declarations of the framers of +the government, but we know from judge Douglas himself that slavery began +to be an element of discord among the white people of this country as far +back as 1699, or one hundred and sixty years ago, or five generations of +men,--counting thirty years to a generation. Now, it would seem to me +that it might have occurred to Judge Douglas, or anybody who had turned +his attention to these facts, that there was something in the nature of +that thing, slavery, somewhat durable for mischief and discord. + +There is another point I desire to make in regard to this matter, before +I leave it. From the adoption of the Constitution down to 1820 is the +precise period of our history when we had comparative peace upon this +question,--the precise period of time when we came nearer to having peace +about it than any other time of that entire one hundred and sixty years +in which he says it began, or of the eighty years of our own +Constitution. Then it would be worth our while to stop and examine into +the probable reason of our coming nearer to having peace then than at any +other time. This was the precise period of time in which our fathers +adopted, and during which they followed, a policy restricting the spread +of slavery, and the whole Union was acquiescing in it. The whole country +looked forward to the ultimate extinction of the institution. It was when +a policy had been adopted, and was prevailing, which led all just and +right-minded men to suppose that slavery was gradually coming to an end, +and that they might be quiet about it, watching it as it expired. I think +Judge Douglas might have perceived that too; and whether he did or not, +it is worth the attention of fair-minded men, here and elsewhere, to +consider whether that is not the truth of the case. If he had looked at +these two facts,--that this matter has been an element of discord for one +hundred and sixty years among this people, and that the only comparative +peace we have had about it was when that policy prevailed in this +government which he now wars upon, he might then, perhaps, have been +brought to a more just appreciation of what I said fifteen months +ago,--that "a house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe that +this government cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free. I do +not expect the house to fall, I do not expect the Union to dissolve; but +I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or +all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further +spread of it, and place it where the public mind will rest in the belief +that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will +push it forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old +as well as new, North as well as South." That was my sentiment at that +time. In connection with it, I said: "We are now far into the fifth year +since a policy was inaugurated with the avowed object and confident +promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of +the policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly +augmented." I now say to you here that we are advanced still farther into +the sixth year since that policy of Judge Douglas--that popular +sovereignty of his--for quieting the slavery question was made the +national policy. Fifteen months more have been added since I uttered that +sentiment; and I call upon you and all other right-minded men to say +whether that fifteen months have belied or corroborated my words. + +While I am here upon this subject, I cannot but express gratitude that +this true view of this element of discord among us--as I believe it +is--is attracting more and more attention. I do not believe that Governor +Seward uttered that sentiment because I had done so before, but because +he reflected upon this subject and saw the truth of it. Nor do I believe +because Governor Seward or I uttered it that Mr. Hickman of Pennsylvania, +in, different language, since that time, has declared his belief in the +utter antagonism which exists between the principles of liberty and +slavery. You see we are multiplying. Now, while I am speaking of Hickman, +let me say, I know but little about him. I have never seen him, and know +scarcely anything about the man; but I will say this much of him: Of all +the anti-Lecompton Democracy that have been brought to my notice, he +alone has the true, genuine ring of the metal. And now, without indorsing +anything else he has said, I will ask this audience to give three cheers +for Hickman. [The audience responded with three rousing cheers for +Hickman.] + +Another point in the copyright essay to which I would ask your attention +is rather a feature to be extracted from the whole thing, than from any +express declaration of it at any point. It is a general feature of that +document, and, indeed, of all of Judge Douglas's discussions of this +question, that the Territories of the United States and the States of +this Union are exactly alike; that there is no difference between them at +all; that the Constitution applies to the Territories precisely as it +does to the States; and that the United States Government, under the +Constitution, may not do in a State what it may not do in a Territory, +and what it must do in a State it must do in a Territory. Gentlemen, is +that a true view of the case? It is necessary for this squatter +sovereignty, but is it true? + +Let us consider. What does it depend upon? It depends altogether upon the +proposition that the States must, without the interference of the General +Government, do all those things that pertain exclusively to +themselves,--that are local in their nature, that have no connection with +the General Government. After Judge Douglas has established this +proposition, which nobody disputes or ever has disputed, he proceeds to +assume, without proving it, that slavery is one of those little, +unimportant, trivial matters which are of just about as much consequence +as the question would be to me whether my neighbor should raise horned +cattle or plant tobacco; that there is no moral question about it, but +that it is altogether a matter of dollars and cents; that when a new +Territory is opened for settlement, the first man who goes into it may +plant there a thing which, like the Canada thistle or some other of those +pests of the soil, cannot be dug out by the millions of men who will come +thereafter; that it is one of those little things that is so trivial in +its nature that it has nor effect upon anybody save the few men who first +plant upon the soil; that it is not a thing which in any way affects the +family of communities composing these States, nor any way endangers the +General Government. Judge Douglas ignores altogether the very well known +fact that we have never had a serious menace to our political existence, +except it sprang from this thing, which he chooses to regard as only upon +a par with onions and potatoes. + +Turn it, and contemplate it in another view. He says that, according to +his popular sovereignty, the General Government may give to the +Territories governors, judges, marshals, secretaries, and all the other +chief men to govern them, but they, must not touch upon this other +question. Why? The question of who shall be governor of a Territory for a +year or two, and pass away, without his track being left upon the soil, +or an act which he did for good or for evil being left behind, is a +question of vast national magnitude; it is so much opposed in its nature +to locality that the nation itself must decide it: while this other +matter of planting slavery upon a soil,--a thing which, once planted, +cannot be eradicated by the succeeding millions who have as much right +there as the first comers, or, if eradicated, not without infinite +difficulty and a long struggle, he considers the power to prohibit it as +one of these little local, trivial things that the nation ought not to +say a word about; that it affects nobody save the few men who are there. + +Take these two things and consider them together, present the question of +planting a State with the institution of slavery by the side of a +question who shall be Governor of Kansas for a year or two, and is there +a man here, is there a man on earth, who would not say the governor +question is the little one, and the slavery question is the great one? I +ask any honest Democrat if the small, the local, and the trivial and +temporary question is not, Who shall be governor? while the durable, the +important, and the mischievous one is, Shall this soil be planted with +slavery? + +This is an idea, I suppose, which has arisen in Judge Douglas's mind from +his peculiar structure. I suppose the institution of slavery really looks +small to him. He is so put up by nature that a lash upon his back would +hurt him, but a lash upon anybody else's back does not hurt him. That is +the build of the man, and consequently he looks upon the matter of +slavery in this unimportant light. + +Judge Douglas ought to remember, when he is endeavoring to force this +policy upon the American people, that while he is put up in that way, a +good many are not. He ought to remember that there was once in this +country a man by the name of Thomas Jefferson, supposed to be a +Democrat,--a man whose principles and policy are not very prevalent +amongst Democrats to-day, it is true; but that man did not take exactly +this view of the insignificance of the element of slavery which our +friend judge Douglas does. In contemplation of this thing, we all know he +was led to exclaim, "I tremble for my country when I remember that God is +just!" We know how he looked upon it when he thus expressed himself. +There was danger to this country,--danger of the avenging justice of God, +in that little unimportant popular sovereignty question of judge Douglas. +He supposed there was a question of God's eternal justice wrapped up in +the enslaving of any race of men, or any man, and that those who did so +braved the arm of Jehovah; that when a nation thus dared the Almighty, +every friend of that nation had cause to dread his wrath. Choose ye +between Jefferson and Douglas as to what is the true view of this element +among us. + +There is another little difficulty about this matter of treating the +Territories and States alike in all things, to which I ask your +attention, and I shall leave this branch of the case. If there is no +difference between them, why not make the Territories States at once? +What is the reason that Kansas was not fit to come into the Union when it +was organized into a Territory, in Judge Douglas's view? Can any of you +tell any reason why it should not have come into the Union at once? They +are fit, as he thinks, to decide upon the slavery question,--the largest +and most important with which they could possibly deal: what could they +do by coming into the Union that they are not fit to do, according to his +view, by staying out of it? Oh, they are not fit to sit in Congress and +decide upon the rates of postage, or questions of ad valorem or specific +duties on foreign goods, or live-oak timber contracts, they are not fit +to decide these vastly important matters, which are national in their +import, but they are fit, "from the jump," to decide this little negro +question. But, gentlemen, the case is too plain; I occupy too much time +on this head, and I pass on. + +Near the close of the copyright essay, the judge, I think, comes very +near kicking his own fat into the fire. I did not think, when I commenced +these remarks, that I would read that article, but I now believe I will: + +"This exposition of the history of these measures shows conclusively that +the authors of the Compromise measures of 1850 and of the Kansas-Nebraska +Act of 1854, as well as the members of the Continental Congress of 1774., +and the founders of our system of government subsequent to the +Revolution, regarded the people of the Territories and Colonies as +political communities which were entitled to a free and exclusive power +of legislation in their provisional legislatures, where their +representation could alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and +internal polity." + +When the judge saw that putting in the word "slavery" would contradict +his own history, he put in what he knew would pass synonymous with it, +"internal polity." Whenever we find that in one of his speeches, the +substitute is used in this manner; and I can tell you the reason. It +would be too bald a contradiction to say slavery; but "internal polity" +is a general phrase, which would pass in some quarters, and which he +hopes will pass with the reading community for the same thing. + +"This right pertains to the people collectively, as a law-abiding and +peaceful community, and not in the isolated individuals who may wander +upon the public domain in violation of the law. It can only be exercised +where there are inhabitants sufficient to constitute a government, and +capable of performing its various functions and duties,--a fact to be +ascertained and determined by" who do you think? Judge Douglas says "by +Congress!" "Whether the number shall be fixed at ten, fifteen or twenty +thousand inhabitants, does not affect the principle." + +Now, I have only a few comments to make. Popular sovereignty, by his own +words, does not pertain to the few persons who wander upon the public +domain in violation of law. We have his words for that. When it does +pertain to them, is when they are sufficient to be formed into an +organized political community, and he fixes the minimum for that at ten +thousand, and the maximum at twenty thousand. Now, I would like to know +what is to be done with the nine thousand? Are they all to be treated, +until they are large enough to be organized into a political community, +as wanderers upon the public land, in violation of law? And if so treated +and driven out, at what point of time would there ever be ten thousand? +If they were not driven out, but remained there as trespassers upon the +public land in violation of the law, can they establish slavery there? +No; the judge says popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. Can +they exclude it then? No; popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. +I would like to know, in the case covered by the essay, what condition +the people of the Territory are in before they reach the number of ten +thousand? + +But the main point I wish to ask attention to is, that the question as to +when they shall have reached a sufficient number to be formed into a +regular organized community is to be decided "by Congress." Judge Douglas +says so. Well, gentlemen, that is about all we want. No, that is all the +Southerners want. That is what all those who are for slavery want. They +do not want Congress to prohibit slavery from coming into the new +Territories, and they do not want popular sovereignty to hinder it; and +as Congress is to say when they are ready to be organized, all that the +South has to do is to get Congress to hold off. Let Congress hold off +until they are ready to be admitted as a State, and the South has all it +wants in taking slavery into and planting it in all the Territories that +we now have or hereafter may have. In a word, the whole thing, at a dash +of the pen, is at last put in the power of Congress; for if they do not +have this popular sovereignty until Congress organizes them, I ask if it +at last does not come from Congress? If, at last, it amounts to anything +at all, Congress gives it to them. I submit this rather for your +reflection than for comment. After all that is said, at last, by a dash +of the pen, everything that has gone before is undone, and he puts the +whole question under the control of Congress. After fighting through more +than three hours, if you undertake to read it, he at last places the +whole matter under the control of that power which he has been contending +against, and arrives at a result directly contrary to what he had been +laboring to do. He at last leaves the whole matter to the control of +Congress. + +There are two main objects, as I understand it, of this Harper's Magazine +essay. One was to show, if possible, that the men of our Revolutionary +times were in favor of his popular sovereignty, and the other was to show +that the Dred Scott decision had not entirely squelched out this popular +sovereignty. I do not propose, in regard to this argument drawn from the +history of former times, to enter into a detailed examination of the +historical statements he has made. I have the impression that they are +inaccurate in a great many instances,--sometimes in positive statement, +but very much more inaccurate by the suppression of statements that +really belong to the history. But I do not propose to affirm that this is +so to any very great extent, or to enter into a very minute examination +of his historical statements. I avoid doing so upon this principle,--that +if it were important for me to pass out of this lot in the least period +of time possible, and I came to that fence, and saw by a calculation of +my known strength and agility that I could clear it at a bound, it would +be folly for me to stop and consider whether I could or not crawl through +a crack. So I say of the whole history contained in his essay where he +endeavored to link the men of the Revolution to popular sovereignty. It +only requires an effort to leap out of it, a single bound to be entirely +successful. If you read it over, you will find that he quotes here and +there from documents of the Revolutionary times, tending to show that the +people of the colonies were desirous of regulating their own concerns in +their own way, that the British Government should not interfere; that at +one time they struggled with the British Government to be permitted to +exclude the African slave trade,--if not directly, to be permitted to +exclude it indirectly, by taxation sufficient to discourage and destroy +it. From these and many things of this sort, judge Douglas argues that +they were in favor of the people of our own Territories excluding slavery +if they wanted to, or planting it there if they wanted to, doing just as +they pleased from the time they settled upon the Territory. Now, however +his history may apply and whatever of his argument there may be that is +sound and accurate or unsound and inaccurate, if we can find out what +these men did themselves do upon this very question of slavery in the +Territories, does it not end the whole thing? If, after all this labor +and effort to show that the men of the Revolution were in favor of his +popular sovereignty and his mode of dealing with slavery in the +Territories, we can show that these very men took hold of that subject, +and dealt with it, we can see for ourselves how they dealt with it. It is +not a matter of argument or inference, but we know what they thought +about it. + +It is precisely upon that part of the history of the country that one +important omission is made by Judge Douglas. He selects parts of the +history of the United States upon the subject of slavery, and treats it +as the whole, omitting from his historical sketch the legislation of +Congress in regard to the admission of Missouri, by which the Missouri +Compromise was established and slavery excluded from a country half as +large as the present United States. All this is left out of his history, +and in nowise alluded to by him, so far as I can remember, save once, +when he makes a remark, that upon his principle the Supreme Court were +authorized to pronounce a decision that the act called the Missouri +Compromise was unconstitutional. All that history has been left out. But +this part of the history of the country was not made by the men of the +Revolution. + +There was another part of our political history, made by the very men who +were the actors in the Revolution, which has taken the name of the +Ordinance of '87. Let me bring that history to your attention. In 1784, I +believe, this same Mr. Jefferson drew up an ordinance for the government +of the country upon which we now stand, or, rather, a frame or draft of +an ordinance for the government of this country, here in Ohio, our +neighbors in Indiana, us who live in Illinois, our neighbors in Wisconsin +and Michigan. In that ordinance, drawn up not only for the government of +that Territory, but for the Territories south of the Ohio River, Mr. +Jefferson expressly provided for the prohibition of slavery. Judge +Douglas says, and perhaps is right, that that provision was lost from +that ordinance. I believe that is true. When the vote was taken upon it, +a majority of all present in the Congress of the Confederation voted for +it; but there were so many absentees that those voting for it did not +make the clear majority necessary, and it was lost. But three years after +that, the Congress of the Confederation were together again, and they +adopted a new ordinance for the government of this Northwest Territory, +not contemplating territory south of the river, for the States owning +that territory had hitherto refrained from giving it to the General +Government; hence they made the ordinance to apply only to what the +Government owned. In fact, the provision excluding slavery was inserted +aside, passed unanimously, or at any rate it passed and became a part of +the law of the land. Under that ordinance we live. First here in Ohio you +were a Territory; then an enabling act was passed, authorizing you to +form a constitution and State Government, provided it was republican and +not in conflict with the Ordinance of '87. When you framed your +constitution and presented it for admission, I think you will find the +legislation upon the subject will show that, whereas you had formed a +constitution that was republican, and not in conflict with the Ordinance +of '87, therefore you were admitted upon equal footing with the original +States. The same process in a few years was gone through with in Indiana, +and so with Illinois, and the same substantially with Michigan and +Wisconsin. + +Not only did that Ordinance prevail, but it was constantly looked to +whenever a step was taken by a new Territory to become a State. Congress +always turned their attention to it, and in all their movements upon this +subject they traced their course by that Ordinance of '87. When they +admitted new States, they advertised them of this Ordinance, as a part of +the legislation of the country. They did so because they had traced the +Ordinance of '87 throughout the history of this country. Begin with the +men of the Revolution, and go down for sixty entire years, and until the +last scrap of that Territory comes into the Union in the form of the +State of Wisconsin, everything was made to conform with the Ordinance of +'87, excluding slavery from that vast extent of country. + +I omitted to mention in the right place that the Constitution of the +United States was in process of being framed when that Ordinance was made +by the Congress of the Confederation; and one of the first Acts of +Congress itself, under the new Constitution itself, was to give force to +that Ordinance by putting power to carry it out in the hands of the new +officers under the Constitution, in the place of the old ones, who had +been legislated out of existence by the change in the Government from the +Confederation to the Constitution. Not only so, but I believe Indiana +once or twice, if not Ohio, petitioned the General Government for the +privilege of suspending that provision and allowing them to have slaves. +A report made by Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, himself a slaveholder, was +directly against it, and the action was to refuse them the privilege of +violating the Ordinance of '87. + +This period of history, which I have run over briefly, is, I presume, as +familiar to most of this assembly as any other part of the history of our +country. I suppose that few of my hearers are not as familiar with that +part of history as I am, and I only mention it to recall your attention +to it at this time. And hence I ask how extraordinary a thing it is that +a man who has occupied a position upon the floor of the Senate of the +United States, who is now in his third term, and who looks to see the +government of this whole country fall into his own hands, pretending to +give a truthful and accurate history o the slavery question in this +country, should so entirely ignore the whole of that portion of our +history--the most important of all. Is it not a most extraordinary +spectacle that a man should stand up and ask for any confidence in his +statements who sets out as he does with portions of history, calling upon +the people to believe that it is a true and fair representation, when the +leading part and controlling feature of the whole history is carefully +suppressed? + +But the mere leaving out is not the most remarkable feature of this most +remarkable essay. His proposition is to establish that the leading men of +the Revolution were for his great principle of nonintervention by the +government in the question of slavery in the Territories, while history +shows that they decided, in the cases actually brought before them, in +exactly the contrary way, and he knows it. Not only did they so decide at +that time, but they stuck to it during sixty years, through thick and +thin, as long as there was one of the Revolutionary heroes upon the stage +of political action. Through their whole course, from first to last, they +clung to freedom. And now he asks the community to believe that the men +of the Revolution were in favor of his great principle, when we have the +naked history that they themselves dealt with this very subject matter of +his principle, and utterly repudiated his principle, acting upon a +precisely contrary ground. It is as impudent and absurd as if a +prosecuting attorney should stand up before a jury and ask them to +convict A as the murderer of B, while B was walking alive before them. + +I say, again, if judge Douglas asserts that the men of the Revolution +acted upon principles by which, to be consistent with themselves, they +ought to have adopted his popular sovereignty, then, upon a consideration +of his own argument, he had a right to make you believe that they +understood the principles of government, but misapplied them, that he has +arisen to enlighten the world as to the just application of this +principle. He has a right to try to persuade you that he understands +their principles better than they did, and, therefore, he will apply them +now, not as they did, but as they ought to have done. He has a right to +go before the community and try to convince them of this, but he has no +right to attempt to impose upon any one the belief that these men +themselves approved of his great principle. There are two ways of +establishing a proposition. One is by trying to demonstrate it upon +reason, and the other is, to show that great men in former times have +thought so and so, and thus to pass it by the weight of pure authority. +Now, if Judge Douglas will demonstrate somehow that this is popular +sovereignty,--the right of one man to make a slave of another, without +any right in that other or any one else to object,--demonstrate it as +Euclid demonstrated propositions,--there is no objection. But when he +comes forward, seeking to carry a principle by bringing to it the +authority of men who themselves utterly repudiate that principle, I ask +that he shall not be permitted to do it. + +I see, in the judge's speech here, a short sentence in these words: "Our +fathers, when they formed this government under which we live, understood +this question just as well, and even better than, we do now." That is +true; I stick to that. I will stand by Judge Douglas in that to the +bitter end. And now, Judge Douglas, come and stand by me, and truthfully +show how they acted, understanding it better than we do. All I ask of +you, Judge Douglas, is to stick to the proposition that the men of the +Revolution understood this subject better than we do now, and with that +better understanding they acted better than you are trying to act now. + +I wish to say something now in regard to the Dred Scott decision, as +dealt with by Judge Douglas. In that "memorable debate" between Judge +Douglas and myself, last year, the judge thought fit to commence a +process of catechising me, and at Freeport I answered his questions, and +propounded some to him. Among others propounded to him was one that I +have here now. The substance, as I remember it, is, "Can the people of a +United States Territory, under the Dred Scott decision, in any lawful +way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude +slavery from its limits, prior to the formation of a State constitution?" +He answered that they could lawfully exclude slavery from the United +States Territories, notwithstanding the Dred Scot decision. There was +something about that answer that has probably been a trouble to the judge +ever since. + +The Dred Scott decision expressly gives every citizen of the United +States a right to carry his slaves into the United States Territories. +And now there was some inconsistency in saying that the decision was +right, and saying, too, that the people of the Territory could lawfully +drive slavery out again. When all the trash, the words, the collateral +matter, was cleared away from it, all the chaff was fanned out of it, it +was a bare absurdity,--no less than that a thing may be lawfully driven +away from where it has a lawful right to be. Clear it of all the +verbiage, and that is the naked truth of his proposition,--that a thing +may be lawfully driven from the place where it has a lawful right to +stay. Well, it was because the judge could n't help seeing this that he +has had so much trouble with it; and what I want to ask your especial +attention to, just now, is to remind you, if you have not noticed the +fact, that the judge does not any longer say that the people can exclude +slavery. He does not say so in the copyright essay; he did not say so in +the speech that he made here; and, so far as I know, since his +re-election to the Senate he has never said, as he did at Freeport, that +the people of the Territories can exclude slavery. He desires that you, +who wish the Territories to remain free, should believe that he stands by +that position; but he does not say it himself. He escapes to some extent +the absurd position I have stated, by changing his language entirely. +What he says now is something different in language, and we will consider +whether it is not different in sense too. It is now that the Dred Scott +decision, or rather the Constitution under that decision, does not carry +slavery into the Territories beyond the power of the people of the +Territories to control it as other property. He does not say the people +can drive it out, but they can control it as other property. The language +is different; we should consider whether the sense is different. Driving +a horse out of this lot is too plain a proposition to be mistaken about; +it is putting him on the other side of the fence. Or it might be a sort +of exclusion of him from the lot if you were to kill him and let the +worms devour him; but neither of these things is the same as "controlling +him as other property." That would be to feed him, to pamper him, to ride +him, to use and abuse him, to make the most money out of him, "as other +property"; but, please you, what do the men who are in favor of slavery +want more than this? What do they really want, other than that slavery, +being in the Territories, shall be controlled as other property? If they +want anything else, I do not comprehend it. I ask your attention to this, +first, for the purpose of pointing out the change of ground the judge has +made; and, in the second place, the importance of the change,--that that +change is not such as to give you gentlemen who want his popular +sovereignty the power to exclude the institution or drive it out at all. +I know the judge sometimes squints at the argument that in controlling it +as other property by unfriendly legislation they may control it to death; +as you might, in the case of a horse, perhaps, feed him so lightly and +ride him so much that he would die. But when you come to legislative +control, there is something more to be attended to. I have no doubt, +myself, that if the Territories should undertake to control slave +property as other property that is, control it in such a way that it +would be the most valuable as property, and make it bear its just +proportion in the way of burdens as property, really deal with it as +property,--the Supreme Court of the United States will say, "God speed +you, and amen." But I undertake to give the opinion, at least, that if +the Territories attempt by any direct legislation to drive the man with +his slave out of the Territory, or to decide that his slave is free +because of his being taken in there, or to tax him to such an extent that +he cannot keep him there, the Supreme Court will unhesitatingly decide +all such legislation unconstitutional, as long as that Supreme Court is +constructed as the Dred Scott Supreme Court is. The first two things they +have already decided, except that there is a little quibble among lawyers +between the words "dicta" and "decision." They have already decided a +negro cannot be made free by Territorial legislation. + +What is the Dred Scott decision? Judge Douglas labors to show that it is +one thing, while I think it is altogether different. It is a long +opinion, but it is all embodied in this short statement: "The +Constitution of the United States forbids Congress to deprive a man of +his property, without due process of law; the right of property in slaves +is distinctly and expressly affirmed in that Constitution: therefore, if +Congress shall undertake to say that a man's slave is no longer his slave +when he crosses a certain line into a Territory, that is depriving him of +his property without due process of law, and is unconstitutional." There +is the whole Dred Scott decision. They add that if Congress cannot do so +itself, Congress cannot confer any power to do so; and hence any effort +by the Territorial Legislature to do either of these things is absolutely +decided against. It is a foregone conclusion by that court. + +Now, as to this indirect mode by "unfriendly legislation," all lawyers +here will readily understand that such a proposition cannot be tolerated +for a moment, because a legislature cannot indirectly do that which it +cannot accomplish directly. Then I say any legislation to control this +property, as property, for its benefit as property, would be hailed by +this Dred Scott Supreme Court, and fully sustained; but any legislation +driving slave property out, or destroying it as property, directly or +indirectly, will most assuredly, by that court, be held unconstitutional. + +Judge Douglas says if the Constitution carries slavery into the +Territories, beyond the power of the people of the Territories to control +it as other property; then it follows logically that every one who swears +to support the Constitution of the United States must give that support +to that property which it needs. And, if the Constitution carries slavery +into the Territories, beyond the power of the people, to control it as +other property, then it also carries it into the States, because the +Constitution is the supreme law of the land. Now, gentlemen, if it were +not for my excessive modesty, I would say that I told that very thing to +Judge Douglas quite a year ago. This argument is here in print, and if it +were not for my modesty, as I said, I might call your attention to it. If +you read it, you will find that I not only made that argument, but made +it better than he has made it since. + +There is, however, this difference: I say now, and said then, there is no +sort of question that the Supreme Court has decided that it is the right +of the slave holder to take his slave and hold him in the Territory; and +saying this, judge Douglas himself admits the conclusion. He says if that +is so, this consequence will follow; and because this consequence would +follow, his argument is, the decision cannot, therefore, be that way,-- +"that would spoil my popular sovereignty; and it cannot be possible that +this great principle has been squelched out in this extraordinary way. It +might be, if it were not for the extraordinary consequences of spoiling +my humbug." + +Another feature of the judge's argument about the Dred Scott case is, an +effort to show that that decision deals altogether in declarations of +negatives; that the Constitution does not affirm anything as expounded by +the Dred Scott decision, but it only declares a want of power a total +absence of power, in reference to the Territories. It seems to be his +purpose to make the whole of that decision to result in a mere negative +declaration of a want of power in Congress to do anything in relation to +this matter in the Territories. I know the opinion of the Judges states +that there is a total absence of power; but that is, unfortunately; not +all it states: for the judges add that the right of property in a slave +is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution. It does not +stop at saying that the right of property in a slave is recognized in the +Constitution, is declared to exist somewhere in the Constitution, but +says it is affirmed in the Constitution. Its language is equivalent to +saying that it is embodied and so woven in that instrument that it cannot +be detached without breaking the Constitution itself. In a word, it is +part of the Constitution. + +Douglas is singularly unfortunate in his effort to make out that decision +to be altogether negative, when the express language at the vital part is +that this is distinctly affirmed in the Constitution. I think myself, and +I repeat it here, that this decision does not merely carry slavery into +the Territories, but by its logical conclusion it carries it into the +States in which we live. One provision of that Constitution is, that it +shall be the supreme law of the land,--I do not quote the language,--any +constitution or law of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. This +Dred Scott decision says that the right of property in a slave is +affirmed in that Constitution which is the supreme law of the land, any +State constitution or law notwithstanding. Then I say that to destroy a +thing which is distinctly affirmed and supported by the supreme law of +the land, even by a State constitution or law, is a violation of that +supreme law, and there is no escape from it. In my judgment there is no +avoiding that result, save that the American people shall see that +constitutions are better construed than our Constitution is construed in +that decision. They must take care that it is more faithfully and truly +carried out than it is there expounded. + +I must hasten to a conclusion. Near the beginning of my remarks I said +that this insidious Douglas popular sovereignty is the measure that now +threatens the purpose of the Republican party to prevent slavery from +being nationalized in the United States. I propose to ask your attention +for a little while to some propositions in affirmance of that statement. +Take it just as it stands, and apply it as a principle; extend and apply +that principle elsewhere; and consider where it will lead you. I now put +this proposition, that Judge Douglas's popular sovereignty applied will +reopen the African slave trade; and I will demonstrate it by any variety +of ways in which you can turn the subject or look at it. + +The Judge says that the people of the Territories have the right, by his +principle, to have slaves, if they want them. Then I say that the people +in Georgia have the right to buy slaves in Africa, if they want them; and +I defy any man on earth to show any distinction between the two +things,--to show that the one is either more wicked or more unlawful; to +show, on original principles, that one is better or worse than the other; +or to show, by the Constitution, that one differs a whit from the other. +He will tell me, doubtless, that there is no constitutional provision +against people taking slaves into the new Territories, and I tell him +that there is equally no constitutional provision against buying slaves +in Africa. He will tell you that a people, in the exercise of popular +sovereignty, ought to do as they please about that thing, and have slaves +if they want them; and I tell you that the people of Georgia are as much +entitled to popular sovereignty and to buy slaves in Africa, if they want +them, as the people of the Territory are to have slaves if they want +them. I ask any man, dealing honestly with himself, to point out a +distinction. + +I have recently seen a letter of Judge Douglas's in which, without +stating that to be the object, he doubtless endeavors to make a +distinction between the two. He says he is unalterably opposed to the +repeal of the laws against the African slave trade. And why? He then +seeks to give a reason that would not apply to his popular sovereignty in +the Territories. What is that reason? "The abolition of the African slave +trade is a compromise of the Constitution!" I deny it. There is no truth +in the proposition that the abolition of the African slave trade is a +compromise of the Constitution. No man can put his finger on anything in +the Constitution, or on the line of history, which shows it. It is a mere +barren assertion, made simply for the purpose of getting up a distinction +between the revival of the African slave trade and his "great principle." + +At the time the Constitution of the United States was adopted, it was +expected that the slave trade would be abolished. I should assert and +insist upon that, if judge Douglas denied it. But I know that it was +equally expected that slavery would be excluded from the Territories, and +I can show by history that in regard to these two things public opinion +was exactly alike, while in regard to positive action, there was more +done in the Ordinance of '87 to resist the spread of slavery than was +ever done to abolish the foreign slave trade. Lest I be misunderstood, I +say again that at the time of the formation of the Constitution, public +expectation was that the slave trade would be abolished, but no more so +than the spread of slavery in the Territories should be restrained. They +stand alike, except that in the Ordinance of '87 there was a mark left by +public opinion, showing that it was more committed against the spread of +slavery in the Territories than against the foreign slave trade. + +Compromise! What word of compromise was there about it? Why, the public +sense was then in favor of the abolition of the slave trade; but there +was at the time a very great commercial interest involved in it, and +extensive capital in that branch of trade. There were doubtless the +incipient stages of improvement in the South in the way of farming, +dependent on the slave trade, and they made a proposition to Congress to +abolish the trade after allowing it twenty years,--a sufficient time for +the capital and commerce engaged in it to be transferred to other +channel. They made no provision that it should be abolished in twenty +years; I do not doubt that they expected it would be, but they made no +bargain about it. The public sentiment left no doubt in the minds of any +that it would be done away. I repeat, there is nothing in the history of +those times in favor of that matter being a compromise of the +constitution. It was the public expectation at the time, manifested in a +thousand ways, that the spread of slavery should also be restricted. + +Then I say, if this principle is established, that there is no wrong in +slavery, and whoever wants it has a right to have it, is a matter of +dollars and cents, a sort of question as to how they shall deal with +brutes, that between us and the negro here there is no sort of question, +but that at the South the question is between the negro and the +crocodile, that is all, it is a mere matter of policy, there is a perfect +right, according to interest, to do just as you please,--when this is +done, where this doctrine prevails, the miners and sappers will have +formed public opinion for the slave trade. They will be ready for Jeff. +Davis and Stephens and other leaders of that company to sound the bugle +for the revival of the slave trade, for the second Dred Scott decision, +for the flood of slavery to be poured over the free States, while we +shall be here tied down and helpless and run over like sheep. + +It is to be a part and parcel of this same idea to say to men who want to +adhere to the Democratic party, who have always belonged to that party, +and are only looking about for some excuse to stick to it, but +nevertheless hate slavery, that Douglas's popular sovereignty is as good +a way as any to oppose slavery. They allow themselves to be persuaded +easily, in accordance with their previous dispositions, into this belief, +that it is about as good a way of opposing slavery as any, and we can do +that without straining our old party ties or breaking up old political +associations. We can do so without being called negro-worshipers. We can +do that without being subjected to the jibes and sneers that are so +readily thrown out in place of argument where no argument can be found. +So let us stick to this popular sovereignty,--this insidious popular +sovereignty. + +Now let me call your attention to one thing that has really happened, +which shows this gradual and steady debauching of public opinion, this +course of preparation for the revival of the slave trade, for the +Territorial slave code, and the new Dred Scott decision that is to carry +slavery into the Free States. Did you ever, five years ago, hear of +anybody in the world saying that the negro had no share in the +Declaration of National Independence; that it does not mean negroes at +all; and when "all men" were spoken of, negroes were not included? + +I am satisfied that five years ago that proposition was not put upon +paper by any living being anywhere. I have been unable at any time to +find a man in an audience who would declare that he had ever known of +anybody saying so five years ago. But last year there was not a Douglas +popular sovereign in Illinois who did not say it. Is there one in Ohio +but declares his firm belief that the Declaration of Independence did not +mean negroes at all? I do not know how this is; I have not been here +much; but I presume you are very much alike everywhere. Then I suppose +that all now express the belief that the Declaration of Independence +never did mean negroes. I call upon one of them to say that he said it +five years ago. + +If you think that now, and did not think it then, the next thing that +strikes me is to remark that there has been a change wrought in you,--and +a very significant change it is, being no less than changing the negro, +in your estimation, from the rank of a man to that of a brute. They are +taking him down and placing him, when spoken of, among reptiles and +crocodiles, as Judge Douglas himself expresses it. + +Is not this change wrought in your minds a very important change? Public +opinion in this country is everything. In a nation like ours, this +popular sovereignty and squatter sovereignty have already wrought a +change in the public mind to the extent I have stated. There is no man in +this crowd who can contradict it. + +Now, if you are opposed to slavery honestly, as much as anybody, I ask +you to note that fact, and the like of which is to follow, to be +plastered on, layer after layer, until very soon you are prepared to deal +with the negro every where as with the brute. If public sentiment has not +been debauched already to this point, a new turn of the screw in that +direction is all that is wanting; and this is constantly being done by +the teachers of this insidious popular sovereignty. You need but one or +two turns further, until your minds, now ripening under these teachings, +will be ready for all these things, and you will receive and support, or +submit to, the slave trade, revived with all its horrors, a slave code +enforced in our Territories, and a new Dred Scott decision to bring +slavery up into the very heart of the free North. This, I must say, is +but carrying out those words prophetically spoken by Mr. Clay,--many, +many years ago,--I believe more than thirty years, when he told an +audience that if they would repress all tendencies to liberty and +ultimate emancipation they must go back to the era of our independence, +and muzzle the cannon which thundered its annual joyous return on the +Fourth of July; they must blow out the moral lights around us; they must +penetrate the human soul, and eradicate the love of liberty: but until +they did these things, and others eloquently enumerated by him, they +could not repress all tendencies to ultimate emancipation. + +I ask attention to the fact that in a pre-eminent degree these popular +sovereigns are at this work: blowing out the moral lights around us; +teaching that the negro is no longer a man, but a brute; that the +Declaration has nothing to do with him; that he ranks with the crocodile +and the reptile; that man, with body and soul, is a matter of dollars and +cents. I suggest to this portion of the Ohio Republicans, or Democrats, +if there be any present, the serious consideration of this fact that +there is now going on among you a steady process of debauching public +opinion on this subject. With this, my friends, I bid you adieu. + + + + +SPEECH AT CINCINNATI OHIO, SEPTEMBER 17, 1859 + +My Fellow-Citizens of the State of Ohio: This is the first time in my +life that I have appeared before an audience in so great a city as this: +I therefore--though I am no longer a young man--make this appearance +under some degree of embarrassment. But I have found that when one is +embarrassed, usually the shortest way to get through with it is to quit +talking or thinking about it, and go at something else. + +I understand that you have had recently with you my very distinguished +friend Judge Douglas, of Illinois; and I understand, without having had +an opportunity (not greatly sought, to be sure) of seeing a report of the +speech that he made here, that he did me the honor to mention my humble +name. I suppose that he did so for the purpose of making some objection +to some sentiment at some time expressed by me. I should expect, it is +true, that judge Douglas had reminded you, or informed you, if you had +never before heard it, that I had once in my life declared it as my +opinion that this government cannot endure permanently, half slave and +half free; that a house divided against itself cannot stand, and, as I +had expressed it, I did not expect the house to fall, that I did not +expect the Union to be dissolved, but that I did expect that it would +cease to be divided, that it would become all one thing, or all the +other; that either the opponents of slavery would arrest the further +spread of it, and place it where the public mind would rest in the belief +that it was in the course of ultimate extinction, or the friends of +slavery will push it forward until it becomes alike lawful in all the +States, old or new, free as well as slave. I did, fifteen months ago, +express that opinion, and upon many occasions Judge Douglas has denounced +it, and has greatly, intentionally or unintentionally, misrepresented my +purpose in the expression of that opinion. + +I presume, without having seen a report of his speech, that he did so +here. I presume that he alluded also to that opinion, in different +language, having been expressed at a subsequent time by Governor Seward +of New York, and that he took the two in a lump and denounced them; that +he tried to point out that there was something couched in this opinion +which led to the making of an entire uniformity of the local institutions +of the various States of the Union, in utter disregard of the different +States, which in their nature would seem to require a variety of +institutions and a variety of laws, conforming to the differences in the +nature of the different States. + +Not only so: I presume he insisted that this was a declaration of war +between the free and slave States, that it was the sounding to the onset +of continual war between the different States, the slave and free States. + +This charge, in this form, was made by Judge Douglas on, I believe, the +9th of July, 1858, in Chicago, in my hearing. On the next evening, I made +some reply to it. I informed him that many of the inferences he drew from +that expression of mine were altogether foreign to any purpose +entertained by me, and in so far as he should ascribe these inferences to +me, as my purpose, he was entirely mistaken; and in so far as he might +argue that, whatever might be my purpose, actions conforming to my views +would lead to these results, he might argue and establish if he could; +but, so far as purposes were concerned, he was totally mistaken as to me. + +When I made that reply to him, I told him, on the question of declaring +war between the different States of the Union, that I had not said that I +did not expect any peace upon this question until slavery was +exterminated; that I had only said I expected peace when that institution +was put where the public mind should rest in the belief that it was in +course of ultimate extinction; that I believed, from the organization of +our government until a very recent period of time, the institution had +been placed and continued upon such a basis; that we had had comparative +peace upon that question through a portion of that period of time, only +because the public mind rested in that belief in regard to it, and that +when we returned to that position in relation to that matter, I supposed +we should again have peace as we previously had. I assured him, as I now, +assure you, that I neither then had, nor have, or ever had, any purpose +in any way of interfering with the institution of slavery, where it +exists. I believe we have no power, under the Constitution of the United +States, or rather under the form of government under which we live, to +interfere with the institution of slavery, or any other of the +institutions of our sister States, be they free or slave States. I +declared then, and I now re-declare, that I have as little inclination to +interfere with the institution of slavery where it now exists, through +the instrumentality of the General Government, or any other +instrumentality, as I believe we have no power to do so. I accidentally +used this expression: I had no purpose of entering into the slave States +to disturb the institution of slavery. So, upon the first occasion that +Judge Douglas got an opportunity to reply to me, he passed by the whole +body of what I had said upon that subject, and seized upon the particular +expression of mine that I had no purpose of entering into the slave +States to disturb the institution of slavery. "Oh, no," said he, "he +[Lincoln] won't enter into the slave States to disturb the institution of +slavery, he is too prudent a man to do such a thing as that; he only +means that he will go on to the line between the free and slave States, +and shoot over at them. This is all he means to do. He means to do them +all the harm he can, to disturb them all he can, in such a way as to keep +his own hide in perfect safety." + +Well, now, I did not think, at that time, that that was either a very +dignified or very logical argument but so it was, I had to get along with +it as well as I could. + +It has occurred to-me here to-night that if I ever do shoot over the line +at the people on the other side of the line into a slave State, and +purpose to do so, keeping my skin safe, that I have now about the best +chance I shall ever have. I should not wonder if there are some +Kentuckians about this audience--we are close to Kentucky; and whether +that be so or not, we are on elevated ground, and, by speaking +distinctly, I should not wonder if some of the Kentuckians would hear me +on the other side of the river. For that reason I propose to address a +portion of what I have to say to the Kentuckians. + +I say, then, in the first place, to the Kentuckians, that I am what they +call, as I understand it, a "Black Republican." I think slavery is wrong, +morally and politically. I desire that it should be no further spread +in--these United States, and I should not object if it should gradually +terminate in the whole Union. While I say this for myself, I say to you +Kentuckians that I understand you differ radically with me upon this +proposition; that you believe slavery is a good thing; that slavery is +right; that it ought to be extended and perpetuated in this Union. Now, +there being this broad difference between us, I do not pretend, in +addressing myself to you Kentuckians, to attempt proselyting you; that +would be a vain effort. I do not enter upon it. I only propose to try to +show you that you ought to nominate for the next Presidency, at +Charleston, my distinguished friend Judge Douglas. In all that there is a +difference between you and him, I understand he is sincerely for you, and +more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. I will try to +demonstrate that proposition. Understand, now, I say that I believe he is +as sincerely for you, and more wisely for you, than you are for +yourselves. + +What do you want more than anything else to make successful your views of +slavery,--to advance the outspread of it, and to secure and perpetuate +the nationality of it? What do you want more than anything else? What--is +needed absolutely? What is indispensable to you? Why, if I may, be +allowed to answer the question, it is to retain a hold upon the North, it +is to retain support and strength from the free States. If you can get +this support and strength from the free States, you can succeed. If you +do not get this support and this strength from the free States, you are +in the minority, and you are beaten at once. + +If that proposition be admitted,--and it is undeniable,--then the next +thing I say to you is, that Douglas, of all the men in this nation, is +the only man that affords you any hold upon the free States; that no +other man can give you any strength in the free States. This being so, if +you doubt the other branch of the proposition, whether he is for +you--whether he is really for you, as I have expressed it,--I propose +asking your attention for a while to a few facts. + +The issue between you and me, understand, is, that I think slavery is +wrong, and ought not to be outspread; and you think it is right, and +ought to be extended and perpetuated. [A voice, "Oh, Lord!"] That is my +Kentuckian I am talking to now. + +I now proceed to try to show you that Douglas is as sincerely for you and +more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. + +In the first place, we know that in a government like this, in a +government of the people, where the voice of all the men of the country, +substantially, enters into the execution--or administration, rather--of +the government, in such a government, what lies at the bottom of all of +it is public opinion. I lay down the proposition, that Judge Douglas is +not only the man that promises you in advance a hold upon the North, and +support in the North, but he constantly moulds public opinion to your +ends; that in every possible way he can he constantly moulds the public +opinion of the North to your ends; and if there are a few things in which +he seems to be against you,--a few things which he says that appear to +be against you, and a few that he forbears to say which you would like to +have him say you ought to remember that the saying of the one, or the +forbearing to say the other, would lose his hold upon the North, and, by +consequence, would lose his capacity to serve you. + +Upon this subject of moulding public opinion I call your attention to the +fact--for a well established fact it is--that the Judge never says your +institution of slavery is wrong. There is not a public man in the United +States, I believe, with the exception of Senator Douglas, who has not, at +some time in his life, declared his opinion whether the thing is right or +wrong; but Senator Douglas never declares it is wrong. He leaves himself +at perfect liberty to do all in your favor which he would be hindered +from doing if he were to declare the thing to be wrong. On the contrary, +he takes all the chances that he has for inveigling the sentiment of the +North, opposed to slavery, into your support, by never saying it is +right. This you ought to set down to his credit: You ought to give him +full credit for this much; little though it be, in comparison to the +whole which he does for you. + +Some other, things I will ask your attention to. He said upon the floor +of the United States Senate, and he has repeated it, as I understand, a +great many times, that he does not care whether slavery is "voted up or +voted down." This again shows you, or ought to show you, if you would +reason upon it, that he does not believe it to be wrong; for a man may +say when he sees nothing wrong in a thing; that he, dues not care whether +it be voted up or voted down but no man can logically say that he cares +not whether a thing goes up or goes down which to him appears to be +wrong. You therefore have a demonstration in this that to Judge Douglas's +mind your favorite institution, which you would have spread out and made +perpetual, is no wrong. + +Another thing he tells you, in a speech made at Memphis in Tennessee, +shortly after the canvass in Illinois, last year. He there distinctly +told the people that there was a "line drawn by the Almighty across this +continent, on the one side of which the soil must always be cultivated by +slaves"; that he did not pretend to know exactly where that line was, but +that there was such a line. I want to ask your attention to that +proposition again; that there is one portion of this continent where the +Almighty has signed the soil shall always be cultivated by slaves; that +its being cultivated by slaves at that place is right; that it has the +direct sympathy and authority of the Almighty. Whenever you can get these +Northern audiences to adopt the opinion that slavery is right on the +other side of the Ohio, whenever you can get them, in pursuance of +Douglas's views, to adopt that sentiment, they will very readily make the +other argument, which is perfectly logical, that that which is right on +that side of the Ohio cannot be wrong on this, and that if you have that +property on that side of the Ohio, under the seal and stamp of the +Almighty, when by any means it escapes over here it is wrong to have +constitutions and laws "to devil" you about it. So Douglas is moulding +the public opinion of the North, first to say that the thing is right in +your State over the Ohio River, and hence to say that that which is right +there is not wrong here, and that all laws and constitutions here +recognizing it as being wrong are themselves wrong, and ought to be +repealed and abrogated. He will tell you, men of Ohio, that if you choose +here to have laws against slavery, it is in conformity to the idea that +your climate is not suited to it, that your climate is not suited to +slave labor, and therefore you have constitutions and laws against it. + +Let us attend to that argument for a little while and see if it be sound. +You do not raise sugar-cane (except the new-fashioned sugar-cane, and you +won't raise that long), but they do raise it in Louisiana. You don't +raise it in Ohio, because you can't raise it profitably, because the +climate don't suit it. They do raise it in Louisiana, because there it is +profitable. Now, Douglas will tell you that is precisely the slavery +question: that they do have slaves there because they are profitable, and +you don't have them here because they are not profitable. If that is so, +then it leads to dealing with the one precisely as with the other. Is +there, then, anything in the constitution or laws of Ohio against raising +sugar-cane? Have you found it necessary to put any such provision in your +law? Surely not! No man desires to raise sugar-cane in Ohio, but if any +man did desire to do so, you would say it was a tyrannical law that +forbids his doing so; and whenever you shall agree with Douglas, whenever +your minds are brought to adopt his argument, as surely you will have +reached the conclusion that although it is not profitable in Ohio, if any +man wants it, is wrong to him not to let him have it. + +In this matter Judge Douglas is preparing the public mind for you of +Kentucky to make perpetual that good thing in your estimation, about +which you and I differ. + +In this connection, let me ask your attention to another thing. I believe +it is safe to assert that five years ago no living man had expressed the +opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration of Independence. +Let me state that again: five years ago no living man had expressed the +opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration of Independence. +If there is in this large audience any man who ever knew of that opinion +being put upon paper as much as five years ago, I will be obliged to him +now or at a subsequent time to show it. + +If that be true I wish you then to note the next fact: that within the +space of five years Senator Douglas, in the argument of this question, +has got his entire party, so far as I know, without exception, in saying +that the negro has no share in the Declaration of Independence. If there +be now in all these United States one Douglas man that does not say this, +I have been unable upon any occasion to scare him up. Now, if none of you +said this five years ago, and all of you say it now, that is a matter +that you Kentuckians ought to note. That is a vast change in the Northern +public sentiment upon that question. + +Of what tendency is that change? The tendency of that change is to bring +the public mind to the conclusion that when men are spoken of, the negro +is not meant; that when negroes are spoken of, brutes alone are +contemplated. That change in public sentiment has already degraded the +black man in the estimation of Douglas and his followers from the +condition of a man of some sort, and assigned him to the condition of a +brute. Now, you Kentuckians ought to give Douglas credit for this. That +is the largest possible stride that can be made in regard to the +perpetuation of your thing of slavery. + +A voice: Speak to Ohio men, and not to Kentuckians! + +Mr. LINCOLN: I beg permission to speak as I please. + +In Kentucky perhaps, in many of the slave States certainly, you are +trying to establish the rightfulness of slavery by reference to the +Bible. You are trying to show that slavery existed in the Bible times by +divine ordinance. Now, Douglas is wiser than you, for your own benefit, +upon that subject. Douglas knows that whenever you establish that slavery +was--right by the Bible, it will occur that that slavery was the slavery +of the white man, of men without reference to color; and he knows very +well that you may entertain that idea in Kentucky as much as you please, +but you will never win any Northern support upon it. He makes a wiser +argument for you: he makes the argument that the slavery of the black +man; the slavery of the man who has a skin of a different color from your +own, is right. He thereby brings to your support Northern voters who +could not for a moment be brought by your own argument of the Bible right +of slavery. Will you give him credit for that? Will you not say that in +this matter he is more wisely for you than you are for yourselves? + +Now, having established with his entire party this doctrine, having been +entirely successful in that branch of his efforts in your behalf, he is +ready for another. + +At this same meeting at Memphis he declared that in all contests between +the negro and the white man he was for the white man, but that in all +questions between the negro and the crocodile he was for the negro. He +did not make that declaration accidentally at Memphis. He made it a great +many times in the canvass in Illinois last year (though I don't know that +it was reported in any of his speeches there, but he frequently made it). +I believe he repeated it at Columbus, and I should not wonder if he +repeated it here. It is, then, a deliberate way of expressing himself +upon that subject. It is a matter of mature deliberation with him thus to +express himself upon that point of his case. It therefore requires +deliberate attention. + +The first inference seems to be that if you do not enslave the negro, you +are wronging the white man in some way or other, and that whoever is +opposed to the negro being enslaved, is, in some way or other, against +the white man. Is not that a falsehood? If there was a necessary conflict +between the white man and the negro, I should be for the white man as +much as Judge Douglas; but I say there is no such necessary conflict. I +say that there is room enough for us all to be free, and that it not only +does not wrong the white man that the negro should be free, but it +positively wrongs the mass of the white men that the negro should be +enslaved; that the mass of white men are really injured by the effects of +slave labor in the vicinity of the fields of their own labor. + +But I do not desire to dwell upon this branch of the question more than +to say that this assumption of his is false, and I do hope that that +fallacy will not long prevail in the minds of intelligent white men. At +all events, you ought to thank Judge Douglas for it; it is for your +benefit it is made. + +The other branch of it is, that in the struggle between the negro and the +crocodile; he is for the negro. Well, I don't know that there is any +struggle between the negro and the crocodile, either. I suppose that if a +crocodile (or, as we old Ohio River boatmen used to call them, +alligators) should come across a white man, he would kill him if he +could; and so he would a negro. But what, at last, is this proposition? I +believe it is a sort of proposition in proportion, which may be stated +thus: "As the negro is to the white man, so is the crocodile to the +negro; and as the negro may rightfully treat the crocodile as a beast or +reptile, so the white man may rightfully treat the negro as a beast or a +reptile." That is really the "knip" of all that argument of his. + +Now, my brother Kentuckians, who believe in this, you ought to thank +Judge Douglas for having put that in a much more taking way than any of +yourselves have done. + +Again, Douglas's great principle, "popular sovereignty," as he calls it, +gives you, by natural consequence, the revival of the slave trade +whenever you want it. If you question this, listen awhile, consider +awhile what I shall advance in support of that proposition. + +He says that it is the sacred right of the man who goes into the +Territories to have slavery if he wants it. Grant that for argument's +sake. Is it not the sacred right of the man who don't go there equally to +buy slaves in Africa, if he wants them? Can you point out the difference? +The man who goes into the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, or any +other new Territory, with the sacred right of taking a slave there which +belongs to him, would certainly have no more right to take one there than +I would, who own no slave, but who would desire to buy one and take him +there. You will not say you, the friends of Judge Douglas but that the +man who does not own a slave has an equal right to buy one and take him +to the Territory as the other does. + +A voice: I want to ask a question. Don't foreign nations interfere with +the slave trade? + +Mr. LINCOLN: Well! I understand it to be a principle of Democracy to whip +foreign nations whenever, they interfere with us. + +Voice: I only asked for information. I am a Republican myself. + +Mr. LINCOLN: You and I will be on the best terms in the world, but I do +not wish to be diverted from the point I was trying to press. + +I say that Douglas's popular sovereignty, establishing his sacred right +in the people, if you please, if carried to its logical conclusion gives +equally the sacred right to the people of the States or the Territories +themselves to buy slaves wherever they can buy them cheapest; and if any +man can show a distinction, I should like to hear him try it. If any man +can show how the people of Kansas have a better right to slaves, because +they want them, than the people of Georgia have to buy them in Africa, I +want him to do it. I think it cannot be done. If it is "popular +sovereignty" for the people to have slaves because they want them, it is +popular sovereignty for them to buy them in Africa because they desire to +do so. + +I know that Douglas has recently made a little effort, not seeming to +notice that he had a different theory, has made an effort to get rid of +that. He has written a letter, addressed to somebody, I believe, who +resides in Iowa, declaring his opposition to the repeal of the laws that +prohibit the Africa slave trade. He bases his opposition to such repeal +upon the ground that these laws are themselves one of the compromises of +the Constitution of the United States. Now, it would be very interesting +to see Judge Douglas or any of his friends turn, to the Constitution of +the United States and point out that compromise, to show where there is +any compromise in the Constitution, or provision in the Constitution; +express or implied, by which the administrators of that Constitution are +under any obligation to repeal the African slave trade. I know, or at +least I think I know, that the framers of that Constitution did expect +the African slave trade would be abolished at the end of twenty years, to +which time their prohibition against its being abolished extended there +is abundant contemporaneous history to show that the framers of the +Constitution expected it to be abolished. But while they so expected, +they gave nothing for that expectation, and they put no provision in the +Constitution requiring it should be so abolished. The migration or +importation of such persons as the States shall see fit to admit shall +not be prohibited, but a certain tax might be levied upon such +importation. But what was to be done after that time? The Constitution is +as silent about that as it is silent, personally, about myself. There is +absolutely nothing in it about that subject; there is only the +expectation of the framers of the Constitution that the slave trade would +be abolished at the end of that time; and they expected it would be +abolished, owing to public sentiment, before that time; and the put that +provision in, in order that it should not be abolished before that time, +for reasons which I suppose they thought to be sound ones, but which I +will not now try to enumerate before you. + +But while, they expected the slave trade would be abolished at that time, +they expected that the spread of slavery into the new Territories should +also be restricted. It is as easy to prove that the framers of the +Constitution of the United States expected that slavery should be +prohibited from extending into the new Territories, as it is to prove +that it was expected that the slave trade should be abolished. Both these +things were expected. One was no more expected than the other, and one +was no more a compromise of the Constitution than the other. There was +nothing said in the Constitution in regard to the spread of slavery into +the Territory. I grant that; but there was something very important said +about it by the same generation of men in the adoption of the old +Ordinance of '87, through the influence of which you here in Ohio, our +neighbors in Indiana, we in Illinois, our neighbors in Michigan and +Wisconsin, are happy, prosperous, teeming millions of free men. That +generation of men, though not to the full extent members of the +convention that framed the Constitution, were to some extent members of +that convention, holding seats at the same time in one body and the +other, so that if there was any compromise on either of these subjects, +the strong evidence is that that compromise was in favor of the +restriction of slavery from the new Territories. + +But Douglas says that he is unalterably opposed to the repeal of those +laws because, in his view, it is a compromise of the Constitution. You +Kentuckians, no doubt, are somewhat offended with that. You ought not to +be! You ought to be patient! You ought to know that if he said less than +that, he would lose the power of "lugging" the Northern States to your +support. Really, what you would push him to do would take from him his +entire power to serve you. And you ought to remember how long, by +precedent, Judge Douglas holds himself obliged to stick by compromises. +You ought to remember that by the time you yourselves think you are ready +to inaugurate measures for the revival of the African slave trade, that +sufficient time will have arrived, by precedent, for Judge Douglas to +break through, that compromise. He says now nothing more strong than he +said in 1849 when he declared in favor of Missouri Compromise,--and +precisely four years and a quarter after he declared that Compromise to +be a sacred thing, which "no ruthless hand would ever daze to touch," he +himself brought forward the measure ruthlessly to destroy it. By a mere +calculation of time it will only be four years more until he is ready to +take back his profession about the sacredness of the Compromise +abolishing the slave trade. Precisely as soon as you are ready to have +his services in that direction, by fair calculation, you may be sure of +having them. + +But you remember and set down to Judge Douglas's debt, or discredit, that +he, last year, said the people of Territories can, in spite of the Dred +Scott decision, exclude your slaves from those Territories; that he +declared, by "unfriendly legislation" the extension of your property into +the new Territories may be cut off, in the teeth of the decision of the +Supreme Court of the United States. + +He assumed that position at Freeport on the 27th of August, 1858. He said +that the people of the Territories can exclude slavery, in so many words: +You ought, however, to bear in mind that he has never said it since. You +may hunt in every speech that he has since made, and he has never used +that expression once. He has never seemed to notice that he is stating +his views differently from what he did then; but by some sort of +accident, he has always really stated it differently. He has always since +then declared that "the Constitution does not carry slavery into the +Territories of the United States beyond the power of the people legally +to control it, as other property." Now, there is a difference in the +language used upon that former occasion and in this latter day. There may +or may not be a difference in the meaning, but it is worth while +considering whether there is not also a difference in meaning. + +What is it to exclude? Why, it is to drive it out. It is in some way to +put it out of the Territory. It is to force it across the line, or change +its character so that, as property, it is out of existence. But what is +the controlling of it "as other property"? Is controlling it as other +property the same thing as destroying it, or driving it away? I should +think not. I should think the controlling of it as other property would +be just about what you in Kentucky should want. I understand the +controlling of property means the controlling of it for the benefit of +the owner of it. While I have no doubt the Supreme Court of the United +States would say "God speed" to any of the Territorial Legislatures that +should thus control slave property, they would sing quite a different +tune if, by the pretence of controlling it, they were to undertake to +pass laws which virtually excluded it,--and that upon a very well known +principle to all lawyers, that what a Legislature cannot directly do, it +cannot do by indirection; that as the Legislature has not the power to +drive slaves out, they have no power, by indirection, by tax, or by +imposing burdens in any way on that property, to effect the same end, and +that any attempt to do so would be held by the Dred Scott court +unconstitutional. + +Douglas is not willing to stand by his first proposition that they can +exclude it, because we have seen that that proposition amounts to nothing +more nor less than the naked absurdity that you may lawfully drive out +that which has a lawful right to remain. He admitted at first that the +slave might be lawfully taken into the Territories under the Constitution +of the United States, and yet asserted that he might be lawfully driven +out. That being the proposition, it is the absurdity I have stated. He is +not willing to stand in the face of that direct, naked, and impudent +absurdity; he has, therefore, modified his language into that of being +"controlled as other property." + +The Kentuckians don't like this in Douglas! I will tell you where it will +go. He now swears by the court. He was once a leading man in Illinois to +break down a court, because it had made a decision he did not like. But +he now not only swears by the court, the courts having got to working for +you, but he denounces all men that do not swear by the courts, as +unpatriotic, as bad citizens. When one of these acts of unfriendly +legislation shall impose such heavy burdens as to, in effect, destroy +property in slaves in a Territory, and show plainly enough that there can +be no mistake in the purpose of the Legislature to make them so +burdensome, this same Supreme Court will decide that law to be +unconstitutional, and he will be ready to say for your benefit "I swear +by the court; I give it up"; and while that is going on he has been +getting all his men to swear by the courts, and to give it up with him. +In this again he serves you faithfully, and, as I say, more wisely than +you serve yourselves. + +Again: I have alluded in the beginning of these remarks to the fact that +Judge Douglas has made great complaint of my having expressed the opinion +that this government "cannot endure permanently, half slave and half +free." He has complained of Seward for using different language, and +declaring that there is an "irrepressible conflict" between the +principles of free and slave labor. [A voice: "He says it is not +original with Seward. That it is original with Lincoln."] I will attend +to that immediately, sir. Since that time, Hickman of Pennsylvania +expressed the same sentiment. He has never denounced Mr. Hickman: why? +There is a little chance, notwithstanding that opinion in the mouth of +Hickman, that he may yet be a Douglas man. That is the difference! It is +not unpatriotic to hold that opinion if a man is a Douglas man. + +But neither I, nor Seward, nor Hickman is entitled to the enviable or +unenviable distinction of having first expressed that idea. That same +idea was expressed by the Richmond Enquirer, in Virginia, in 1856,--quite +two years before it was expressed by the first of us. And while Douglas +was pluming himself that in his conflict with my humble self, last year, +he had "squelched out" that fatal heresy, as he delighted to call it, and +had suggested that if he only had had a chance to be in New York and meet +Seward he would have "squelched" it there also, it never occurred to him +to breathe a word against Pryor. I don't think that you can discover that +Douglas ever talked of going to Virginia to "squelch" out that idea +there. No. More than that. That same Roger A. Pryor was brought to +Washington City and made the editor of the par excellence Douglas paper, +after making use of that expression, which, in us, is so unpatriotic and +heretical. From all this, my Kentucky friends may see that this opinion +is heretical in his view only when it is expressed by men suspected of a +desire that the country shall all become free, and not when expressed by +those fairly known to entertain the desire that the whole country shall +become slave. When expressed by that class of men, it is in nowise +offensive to him. In this again, my friends of Kentucky, you have Judge +Douglas with you. + +There is another reason why you Southern people ought to nominate Douglas +at your convention at Charleston. That reason is the wonderful capacity +of the man,--the power he has of doing what would seem to be impossible. +Let me call your attention to one of these apparently impossible things: + +Douglas had three or four very distinguished men of the most extreme +anti-slavery views of any men in the Republican party expressing their +desire for his re-election to the Senate last year. That would, of +itself, have seemed to be a little wonderful; but that wonder is +heightened when we see that Wise of Virginia, a man exactly opposed to +them, a man who believes in the divine right of slavery, was also +expressing his desire that Douglas should be reelected; that another man +that may be said to be kindred to Wise, Mr. Breckinridge, the +Vice-President, and of your own State, was also agreeing with the +anti-slavery men in the North that Douglas ought to be re-elected. Still +to heighten the wonder, a senator from Kentucky, whom I have always loved +with an affection as tender and endearing as I have ever loved any man, +who was opposed to the anti-slavery men for reasons which seemed +sufficient to him, and equally opposed to Wise and Breckinridge, was +writing letters into Illinois to secure the reelection of Douglas. Now, +that all these conflicting elements should be brought, while at daggers' +points with one another, to support him, is a feat that is worthy for you +to note and consider. It is quite probable that each of these classes of +men thought, by the re-election of Douglas, their peculiar views would +gain something: it is probable that the anti-slavery men thought their +views would gain something; that Wise and Breckinridge thought so too, as +regards their opinions; that Mr. Crittenden thought that his views would +gain something, although he was opposed to both these other men. It is +probable that each and all of them thought that they were using Douglas; +and it is yet an unsolved problem whether he was not using them all. If +he was, then it is for you to consider whether that power to perform +wonders is one for you lightly to throw away. + +There is one other thing that I will say to you, in this relation. It is +but my opinion, I give it to you without a fee. It is my opinion that it +is for you to take him or be defeated; and that if you do take him you +may be beaten. You will surely be beaten if you do not take him. We, the +Republicans and others forming the opposition of the country, intend to +"stand by our guns," to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat +you, whether you take him or not. We know that before we fairly beat you +we have to beat you both together. We know that you are "all of a +feather," and that we have to beat you all together, and we expect to do +it. We don't intend to be very impatient about it. We mean to be as +deliberate and calm about it as it is possible to be, but as firm and +resolved as it is possible for men to be. When we do as we say,--beat +you,--you perhaps want to know what we will do with you. + +I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition, +what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as we possibly +can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean to leave +you alone, and in no way interfere with your institution; to abide by all +and every compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to +the original proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we +have degenerated) may, according to the examples of those noble fathers, +Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are as +good as we; that there is no difference between us other than the +difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and bear in mind always +that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we +claim to have, and treat you accordingly. We mean to marry your girls +when we have a chance, the white ones I mean; and I have the honor to +inform you that I once did have a chance in that way. + +I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, now, when that thing +takes place, what do you mean to do? I often hear it intimated that you +mean to divide the Union whenever a Republican, or anything like it, is +elected President of the United States. [A voice: "That is so."] "That is +so," one of them says; I wonder if he is a Kentuckian? [A voice: "He is a +Douglas man."] Well, then, I want to know what you are going to do with +your half of it? Are you going to split the Ohio down through, and push +your half off a piece? Or are you going to keep it right alongside of us +outrageous fellows? Or are you going to build up a wall some way between +your country and ours, by which that movable property of yours can't come +over here any more, to the danger of your losing it? Do you think you can +better yourselves, on that subject, by leaving us here under no +obligation whatever to return those specimens of your movable property +that come hither? You have divided the Union because we would not do +right with you, as you think, upon that subject; when we cease to be +under obligations to do anything for you, how much better off do you +think you will be? Will you make war upon us and kill us all? Why, +gentlemen, I think you are as gallant and as brave men as live; that you +can fight as bravely in a good cause, man for man, as any other people +living; that you have shown yourselves capable of this upon various +occasions: but, man for man, you are not better than we are, and there +are not so many of you as there are of us. You will never make much of a +hand at whipping us. If we were fewer in numbers than you, I think that +you could whip us; if we were equal, it would likely be a drawn battle; +but being inferior in numbers, you will make nothing by attempting to +master us. + +But perhaps I have addressed myself as long, or longer, to the +Kentuckians than I ought to have done, inasmuch as I have said that +whatever course you take we intend in the end to beat you. I propose to +address a few remarks to our friends, by way of discussing with them the +best means of keeping that promise that I have in good faith made. + +It may appear a little episodical for me to mention the topic of which I +will speak now. It is a favorite position of Douglas's that the +interference of the General Government, through the Ordinance of '87, or +through any other act of the General Government never has made or ever +can make a free State; the Ordinance of '87 did not make free States of +Ohio, Indiana, or Illinois; that these States are free upon his "great +principle" of popular sovereignty, because the people of those several +States have chosen to make them so. At Columbus, and probably here, he +undertook to compliment the people that they themselves have made the +State of Ohio free, and that the Ordinance of '87 was not entitled in any +degree to divide the honor with them. I have no doubt that the people of +the State of Ohio did make her free according to their own will and +judgment, but let the facts be remembered. + +In 1802, I believe, it was you who made your first constitution, with the +clause prohibiting slavery, and you did it, I suppose, very nearly +unanimously; but you should bear in mind that you--speaking of you as one +people--that you did so unembarrassed by the actual presence of the +institution amongst you; that you made it a free State not with the +embarrassment upon you of already having among you many slaves, which if +they had been here, and you had sought to make a free State, you would +not know what to do with. If they had been among you, embarrassing +difficulties, most probably, would have induced you to tolerate a slave +constitution instead of a free one, as indeed these very difficulties +have constrained every people on this continent who have adopted slavery. + +Pray what was it that made you free? What kept you free? Did you not find +your country free when you came to decide that Ohio should be a free +State? It is important to inquire by what reason you found it so. Let us +take an illustration between the States of Ohio and Kentucky. Kentucky is +separated by this River Ohio, not a mile wide. A portion of Kentucky, by +reason of the course of the Ohio, is farther north than this portion of +Ohio, in which we now stand. Kentucky is entirely covered with slavery; +Ohio is entirely free from it: What made that difference? Was it climate? +No. A portion of Kentucky was farther north than this portion of Ohio. +Was it soil? No. There is nothing in the soil of the one more favorable +to slave than the other. It was not climate or soil that mused one side +of the line to be entirely covered with slavery, and the other side free +of it. What was it? Study over it. Tell us, if you can, in all the range +of conjecture, if there be anything you can conceive of that made that +difference, other than that there was no law of any sort keeping it out +of Kentucky, while the Ordinance of '87 kept it out of Ohio. If there is +any other reason than this, I confess that it is wholly beyond my power +to conceive of it. This, then, I offer to combat the idea that that +Ordinance has never made any State free. + +I don't stop at this illustration. I come to the State of Indiana; and +what I have said as between Kentucky and Ohio, I repeat as between +Indiana and Kentucky: it is equally applicable. One additional argument +is applicable also to Indiana. In her Territorial condition she more than +once petitioned Congress to abrogate the Ordinance entirely, or at least +so far as to suspend its operation for a time, in order that they should +exercise the "popular sovereignty" of having slaves if they wanted them. +The men then controlling the General Government, imitating the men of the +Revolution, refused Indiana that privilege. And so we have the evidence +that Indiana supposed she could have slaves, if it were not for that +Ordinance; that she besought Congress to put that barrier out of the way; +that Congress refused to do so; and it all ended at last in Indiana being +a free State. Tell me not then that the Ordinance of '87 had nothing to +do with making Indiana a free State, when we find some men chafing +against, and only restrained by, that barrier. + +Come down again to our State of Illinois. The great Northwest Territory, +including Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, was acquired +first, I believe, by the British Government, in part at least, from the +French. Before the establishment of our independence it became a part of +Virginia, enabling Virginia afterward to transfer it to the General +Government. There were French settlements in what is now Illinois, and at +the same time there were French settlements in what is now Missouri, in +the tract of country that was not purchased till about 1803. In these +French settlements negro slavery had existed for many years, perhaps more +than a hundred; if not as much as two hundred years,--at Kaskaskia, in +Illinois, and at St. Genevieve, or Cape Girardeau, perhaps, in Missouri. +The number of slaves was not very great, but there was about the same +number in each place. They were there when we acquired the Territory. +There was no effort made to break up the relation of master and slave, +and even the Ordinance of 1787 was not so enforced as to destroy that +slavery in Illinois; nor did the Ordinance apply to Missouri at all. + +What I want to ask your attention to; at this point, is that Illinois and +Missouri came into the Union about the same time, Illinois in the latter +part of 1818, and Missouri, after a struggle, I believe sometime in 1820. +They had been filling up with American people about the same period of +time; their progress enabling them to come into the Union about the same +time. At the end of that ten years, in which they had been so preparing +(for it was about that period of time), the number of slaves in Illinois +had actually decreased; while in Missouri, beginning with very few, at +the end of that ten years there were about ten thousand. This being so, +and it being remembered that Missouri and Illinois are, to a certain +extent, in the same parallel of latitude, that the northern half of +Missouri and the southern half of Illinois are in the same parallel of +latitude, so that climate would have the same effect upon one as upon the +other, and that in the soil there is no material difference so far as +bears upon the question of slavery being settled upon one or the +other,--there being none of those natural causes to produce a difference +in filling them, and yet there being a broad difference to their filling +up, we are led again to inquire what was the cause of that difference. + +It is most natural to say that in Missouri there was no law to keep that +country from filling up with slaves, while in Illinois there was the +Ordinance of The Ordinance being there, slavery decreased during that ten +years; the Ordinance not being in the other, it increased from a few to +ten thousand. Can anybody doubt the reason of the difference? + +I think all these facts most abundantly prove that my friend Judge +Douglas's proposition, that the Ordinance of '87, or the national +restriction of slavery, never had a tendency to make a free State, is a +fallacy,--a proposition without the shadow or substance of truth about +it. + +Douglas sometimes says that all the States (and it is part of this same +proposition I have been discussing) that have become free have become so +upon his "great principle"; that the State of Illinois itself came into +the Union as a slave State, and that the people, upon the "great +principle" of popular sovereignty, have since made it a free State. Allow +me but a little while to state to you what facts there are to justify him +in saying that Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. + +I have mentioned to you that there were a few old French slaves there. +They numbered, I think, one or two hundred. Besides that, there had been +a Territorial law for indenturing black persons. Under that law, in +violation of the Ordinance of '87, but without any enforcement of the +Ordinance to overthrow the system, there had been a small number of +slaves introduced as indentured persons. Owing to this, the clause for +the prohibition of slavery was slightly modified. Instead of running like +yours, that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for crime, +of which the party shall have been duly convicted, should exist in the +State, they said that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should +thereafter be introduced; and that the children of indentured servants +should be born free; and nothing was said about the few old French +slaves. Out of this fact, that the clause for prohibiting slavery was +modified because of the actual presence of it, Douglas asserts again and +again that Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. How far the +facts sustain the conclusion that he draws, it is for intelligent and +impartial men to decide. I leave it with you, with these remarks, worthy +of being remembered, that that little thing, those few indentured +servants being there, was of itself sufficient to modify a constitution +made by a people ardently desiring to have a free constitution; showing +the power of the actual presence of the institution of slavery to prevent +any people, however anxious to make a free State, from making it +perfectly so. + +I have been detaining you longer, perhaps, than I ought to do. + +I am in some doubt whether to introduce another topic upon which I could +talk a while. [Cries of "Go on," and "Give us it."] It is this, then: +Douglas's Popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply this: If one man +chooses to make a slave of another man, neither that man nor anybody else +has a right to object. Apply it to government, as he seeks to apply it, +and it is this: If, in a new Territory into which a few people are +beginning to enter for the purpose of making their homes, they choose to +either exclude slavery from their limits, or to establish it there, +however one or the other may affect the persons to be enslaved, or the +infinitely greater number of persons who are afterward to inhabit that +Territory, or the other members of the family of communities of which +they are but an incipient member, or the general head of the family of +States as parent of all, however their action may affect one or the other +of these, there is no power or right to interfere. That is Douglas's +popular sovereignty applied. Now, I think that there is a real popular +sovereignty in the world. I think the definition of popular sovereignty, +in the abstract, would be about this: that each man shall do precisely as +he pleases with himself, and with all those things which exclusively +concern him. Applied in government, this principle would be that a +general government shall do all those things which pertain to it, and all +the local governments shall do precisely as they please in respect to +those matters which exclusively concern them. + +Douglas looks upon slavery as so insignificant that the people must +decide that question for themselves; and yet they are not fit to decide +who shall be their governor, judge, or secretary, or who shall be any of +their officers. These are vast national matters in his estimation; but +the little matter in his estimation is that of planting slavery there. +That is purely of local interest, which nobody should be allowed to say a +word about. + +Labor is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human +comforts and necessities are drawn. There is a difference in opinion +about the elements of labor in society. Some men assume that there is +necessary connection between capital and labor, and that connection draws +within it the whole of the labor of the community. They assume that +nobody works unless capital excites them to work. They begin next to +consider what is the best way. They say there are but two ways: one is to +hire men, and to allure them to labor by their consent; the other is to +buy the men, and drive them, to it, and that is slavery. Having assumed +that, they proceed to discuss the question of whether the laborers +themselves are better off in the condition of slaves or of hired +laborers, and they usually decide that they are better off in the +condition of slaves. + +In the first place, I say that the whole thing is a mistake. That there +is a certain relation between capital and labor, I admit. That it does +exist, and rightfully exists, I think is true. That men who are +industrious, and sober, and honest in the pursuit of their own interests +should after a while accumulate capital, and after that should be allowed +to enjoy it in peace, and also, if they should choose, when they have +accumulated it, to use it to save themselves from actual labor, and hire +other people to labor for them, is right. In doing so they do not wrong +the man they employ, for they find men who have not of their own land to +work upon, or shops to work in, and who are benefited by working for +others, hired laborers, receiving their capital for it. Thus a few men, +that own capital, hire a few others, and these establish the relation of +capital and labor rightfully, a relation of which I make no complaint. +But I insist that that relation, after all, does not embrace more than +one eighth of the labor of the country. + +[The speaker proceeded to argue that the hired laborer, with his ability +to become an employer, must have every precedence over him who labors +under the inducement of force. He continued:] + +I have taken upon myself in the name of some of you to say that we expect +upon these principles to ultimately beat them. In order to do so, I think +we want and must have a national policy in regard to the institution of +slavery that acknowledges and deals with that institution as being wrong. +Whoever desires the prevention of the spread of slavery and the +nationalization of that institution yields all when he yields to any +policy that either recognizes slavery as being right or as being an +indifferent thing. Nothing will make you successful but setting up a +policy which shall treat the thing as being wrong: When I say this, I do +not mean to say that this General Government is charged with the duty of +redressing or preventing all the wrongs in the world, but I do think that +it is charged with preventing and redressing all wrongs which are wrongs +to itself. This Government is expressly charged with the duty of +providing for the general welfare. We believe that the spreading out and +perpetuity of the institution of slavery impairs the general welfare. We +believe--nay, we know--that that is the only thing that has ever +threatened the perpetuity of the Union itself. The only thing which has +ever menaced the destruction of the government under which we live is +this very thing. To repress this thing, we think, is, Providing for the +general welfare. Our friends in Kentucky differ from us. We need not make +our argument for them, but we who think it is wrong in all its relations, +or in some of them at least, must decide as to our own actions and our +own course, upon our own judgment. + +I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in the +States where it exists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the +general welfare does not require us to do so. We must not withhold an +efficient Fugitive Slave law, because the Constitution requires us, as I +understand it, not to withhold such a law. But we must prevent the +outspreading of the institution, because neither the Constitution nor +general welfare requires us to extend it. We must prevent the revival of +the African slave trade, and the enacting by Congress of a Territorial +slave code. We must prevent each of these things being done by either +Congresses or courts. The people of these United States are the rightful +masters of both Congresses and courts, not to overthrow the Constitution, +but to overthrow the men who pervert the Constitution. + +To do these things we must employ instrumentalities. We must hold +conventions; we must adopt platforms, if we conform to ordinary custom; +we must nominate candidates; and we must carry elections. In all these +things, I think that we ought to keep in view our real purpose, and in +none do anything that stands adverse to our purpose. If we shall adopt a +platform that fails to recognize or express our purpose, or elect a man +that declares himself inimical to our purpose, we not only take nothing +by our success, but we tacitly admit that we act upon no other principle +than a desire to have "the loaves and fishes," by which, in the end, our +apparent success is really an injury to us. + +I know that this is very desirable with me, as with everybody else, that +all the elements of the opposition shall unite in the next Presidential +election and in all future time. I am anxious that that should be; but +there are things seriously to be considered in relation to that matter. +If the terms can be arranged, I am in favor of the union. But suppose we +shall take up some man, and put him upon one end or the other of the +ticket, who declares himself against us in regard to the prevention of +the spread of slavery, who turns up his nose and says he is tired of +hearing anything more about it, who is more against us than against the +enemy, what will be the issue? Why, he will get no slave States, after +all,--he has tried that already until being beat is the rule for him. If +we nominate him upon that ground, he will not carry a slave State; and +not only so, but that portion of our men who are high-strung upon the +principle we really fight for will not go for him, and he won't get a +single electoral vote anywhere, except, perhaps, in the State of +Maryland. There is no use in saying to us that we are stubborn and +obstinate because we won't do some such thing as this. We cannot do it. +We cannot get our men to vote it. I speak by the card, that we cannot +give the State of Illinois in such case by fifty thousand. We would be +flatter down than the "Negro Democracy" themselves have the heart to wish +to see us. + +After saying this much let me say a little on the other side. There are +plenty of men in the slave States that are altogether good enough for me +to be either President or Vice-President, provided they will profess +their sympathy with our purpose, and will place themselves on the ground +that our men, upon principle, can vote for them. There are scores of +them, good men in their character for intelligence and talent and +integrity. If such a one will place himself upon the right ground, I am +for his occupying one place upon the next Republican or opposition +ticket. I will heartily go for him. But unless he does so place himself, +I think it a matter of perfect nonsense to attempt to bring about a union +upon any other basis; that if a union be made, the elements will scatter +so that there can be no success for such a ticket, nor anything like +success. The good old maxims of the Bible axe applicable, and truly +applicable, to human affairs, and in this, as in other things, we may say +here that he who is not for us is against us; he who gathereth not with +us, scattereth. I should be glad to have some of the many good and able +and noble men of the South to place themselves where we can confer upon +them the high honor of an election upon one or the other end of our +ticket. It would do my soul good to do that thing. It would enable us to +teach them that, inasmuch as we select one of their own number to carry +out our principles, we are free from the charge that we mean more than we +say. + +But, my friends, I have detained you much longer than I expected to do. I +believe I may do myself the compliment to say that you have stayed and +heard me with great patience, for which I return you my most sincere +thanks. + + + + +ON PROTECTIVE TARIFFS + +TO EDWARD WALLACE. + +CLINTON, October 11, 1859 + +Dr. EDWARD WALLACE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am here just now attending court. Yesterday, before I +left Springfield, your brother, Dr. William S. Wallace, showed me a +letter of yours, in which you kindly mention my name, inquiring for my +tariff views, and suggest the propriety of my writing a letter upon the +subject. I was an old Henry-Clay-Tariff Whig. In old times I made more +speeches on that subject than any other. + +I have not since changed my views. I believe yet, if we could have a +moderate, carefully adjusted protective tariff, so far acquiesced in as +not to be a perpetual subject of political strife, squabbles changes, and +uncertainties, it would be better for us. Still it is my opinion that +just now the revival of that question will not advance the cause itself, +or the man who revives it. + +I have not thought much on the subject recently, but my general +impression is that the necessity for a protective tariff will ere long +force its old opponents to take it up; and then its old friends can join +in and establish it on a more firm and durable basis. We, the Old Whigs, +have been entirely beaten out on the tariff question, and we shall not be +able to re-establish the policy until the absence of it shall have +demonstrated the necessity for it in the minds of men heretofore opposed +to it. With this view, I should prefer to not now write a public letter +on the subject. I therefore wish this to be considered confidential. I +shall be very glad to receive a letter from you. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON MORTGAGES + +TO W. DUNGY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November, 2, 1859. + +WM. DUNGY, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of October 27 is received. When a mortgage is given to +secure two notes, and one of the notes is sold and assigned, if the +mortgaged premises are only sufficient to pay one note, the one assigned +will take it all. Also, an execution from a judgment on the assigned note +may take it all; it being the same thing in substance. There is +redemption on execution sales from the United States Court just as from +any other court. + +You did not mention the name of the plaintiff or defendant in the suit, +and so I can tell nothing about it as to sales, bids, etc. Write again. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS, + +DECEMBER, 1859. + +............. But you Democrats are for the Union; and you greatly fear +the success of the Republicans would destroy the Union. Why? Do the +Republicans declare against the Union? Nothing like it. Your own +statement of it is that if the Black Republicans elect a President, you +"won't stand it." You will break up the Union. If we shall +constitutionally elect a President, it will be our duty to see that you +submit. Old John Brown has been executed for treason against a State. We +cannot object, even though he agreed with us in thinking slavery wrong. +That cannot excuse violence, bloodshed and treason. It could avail him +nothing that he might think himself right. So, if we constitutionally +elect a President, and therefore you undertake to destroy the Union, it +will be our duty to deal with you as old John Brown has been dealt with. +We shall try to do our duty. We hope and believe that in no section will +a majority so act as to render such extreme measures necessary. + + + + +TO G. W. DOLE, G. S. HUBBARD, AND W. H. BROWN. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 14, 1859 + +MESSRS. DOLE, HUBBARD & BROWN. + +GENT.:--Your favor of the 12th is at hand, and it gives me pleasure to be +able to answer it. It is not my intention to take part in any of the +rivalries for the gubernatorial nomination; but the fear of being +misunderstood upon that subject ought not to deter me from doing justice +to Mr. Judd, and preventing a wrong being done to him by the use of nay +name in connection with alleged wrongs to me. + +In answer to your first question, as to whether Mr. Judd was guilty of +any unfairness to me at the time of Senator Trumbull's election, I answer +unhesitatingly in the negative; Mr. Judd owed no political allegiance to +any party whose candidate I was. He was in the Senate, holding over, +having been elected by a Democratic Constituency. He never was in any +caucus of the friends who sought to make me U. S. Senator, never gave me +any promises or pledges to support me, and subsequent events have greatly +tended to prove the wisdom, politically, of Mr. Judd's course. The +election of Judge Trumbull strongly tended to sustain and preserve the +position of that lion of the Democrats who condemned the repeal of the +Missouri Compromise, and left them in a position of joining with us in +forming the Republican party, as was done at the Bloomington convention +in 1856. + +During the canvass of 1858 for the senatorship my belief was, and still +is, that I had no more sincere and faithful friend than Mr. +Judd--certainly none whom I trusted more. His position as chairman of the +State Central Committee led to my greater intercourse with him, and to my +giving him a larger share of my confidence, than with or to almost any +other friend; and I have never suspected that that confidence was, to any +degree, misplaced. + +My relations with Mr. Judo since the organization of the Republican +party, in, our State, in 1856, and especially since the adjournment of +the Legislature in Feb., 1857, have been so very intimate that I deem it +an impossibility that he could have been dealing treacherously with me. +He has also, at all times, appeared equally true and faithful to the +party. In his position as chairman of the committee, I believe he did all +that any man could have done. The best of us are liable to commit errors, +which become apparent by subsequent developments; but I do not know of a +single error, even, committed by Mr. Judd, since he and I have acted +together politically. + +I, had occasionally heard these insinuations against Mr. Judd, before the +receipt of your letter; and in no instance have I hesitated to pronounce +them wholly unjust, to the full extent of my knowledge and belief. I have +been, and still am, very anxious to take no part between the many +friends, all good and true, who are mentioned as candidates for a +Republican gubernatorial nomination; but I can not feel that my own honor +is quite clear if I remain silent when I hear any one of them assailed +about matters of which I believe I know more than his assailants. + +I take pleasure in adding that, of all the avowed friends I had in the +canvass of last year, I do not suspect any of having acted treacherously +to me, or to our cause; and that there is not one of them in whose +honesty, honor, and integrity I, today, have greater confidence than I +have in those of Mr. Judd. + +I dislike to appear before the public in this matter; but you are at +liberty to make such use of this letter as you may think justice +requires. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 19, 1859. + +MESSRS. G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS, CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, ETC. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your letter of the 7th instant, accompanied by a similar one +from the governor-elect, the Republican State officers, and the +Republican members of the State Board of Equalization of Ohio, both +requesting of me, for publication in permanent form, copies of the +political debates between Senator Douglas and myself last year, has been +received. With my grateful acknowledgments to both you and them for the +very flattering terms in which the request is communicated, I transmit +you the copies. The copies I send you are as reported and printed by the +respective friends of Senator Douglas and myself, at the time--that is, +his by his friends, and mine by mine. It would be an unwarrantable +liberty for us to change a word or a letter in his, and the changes I +have made in mine, you perceive, are verbal only, and very few in number. +I wish the reprint to be precisely as the copies I send, without any +comment whatever. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH + +TO J. W. FELL, + +SPRINGFIELD, December 20, 1859. + +J. W. FELL, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is a little sketch, as you requested. There is not +much of it, for the reason, I suppose, that there is not much of me. If +anything be made out of it, I wish it to be modest, and not to go beyond +the material. If it were thought necessary to incorporate anything from +any of my speeches I suppose there would be no objection. Of course it +must not appear to have been written by myself. + +Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN + +----------------------- + +I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. My parents were +both born in Virginia, of undistinguished families--second families, +perhaps I should say. My mother, who died in my tenth year, was of a +family of the name of Hanks, some of whom now reside in Adams, and others +in Macon County, Illinois. My paternal grandfather, Abraham Lincoln, +emigrated from Rockingham County, Virginia, to Kentucky about 1781 or +1782, where a year or two later he was killed by the Indians, not in +battle, but by stealth, when he was laboring to open a farm in the +forest. His ancestors, who were Quakers, went to Virginia from Berks +County, Pennsylvania. An effort to identify them with the New England +family of the same name ended in nothing more definite than a similarity +of Christian names in both families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, +Solomon, Abraham, and the like. + +My father, at the death of his father, was but six years of age, and he +grew up literally without education. He removed from Kentucky to what is +now Spencer County, Indiana, in my eighth year. We reached our new home +about the time that State came into the Union. It was a wild region, with +many bears and other wild animals still in the woods. There I grew up. +There were some schools, so called, but no qualification was ever +required of a teacher beyond "readin', writin', and cipherin"' to the +Rule of Three. If a straggler supposed to understand Latin happened to +sojourn in the neighborhood he was looked upon as a wizard. There was +absolutely nothing to excite ambition for education. Of course, when I +came of age I did not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, and +cipher to the Rule of Three, but that was all. I have not been to school +since. The little advance I now have upon this store of education I have +picked up from time to time under the pressure of necessity. + +I was raised to farm work, which I continued till I was twenty-two. At +twenty-one I came to Illinois, Macon County. Then I got to New Salem, at +that time in Sangamon, now in Menard County, where I remained a year as a +sort of clerk in a store. Then came the Black Hawk war; and I was elected +a captain of volunteers, a success which gave me more pleasure than any I +have had since. I went the campaign, was elected, ran for the Legislature +the same year (1832), and was beaten--the only time I ever have been +beaten by the people. The next and three succeeding biennial elections I +was elected to the Legislature. I was not a candidate afterward. During +this legislative period I had studied law, and removed to Springfield to +practice it. In 1846 I was once elected to the lower House of Congress. +Was not a candidate for re-election. From 1849 to 1854, both inclusive, +practiced law more assiduously than ever before. Always a Whig in +politics; and generally on the Whig electoral tickets, making active +canvasses. I was losing interest in politics when the repeal of the +Missouri Compromise aroused me again. What I have done since then is +pretty well known. + +If any personal description of me is thought desirable, it may be said I +am, in height, six feet four inches, nearly; lean in flesh, weighing on +an average one hundred and eighty pounds; dark complexion, with coarse +black hair and gray eyes. No other marks or brands recollected. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON NOMINATION TO THE NATIONAL TICKET + +To N. B. JUDD. + +SPRINGFIELD, FEBRUARY 9, 1859 + +HON. N. B. JUDD. + +DEAR Sir:--I am not in a position where it would hurt much for me to not +be nominated on the national ticket; but I am where it would hurt some +for me to not get the Illinois delegates. What I expected when I wrote +the letter to Messrs. Dole and others is now happening. Your discomfited +assailants are most bitter against me; and they will, for revenge upon +me, lay to the Bates egg in the South, and to the Seward egg in the +North, and go far toward squeezing me out in the middle with nothing. +Can you help me a little in this matter in your end of the vineyard. I +mean this to be private. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + + + +1860 + + +SPEECH AT THE COOPER INSTITUTE, NEW YORK FEBRUARY 27, 1860 + +MR. PRESIDENT AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW YORK:--The facts with which I +shall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar; nor is there +anything new in the general use I shall make of them. If there shall be +any novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and the +inferences and observations following that presentation. + +In his speech last autumn at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in the New York +Times, Senator Douglas said: + +"Our fathers, when they framed the Government under which we live, +understood this question just as well, and even better than we do now." + +I fully indorse this, and I adopt it as a text for this discourse. I so +adopt it because it furnishes a precise and an agreed starting-point for +a discussion between Republicans and that wing of the Democracy headed by +Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry: What was the understanding +those fathers had of the question mentioned? + +What is the frame of Government under which we live? + +The answer must be--the Constitution of the United States. That +Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787 (and under which +the present Government first went into operation), and twelve +subsequently framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed in +1789. + +Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? I suppose the +"thirty-nine" who signed the original instrument may be fairly called our +fathers who framed that part of the present Government. It is almost +exactly true to say they framed it, and it is altogether true to say they +fairly represented the opinion and sentiment of the whole nation at that +time. + +Their names, being familiar to nearly all, and accessible to quite all, +need not now be repeated. + +I take these "thirty-nine," for the present, as being our "fathers who +framed the Government under which we live." + +What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers +understood "just as well, and even better than we do now"? + +It is this: Does the proper division of local from Federal authority, or +anything in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Government to control as +to slavery in our Federal Territories? + +Upon this Senator Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans the +negative. This affirmation and denial form an issue, and this issue--this +question is precisely what the text declares our fathers understood +"better than we." + +Let us now inquire whether the "thirty-nine," or any of them, acted upon +this question; and if they did, how they acted upon it--how they +expressed that better understanding. + +In 1784, three years before the Constitution--the United States then +owning the Northwestern Territory, and no other--the Congress of the +Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery in that +Territory; and four of the "thirty nine" who afterward framed the +Constitution were in that Congress and voted on that question. Of these, +Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin, and Hugh Williamson voted for the +prohibition, thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing +local from Federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbade the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. The +other of the four--James McHenry voted against the prohibition, showing +that, for some cause, he thought it improper to vote for it. + +In 1787, still before the Constitution, but while the convention was in +session framing it, and while the Northwestern Territory still was the +only Territory owned by the United States, the same question of +prohibiting slavery in the Territory again came before the Congress of +the Confederation; and two more of the "thirty-nine" who afterward signed +the Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on the question. They +were William Blount and William Few; and they both voted for the +prohibition thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing +local from Federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbade the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. This +time the prohibition became a law, being part of what is now well known +as the Ordinance of '87. + +The question of Federal control of slavery in the Territories seems not +to have been directly before the convention which framed the original +Constitution; and hence it is not recorded that the "thirty-nine," or any +of them, while engaged on that instrument, expressed any opinion on that +precise question. + +In 1789, by the first Congress which sat under the Constitution, an act +was passed to enforce the Ordinance of '87, including the prohibition of +slavery in the Northwestern Territory. The bill for this act was reported +by one of the "thirty-nine," Thomas Fitzsimmons, then a member of the +House of Representatives from Pennsylvania. It went through all its +stages without a word of opposition, and finally passed both branches +without yeas and nays, which is equivalent to a unanimous passage. In +this Congress there were sixteen of the thirty-nine fathers who framed +the original Constitution. They were John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman, Wm. +S. Johnnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thos. Fitzsimmons, William +Few, Abraham Baldwin, Rufus King, William Paterson, George Claimer, +Richard Bassett, George Read, Pierce Butler, Daniel Carroll, James +Madison. + +This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from +Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, properly forbade +Congress to prohibit slavery in the Federal territory; else both their +fidelity to correct principles and their oath to support the Constitution +would have constrained them to oppose the prohibition. + +Again: George Washington, another of the "thirty nine," was then +President of the United States, and, as such, approved and signed the +bill; thus completing its validity as a law, and thus showing that, in +his understanding, no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor +anything in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control +as to slavery in Federal territory. + +No great while after the adoption of the original Constitution, North +Carolina ceded to the Federal Government the country now constituting the +State of Tennessee; and, a few years later, Georgia ceded that which now +constitutes the States of Mississippi and Alabama. In both deeds of +cession it was made a condition by the ceding States that the Federal +Government should not prohibit slavery in the ceded country. Besides +this, slavery was then actually in the ceded country. Under these +circumstances, Congress, on taking charge of these countries, did not +absolutely prohibit slavery within them. But they did interfere with +it--take control of it--even there, to a certain extent. In 1798, +Congress organized the Territory of Mississippi: In the act of +organization they prohibited the bringing of slaves into the Territory +from any place without the United States, by fine and giving freedom to +slaves so brought. This act passed both branches of Congress without yeas +and nays. In that Congress were three of the "thirty-nine" who framed the +original Constitution. They were John Langdon, George Read, and Abraham +Baldwin. They all, probably, voted for it. Certainly they would have +placed their opposition to it upon record, if, in their understanding, +any line dividing local from Federal authority, or anything in the +Constitution, properly forbade the Federal Government to control as to +slavery in Federal territory. + +In 1803, the Federal Government purchased the Louisiana country. Our +former territorial acquisitions came from certain of our own States; but +this Louisiana country was acquired from a foreign nation. In 1804, +Congress gave a territorial organization to that part of it which now +constitutes the State of Lousiana. New Orleans, lying within that part, +was an old and comparatively large city. There were other considerable +towns and settlements, and slavery was extensively and thoroughly +intermingled with the people. Congress did not, in the Territorial Act, +prohibit slavery; but they did interfere with it take control of it--in a +more marked and extensive way than they did in the case of Mississippi. +The substance of the provision therein made in relation to slaves was: + +First. That no slave should be imported into the Territory from foreign +parts. + +Second. That no slave should be carried into it who had been imported +into the United States since the first day of May, 1798. + +Third. That no slave should be carried into it except by the owner, and +for his own use as a settler; the penalty in all the cases being a fine +upon the violator of the law, and freedom to the slave. + +This act also was passed without yeas and nays. In the Congress which +passed it there were two of the "thirty-nine." They were Abraham Baldwin +and Jonathan Dayton. As stated in the case of Mississippi, it is probable +they both voted for it. They would not have allowed it to pass without +recording their opposition to it, if, in their understanding, it violated +either the line properly dividing local from Federal authority, or any +provision of the Constitution. + +In 1819-20 came and passed the Missouri question. Many votes were taken, +by yeas and nays, in both branches of Congress, upon the various phases +of the general question. Two of the "thirty-nine"--Rufus King and Charles +Pinckney were members of that Congress. Mr. King steadily voted for +slavery prohibition and against all compromises, while Mr. Pinckney as +steadily voted against slavery prohibition, and against all compromises. +By this, Mr. King showed that, in his understanding, no line dividing +local from Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, was +violated by Congress prohibiting slavery in Federal territory; while Mr. +Pinckney, by his vote, showed that in his understanding there was some +sufficient reason for opposing such prohibition in that case. + +The cases I have mentioned are the only acts of the "thirty-nine," or of +any of them, upon the direct issue, which I have been able to discover. + +To enumerate the persons who thus acted, as being four in 1784, two in +1787, seventeen in 1789, three in 1798, two in 1804, and two in +1819-20--there would be thirty of them. But this would be counting, John +Langdon, Roger Sherman, William Few, Rufus King, and George Read, each +twice, and Abraham Baldwin three times. The true number of those of the +"thirty-nine" whom I have shown to have acted upon the question which, by +the text, they understood better than we, is twenty-three, leaving +sixteen not shown to have acted upon it in any way. + +Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our thirty-nine fathers "who +framed the Government under which we live," who have, upon their official +responsibility and their corporal oaths, acted upon the very question +which the text affirms they "understood just as well, and even better +than we do now"; and twenty-one of them--a clear majority of the whole +"thirty-nine"--so acting upon it as to make them guilty of gross +political impropriety and wilful perjury, if, in their understanding, any +proper division between local and Federal authority, or anything in the +Constitution they had made themselves, and sworn to support, forbade the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. +Thus the twenty-one acted; and, as actions speak louder than words, so +actions under such responsibilities speak still louder. + +Two of the twenty-three voted against Congressional prohibition of +slavery in the Federal Territories, in the instances in which they acted +upon the question. But for what reasons they so voted is not known. They +may have done so because they thought a proper division of local from +Federal authority, or some provision or principle of the Constitution, +stood in the way; or they may, without any such question, have voted +against the prohibition on what appeared to them to be sufficient grounds +of expediency. No one who has sworn to support the Constitution can +conscientiously vote for what he understands to be an unconstitutional +measure, however expedient he may think it; but one may and ought to vote +against a measure which he deems constitutional, if, at the same time, he +deems it inexpedient. It therefore would be unsafe to set down even the +two who voted against the prohibition as having done so because, in their +understanding, any proper division of local from Federal authority, or +anything in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control +as to slavery in Federal territory. + +The remaining sixteen of the "thirty-nine," so far as I have discovered, +have left no record of their understanding upon the direct question of +Federal control on slavery in the Federal Territories. But there is much +reason to believe that their understanding upon that question would not +have appeared different from that of their twenty-three compeers, had it +been manifested at all. + +For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have purposely omitted +whatever understanding may have been manifested by any person, however +distinguished, other than the thirty-nine fathers who framed the original +Constitution; and, for the same reason, I have also omitted whatever +understanding may have been manifested by any of the "thirty tine" even +on any other phase of the general question of slavery. If we should look +into their acts and declarations on those other phases, as the foreign +slave trade, and the morality and policy of slavery generally, it would +appear to us that on the direct question of Federal control of slavery in +Federal Territories, the sixteen, if they had acted at all, would +probably have acted just as the twenty-three did. Among that sixteen were +several of the most noted anti-slavery men of those times--as Dr. +Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, and Gouverneur Morris while there was not +one now known to have been otherwise, unless it may be John Rutledge, of +South Carolina. + +The sum of the whole is, that of our thirty-nine fathers who framed the +original Constitution, twenty-one--a clear majority of the +whole--certainly understood that no proper division of local from Federal +authority, nor any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal +Government to control slavery in the Federal Territories; whilst all the +rest probably had the same understanding. Such, unquestionably, was the +understanding of our fathers who framed the original Constitution; and +the text affirms that they understood the question "better than we." + +But, so far, I have been considering the understanding of the question +manifested by the framers of the original Constitution. In and by the +original instrument, a mode was provided for amending it; and, as I have +already stated, the present frame of "the Government under which we live" +consists of that original, and twelve amendatory articles framed and +adopted since. Those who now insist that Federal control of slavery in +Federal Territories violates the Constitution, point us to the provisions +which they suppose it thus violates; and, as I understand, they all fix +upon provisions in these amendatory articles, and not in the original +instrument. The Supreme Court, in the Dred Scott case, plant themselves +upon the fifth amendment, which provides that no person shall be deprived +of "life, liberty, or property without due process of law"; while Senator +Douglas and his peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth +amendment, providing that "the powers not delegated to the United States +by the Constitution" "are reserved to the States respectively, or to the +people." + +Now, it so happens that these amendments were framed by the first +Congress which sat under the Constitution--the identical Congress which +passed the act already mentioned, enforcing the prohibition of slavery in +the Northwestern Territory. Not only was it the same Congress, but they +were the identical same individual men who, at the same session, and at +the same time within the session, had under consideration, and in +progress toward maturity, these Constitutional amendments, and this act +prohibiting slavery in all the territory the nation then owned. The +Constitutional amendments were introduced before and passed after the act +enforcing the Ordinance of '87; so that, during the whole pendency of the +act to enforce the Ordinance, the Constitutional amendments were also +pending. + +The seventy-six members of that Congress, including sixteen of the +framers of the original Constitution, as before stated, were +pre-eminently our fathers who framed that part of "the Government under +which we live," which is now claimed as forbidding the Federal Government +to control slavery in the Federal Territories. + +Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day to affirm that the +two things which that Congress deliberately framed, and carried to +maturity at the same time, are absolutely inconsistent with each other? +And does not such affirmation become impudently absurd when coupled with +the other affirmation from the same mouth, that those who did the two +things alleged to be inconsistent understood whether they really were +inconsistent better than we--better than he who affirms that they are +inconsistent? + +It is surely safe to assume that the thirty-nine framers of the original +Constitution, and the seventy-six members of the Congress which framed +the amendments thereto, taken together, do certainly include those who +may be fairly called "our fathers who framed the Government under which +we live." And, so assuming, I defy any man to show that any one of them +ever, in his whole life, declared that, in his understanding, any proper +division of local from Federal authority, or any part of the +Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in +the Federal Territories. I go a step further. I defy any one to show that +any living man in the world ever did, prior to the beginning of the +present century (and I might almost say prior to the beginning of the +last half of the present century), declare that, in his understanding, +any proper division of local from Federal authority, or any part of the +Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in +the Federal Territories. To those who now so declare, I give not only +"our fathers who framed the Government under which we live," but with +them all other living men within the century in which it was framed, +among whom to search, and they shall not be able to find the evidence of +a single man agreeing with them. + +Now and here let me guard a little against being misunderstood. I do not +mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our fathers +did. To do so would be to discard all the lights of current experience to +reject all progress, all improvement. What I do say is that, if we would +supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in any case, we should do +so upon evidence so conclusive, and argument so clear, that even their +great authority, fairly considered and weighed, cannot stand; and most +surely not in a case whereof we ourselves declare they understood the +question better than we. + +If any man at this day sincerely believes that proper division of local +from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbids the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories, +he is right to say so, and to enforce his position by all truthful +evidence and fair argument which he can. But he has no right to mislead +others who have less access to history, and less leisure to study it, +into the false belief that "our fathers who framed the Government under +which we live" were of the same opinion thus substituting falsehood and +deception for truthful evidence and fair argument. If any man at this day +sincerely believes "our fathers, who framed the Government under which we +live," used and applied principles, in other cases, which ought to have +led them to understand that a proper division of local from Federal +authority, or some part of the Constitution, forbids the Federal +Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories, he is +right to say so. But he should, at the same time, brave the +responsibility of declaring that, in his opinion, he understands their +principles better than they did themselves; and especially should he not +shirk that responsibility by asserting that they "understood the question +just as well, and even better than we do now." + +But enough! Let all who believe that "our fathers, who framed the +Government under which we live, understood this question just as well, +and even better than we do now," speak as they spoke, and act as they +acted upon it. This is all Republicans ask--all Republicans desire--in +relation to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let it be again +marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected +only because of, and so far as, its actual presence among us makes that +toleration and protection a necessity. Let all the guaranties those +fathers gave it be not grudgingly, but fully and fairly maintained. For +this Republicans contend, and with this, so far as I know or believe, +they will be content. + +And now, if they would listen--as I suppose they will not--I would +address a few words to the Southern people. + +I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just +people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and +justice you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you speak +of us Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, or, at the +best, as no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing to pirates or +murderers, but nothing like it to "Black Republicans." In all your +contentions with one another, each of you deems an unconditional +condemnation of "Black Republicanism" as the first thing to be attended +to. Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable +prerequisite license, so to speak among you, to be admitted or permitted +to speak at all: Now; can you, or not, be prevailed upon to pause, and to +consider whether this is quite just to us, or even to yourselves? Bring +forward your charges and specifications, and then be patient long enough +to hear us deny or justify. + +You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the burden +of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? Why, that +our party has no existence in your section--gets no votes in your +section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove the issue? If +it does, then in case we should, without change of principle, begin to +get votes in your section, we should thereby cease to be sectional. You +cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, are you willing to abide by it? +If you are, you will probably soon find that we have ceased to be +sectional, for we shall get votes in your section this very year. You +will then begin to discover, as the truth plainly is, that your proof, +does not touch the issue. The fact that we get no votes in your section +is a fact of your making, and not of ours. And if there be fault in that +fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains so until you show that +we repel you by, some wrong principle or practice. If we do repel you by +any wrong principle or practice, the fault is ours; but this brings you +to where you ought to have started to a discussion of the right or wrong +of our principle. If our principle, put in practice, would wrong your +section for the benefit of ours, or for any other object, then our +principle, and we with it, are sectional, and are justly opposed and +denounced as such. Meet us, then, on the question of whether our +principle, put in practice, would wrong your section; and so meet us as +if it were possible that something may be said on our side. Do you accept +the challenge? No! Then you really believe that the principle which "our +fathers who framed the Government under which we live" thought so clearly +right as to adopt it, and indorse it again and again, upon their official +oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand your condemnation without +a moment's consideration. + +Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against sectional +parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less than eight +years before Washington gave that warning, he had, as President of the +United States, approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the +prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied +the policy of the Government upon that subject up to, and at, the very +moment he penned that warning; and about one year after he penned it, he +wrote La Fayette that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, +expressing in the same connection his hope that we should at some time +have a confederacy of free States. + +Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon +this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or +in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast +the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon +you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we +commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right +application of it. + +But you say you are conservative--eminently conservative--while we are +revolutionary, destructive, or something, of the sort. What is +conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against a new and +untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the point +in controversy which was adopted by "our fathers who framed the +Government under which we live"; while you with one accord reject, and +scout, and spit upon that old policy and insist upon substituting +something new. True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that +substitute shall be. You are divided on new propositions and plans, but +you are unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the +fathers. Some of you are for reviving the foreign slave trade; some for a +Congressional slave code for the Territories; some for Congress +forbidding the Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; some +for maintaining slavery in the Territories through the judiciary; some +for the "gur-reat pur-rinciple" that "if one man would enslave another, +no third man should object," fantastically called "popular sovereignty"; +but never a man among you in favor of Federal prohibition of slavery in +Federal Territories, according to the practice of "our fathers who framed +the Government under which we live." Not one of all your various plans +can show a precedent or an advocate in the century within which our +Government originated. Consider, then, whether your claim of conservatism +for yourselves, and your charge of destructiveness against us, are based +on the most clear and stable foundations. + +Again: You say we have made the slavery question more prominent than it +formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, but we deny +that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who discarded the old policy +of the fathers. We resisted and still resist your innovation; and thence +comes the greater prominence of the question. Would you have that +question reduced to its former proportions? Go back to that old policy. +What has been will be again, under the same conditions. If you would have +the peace of the old times, readopt the precepts and policy of the old +times. + +You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We deny it; +and what is your proof'? Harper's Ferry! John Brown!! John Brown was no +Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single Republican in his +Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our party is guilty in that +matter you know it or you do not know it. If you do know it, you are +inexcusable for not designating the man and proving the fact. If you do +not know it, you are inexcusable for asserting it, and especially for +persisting in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the +proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does +not know to be true is simply malicious slander. + +Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged the +Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that our doctrines and +declarations necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. We +know we hold to no doctrine, and make no declaration, which were not held +to and made by our fathers who framed the Government under which we live. +You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this affair. When it +occurred, some important State elections were near at hand, and you were +in evident glee with the belief that, by charging the blame upon us, you +could get an advantage of us in those elections. The elections came, and +your expectations were not quite fulfilled. Every Republican man knew +that, as to himself at least, your charge was a slander, and he was not +much inclined by it to cast his vote in your favor. Republican doctrines +and declarations are accompanied with a continued protest against any +interference whatever with your slaves, or with you about your slaves. +Surely, this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, in common +with "our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live," +declare our belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not hear us +declare even this. For any thing we say or do, the slaves would scarcely +know there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, in fact, +generally know it but for your misrepresentations of us in their hearing. +In your political contests among yourselves, each faction charges the +other with sympathy with Black Republicanism; and then, to give point to +the charge, defines Black Republicanism to simply be insurrection, blood, +and thunder among the slaves. + +Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the +Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton +insurrection, twenty-eight years ago, in which, at least, three times as +many lives were lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely stretch your +very elastic fancy to the conclusion that Southampton was "got up by +Black Republicanism." In the present state of things in the United +States, I do not think a general or even a very extensive slave +insurrection is possible. The indispensable concert of action cannot be +attained. The slaves have no means of rapid communication; nor can +incendiary freemen, black or white, supply it. The explosive materials +are everywhere in parcels; but there neither are, nor can be supplied the +indispensable connecting trains. + +Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for their +masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true. A plot for +an uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to twenty +individuals before some one of them, to save the life of a favorite +master or mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and the slave +revolution in Hayti was not an exception to it, but a case occurring +under peculiar circumstances. The gunpowder plot of British history, +though not connected with slaves, was more in point. In that case, only +about twenty were admitted to the secret; and yet one of them, in his +anxiety to save a friend, betrayed the plot to that friend, and, by +consequence, averted the calamity. Occasional poisonings from the +kitchen, and open or stealthy assassinations in the field, and local +revolts, extending to a score or so, will continue to occur as the +natural results of slavery; but no general insurrection of slaves, as I +think, can happen in this country for a long time. Whoever much fears or +much hopes for such an event will be alike disappointed. + +In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, "It is still in +our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation +peaceably, and in such slow degrees as that the evil will wear off +insensibly, and their places be, pari passu, filled up by free white +laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself on, human +nature must shudder at the prospect held up." + +Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of +emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia; and, as +to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slave holding States only. +The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the power of +restraining the extension of the institution--the power to insure that a +slave insurrection shall never occur on any American soil which is now +free from slavery. + +John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It was +an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in which the +slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd that the slaves, +with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not succeed. That +affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the many attempts related in +history at the assassination of kings and emperors. An enthusiast broods +over the oppression of a people till he fancies himself commissioned by +Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the attempt, which ends in little +else than his own execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon and John +Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry were, in their philosophy, precisely +the same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one case, and +on New England in the other, does not disprove the sameness of the two +things. + +And how much would it avail you, if you could, by the use of John Brown, +Helper's Book, and the like, break up the Republican organization? Human +action can be modified to some extent, but human nature cannot be +changed. There is a judgment and a feeling against slavery in this +nation, which cast at least a million and a half of votes. You cannot +destroy that judgment and feeling--that sentiment--by breaking up the +political organization which rallies around it. You can scarcely scatter +and disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of your +heaviest fire; but if you could, how much would you gain by forcing the +sentiment which created it out of the peaceful channel of the ballot-box, +into some other channel? What would that other channel probably be? Would +the number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by the operation? + +But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of your +constitutional rights. + +That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated, if not +fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to +deprive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. But +we are proposing no such thing. + +When you make these declarations, you have a specific and well-understood +allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to take slaves into +the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. But no such +right is specifically written in the Constitution. That instrument is +literally silent about any such right. We, on the contrary, deny that +such a right has any existence in the Constitution, even by implication. + +Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is that you will destroy the +Government unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the Constitution +as you please on all points in dispute between you and us. You will rule +or ruin, in all events. + +This, plainly stated, is your language. Perhaps you will say the Supreme +Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in your favor. Not +quite so. But, waiving the lawyer's distinction between dictum and +decision, the court have decided the question for you in a sort of way. +The court have substantially said it is your constitutional right to take +slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. +When I say, the decision was made in a sort of way, I mean it was made in +a divided court, by a bare majority of the judges, and they not quite +agreeing with one another in the reasons for making it; that it is so +made as that its avowed supporters disagree with one another about its +meaning, and that it was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of +fact--the statement in the opinion that "the right of property in a slave +is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution." + +An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property in +a slave is not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it. Bear in mind, +the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that such right is +impliedly affirmed in the Constitution; but they pledge their veracity +that it is "distinctly and expressly" affirmed there--"distinctly," that +is, not mingled with anything else; "expressly," that is, in words +meaning just that, without the aid of any inference, and susceptible of +no other meaning. + +If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right is +affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others to +show that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in the +Constitution, nor the word "property" even, in any connection with +language alluding to the things slave or slavery; and that wherever in +that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a "person"; and +wherever his master's legal right in relation to him is alluded to, it is +spoken of as "service or labor which may be due," as a debt payable in +service or labor. Also, it would be open to show, by contemporaneous +history, that this mode of alluding to slaves and slavery, instead of +speaking of them, was employed on purpose to exclude from the +Constitution the idea that there could be property in man. + +To show all this, is easy and certain. + +When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their notice, +is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the mistaken +statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it? + +And then it is to be remembered that "our fathers; who framed the +Government under which we live",--the men who made the Constitution +--decided this same constitutional question in our favor, long ago; +decided it without division among themselves, when making the decision, +without division among themselves about the meaning of it after it was +made, and, so far as any evidence is left, without basing it upon any +mistaken statement of facts. + +Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves justified to +break up this Government unless such a court decision as yours is shall +be at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule of political +action? But you will not abide the election of a Republican President! In +that supposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union; and then, you +say, the great crime of having destroyed it will be upon us! That is +cool. A highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters through his +teeth, "stand and deliver, or I shall kill you, and then you'll be a +murderer!" + +To be sure, what the robber demanded of me-my money was my own, and I had +a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my vote is my +own; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the threat of +destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely be +distinguished in principle. + +A few words now to Republicans: It is exceedingly desirable that all +parts of this great confederacy shall be at peace and in harmony one with +another. Let us Republicans do our part to have it so. Even though much +provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill temper. Even though +the Southern people will not so much as listen to us, let us calmly +consider their demands, and yield to them if, in our deliberate view of +our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all they say and do, and by the +subject and nature of their controversy with us, let us determine, if we +can, what will satisfy them. + +Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered +to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaints against +us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insurrections +are the rage now. Will it satisfy them if, in the future, we have nothing +to do with invasions and, insurrections? We know it will not. We so know +because we know we never had anything to do with invasions and +insurrections; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the +charge and the denunciation. + +The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: We must not +only let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do let +them alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so +trying to convince them from the very beginning of our organization, but +with no success. In all our platforms and speeches we have constantly +protested our purpose to let them alone; but this has had no tendency to +convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they +have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them. + +These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will +convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and join +them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly--done in acts +as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated--we must place +ourselves avowedly with them. Senator Douglas's new sedition law must be +enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong, +whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits; or in private. We must +arrest and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must +pull down our free State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be +disinfected from all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will +cease to believe that all their troubles proceed from us. + +I am quite aware they do not state their case precisely in this way. Most +of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to us, and +say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone have never +disturbed them--so that after all it is what we say which dissatisfies +them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we cease saying. + +I am also aware they have not as yet, in terms, demanded the overthrow of +our free State constitutions. Yet those constitutions declare the wrong +of slavery, with more solemn emphasis than do all other sayings against +it; and when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, the +overthrow of these constitutions will be demanded, and nothing be left to +resist the demand. It is nothing to the contrary, that they do not demand +the whole of this just now. Demanding what they do, and for the reason +they do, they can voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. +Holding, as they do, that slavery is morally right, and socially +elevating, they cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of it, +as a legal right and a social blessing. + +Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction +that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and +constitutions against it are themselves wrong, and should be silenced and +swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its nationality +its universality; if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its +extension--its enlargement. All they ask we could readily grant if we +thought slavery right; all we ask they could as readily grant, if they +thought it wrong. Their thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is +the precise fact upon which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it +right, as they do, they are not to blame for desiring its full +recognition, as being right; but thinking it wrong, as we do, can we +yield to them? Can we cast our votes with their view, and against our +own? In view of our moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we +do this? Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone +where it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its +actual presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent +it, allow it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us +here in these free States? If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us +stand by our duty, fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none +of those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied +and belabored-contrivances such as groping for some middle ground between +the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who should be +neither a living man nor a dead man-such as a policy of "don't care" on a +question about which all true men do care--such as Union appeals +beseeching true Union men to yield to Disunionists, reversing the divine +rule, and calling, not the sinners, but the righteous to repentance--such +as invocations to Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington +said, and undo what Washington did. + +Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against +us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government +nor of dungeons to ourselves. LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT MAKES MIGHT, +AND IN THAT FAITH LET US, TO THE END, DARE TO DO OUR DUTY AS WE +UNDERSTAND IT. + + + + +SPEECH AT NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, MARCH 6, 1860 + +MR. PRESIDENT, AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW HAVEN:--If the Republican party +of this nation shall ever have the national House entrusted to its +keeping, it will be the duty of that party to attend to all the affairs +of national housekeeping. Whatever matters of importance may come up, +whatever difficulties may arise in its way of administration of the +Government, that party will then have to attend to. It will then be +compelled to attend to other questions, besides this question which now +assumes an overwhelming importance--the question of slavery. It is true +that in the organization of the Republican party this question of slavery +was more important than any other: indeed, so much more important has it +become that no more national question can even get a hearing just at +present. The old question of tariff--a matter that will remain one of the +chief affairs of national house-keeping to all time; the question of the +management of financial affairs; the question of the disposition of the +public domain how shall it be managed for the purpose of getting it well +settled, and of making there the homes of a free and happy people? these +will remain open and require attention for a great while yet, and these +questions will have to be attended to by whatever party has the control +of the Government. Yet, just now, they cannot even obtain a hearing, and +I do not propose to detain you upon these topics or what sort of hearing +they should have when opportunity shall come. + +For, whether we will or not, the question of slavery is the question, the +all-absorbing topic of the day. It is true that all of us--and by that I +mean, not the Republican party alone, but the whole American people, here +and elsewhere--all of us wish this question settled, wish it out of the +way. It stands in the way, and prevents the adjustment, and the giving of +necessary attention to other questions of national house-keeping. The +people of the whole nation agree that this question ought to be settled, +and yet it is not settled. And the reason is that they are not yet agreed +how it shall be settled. All wish it done, but some wish one way and some +another, and some a third, or fourth, or fifth; different bodies are +pulling in different directions, and none of them, having a decided +majority, are able to accomplish the common object. + +In the beginning of the year 1854, a new policy was inaugurated with the +avowed object and confident promise that it would entirely and forever +put an end to the slavery agitation. It was again and again declared that +under this policy, when once successfully established, the country would +be forever rid of this whole question. Yet under the operation of that +policy this agitation has not only not ceased, but it has been constantly +augmented. And this too, although, from the day of its introduction, its +friends, who promised that it would wholly end all agitation, constantly +insisted, down to the time that the Lecompton Bill was introduced, that +it was working admirably, and that its inevitable tendency was to remove +the question forever from the politics of the country. Can you call to +mind any Democratic speech, made after the repeal of the Missouri +Compromise, down to the time of the Lecompton Bill, in which it was not +predicted that the slavery agitation was just at an end, that "the +abolition excitement was played out," "the Kansas question was dead," +"they have made the most they can out of this question and it is now +forever settled"? But since the Lecompton Bill no Democrat, within my +experience, has ever pretended that he could see the end. That cry has +been dropped. They themselves do not pretend, now, that the agitation of +this subject has come to an end yet. + +The truth is that this question is one of national importance, and we +cannot help dealing with it; we must do something about it, whether we +will or not. We cannot avoid it; the subject is one we cannot avoid +considering; we can no more avoid it than a man can live without eating. +It is upon us; it attaches to the body politic as much and closely as the +natural wants attach to our natural bodies. Now I think it important that +this matter should be taken up in earnest, and really settled: And one +way to bring about a true settlement of the question is to understand its +true magnitude. + +There have been many efforts made to settle it. Again and again it has +been fondly hoped that it was settled; but every time it breaks out +afresh, and more violently than ever. It was settled, our fathers hoped, +by the Missouri Compromise, but it did not stay settled. Then the +compromises of 1850 were declared to be a full and final settlement of +the question. The two great parties, each in national convention, adopted +resolutions declaring that the settlement made by the Compromise of 1850 +was a finality that it would last forever. Yet how long before it was +unsettled again? It broke out again in 1854, and blazed higher and raged +more furiously than ever before, and the agitation has not rested since. + +These repeated settlements must have some faults about them. There must +be some inadequacy in their very nature to the purpose to which they were +designed. We can only speculate as to where that fault, that inadequacy, +is, but we may perhaps profit by past experiences. + +I think that one of the causes of these repeated failures is that our +best and greatest men have greatly underestimated the size of this +question. They have constantly brought forward small cures for great +sores--plasters too small to cover the wound. That is one reason that all +settlements have proved temporary--so evanescent. + +Look at the magnitude of this subject: One sixth of our population, in +round numbers--not quite one sixth, and yet more than a seventh,--about +one sixth of the whole population of the United States are slaves. The +owners of these slaves consider them property. The effect upon the minds +of the owners is that of property, and nothing else it induces them to +insist upon all that will favorably affect its value as property, to +demand laws and institutions and a public policy that shall increase and +secure its value, and make it durable, lasting, and universal. The effect +on the minds of the owners is to persuade them that there is no wrong in +it. The slaveholder does not like to be considered a mean fellow for +holding that species of property, and hence, he has to struggle within +himself and sets about arguing himself into the belief that slavery is +right. The property influences his mind. The dissenting minister who +argued some theological point with one of the established church was +always met with the reply, "I can't see it so." He opened a Bible and +pointed him a passage, but the orthodox minister replied, "I can't see it +so." Then he showed him a single word--"Can you see that?" "Yes, I see +it," was the reply. The dissenter laid a guinea over the word and asked, +"Do you see it now?" So here. Whether the owners of this species of +property do really see it as it is, it is not for me to say, but if they +do, they see it as it is through two thousand millions of dollars, and +that is a pretty thick coating. Certain it is that they do not see it as +we see it. Certain it is that this two thousand millions of dollars, +invested in this species of property, all so concentrated that the mind +can grasp it at once--this immense pecuniary interest--has its influence +upon their minds. + +But here in Connecticut and at the North slavery does not exist, and we +see it through no such medium. + +To us it appears natural to think that slaves are human beings; men, not +property; that some of the things, at least, stated about men in the +Declaration of Independence apply to them as well as to us. I say we +think, most of us, that this charter of freedom applies to the slaves as +well as to ourselves; that the class of arguments put forward to batter +down that idea are also calculated to break down the very idea of a free +government, even for white men, and to undermine the very foundations of +free society. We think slavery a great moral wrong, and, while we do not +claim the right to touch it where it exists, we wish to treat it as a +wrong in the Territories, where our votes will reach it. We think that a +respect for ourselves, a regard for future generations and for the God +that made us, require that we put down this wrong where our votes will +properly reach it. We think that species of labor an injury to free white +men--in short, we think slavery a great moral, social, and political +evil, tolerable only because, and so far as, its actual existence makes +it necessary to tolerate it, and that beyond that it ought to be treated +as a wrong. + +Now these two ideas, the property idea that slavery is right, and the +idea that it is wrong, come into collision, and do actually produce that +irrepressible conflict which Mr. Seward has been so roundly abused for +mentioning. The two ideas conflict, and must conflict. + +Again, in its political aspect, does anything in any way endanger the +perpetuity of this Union but that single thing, slavery? Many of our +adversaries are anxious to claim that they are specially devoted to the +Union, and take pains to charge upon us hostility to the Union. Now we +claim that we are the only true Union men, and we put to them this one +proposition: Whatever endangers this Union, save and except slavery? Did +any other thing ever cause a moment's fear? All men must agree that this +thing alone has ever endangered the perpetuity of the Union. But if it +was threatened by any other influence, would not all men say that the +best thing that could be done, if we could not or ought not to destroy +it, would be at least to keep it from growing any larger? Can any man +believe, that the way to save the Union is to extend and increase the +only thing that threatens the Union, and to suffer it to grow bigger and +bigger? + +Whenever this question shall be settled, it must be settled on some +philosophical basis. No policy that does not rest upon some philosophical +opinion can be permanently maintained. And hence there are but two +policies in regard to slavery that can be at all maintained. The first, +based on the property view that slavery is right, conforms to that idea +throughout, and demands that we shall do everything for it that we ought +to do if it were right. We must sweep away all opposition, for opposition +to the right is wrong; we must agree that slavery is right, and we must +adopt the idea that property has persuaded the owner to believe that +slavery is morally right and socially elevating. This gives a +philosophical basis for a permanent policy of encouragement. + +The other policy is one that squares with the idea that slavery is wrong, +and it consists in doing everything that we ought to do if it is wrong. +Now, I don't wish to be misunderstood, nor to leave a gap down to be +misrepresented, even. I don't mean that we ought to attack it where it +exists. To me it seems that if we were to form a government anew, in view +of the actual presence of slavery we should find it necessary to frame +just such a government as our fathers did--giving to the slaveholder the +entire control where the system was established, while we possessed the +power to restrain it from going outside those limits. From the +necessities of the case we should be compelled to form just such a +government as our blessed fathers gave us; and, surely, if they have so +made it, that adds another reason why we should let slavery alone where +it exists. + +If I saw a venomous snake crawling in the road, any man would say I might +seize the nearest stick and kill it; but if I found that snake in bed +with my children, that would be another question. I might hurt the +children more than the snake, and it might bite them. Much more if I +found it in bed with my neighbor's children, and I had bound myself by a +solemn compact not to meddle with his children under any circumstances, +it would become me to let that particular mode of getting rid of the +gentleman alone. But if there was a bed newly made up, to which the +children were to be taken, and it was proposed to take a batch of young +snakes and put them there with them, I take it no man would say there was +any question how I ought to decide! + +That is just the case. The new Territories are the newly made bed to +which our children are to go, and it lies with the nation to say whether +they shall have snakes mixed up with them or not. It does not seem as if +there could be much hesitation what our policy should be! + +Now I have spoken of a policy based on the idea that slavery is wrong, +and a policy based on the idea that it is right. But an effort has been +made for a policy that shall treat it as neither right nor wrong. It is +based upon utter indifference. Its leading advocate [Douglas] has said, +"I don't care whether it be voted up or down." "It is merely a matter of +dollars and cents." "The Almighty has drawn a line across this continent, +on one side of which all soil must forever be cultivated by slave labor, +and on the other by free." "When the struggle is between the white man +and the negro, I am for the white man; when it is between the negro and +the crocodile, I am for the negro." Its central idea is indifference. It +holds that it makes no more difference to us whether the Territories +become free or slave States than whether my neighbor stocks his farm with +horned cattle or puts in tobacco. All recognize this policy, the +plausible sugar-coated name of which is "popular sovereignty." + +This policy chiefly stands in the way of a permanent settlement of the +question. I believe there is no danger of its becoming the permanent +policy of the country, for it is based on a public indifference. There is +nobody that "don't care." All the people do care one way or the other! I +do not charge that its author, when he says he "don't care," states his +individual opinion; he only expresses his policy for the government. I +understand that he has never said as an individual whether he thought +slavery right or wrong--and he is the only man in the nation that has +not! Now such a policy may have a temporary run; it may spring up as +necessary to the political prospects of some gentleman; but it is utterly +baseless: the people are not indifferent, and it can therefore have no +durability or permanence. + +But suppose it could: Then it could be maintained only by a public +opinion that shall say, "We don't care." There must be a change in public +opinion; the public mind must be so far debauched as to square with this +policy of caring not at all. The people must come to consider this as +"merely a question of dollars and cents," and to believe that in some +places the Almighty has made slavery necessarily eternal. This policy can +be brought to prevail if the people can be brought round to say honestly, +"We don't care"; if not, it can never be maintained. It is for you to say +whether that can be done. + +You are ready to say it cannot, but be not too fast! Remember what a long +stride has been taken since the repeal of the Missouri Compromise! Do you +know of any Democrat, of either branch of the party--do you know one who +declares that he believes that the Declaration of Independence has any +application to the negro? Judge Taney declares that it has not, and Judge +Douglas even vilifies me personally and scolds me roundly for saying that +the Declaration applies to all men, and that negroes are men. Is there a +Democrat here who does not deny that the Declaration applies to the +negro? Do any of you know of one? Well, I have tried before perhaps fifty +audiences, some larger and some smaller than this, to find one such +Democrat, and never yet have I found one who said I did not place him +right in that. I must assume that Democrats hold that, and now, not one +of these Democrats can show that he said that five years ago! I venture +to defy the whole party to produce one man that ever uttered the belief +that the Declaration did not apply to negroes, before the repeal of the +Missouri Compromise! Four or five years ago we all thought negroes were +men, and that when "all men" were named, negroes were included. But the +whole Democratic party has deliberately taken negroes from the class of +men and put them in the class of brutes. Turn it as you will it is simply +the truth! Don't be too hasty, then, in saying that the people cannot be +brought to this new doctrine, but note that long stride. One more as long +completes the journey from where negroes are estimated as men to where +they are estimated as mere brutes--as rightful property! + +That saying "In the struggle between white men and the negro," etc., +which I know came from the same source as this policy--that saying marks +another step. There is a falsehood wrapped up in that statement. "In the +struggle between the white man and the negro" assumes that there is a +struggle, in which either the white man must enslave the negro or the +negro must enslave the white. There is no such struggle! It is merely the +ingenious falsehood to degrade and brutalize the negro. Let each let the +other alone, and there is no struggle about it. If it was like two +wrecked seamen on a narrow plank, when each must push the other off or +drown himself, I would push the negro off or a white man either, but it +is not; the plank is large enough for both. This good earth is plenty +broad enough for white man and negro both, and there is no need of either +pushing the other off. + +So that saying, "In the struggle between the negro and the crocodile," +etc., is made up from the idea that down where the crocodile inhabits, a +white man can't labor; it must be nothing else but crocodile or negro; if +the negro does not the crocodile must possess the earth; in that case he +declares for the negro. The meaning of the whole is just this: As a white +man is to a negro, so is a negro to a crocodile; and as the negro may +rightfully treat the crocodile, so may the white man rightfully treat the +negro. This very dear phrase coined by its author, and so dear that he +deliberately repeats it in many speeches, has a tendency to still further +brutalize the negro, and to bring public opinion to the point of utter +indifference whether men so brutalized are enslaved or not. When that +time shall come, if ever, I think that policy to which I refer may +prevail. But I hope the good freemen of this country will never allow it +to come, and until then the policy can never be maintained. + +Now consider the effect of this policy. We in the States are not to care +whether freedom or slavery gets the better, but the people in the +Territories may care. They are to decide, and they may think what they +please; it is a matter of dollars and cents! But are not the people of +the Territories detailed from the States? If this feeling of indifference +this absence of moral sense about the question prevails in the States, +will it not be carried into the Territories? Will not every man say, "I +don't care, it is nothing to me"? If any one comes that wants slavery, +must they not say, "I don't care whether freedom or slavery be voted up +or voted down"? It results at last in nationalizing the institution of +slavery. Even if fairly carried out, that policy is just as certain to +nationalize slavery as the doctrine of Jeff Davis himself. These are only +two roads to the same goal, and "popular sovereignty" is just as sure and +almost as short as the other. + +What we want, and all we want, is to have with us the men who think +slavery wrong. But those who say they hate slavery, and are opposed to +it, but yet act with the Democratic party--where are they? Let us apply a +few tests. You say that you think slavery is wrong, but you denounce all +attempts to restrain it. Is there anything else that you think wrong that +you are not willing to deal with as wrong? Why are you so careful, so +tender, of this one wrong and no other? You will not let us do a single +thing as if it was wrong; there is no place where you will even allow it +to be called wrong! We must not call it wrong in the free States, because +it is not there, and we must not call it wrong in the slave States, +because it is there; we must not call it wrong in politics because that +is bringing morality into politics, and we must not call it wrong in the +pulpit because that is bringing politics into religion; we must not bring +it into the Tract Society or the other societies, because those are such +unsuitable places--and there is no single place, according to you, where +this wrong thing can properly be called wrong! + +Perhaps you will plead that if the people of the slave States should +themselves set on foot an effort for emancipation, you would wish them +success, and bid them God-speed. Let us test that: In 1858 the +emancipation party of Missouri, with Frank Blair at their head, tried to +get up a movement for that purpose, and having started a party contested +the State. Blair was beaten, apparently if not truly, and when the news +came to Connecticut, you, who knew that Frank Blair was taking hold of +this thing by the right end, and doing the only thing that you say can +properly be done to remove this wrong--did you bow your heads in sorrow +because of that defeat? Do you, any of you, know one single Democrat that +showed sorrow over that result? Not one! On the contrary every man threw +up his hat, and hallooed at the top of his lungs, "Hooray for Democracy!" + +Now, gentlemen, the Republicans desire to place this great question of +slavery on the very basis on which our fathers placed it, and no other. +It is easy to demonstrate that "our fathers, who framed this Government +under which we live," looked on slavery as wrong, and so framed it and +everything about it as to square with the idea that it was wrong, so far +as the necessities arising from its existence permitted. In forming the +Constitution they found the slave trade existing, capital invested in it, +fields depending upon it for labor, and the whole system resting upon the +importation of slave labor. They therefore did not prohibit the slave +trade at once, but they gave the power to prohibit it after twenty years. +Why was this? What other foreign trade did they treat in that way? Would +they have done this if they had not thought slavery wrong? + +Another thing was done by some of the same men who framed the +Constitution, and afterwards adopted as their own the act by the first +Congress held under that Constitution, of which many of the framers were +members, that prohibited the spread of slavery into Territories. Thus the +same men, the framers of the Constitution, cut off the supply and +prohibited the spread of slavery, and both acts show conclusively that +they considered that the thing was wrong. + +If additional proof is wanted it can be found in the phraseology of the +Constitution. When men are framing a supreme law and chart of government, +to secure blessings and prosperity to untold generations yet to come, +they use language as short and direct and plain as can be found, to +express their meaning In all matters but this of slavery the framers of +the Constitution used the very clearest, shortest, and most direct +language. But the Constitution alludes to slavery three times without +mentioning it once The language used becomes ambiguous, roundabout, and +mystical. They speak of the "immigration of persons," and mean the +importation of slaves, but do not say so. In establishing a basis of +representation they say "all other persons," when they mean to say +slaves--why did they not use the shortest phrase? In providing for the +return of fugitives they say "persons held to service or labor." If they +had said slaves it would have been plainer, and less liable to +misconstruction. Why did n't they do it? We cannot doubt that it was done +on purpose. Only one reason is possible, and that is supplied us by one +of the framers of the Constitution--and it is not possible for man to +conceive of any other--they expected and desired that the system would +come to an end, and meant that when it did, the Constitution should not +show that there ever had been a slave in this good free country of ours. + +I will dwell on that no longer. I see the signs of approaching triumph of +the Republicans in the bearing of their political adversaries. A great +deal of their war with us nowadays is mere bushwhacking. At the battle of +Waterloo, when Napoleon's cavalry had charged again and again upon the +unbroken squares of British infantry, at last they were giving up the +attempt, and going off in disorder, when some of the officers in mere +vexation and complete despair fired their pistols at those solid squares. +The Democrats are in that sort of extreme desperation; it is nothing +else. I will take up a few of these arguments. + +There is "the irrepressible conflict." How they rail at Seward for that +saying! They repeat it constantly; and, although the proof has been +thrust under their noses again and again that almost every good man since +the formation of our Government has uttered that same sentiment, from +General Washington, who "trusted that we should yet have a confederacy of +free States," with Jefferson, Jay, Monroe, down to the latest days, yet +they refuse to notice that at all, and persist in railing at Seward for +saying it. Even Roger A. Pryor, editor of the Richmond Enquirer, uttered +the same sentiment in almost the same language, and yet so little offence +did it give the Democrats that he was sent for to Washington to edit the +States--the Douglas organ there--while Douglas goes into hydrophobia and +spasms of rage because Seward dared to repeat it. This is what I call +bushwhacking, a sort of argument that they must know any child can see +through. + +Another is John Brown: "You stir up insurrections, you invade the South; +John Brown! Harper's Ferry!" Why, John Brown was not a Republican! You +have never implicated a single Republican in that Harper's Ferry +enterprise. We tell you that if any member of the Republican party is +guilty in that matter, you know it or you do not know it. If you do know +it, you are inexcusable not to designate the man and prove the fact. If +you do not know it, you are inexcusable to assert it, and especially to +persist in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the +proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does +not know to be true is simply malicious slander. Some of you admit that +no Republican designedly aided or encouraged the Harper's Ferry affair, +but still insist that our doctrines and declarations necessarily lead to +such results. We do not believe it. We know we hold to no doctrines, and +make no declarations, which were not held to and made by our fathers who +framed the Government 'under which we live, and we cannot see how +declarations that were patriotic when they made them are villainous when +we make them. You never dealt fairly by us in relation to that +affair--and I will say frankly that I know of nothing in your character +that should lead us to suppose that you would. You had just been soundly +thrashed in elections in several States, and others were soon to come. +You rejoiced at the occasion, and only were troubled that there were not +three times as many killed in the affair. You were in evident glee; there +was no sorrow for the killed nor for the peace of Virginia disturbed; you +were rejoicing that by charging Republicans with this thing you might get +an advantage of us in New York, and the other States. You pulled that +string as tightly as you could, but your very generous and worthy +expectations were not quite fulfilled. Each Republican knew that the +charge was a slander as to himself at least, and was not inclined by it +to cast his vote in your favor. It was mere bushwhacking, because you had +nothing else to do. You are still on that track, and I say, go on! If you +think you can slander a woman into loving you or a man into voting for +you, try it till you are satisfied! + +Another specimen of this bushwhacking, that "shoe strike." Now be it +understood that I do not pretend to know all about the matter. I am +merely going to speculate a little about some of its phases. And at the +outset, I am glad to see that a system of labor prevails in New England +under which laborers can strike when they want to, where they are not +obliged to work under all circumstances, and are not tied down and +obliged to labor whether you pay them or not! I like the system which +lets a man quit when he wants to, and wish it might prevail everywhere. +One of the reasons why I am opposed to slavery is just here. What is the +true condition of the laborer? I take it that it is best for all to leave +each man free to acquire property as fast as he can. Some will get +wealthy. I don't believe in a law to prevent a man from getting rich; it +would do more harm than good. So, while we do not propose any war upon +capital, we do wish to allow the humblest man an equal chance to get rich +with everybody else. When one starts poor, as most do in the race of +life, free society is such that he knows he can better his condition; he +knows that there is no fixed condition of labor for his whole life. I am +not ashamed to confess that twenty-five years ago I was a hired laborer, +mauling rails, at work on a flatboat--just what might happen to any poor +man's son! I want every man to have a chance--and I believe a Black man +is entitled to it--in which he can better his condition; when he may look +forward and hope to be a hired laborer this year and the next, work for +himself afterward, and finally to hire men to work for him! That is the +system. Up here in New England, you have a soil that scarcely sprouts +black-eyed beans, and yet where will you find wealthy men so wealthy, and +poverty so rarely in extremity? There is not another such place on earth! +I desire that if you get too thick here, and find it hard to better your +condition on this soil, you may have a chance to strike and go somewhere +else, where you may not be degraded, nor have your families corrupted, by +forced rivalry with negro slaves. I want you to have a clean bed and no +snakes in it! Then you can better your condition, and so it may go on and +on in one endless round so long as man exists on the face of the earth! + +Now, to come back to this shoe strike,--if, as the senator from Illinois +asserts, this is caused by withdrawal of Southern votes, consider briefly +how you will meet the difficulty. You have done nothing, and have +protested that you have done nothing, to injure the South. And yet, to +get back the shoe trade, you must leave off doing something which you are +now doing. What is it? You must stop thinking slavery wrong! Let your +institutions be wholly changed; let your State constitutions be +subverted; glorify slavery, and so you will get back the shoe trade--for +what? You have brought owned labor with it, to compete with your own +labor, to underwork you, and to degrade you! Are you ready to get back +the trade on those terms? + +But the statement is not correct. You have not lost that trade; orders +were never better than now! Senator Mason, a Democrat, comes into the +Senate in homespun, a proof that the dissolution of the Union has +actually begun! but orders are the same. Your factories have not struck +work, neither those where they make anything for coats, nor for pants nor +for shirts, nor for ladies' dresses. Mr. Mason has not reached the +manufacturers who ought to have made him a coat and pants! To make his +proof good for anything he should have come into the Senate barefoot! + +Another bushwhacking contrivance; simply that, nothing else! I find a +good many people who are very much concerned about the loss of Southern +trade. Now either these people are sincere or they are not. I will +speculate a little about that. If they are sincere, and are moved by any +real danger of the loss of Southern trade, they will simply get their +names on the white list, and then, instead of persuading Republicans to +do likewise, they will be glad to keep you away! Don't you see that they +cut off competition? They would not be whispering around to Republicans +to come in and share the profits with them. But if they are not sincere, +and are merely trying to fool Republicans out of their votes, they will +grow very anxious about your pecuniary prospects; they are afraid you are +going to get broken up and ruined; they do not care about Democratic +votes, oh, no, no, no! You must judge which class those belong to whom +you meet: I leave it to you to determine from the facts. + +Let us notice some more of the stale charges against Republicans. +You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the +burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? +Why, that our party has no existence in your section--gets no votes +in your section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove +the issue? If it does, then in case we should, without change of +principle, begin to get votes in your section, we should thereby +cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, +are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon +find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in +your section this very year. The fact that we get no votes in your +section is a fact of your making and not of ours. And if there be +fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains so +until you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or practice. + If we do repel you by any wrong principle or practice, the fault is +ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have started--to a +discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our principle, +put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of ours, or +for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are +sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, +then, on the question of whether our principle put in practice would +wrong your section; and so meet it as if it were possible that +something may be said on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No? +Then you really believe that the principle which our fathers who +framed the Government under which we live thought so clearly right as +to adopt it, and indorse it again and again, upon their official +oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand our condemnation +without a moment's consideration. Some of you delight to flaunt in +our faces the warning against sectional parties given by Washington +in his Farewell Address. Less than eight years before Washington +gave that warning, he had, as President of the United States, +approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the prohibition of +slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied the policy +of government upon that subject, up to and at the very moment he +penned that warning; and about one year after he penned it he wrote +La Fayette that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, +expressing in the same connection his hope that we should sometime +have a confederacy of free States. + +Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon +this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or +in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast +the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon +you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we +commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right +application of it. + +But you say you are conservative--eminently conservative--while we are +revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort. What is +conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against the new +and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the +point in controversy which was adopted by our fathers who framed the +Government under which we live; while you with one accord reject and +scout and spit upon that old policy, and insist upon substituting +something new. + +True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be. +You have considerable variety of new propositions and plans, but you are +unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some +of you are for reviving the foreign slave-trade; some for a congressional +slave code for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the +Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining +slavery in the Territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reat +pur-rinciple" that if one man would enslave another, no third man should +object--fantastically called "popular sovereignty." But never a man among +you in favor of prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, according +to the practice of our fathers who framed the Government under which we +live. Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an +advocate in the century within which our Government originated. And yet +you draw yourselves up and say, "We are eminently conservative." + +It is exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great confederacy +shall be at peace, and in harmony one with another. Let us Republicans do +our part to have it so. Even though much provoked, let us do nothing +through passion and ill-temper. Even though the Southern people will not +so much as listen to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and yield +to them if, in our deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can. Judging +by all they say and do, and by the subject and nature of their +controversy with us, let us determine, if we can, what will satisfy them. + +Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered +to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaints against +us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insurrections +are the rage now. Will it satisfy them, in the future, if we have nothing +to do with invasions and insurrections? We know it will not. We so know +because we know we never had anything to do with invasions and +insurrections; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the +charge and the denunciation. + +The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: we must not +only let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do let +them alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so +trying to convince them, from the very beginning of our organization, but +with no success. In all our platforms and speeches, we have constantly +protested our purpose to let them alone; but this had no tendency to +convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they +have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them. + +These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will +convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and join +them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly--done in acts +as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated--we must place +ourselves avowedly with them. Douglas's new sedition law must be enacted +and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong, whether +made in politics, in presses, in pulpits, or in private. We must arrest +and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must pull down +our free State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be disinfected of +all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will cease to believe +that all their troubles proceed from us. So long as we call slavery +wrong, whenever a slave runs away they will overlook the obvious fact +that he ran away because he was oppressed, and declare he was stolen off. +Whenever a master cuts his slaves with a lash, and they cry out under it, +he will overlook the obvious fact that the negroes cry out because they +are hurt, and insist that they were put up to it by some rascally +abolitionist. + +I am quite aware that they do not state their case precisely in this way. +Most of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to us, +and say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone--have +never disturbed them--so that, after all, it is what we say which +dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we +cease saying. + +I am also aware that they have not as yet in terms demanded the overthrow +of our free-State constitutions. Yet those constitutions declare the +wrong of slavery with more solemn emphasis than do all other sayings +against it; and when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, +the overthrow of these constitutions will be demanded. It is nothing to +the contrary that they do not demand the whole of this just now. +Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, they can voluntarily +stop nowhere short of this consummation. Holding as they do that slavery +is morally right, and socially elevating, they cannot cease to demand a +full national recognition of it, as a legal right, and a social blessing. + +Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction +that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and +constitutions against it are themselves wrong and should be silenced and +swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its +nationality--its universality: if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist +upon its extension--its enlargement. All they ask, we could readily +grant, if we thought slavery right; all we ask, they could as readily +grant, if they thought it wrong. Their thinking it right and our thinking +it wrong is the precise fact on which depends the whole controversy. +Thinking it right as they do, they are not to blame for desiring its full +recognition, as being right; but, thinking it wrong, as we do, can we +yield to them? Can we cast our votes with their view, and against our +own? In view of our moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we +do this? + +Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it +is because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual +presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow +it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us here in +these free States? + +If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty, +fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those +sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and +belabored--contrivances such as groping for some middle ground between +the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who would be +neither a living man nor a dead man--such as a policy of "don't care" on +a question about which all free men do care--such as Union appeals +beseeching true Union men to yield to Disunionists, reversing the divine +rule, and caning, not the sinners, but the righteous to repentance--such +as invocations of Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington did. + +Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against +us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government, +nor of dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that right makes might; +and in that faith, let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we +understand it. + +[As Mr. Lincoln concluded his address, there was witnessed the wildest +scene of enthusiasm and excitement that has been in New Haven for years. +The Palladium editorially says: "We give up most of our space to-day to a +very full report of the eloquent speech of the HON. Abraham Lincoln, of +Illinois, delivered last night at Union Hall."] + + + + +RESPONSE TO AN ELECTOR'S REQUEST FOR MONEY + +TO ________________ March 16, 1860 + +As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I cannot enter the +ring on the money basis--first, because in the main it is wrong; and +secondly, I have not and cannot get the money. + +I say, in the main, the use of money is wrong; but for certain objects in +a political contest, the use of some is both right and indispensable. +With me, as with yourself, the long struggle has been one of great +pecuniary loss. + +I now distinctly say this--if you shall be appointed a delegate to +Chicago, I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expenses of the +trip. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Extract from a letter to a Kansas delegate.] + + + + +TO J. W. SOMERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 17, 1860 + +JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Reaching home three days ago, I found your letter of February +26th. Considering your difficulty of hearing, I think you had better +settle in Chicago, if, as you say, a good man already in fair practice +there will take you into partnership. If you had not that difficulty, I +still should think it an even balance whether you would not better remain +in Chicago, with such a chance for copartnership. + +If I went west, I think I would go to Kansas, to Leavenworth or Atchison. +Both of them are and will continue to be fine growing places. + +I believe I have said all I can, and I have said it with the deepest +interest for your welfare. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ACCUSATION OF HAVING BEEN PAID FOR A +POLITICAL SPEECH + +TO C. F. McNEIL. + +SPRINGFIELD, April 6, 1860 + +C. F. MCNEIL, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Reaching home yesterday, I found yours of the 23d March, +inclosing a slip from The Middleport Press. It is not true that I ever +charged anything for a political speech in my life; but this much is +true: Last October I was requested by letter to deliver some sort of +speech in Mr. Beecher's church, in Brooklyn--two hundred dollars being +offered in the first letter. I wrote that I could do it in February, +provided they would take a political speech if I could find time to get +up no other. They agreed; and subsequently I informed them the speech +would have to be a political one. When I reached New York, I for the +first time learned that the place was changed to "Cooper Institute." I +made the speech, and left for New Hampshire, where I have a son at +school, neither asking for pay nor having any offered me. Three days +after a check for two hundred dollars was sent to me at New Hampshire; +and I took it, and did not know it was wrong. My understanding now +is--though I knew nothing of it at the time--that they did charge for +admittance to the Cooper Institute, and that they took in more than twice +two hundred dollars. + +I have made this explanation to you as a friend; but I wish no +explanation made to our enemies. What they want is a squabble and a fuss, +and that they can have if we explain; and they cannot have it if we +don't. + +When I returned through New York from New England, I was told by the +gentlemen who sent me the Check that a drunken vagabond in the club, +having learned something about the two hundred dollars, made the +exhibition out of which The Herald manufactured the article quoted by The +Press of your town. + +My judgment is, and therefore my request is, that you give no denial and +no explanation. + +Thanking you for your kind interest in the matter, I remain, Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. TAYLOR. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., April 21, 1860. + +HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th is just received. It surprises me that you +have written twice, without receiving an answer. I have answered all I +ever received from you; and certainly one since my return from the East. + +Opinions here, as to the prospect of Douglas being nominated, are quite +conflicting--some very confident he will, and others that he will not be. +I think his nomination possible, but that the chances are against him. + +I am glad there is a prospect of your party passing this way to Chicago. +Wishing to make your visit here as pleasant as we can, we wish you to +notify us as soon as possible whether you come this way, how many, and +when you will arrive. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TELEGRAM TO A MEMBER OF THE ILLINOIS DELEGATION + +AT THE CHICAGO CONVENTION. SPRINGFIELD, May 17? 1860. + +I authorize no bargains and will be bound by none. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE COMMITTEE SENT BY THE CHICAGO CONVENTION TO INFORM + +LINCOLN OF HIS NOMINATION, + +MAY 19, 1860. + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:--I tender to you, and +through you to the Republican National Convention, and all the people +represented in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done me, +which you now formally announce. Deeply and even painfully sensible of +the great responsibility which is inseparable from this high honor--a +responsibility which I could almost wish had fallen upon some one of the +far more eminent men and experienced statesmen whose distinguished names +were before the convention--I shall, by your leave, consider more fully +the resolutions of the convention, denominated their platform, and +without any unnecessary or unreasonable delay respond to you, Mr. +Chairman, in writing--not doubting that the platform will be found +satisfactory, and the nomination gratefully accepted. + +And now I will not longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each of +you, by the hand. + + + + +ACCEPTANCE OF NOMINATION AS REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE + FOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES + +TO GEORGE ASHMUN AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD ILLINOIS, May 23, 1860 + +HON. GEORGE ASHMUN, President of Republican National Convention. + +SIR:--I accept the nomination tendered me by the convention over which +you presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter of +yourself and others, acting as a committee of the convention for that +purpose. + +The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your +letter meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or +disregard it in any part. + +Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to the +views and feelings of all who were represented in the convention, to the +rights of all the States and Territories and people of the nation, to the +inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual union, harmony, and +prosperity of all--I am most happy to co-operate for the practical +success of the principles declared by the convention. + +Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +To C. B. SMITH. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., May 26, 1860. + +HON. C. B. SMITH. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Yours of the 21st was duly received, but have found no time +until now to say a word in the way of answer. I am indeed much indebted +to Indiana; and, as my home friends tell me, much to you personally. Your +saying, you no longer consider it a doubtful State is very gratifying. +The thing starts well everywhere--too well, I almost fear, to last. But +we are in, and stick or go through must be the word. + +Let me hear from Indiana occasionally. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FORM OF REPLY PREPARED BY MR. LINCOLN, WITH WHICH HIS PRIVATE + +SECRETARY WAS INSTRUCTED TO ANSWER A NUMEROUS CLASS OF LETTERS IN THE +CAMPAIGN OF 1860. + +(Doctrine.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, ______, 1860 + +DEAR SIR:--Your letter to Mr. Lincoln of and by which you seek to obtain +his opinions on certain political points, has been received by him. He +has received others of a similar character, but he also has a greater +number of the exactly opposite character. The latter class beseech him to +write nothing whatever upon any point of political doctrine. They say his +positions were well known when he was nominated, and that he must not now +embarrass the canvass by undertaking to shift or modify them. He regrets +that he cannot oblige all, but you perceive it is impossible for him to +do so. + +Yours, etc., + +JNO. J. NICOLAY. + + + + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, MAY 26, 1860 +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have several letters from you written since the +nomination, but till now have found no moment to say a word by way of +answer. Of course I am glad that the nomination is well received by our +friends, and I sincerely thank you for so informing me. So far as I can +learn, the nominations start well everywhere; and, if they get no +back-set, it would seem as if they are going through. I hope you will +write often; and as you write more rapidly than I do, don't make your +letters so short as mine. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO S. HAYCRAFT. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 4, 1860. + +HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Like yourself I belonged to the old Whig party from its +origin to its close. I never belonged to the American party organization, +nor ever to a party called a Union party; though I hope I neither am or +ever have been less devoted to the Union than yourself or any other +patriotic man. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ABRAHAM OR "ABRAM" + +TO G. ASHMUN. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. June 4, 1860 +HON. GEORGE ASHMUN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--It seems as if the question whether my first name is +"Abraham" or "Abram" will never be settled. It is "Abraham," and if the +letter of acceptance is not yet in print, you may, if you think fit, have +my signature thereto printed "Abraham Lincoln." Exercise your judgment +about this. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +UNAUTHORIZED BIOGRAPHY + +TO S. GALLOWAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 19, 1860 + +HON. SAM'L GALLOWAY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 15th is received. Messrs. +Follett, Foster, & Co.'s Life of me is not by my authority; and I have +scarcely been so much astounded by anything, as by their public +announcement that it is authorized by me. They have fallen into some +strange misunderstanding. I certainly knew they contemplated publishing a +biography, and I certainly did not object to their doing so, upon their +own responsibility. I even took pains to facilitate them. But, at the +same time, I made myself tiresome, if not hoarse, with repeating to Mr. +Howard, their only agent seen by me, my protest that I authorized +nothing--would be responsible for nothing. How they could so +misunderstand me, passes comprehension. As a matter wholly my own, I +would authorize no biography, without time and opportunity [sic] to +carefully examine and consider every word of it and, in this case, in the +nature of things, I can have no such time and Opportunity [sic]. But, in +my present position, when, by the lessons of the past, and the united +voice of all discreet friends, I can neither write nor speak a word for +the public, how dare I to send forth, by my authority, a volume of +hundreds of pages, for adversaries to make points upon without end? Were +I to do so, the convention would have a right to re-assemble and +substitute another name for mine. + +For these reasons, I would not look at the proof sheets--I am determined +to maintain the position of [sic] truly saying I never saw the proof +sheets, or any part of their work, before its publication. + +Now, do not mistake me--I feel great kindness for Messrs. F., F., & +Co.--do not think they have intentionally done wrong. There may be +nothing wrong in their proposed book--I sincerely hope there will not. I +barely suggest that you, or any of the friends there, on the party +account, look it over, and exclude what you may think would embarrass the +party bearing in mind, at all times, that I authorize nothing--will be +responsible for nothing. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + +[The custom then, and it may have been a good one, was for the +Presidential candidate to do no personal canvassing or speaking--or as we +have it now "running for election." He stayed at home and kept his mouth +shut. Ed.] + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, July 18, 1860. + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. MY DEAR SIR:--It appears to me that you and I ought +to be acquainted, and accordingly I write this as a sort of introduction +of myself to you. You first entered the Senate during the single term I +was a member of the House of Representatives, but I have no recollection +that we were introduced. I shall be pleased to receive a line from you. + +The prospect of Republican success now appears very flattering, so far as +I can perceive. Do you see anything to the contrary? + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. JONAS. + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, JULY 21, 1860. + +HON. A. JONAS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 20th is received. I suppose as good or even +better men than I may have been in American or Know-Nothing lodges; but +in point of fact, I never was in one at Quincy or elsewhere. I was never +in Quincy but one day and two nights while Know-Nothing lodges were in +existence, and you were with me that day and both those nights. I had +never been there before in my life, and never afterward, till the joint +debate with Douglas in 1858. It was in 1854 when I spoke in some hall +there, and after the speaking, you, with others, took me to an +oyster-saloon, passed an hour there, and you walked with me to, and +parted with me at, the Quincy House, quite late at night. I left by stage +for Naples before daylight in the morning, having come in by the same +route after dark the evening, previous to the speaking, when I found you +waiting at the Quincy House to meet me. A few days after I was there, +Richardson, as I understood, started this same story about my having been +in a Know-Nothing lodge. When I heard of the charge, as I did soon after; +I taxed my recollection for some incident which could have suggested it; +and I remembered that on parting with you the last night I went to the +office of the hotel to take my stage-passage for the morning, was told +that no stage-office for that line was kept there, and that I must see +the driver before retiring, to insure his calling for me in the morning; +and a servant was sent with me to find the driver, who, after taking me a +square or two, stopped me, and stepped perhaps a dozen steps farther, and +in my hearing called to some one, who answered him, apparently from the +upper part of a building, and promised to call with the stage for me at +the Quincy House. I returned, and went to bed, and before day the stage +called and took me. This is all. + +That I never was in a Know-Nothing lodge in Quincy, I should expect could +be easily proved by respectable men who were always in the lodges and +never saw me there. An affidavit of one or two such would put the matter +at rest. + +And now a word of caution. Our adversaries think they can gain a point if +they could force me to openly deny the charge, by which some degree of +offence would be given to the Americans. For this reason it must not +publicly appear that I am paying any attention to the charge. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOHN B. FRY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, August 15, 1860. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th, inclosing the letter of HON. John Minor +Botts, was duly received. The latter is herewith returned according to +your request. It contains one of the many assurances I receive from the +South, that in no probable event will there be any very formidable effort +to break up the Union. The people of the South have too much of good +sense and good temper to attempt the ruin of the government rather than +see it administered as it was administered by the men who made it. At +least so I hope and believe. I thank you both for your own letter and a +sight of that of Mr. Botts. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. August 17 1860. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 13th was received this morning. Douglas is +managing the Bell element with great adroitness. He had his men in +Kentucky to vote for the Bell candidate, producing a result which has +badly alarmed and damaged Breckenridge, and at the same time has induced +the Bell men to suppose that Bell will certainly be President, if they +can keep a few of the Northern States away from us by throwing them to +Douglas. But you, better than I, understand all this. + +I think there will be the most extraordinary effort ever made to carry +New York for Douglas. You and all others who write me from your State +think the effort cannot succeed, and I hope you are right. Still, it will +require close watching and great efforts on the other side. + +Herewith I send you a copy of a letter written at New York, which +sufficiently explains itself, and which may or may not give you a +valuable hint. You have seen that Bell tickets have been put on the track +both here and in Indiana. In both cases the object has been, I think, the +same as the Hunt movement in New York--to throw States to Douglas. In our +State, we know the thing is engineered by Douglas men, and we do not +believe they can make a great deal out of it. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SLOW TO LISTEN TO CRIMINATIONS + +TO HON. JOHN ______________ + +(Private.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Aug. 31, 1860 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 27th is duly received. It consists almost +exclusively of a historical detail of some local troubles, among some of +our friends in Pennsylvania; and I suppose its object is to guard me +against forming a prejudice against Mr. McC__________, I have not heard +near so much upon that subject as you probably suppose; and I am slow to +listen to criminations among friends, and never expose their quarrels on +either side. My sincere wish is that both sides will allow bygones to be +bygones, and look to the present and future only. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 4, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am annoyed some by a letter from a friend in Chicago, in +which the following passage occurs: "Hamlin has written Colfax that two +members of Congress will, he fears, be lost in Maine, the first and sixth +districts; and that Washburne's majority for governor will not exceed six +thousand." + +I had heard something like this six weeks ago, but had been assured since +that it was not so. Your secretary of state,--Mr. Smith, I think,--whom +you introduced to me by letter, gave this assurance; more recently, Mr. +Fessenden, our candidate for Congress in one of those districts, wrote a +relative here that his election was sure by at least five thousand, and +that Washburne's majority would be from 14,000 to 17,000; and still +later, Mr. Fogg, of New Hampshire, now at New York serving on a national +committee, wrote me that we were having a desperate fight in Maine, which +would end in a splendid victory for us. + +Such a result as you seem to have predicted in Maine, in your letter to +Colfax, would, I fear, put us on the down-hill track, lose us the State +elections in Pennsylvania and Indiana, and probably ruin us on the main +turn in November. + +You must not allow it. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 9, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR: Yours of the 5th was received last evening. I was right glad +to see it. It contains the freshest "posting" which I now have. It +relieved me some from a little anxiety I had about Maine. Jo Medill, on +August 30th, wrote me that Colfax had a letter from Mr. Hamlin saying we +were in great danger of losing two members of Congress in Maine, and that +your brother would not have exceeding six thousand majority for Governor. +I addressed you at once, at Galena, asking for your latest information. +As you are at Washington, that letter you will receive some time after +the Maine election. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. H. HERNDON. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., OCTOBER 10, 1860 + +DEAR WILLIAM:--I cannot give you details, but it is entirely certain that +Pennsylvania and Indiana have gone Republican very largely. Pennsylvania +25,000, and Indiana 5000 to 10,000. Ohio of course is safe. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO L. M. BOND. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 15, 1860 + +L. MONTGOMERY BOND, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR: I certainly am in no temper and have no purpose to +embitter the feelings of the South, but whether I am inclined to such a +course as would in fact embitter their feelings you can better judge by +my published speeches than by anything I would say in a short letter if I +were inclined now, as I am not, to define my position anew. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER SUGGESTING A BEARD + +TO MISS GRACE BEDELL, RIPLEY N.Y. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 19, 1860 + +MISS GRACE BEDELL. + +MY DEAR LITTLE MISS:--Your very agreeable letter of the 15th is received. +I regret the necessity of saying I have no daughter. I have three +sons--one seventeen, one nine, and one seven. They with their mother +constitute my whole family. As to the whiskers, as I have never worn any, +do you not think that people would call it a piece of silly affectation +were I to begin wearing them now? + +I am your true friend and sincere well-wisher, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EARLY INFORMATION ON ARMY DEFECTION IN SOUTH + +TO D. HUNTER. + +(Private and Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, October 26, 1860 + +MAJOR DAVID HUNTER + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 20th was duly received, for +which please accept my thanks. I have another letter, from a writer +unknown to me, saying the officers of the army at Fort Kearny have +determined in case of Republican success at the approaching Presidential +election, to take themselves, and the arms at that point, south, for the +purpose of resistance to the government. While I think there are many +chances to one that this is a humbug, it occurs to me that any real +movement of this sort in the Army would leak out and become known to you. +In such case, if it would not be unprofessional or dishonorable (of which +you are to be judge), I shall be much obliged if you will apprise me of +it. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD. ILLINOIS, November 8, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am anxious for a personal interview with you at as early +a day as possible. Can you, without much inconvenience, meet me at +Chicago? If you can, please name as early a day as you conveniently can, +and telegraph me, unless there be sufficient time before the day named to +communicate by mail. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +(Private and Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Nov.13, 1860 + +HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th is just received. I can only answer +briefly. Rest fully assured that the good people of the South who will +put themselves in the same temper and mood towards me which you do will +find no cause to complain of me. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REMARKS AT THE MEETING AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS +TO CELEBRATE LINCOLN'S ELECTION, + +NOVEMBER 20, 1860 + +FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:--Please excuse me on this occasion from +making a speech. I thank you in common with all those who have thought +fit by their votes to indorse the Republican cause. I rejoice with you in +the success which has thus far attended that cause. Yet in all our +rejoicings let us neither express nor cherish any hard feelings toward +any citizen who by his vote has differed with us. Let us at all times +remember that all American citizens are brothers of a common country, and +should dwell together in the bonds of fraternal feeling. Let me again beg +you to accept my thanks, and to excuse me from further speaking at this +time. + + + + +TO ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. NOV. 30, 1860 + +HON. A. H. STEPHENS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have read in the newspapers your speech recently +delivered (I think) before the Georgia Legislature, or its assembled +members. If you have revised it, as is probable, I shall be much obliged +if you will send me a copy. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +(Private) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 8, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 4th was duly received. The inclosed to Governor +Seward covers two notes to him, copies of which you find open for your +inspection. Consult with Judge Trumbull; and if you and he see no reason +to the contrary, deliver the letter to Governor Seward at once. If you +see reason to the contrary write me at once. + +I have an intimation that Governor Banks would yet accept a place in the +Cabinet. Please ascertain and write me how this is, + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +BLOCKING "COMPROMISE" ON SLAVERY ISSUE + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE + +(Private and Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., December 13, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your long letter received. Prevent, as far as possible, any +of our friends from demoralizing themselves and our cause by entertaining +propositions for compromise of any sort on "slavery extension." There is +no possible compromise upon it but which puts us under again, and leaves +all our work to do over again. Whether it be a Missouri line or Eli +Thayer's popular sovereignty, it is all the same. Let either be done, and +immediately filibustering and extending slavery recommences. On that +point hold firm, as with a chain of steel. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +OPINION ON SECESSION + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 17, 1860 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 11th was received two days ago. Should the +convocation of governors of which you speak seem desirous to know my +views on the present aspect of things, tell them you judge from my +speeches that I will be inflexible on the territorial question; but I +probably think either the Missouri line extended, or Douglas's and Eli +Thayer's popular sovereignty would lose us everything we gain by the +election; that filibustering for all south of us and making slave States +of it would follow in spite of us, in either case; also that I probably +think all opposition, real and apparent, to the fugitive slave clause of +the Constitution ought to be withdrawn. + +I believe you can pretend to find but little, if anything, in my +speeches, about secession. But my opinion is that no State can in any way +lawfully get out of the Union without the consent of the others; and that +it is the duty of the President and other government functionaries to run +the machine as it is. + +Truly yours, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SOME FORTS SURRENDERED TO THE SOUTH + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE + +(Confidential) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 21, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Last night I received your letter giving an account of your +interview with General Scott, and for which I thank you. Please present +my respects to the General, and tell him, confidentially, I shall be +obliged to him to be as well prepared as he can to either hold or retake +the forts, as the case may require, at and after the inauguration. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. H. STEPHENS. + +(For your own eye only) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 22, 1860 + +HON. ALEXANDER STEVENS + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your obliging answer to my short note is just received, and +for which please accept my thanks. I fully appreciate the present peril +the country is in, and the weight of responsibility on me. Do the people +of the South really entertain fear that a Republican administration +would, directly or indirectly, interfere with the slaves, or with them +about the slaves? If they do, I wish to assure you, as once a friend, and +still, I hope, not an enemy, that there is no cause for such fears. The +South would be in no more danger in this respect than it was in the days +of Washington. I suppose, however, this does not meet the case. You think +slavery is right and ought to be extended, while we think it is wrong and +ought to be restricted. That, I suppose, is the rub. It certainly is the +only substantial difference between us. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SUPPORT OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE CLAUSE + +MEMORANDUM + +December [22?], 1860 + +Resolved: That the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution ought to be +enforced by a law of Congress, with efficient provisions for that object, +not obliging private persons to assist in its execution, but punishing +all who resist it, and with the usual safeguards to liberty, securing +free men against being surrendered as slaves. + +That all State laws, if there be such, really or apparently in conflict +with such law of Congress, ought to be repealed; and no opposition to the +execution of such law of Congress ought to be made. + +That the Federal Union must be preserved. + +Prepared for the consideration of the Republican members of the Senate +Committee of Thirteen. + + + + +TO D. HUNTER. + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS December 22, 1860 + +MAJOR DAVID HUNTER. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am much obliged by the receipt of yours of the 18th. The +most we can do now is to watch events, and be as well prepared as +possible for any turn things may take. If the forts fall, my judgment is +that they are to be retaken. When I shall determine definitely my time of +starting to Washington, I will notify you. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO I. N. MORRIS + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Dec 24, 1860 + +HON. I. N. MORRIS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Without supposing that you and I are any nearer together, +politically, than heretofore, allow me to tender you my sincere thanks +for your Union resolution, expressive of views upon which we never were, +and, I trust, never will be at variance. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ATTEMPT TO FORM A COALITION CABINET + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 14, 1860. + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I need a man of Democratic antecedents from New England. I +cannot get a fair share of that element in without. This stands in the +way of Mr. Adams. I think of Governor Banks, Mr. Welles, and Mr. Tuck. +Which of them do the New England delegation prefer? Or shall I decide for +myself? + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + + + +1861 + + +TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + +(Private.) +SPRINGFIELD. ILL., January 3, 1861. + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours without signature was received last night. I have been +considering your suggestions as to my reaching Washington somewhat +earlier than is usual. It seems to me the inauguration is not the most +dangerous point for us. Our adversaries have us now clearly at +disadvantage on the second Wednesday of February, when the votes should +be officially counted. If the two houses refuse to meet at all, or meet +without a quorum of each, where shall we be? I do not think that this +counting is constitutionally essential to the election, but how are we to +proceed in the absence of it? In view of this, I think it is best for me +not to attempt appearing in Washington till the result of that ceremony +is known. + +It certainly would be of some advantage if you could know who are to be +at the heads of the War and Navy departments, but until I can ascertain +definitely whether I can get any suitable men from the South, and who, +and how many, I can not well decide. As yet, I have no word from Mr. +Gilmer in answer to my request for an interview with him. I look for +something on the subject, through you, before long. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. H. SEWARD. + +(Private.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., January 12, 1861 + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 8th received. I still hope Mr. Gilmer will, on +a fair understanding with us, consent to take a place in the Cabinet. The +preference for him over Mr. Hunt or Mr. Gentry is that, up to date--he +has a living position in the South, while they have not. He is only +better than Winter Davis in that he is farther south. I fear, if we +could get, we could not safely take more than one such man--that is, not +more than one who opposed us in the election--the danger being to lose +the confidence of our own friends. Your selection for the State +Department having become public, I am happy to find scarcely any +objection to it. I shall have trouble with every other Northern Cabinet +appointment--so much so that I shall have to defer them as long as +possible to avoid being teased into insanity, to make changes. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO E. D. MORGAN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. FEB. 4, 1861 + +SIR:--Your letter of the 30th ult. inviting me, on behalf of the +Legislature of New York, to pass through that State on my way to +Washington, and tendering me the hospitalities of her authorities and +people, has been duly received. With the feelings of deep gratitude to +you and them for this testimonial of regard and esteem I beg you to +notify them that I accept the invitation so kindly tendered. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN + +P.S.--Please let the ceremonies be only such as to take the least time +possible. A. L. + + + + +PATRONAGE CLAIMS + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., February 4, 1861 + +DEAR SIR:--I have both your letter to myself and that to Judge Davis, in +relation to a certain gentleman in your State claiming to dispense +patronage in my name, and also to be authorized to use my name to advance +the chances of Mr. Greeley for an election to the United States Senate. + +It is very strange that such things should be said by any one. The +gentleman you mention did speak to me of Mr. Greeley in connection with +the senatorial election, and I replied in terms of kindness toward Mr. +Greeley, which I really feel, but always with an expressed protest that +my name must not be used in the senatorial election in favor of or +against any one. Any other representation of me is a misrepresentation. + +As to the matter of dispensing patronage, it perhaps will surprise you to +learn that I have information that you claim to have my authority to +arrange that matter in New York. I do not believe you have so claimed; +but still so some men say. On that subject you know all I have said to +you is "justice to all," and I have said nothing more particular to any +one. I say this to reassure you that I have not changed my position. + +In the hope, however, that you will not use my name in the matter, I am, + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FAREWELL ADDRESS AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, + +FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +MY FRIENDS:--One who has never been placed in a like position cannot +understand my feelings at this hour, nor the oppressive sadness I feel at +this parting. For more than twenty-five years I have lived among you, and +during all that time I have received nothing but kindness at your hands. +Here the most cherished ties of earth were assumed. Here my children were +born, and here one of them lies buried. To you, my friends, I owe all +that I have, all that I am. All the strange checkered past seems to crowd +upon my mind. To-day I leave you. I go to assume a task more difficult +than that which devolved upon General Washington. Unless the great God +who assisted him shall be with and aid me I cannot prevail; but if the +same almighty arm that directed and protected him shall guide and support +me I shall not fail; I shall succeed. Let us pray that the God of our +fathers may not forsake us now. To Him I commend you all. Permit me to +ask that with equal sincerity and faith you will all invoke His wisdom +and goodness for me. + +With these words I must leave you; for how long I know not. Friends, one +and all, I must now wish you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +REMARKS AT TOLONO, ILLINOIS, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +I am leaving you on an errand of national importance, attended, as you +are aware, with considerable difficulties. Let us believe, as some poet +has expressed it, "Behind the cloud the sun is still shining." I bid you +an affectionate farewell. + + + + +REPLY TO ADDRESS OF WELCOME, INDIANAPOLIS, + +INDIANA, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +GOVERNOR MORTON AND FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA: + +Most heartily do I thank you for this magnificent reception, and while I +cannot take to myself any share of the compliment thus paid, more than +that which pertains to a mere instrument, an accidental instrument, +perhaps I should say, of a great cause, I yet must look upon it as a most +magnificent reception, and as such most heartily do thank you for it. You +have been pleased to address yourself to me chiefly in behalf of this +glorious Union in which we live, in all of which you have my hearty +sympathy, and, as far as may be within my power, will have, one and +inseparable, my hearty consideration. While I do not expect, upon this +occasion, or until I get to Washington, to attempt any lengthy speech, I +will only say to the salvation of the Union there needs but one single +thing--the hearts of a people like yours. + +The people--when they rise in mass in behalf of the Union and the +liberties of their country, truly may it be said, "The gates of hell +cannot prevail against them." In all trying positions in which I shall be +placed--and, doubtless, I shall be placed in many such--my reliance will +be placed upon you and the people of the United States; and I wish you to +remember, now and forever, that it is your business, and not mine; that +if the union of these States and the liberties of this people shall be +lost, it is but little to any one man of fifty-two years of age, but a +great deal to the thirty millions of people who inhabit these United +States, and to their posterity in all coming time. It is your business to +rise up and preserve the Union and liberty for yourselves, and not for +me. + +I desire they should be constitutionally performed. I, as already +intimated, am but an accidental instrument, temporary, and to serve but +for a limited time; and I appeal to you again to constantly bear in mind +that with you, and not with politicians, not with Presidents, not with +office-seekers, but with you is the question, Shall the Union and shall +the liberties of this country be preserved to the latest generations? + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF INDIANA, AT INDIANAPOLIS, + +FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA:--I am here to thank you much for +this magnificent welcome, and still more for the generous support given +by your State to that political cause which I think is the true and just +cause of the whole country and the whole world. + +Solomon says there is "a time to keep silence," and when men wrangle by +the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using the +same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence. + +The words "coercion" and "invasion" are much used in these days, and +often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, the +meaning of those who use them. Let us get the exact definitions of these +words, not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, who certainly +deprecate the things they would represent by the use of the words. + +What, then, is coercion? What is invasion? Would the marching of an army +into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and with hostile +intent toward them, be invasion? I certainly think it would, and it would +be coercion also, if the South Carolinians were forced to submit. But if +the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other +property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even +withhold the mails from places where they were habitually violated, would +any or all of these things be invasion or coercion? Do our professed +lovers of the Union, who spitefully resolve that they will resist +coercion and invasion, understand that such things as these, on the part +of the United States, would be coercion or invasion of a State? If so, +their idea of means to preserve the object of their great affection would +seem to be exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the +homoeopathist would be much too large for it to swallow. In their view, +the Union, as a family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, +but rather a sort of "free-love" arrangement, to be maintained on +passional attraction. + +By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I speak +not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the Constitution, +for that is a bond we all recognize. That position, however, a State +cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that assumed primary +right of a State to rule all which is less than itself, and to ruin all +which is larger than itself. If a State and a county, in a given case, +should be equal in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of +principle, is the State better than the county? Would an exchange of name +be an exchange of rights? Upon what principle, upon what rightful +principle, may a State, being no more than one fiftieth part of the +nation in soil and population, break up the nation, and then coerce a +proportionably large subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? +What mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of +country, with its people, by merely calling it a State? Fellow-citizens, +I am not asserting anything. I am merely asking questions for you to +consider. And now allow me to bid you farewell. + + + + +INTENTIONS TOWARD THE SOUTH + +ADDRESS TO THE MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF +CINCINNATI, OHIO, FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR, AND GENTLEMEN:--Twenty-four hours ago, at the capital of +Indiana, I said to myself, "I have never seen so many people assembled +together in winter weather." I am no longer able to say that. But it is +what might reasonably have been expected--that this great city of +Cincinnati would thus acquit herself on such an occasion. My friends, I +am entirely overwhelmed by the magnificence of the reception which has +been given, I will not say to me, but to the President-elect of the +United States of America. Most heartily do I thank you, one and all, for +it. + +I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati. That was a year +previous to the late Presidential election. On that occasion, in a +playful manner, but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I said +to the Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we, as Republicans, would +ultimately beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone that +result longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the Presidency than they +could by any other way. They did not, in any true sense of the word, +nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result has come certainly as soon as ever I +expected. I also told them how I expected they would be treated after +they should have been beaten, and I now wish to call their attention to +what I then said upon that subject. I then said: + +"When we do as we say, beat you, you perhaps want to know what we will do +with you. I will tell you, as far as I am authorized to speak for the +Opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as +we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We +mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your +institutions; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution, +and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you so +far as degenerate men, if we have degenerated, may, according to the +example of those noble fathers, Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. + +"We mean to remember that you are as good as we; that there is no +difference between us other than the difference of circumstances. We mean +to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your +bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you +accordingly." + +Fellow-citizens of Kentucky--friends and brethren, may I call you in my +new position?--I see no occasion and feel no inclination to retract a +word of this. If it shall not be made good, be assured the fault shall +not be mine. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN CLUB OF CINCINNATI, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN:--I thank you and those whom you represent for the +compliment you have paid me by tendering me this address. In so far as +there is an allusion to our present national difficulties, which +expresses, as you have said, the views of the gentlemen present, I shall +have to beg pardon for not entering fully upon the questions which the +address you have now read suggests. + +I deem it my duty--a duty which I owe to my constituents--to you, +gentlemen, that I should wait until the last moment for a development of +the present national difficulties before I express myself decidedly as to +what course I shall pursue. I hope, then, not to be false to anything +that you have expected of me. + +I agree with you, Mr. Chairman, that the working men are the basis of all +governments, for the plain reason that they are all the more numerous, +and as you added that those were the sentiments of the gentlemen present, +representing not only the working class, but citizens of other callings +than those of the mechanic, I am happy to concur with you in these +sentiments, not only of the native-born citizens, but also of the Germans +and foreigners from other countries. + +Mr. Chairman, I hold that while man exists it is his duty to improve not +only his own condition, but to assist in ameliorating the condition of +mankind; and therefore, without entering upon the details of the +question, I will simply say that I am for those means which will give the +greatest good to the greatest number. + +In regard to the Homestead law, I have to say that, in so far as the +government lands can be disposed of, I am in favor of cutting up the wild +lands into parcels, so that every poor man may have a home. + +In regard to the Germans and foreigners, I esteem them no better than +other people, nor any worse. It is not my nature, when I see a people +borne down by the weight of their shackles--the oppression of tyranny--to +make their life more bitter by heaping upon them greater burdens; but +rather would I do all in my power to raise the yoke than to add anything +that would tend to crush them. + +Inasmuch as our own country is extensive and new, and the countries of +Europe are densely populated, if there are any abroad who desire to make +this the land of their adoption, it is not in my heart to throw aught in +their way to prevent them from coming to the United States. + +Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I will bid you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF OHIO AT COLUMBUS + +FEBRUARY 13, 1861 + +Mr. PRESIDENT AND Mr. SPEAKER, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF +OHIO:--It is true, as has been said by the president of the Senate, that +very great responsibility rests upon me in the position to which the +votes of the American people have called me. I am deeply sensible of that +weighty responsibility. I cannot but know what you all know, that without +a name, perhaps without a reason why I should have a name, there has +fallen upon me a task such as did not rest even upon the Father of his +Country; and so feeling, I can turn and look for that support without +which it will be impossible for me to perform that great task. I turn, +then, and look to the American people and to that God who has never +forsaken them. Allusion has been made to the interest felt in relation to +the policy of the new administration. In this I have received from some a +degree of credit for having kept silence, and from others some +deprecation. I still think that I was right. + +In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, and without +a precedent which could enable me to judge by the past, it has seemed +fitting that before speaking upon the difficulties of the country I +should have gained a view of the whole field, being at liberty to modify +and change the course of policy as future events may make a change +necessary. + +I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a good +thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing going +wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we look out there is +nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon +political questions, but nobody is suffering anything. This is a most +consoling circumstance, and from it we may conclude that all we want is +time, patience, and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken this +people. + +Fellow-citizens, what I have said I have said altogether +extemporaneously, and I will now come to a close. + + + + +ADDRESS AT STEUBENVILLE, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 14, 1861 + +I fear that the great confidence placed in my ability is unfounded. +Indeed, I am sure it is. Encompassed by vast difficulties as I am, +nothing shall be wanting on my part, if sustained by God and the American +people. I believe the devotion to the Constitution is equally great on +both sides of the river. It is only the different understanding of that +instrument that causes difficulty. The only dispute on both sides is, +"What are their rights?" If the majority should not rule, who would be +the judge? Where is such a judge to be found? We should all be bound by +the majority of the American people; if not, then the minority must +control. Would that be right? Would it be just or generous? Assuredly +not. I reiterate that the majority should rule. If I adopt a wrong +policy, the opportunity for condemnation will occur in four years' time. +Then I can be turned out, and a better man with better views put in my +place. + + + + +ADDRESS AT PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA + +FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + +I most cordially thank his Honor Mayor Wilson, and the citizens of +Pittsburg generally, for their flattering reception. I am the more +grateful because I know that it is not given to me alone, but to the +cause I represent, which clearly proves to me their good-will, and that +sincere feeling is at the bottom of it. And here I may remark that in +every short address I have made to the people, in every crowd through +which I have passed of late, some allusion has been made to the present +distracted condition of the country. It is natural to expect that I +should say something on this subject; but to touch upon it at all would +involve an elaborate discussion of a great many questions and +circumstances, requiring more time than I can at present command, and +would, perhaps, unnecessarily commit me upon matters which have not yet +fully developed themselves. The condition of the country is an +extraordinary one, and fills the mind of every patriot with anxiety. It +is my intention to give this subject all the consideration I possibly can +before specially deciding in regard to it, so that when I do speak it may +be as nearly right as possible. When I do speak I hope I may say nothing +in opposition to the spirit of the Constitution, contrary to the +integrity of the Union, or which will prove inimical to the liberties of +the people, or to the peace of the whole country. And furthermore, when +the time arrives for me to speak on this great subject, I hope I may say +nothing to disappoint the people generally throughout the country, +especially if the expectation has been based upon anything which I may +have heretofore said. Notwithstanding the troubles across the river [the +speaker pointing southwardly across the Monongahela, and smiling], there +is no crisis but an artificial one. What is there now to warrant the +condition of affairs presented by our friends over the river? Take even +their own view of the questions involved, and there is nothing to justify +the course they are pursuing. I repeat, then, there is no crisis, +excepting such a one as may be gotten up at any time by turbulent men +aided by designing politicians, My advice to them, under such +circumstances, is to keep cool. If the great American people only keep +their temper on both sides of the line, the troubles will come to an end, +and the question which now distracts the country will be settled, just as +surely as all other difficulties of a like character which have +originated in this government have been adjusted. Let the people on both +sides keep their self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared +away in due time, so will this great nation continue to prosper as +heretofore. But, fellow-citizens, I have spoken longer on this subject +than I intended at the outset. + +It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of Pennsylvania. +Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adopted, the tariff question +must be as durable as the government itself. It is a question of +national housekeeping. It is to the government what replenishing the +meal-tub is to the family. Every varying circumstances will require +frequent modifications as to the amount needed and the sources of supply. +So far there is little difference of opinion among the people. It is as +to whether, and how far, duties on imports shall be adjusted to favor +home production in the home market, that controversy begins. One party +insists that such adjustment oppresses one class for the advantage of +another; while the other party argues that, with all its incidents, in +the long run all classes are benefited. In the Chicago platform there is +a plank upon this subject which should be a general law to the incoming +administration. We should do neither more nor less than we gave the +people reason to believe we would when they gave us their votes. Permit +me, fellow-citizens, to read the tariff plank of the Chicago platform, or +rather have it read in your hearing by one who has younger eyes. + +[Mr. Lincoln's private secretary then read Section 12 of the Chicago +platform, as follows:] + +"That, while providing revenue for the support of the General Government +by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these +imposts as will encourage the development of the industrial interest of +the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which +secures to working-men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, +to mechanics and manufacturers adequate return for their skill, labor, +and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and +independence." + +As with all general propositions, doubtless, there will be shades of +difference in construing this. I have by no means a thoroughly matured +judgment upon this subject, especially as to details; some general ideas +are about all. I have long thought it would be to our advantage to +produce any necessary article at home which can be made of as good +quality and with as little labor at home as abroad, at least by the +difference of the carrying from abroad. In such case the carrying is +demonstrably a dead loss of labor. For instance, labor being the true +standard of value, is it not plain that if equal labor get a bar of +railroad iron out of a mine in England and another out of a mine in +Pennsylvania, each can be laid down in a track at home cheaper than they +could exchange countries, at least by the carriage? If there be a present +cause why one can be both made and carried cheaper in money price than +the other can be made without carrying, that cause is an unnatural and +injurious one, and ought gradually, if not rapidly, to be removed. The +condition of the treasury at this time would seem to render an early +revision of the tariff indispensable. The Morrill [tariff] bill, now +pending before Congress, may or may not become a law. I am not posted as +to its particular provisions, but if they are generally satisfactory, and +the bill shall now pass, there will be an end for the present. If, +however, it shall not pass, I suppose the whole subject will be one of +the most pressing and important for the next Congress. By the +Constitution, the executive may recommend measures which he may think +proper, and he may veto those he thinks improper, and it is supposed that +he may add to these certain indirect influences to affect the action of +Congress. My political education strongly inclines me against a very free +use of any of these means by the executive to control the legislation of +the country. As a rule, I think it better that Congress should originate +as well as perfect its measures without external bias. I therefore would +rather recommend to every gentleman who knows he is to be a member of the +next Congress to take an enlarged view, and post himself thoroughly, so +as to contribute his part to such an adjustment of the tariff as shall +produce a sufficient revenue, and in its other bearings, so far as +possible, be just and equal to all sections of the country and classes of +the people. + + + + +ADDRESS AT CLEVELAND, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF CLEVELAND:--We have been marching +about two miles through snow, rain, and deep mud. The large numbers that +have turned out under these circumstances testify that you are in earnest +about something or other. But do I think so meanly of you as to suppose +that that earnestness is about me personally? I would be doing you an +injustice to suppose you did. You have assembled to testify your respect +for the Union, the Constitution, and the laws; and here let me say that +it is with you, the people, to advance the great cause of the Union and +the Constitution, and not with any one man. It rests with you alone. This +fact is strongly impressed upon my mind at present. In a community like +this, whose appearance testifies to their intelligence, I am convinced +that the cause of liberty and the Union can never be in danger. Frequent +allusion is made to the excitement at present existing in our national +politics, and it is as well that I should also allude to it here. I think +that there is no occasion for any excitement. 'The crisis, as it is +called, is altogether an artificial crisis. In all parts of the nation +there are differences of opinion on politics. There are differences of +opinion even here. You did not all vote for the person who now addresses +you. What is happening now will not hurt those who are farther away from +here. Have they not all their rights now as they ever have had? Do they +not have their fugitive slaves returned now as ever? Have they not the +same Constitution that they have lived under for seventy-odd years? Have +they not a position as citizens of this common country, and have we any +power to change that position? What, then, is the matter with them? Why +all this excitement? Why all these complaints? + +As I said before, this crisis is all artificial! It has no foundation in +facts. It is not argued up, as the saying is, and cannot, therefore, be +argued down. Let it alone and it will go down of itself. + +[Mr. Lincoln then said that they must be content with a few words from +him, as he was tired, etc. Having been given to understand that the crowd +was not all Republican, but consisted of men of all parties, he +continued:] + +This is as it should be. If Judge Douglas had been elected and had been +here on his way to Washington, as I am to-night, the Republicans should +have joined his supporters in welcoming him, just as his friends have +joined with mine tonight. If all do not join now to save the good old +ship of the Union this voyage, nobody will have a chance to pilot her on +another voyage. + + + + +ADDRESS AT BUFFALO, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 16, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF BUFFALO AND THE STATE OF NEW YORK:--I am +here to thank you briefly for this grand reception given to me, not +personally, but as the representative of our great and beloved country. +Your worthy mayor has been pleased to mention, in his address to me, the +fortunate and agreeable journey which I have had from home, on my rather +circuitous route to the Federal capital. I am very happy that he was +enabled in truth to congratulate myself and company on that fact. It is +true we have had nothing thus far to mar the pleasure of the trip. We +have not been met alone by those who assisted in giving the election to +me--I say not alone by them, but by the whole population of the country +through which we have passed. This is as it should be. Had the election +fallen to any other of the distinguished candidates instead of myself, +under the peculiar circumstances, to say the least, it would have been +proper for all citizens to have greeted him as you now greet me. It is an +evidence of the devotion of the whole people to the Constitution, the +Union, and the perpetuity of the liberties of this country. I am +unwilling on any occasion that I should be so meanly thought of as to +have it supposed for a moment that these demonstrations are tendered to +me personally. They are tendered to the country, to the institutions of +the country, and to the perpetuity of the liberties of the country, for +which these institutions were made and created. + +Your worthy mayor has thought fit to express the hope that I may be able +to relieve the country from the present, or, I should say, the threatened +difficulties. I am sure I bring a heart true to the work. For the ability +to perform it, I must trust in that Supreme Being who has never forsaken +this favored land, through the instrumentality of this great and +intelligent people. Without that assistance I shall surely fail; with it, +I cannot fail. When we speak of threatened difficulties to the Country, +it is natural that it should be expected that something should be said by +myself with regard to particular measures. Upon more mature reflection, +however, others will agree with me that, when it is considered that these +difficulties are without precedent, and have never been acted upon by any +individual situated as I am, it is most proper I should wait and see the +developments, and get all the light possible, so that when I do speak +authoritatively, I may be as near right as possible. When I shall speak +authoritatively, I hope to say nothing inconsistent with the +Constitution, the Union, the rights of all the States, of each State, and +of each section of the country, and not to disappoint the reasonable +expectations of those who have confided to me their votes. In this +connection allow me to say that you, as a portion of the great American +people, need only to maintain your composure, stand up to your sober +convictions of right, to your obligations to the Constitution, and act in +accordance with those sober convictions, and the clouds now on the +horizon will be dispelled, and we shall have a bright and glorious +future; and when this generation has passed away, tens of thousands will +inhabit this country where only thousands inhabit it now. I do not +propose to address you at length; I have no voice for it. Allow me again +to thank you for this magnificent reception, and bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT ROCHESTER, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861 + +I confess myself, after having seen many large audiences since leaving +home, overwhelmed with this vast number of faces at this hour of the +morning. I am not vain enough to believe that you are here from any wish +to see me as an individual, but because I am for the time being the +representative of the American people. I could not, if I would, address +you at any length. I have not the strength, even if I had the time, for a +speech at each of these many interviews that are afforded me on my way to +Washington. I appear merely to see you, and to let you see me, and to bid +you farewell. I hope it will be understood that it is from no +disinclination to oblige anybody that I do not address you at greater +length. + + + + +ADDRESS AT SYRACUSE, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I See you have erected a very fine and handsome +platform here for me, and I presume you expected me to speak from it. If +I should go upon it, you would imagine that I was about to deliver you a +much longer speech than I am. I wish you to understand that I mean no +discourtesy to you by thus declining. I intend discourtesy to no one. But +I wish you to understand that, though I am unwilling to go upon this +platform, you are not at liberty to draw inferences concerning any other +platform with which my name has been or is connected. I wish you long +life and prosperity individually, and pray that with the perpetuity of +those institutions under which we have all so long lived and prospered, +our happiness may be secured, our future made brilliant, and the glorious +destiny of our country established forever. I bid you a kind farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT UTICA, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1860 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I have no speech to make to you; and no time to +speak in. I appear before you that I may see you, and that you may see +me; and I am willing to admit that so far as the ladies are concerned I +have the best of the bargain, though I wish it to be understood that I do +not make the same acknowledgment concerning the men. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF ALBANY, NEW YORK + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +MR. MAYOR:--I can hardly appropriate to myself the flattering terms in +which you communicate the tender of this reception, as personal to +myself. I most gratefully accept the hospitalities tendered to me, and +will not detain you or the audience with any extended remarks at this +time. I presume that in the two or three courses through which I shall +have to go, I shall have to repeat somewhat, and I will therefore only +express to you my thanks for this kind reception. + + + + +REPLY TO GOVERNOR MORGAN OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +GOVERNOR MORGAN:--I was pleased to receive an invitation to visit the +capital of the great Empire State of this nation while on my way to the +Federal capital. I now thank you, Mr. Governor, and you, the people of +the capital of the State of New York, for this most hearty and +magnificent welcome. If I am not at fault, the great Empire State at this +time contains a larger population than did the whole of the United States +of America at the time they achieved their national independence, and I +was proud--to be invited to visit its capital, to meet its citizens, as I +now have the honor to do. I am notified by your governor that this +reception is tendered by citizens without distinction of party. Because +of this I accept it the more gladly. In this country, and in any country +where freedom of thought is tolerated, citizens attach themselves to +political parties. It is but an ordinary degree of charity to attribute +this act to the supposition that, in thus attaching themselves to the +various parties, each man in his own judgment supposes he thereby best +advances the interests of the whole country. And when an election is past +it is altogether befitting a free people, as I suppose, that, until the +next election, they should be one people. The reception you have extended +me to-day is not given to me personally,--it should not be so,--but as +the representative, for the time being, of the majority of the nation. If +the election had fallen to any of the more distinguished citizens who +received the support of the people, this same honor should have greeted +him that greets me this day, in testimony of the universal, unanimous +devotion of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and to the +perpetual liberties of succeeding generations in this country. + +I have neither the voice nor the strength to address you at any greater +length. I beg you will therefore accept my most grateful thanks for this +manifest devotion--not to me, but the institutions of this great and +glorious country. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF NEW +YORK:--It is with feelings of great diffidence, and, I may say, with +feelings of awe, perhaps greater than I have recently experienced, that I +meet you here in this place. The history of this great State, the renown +of those great men who have stood here, and have spoken here, and have +been heard here, all crowd around my fancy, and incline me to shrink from +any attempt to address you. Yet I have some confidence given me by the +generous manner in which you have invited me, and by the still more +generous manner in which you have received me, to speak further. You have +invited and received me without distinction of party. I cannot for a +moment suppose that this has been done in any considerable degree with +reference to my personal services, but that it is done in so far as I am +regarded, at this time, as the representative of the majesty of this +great nation. I doubt not this is the truth, and the whole truth of the +case, and this is as it should be. It is much more gratifying to me that +this reception has been given to me as the elected representative of a +free people, than it could possibly be if tendered merely as an evidence +of devotion to me, or to any one man personally. + +And now I think it were more fitting that I should close these hasty +remarks. It is true that, while I hold myself, without mock modesty, the +humblest of all individuals that have ever been elevated to the +Presidency, I have a more difficult task to perform than any one of them. + +You have generously tendered me the support--the united support--of the +great Empire State. For this, in behalf of the nation--in behalf of the +present and future of the nation--in behalf of civil and religious +liberty for all time to come, most gratefully do I thank you. I do not +propose to enter into an explanation of any particular line of policy, as +to our present difficulties, to be adopted by the incoming +administration. I deem it just to you, to myself, to all, that I should +see everything, that I should hear everything, that I should have every +light that can be brought within my reach, in order that, when I do so +speak, I shall have enjoyed every opportunity to take correct and true +ground; and for this reason I do not propose to speak at this time of the +policy of the Government. But when the time comes, I shall speak, as well +as I am able, for the good of the present and future of this country for +the good both of the North and of the South--for the good of the one and +the other, and of all sections of the country. In the meantime, if we +have patience, if we restrain ourselves, if we allow ourselves not to run +off in a passion, I still have confidence that the Almighty, the Maker of +the universe, will, through the instrumentality of this great and +intelligent people, bring us through this as He has through all the other +difficulties of our country. Relying on this, I again thank you for this +generous reception. + + + + +ADDRESS AT TROY, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +MR. MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF TROY:--I thank you very kindly for this great +reception. Since I left my home it has not been my fortune to meet an +assemblage more numerous and more orderly than this. I am the more +gratified at this mark of your regard since you assure me it is tendered, +not to the individual but to the high office you have called me to fill. +I have neither strength nor time to make any extended remarks on this +occasion, and I can only repeat to you my sincere thanks for the kind +reception you have thought proper to extend to me. + + + + +ADDRESS AT POUGHKEEPSIE, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--It is altogether impossible I should make myself heard +by any considerable portion of this vast assemblage; but, although I +appear before you mainly for the purpose of seeing you, and to let you +see rather than hear me, I cannot refrain from saying that I am highly +gratified--as much here, indeed, under the circumstances, as I have been +anywhere on my route--to witness this noble demonstration--made, not in +honor of an individual, but of the man who at this time humbly, but +earnestly, represents the majesty of the nation. + +This reception, like all the others that have been tendered to me, +doubtless emanates from all the political parties, and not from one +alone. As such I accept it the more gratefully, since it indicates an +earnest desire on the part of the whole people, with out regard to +political differences, to save--not the country, because the country will +save itself but to save the institutions of the country, those +institutions under which, in the last three quarters of a century, we +have grown to a great, and intelligent, and a happy people--the greatest, +the most intelligent, and the happiest people in the world. These noble +manifestations indicate, with unerring certainty, that the whole people +are willing to make common cause for this object; that if, as it ever +must be, some have been successful in the recent election and some have +been beaten, if some are satisfied and some are dissatisfied, the +defeated party are not in favor of sinking the ship, but are desirous of +running it through the tempest in safety, and willing, if they think the +people have committed an error in their verdict now, to wait in the hope +of reversing it and setting it right next time. I do not say that in the +recent election the people did the wisest thing, that could have been +done--indeed, I do not think they did; but I do say that in accepting the +great trust committed to me, which I do with a determination to endeavor +to prove worthy of it, I must rely upon you, upon the people of the whole +country, for support; and with their sustaining aid, even I, humble as I +am, cannot fail to carry the ship of state safely through the storm. + +I have now only to thank you warmly for your kind attendance, and bid you +all an affectionate farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT HUDSON, NEW YORK. + +FEBRUARY 19, 1860 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I see that you are providing a platform for me. I shall +have to decline standing upon it, because the president of the company +tells me that I shall not have time to wait until it is brought to me. As +I said yesterday, under similar circumstances at another gathering, you +must not draw the inference that I have any intention of deserting any +platform with which I have a legitimate connection because I do not stand +on yours. Allow me to thank you for this splendid reception, and I now +bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT PEEKSKILL, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I have but a moment to stand before you to listen +to and return your kind greeting. I thank you for this reception, and for +the pleasant manner in which it is tendered to me by our mutual friends. +I will say in a single sentence, in regard to the difficulties that lie +before me and our beloved country, that if I can only be as generously +and unanimously sustained as the demonstrations I have witnessed indicate +I shall be, I shall not fail; but without your sustaining hands I am sure +that neither I nor any other man can hope to surmount these difficulties. +I trust that in the course I shall pursue I shall be sustained not only +by the party that elected me, but by the patriotic people of the whole +country. + + + + +ADDRESS AT FISHKILL LANDING + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I appear before you not to make a speech. I have +not sufficient time, if I had the strength, to repeat speeches at every +station where the people kindly gather to welcome me as we go along. If I +had the strength, and should take the time, I should not get to +Washington until after the inauguration, which you must be aware would +not fit exactly. That such an untoward event might not transpire, I know +you will readily forego any further remarks; and I close by bidding you +farewell. + + + + +REMARKS AT THE ASTOR HOUSE, NEW YORK CITY, FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I have stepped before you merely in compliance with +what appears to be your wish, and not with the purpose of making a +speech. I do not propose making a speech this afternoon. I could not be +heard by any but a small fraction of you, at best; but, what is still +worse than that, I have nothing just now to say that is worthy of your +hearing. I beg you to believe that I do not now refuse to address you +from any disposition to disoblige you, but to the contrary. But, at the +same time, I beg of you to excuse me for the present. + + + + +ADDRESS AT NEW YORK CITY, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN:--I am rather an old man to avail myself of +such an excuse as I am now about to do. Yet the truth is so distinct, and +presses itself so distinctly upon me, that I cannot well avoid it--and +that is, that I did not understand when I was brought into this room that +I was to be brought here to make a speech. It was not intimated to me +that I was brought into the room where Daniel Webster and Henry Clay had +made speeches, and where one in my position might be expected to do +something like those men or say something worthy of myself or my +audience. I therefore beg you to make allowance for the circumstances in +which I have been by surprise brought before you. Now I have been in the +habit of thinking and sometimes speaking upon political questions that +have for some years past agitated the country; and, if I were disposed to +do so, and we could take up some one of the issues, as the lawyers call +them, and I were called upon to make an argument about it to the best of +my ability, I could do so without much preparation. But that is not what +you desire to have done here to-night. + +I have been occupying a position, since the Presidential election, of +silence--of avoiding public speaking, of avoiding public writing. I have +been doing so because I thought, upon full consideration, that was the +proper course for me to take. I am brought before you now, and required +to make a speech, when you all approve more than anything else of the +fact that I have been keeping silence. And now it seems to me that the +response you give to that remark ought to justify me in closing just +here. I have not kept silence since the Presidential election from any +party wantonness, or from any indifference to the anxiety that pervades +the minds of men about the aspect of the political affairs of this +country. I have kept silence for the reason that I supposed it was +peculiarly proper that I should do so until the time came when, according +to the custom of the country, I could speak officially. + +I still suppose that, while the political drama being enacted in this +country at this time is rapidly shifting its scenes--forbidding an +anticipation with any degree of certainty to-day of what we shall see +to-morrow--it is peculiarly fitting that I should see it all, up to the +last minute, before I should take ground that I might be disposed, by the +shifting of the scenes afterward, also to shift. I have said several +times upon this journey, and I now repeat it to you, that when the time +does come, I shall then take the ground that I think is right--right for +the North, for the South, for the East, for the West, for the whole +country. And in doing so I hope to feel no necessity pressing upon me to +say anything in conflict with the Constitution, in conflict with the +continued union of these States, in conflict with the perpetuation of the +liberties of this people, or anything in conflict with anything whatever +that I have ever given you reason to expect from me. And now, my friends, +have I said enough? [Loud cries of "No, no!" and, "Three cheers for +LINCOLN!"] Now, my friends, there appears to be a difference of opinion +between you and me, and I really feel called upon to decide the question +myself. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEW YORK CITY, + +FEBRUARY 20, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR:--It is with feelings of deep gratitude that I make my +acknowledgments for the reception that has been given me in the great +commercial city of New York. I cannot but remember that it is done by the +people who do not, by a large majority, agree with me in political +sentiment. It is the more grateful to me because in this I see that for +the great principles of our Government the people are pretty nearly or +quite unanimous. In regard to the difficulties that confront us at this +time, and of which you have seen fit to speak so becomingly and so +justly, I can only say I agree with the sentiments expressed. In my +devotion to the Union I hope I am behind no man in the nation. As to my +wisdom in conducting affairs so as to tend to the preservation of the +Union, I fear too great confidence may have been placed in me. I am sure +I bring a heart devoted to the work. There is nothing that could ever +bring me to consent--willingly to consent--to the destruction of this +Union (in which not only the great city of New York, but the whole +country, has acquired its greatness), unless it would be that thing for +which the Union itself was made. I understand that the ship is made for +the carrying and preservation of the cargo; and so long as the ship is +safe with the cargo, it shall not be abandoned. This Union shall never be +abandoned, unless the possibility of its existence shall cease to exist +without the necessity of throwing passengers and cargo overboard. So +long, then, as it is possible that the prosperity and liberties of this +people can be preserved within this Union, it shall be my purpose at all +tunes to preserve it. And now, Mr. Mayor, renewing my thanks for this +cordial reception, allow me to come to a close. + + + + +ADDRESS AT JERSEY CITY, NEW JERSEY + +FEBRUARY 21, 1860 + +MR. DAYTON AND GENTLEMEN OF THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY:--I shall only thank +you briefly for this very kind reception given me, not personally, but as +the temporary representative of the majesty of the nation. To the +kindness of your hearts, and of the hearts of your brethren in your +State, I should be very proud to respond, but I shall not have strength +to address you or other assemblages at length, even if I had the time to +do so. I appear before you, therefore, for little else than to greet you, +and to briefly say farewell. You have done me the very high honor to +present your reception courtesies to me through your great man a man with +whom it is an honor to be associated anywhere, and in owning whom no +State can be poor. He has said enough, and by the saying of it suggested +enough, to require a response of an hour, well considered. I could not in +an hour make a worthy response to it. I therefore, ladies and gentlemen +of New Jersey, content myself with saying, most heartily do I indorse all +the sentiments he has expressed. Allow me, most gratefully, to bid you +farewell. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEWARK, NEW JERSEY, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861. + +MR. MAYOR:--I thank you for this reception at the city of Newark. With +regard to the great work of which you speak, I will say that I bring to +it a heart filled with love for my country, and an honest desire to do +what is right. I am sure, however, that I have not the ability to do +anything unaided of God, and that without His support and that of this +free, happy, prosperous, and intelligent people, no man can succeed in +doing that the importance of which we all comprehend. Again thanking you +for the reception you have given me, I will now bid you farewell, and +proceed upon my journey. + + + + +ADDRESS IN TRENTON AT THE TRENTON HOUSE, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +I have been invited by your representatives to the Legislature to visit +this the capital of your honored State, and in acknowledging their kind +invitation, compelled to respond to the welcome of the presiding officers +of each body, and I suppose they intended I should speak to you through +them, as they are the representatives of all of you; and if I were to +speak again here, I should only have to repeat in a great measure much +that I have said, which would be disgusting to my friends around me who +have met here. I have no speech to make, but merely appear to see you and +let you look at me; and as to the latter I think I have greatly the best +of the bargain. My friends, allow me to bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE SENATE OF NEW JERSEY + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE OF THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY:--I +am very grateful to you for the honorable reception of which I have been +the object. I cannot but remember the place that New Jersey holds in our +early history. In the Revolutionary struggle few of the States among the +Old Thirteen had more of the battle-fields of the country within their +limits than New Jersey. May I be pardoned if, upon this occasion, I +mention that away back in my childhood, the earliest days of my being +able to read, I got hold of a small book, such a one as few of the +younger members have ever seen Weems's Life of Washington. I remember all +the accounts there given of the battle-fields and struggles for the +liberties of the country; and none fixed themselves upon my imagination +so deeply as the struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The crossing of +the river, the contest with the Hessians, the great hardships endured at +that time, all fixed themselves on my memory more than any single +Revolutionary event; and you all know, for you have all been boys, how +these early impressions last longer than any others. I recollect thinking +then, boy even though I was, that there must have been something more +than common that these men struggled for. I am exceedingly anxious that +that thing that something even more than national independence, that +something that held out a great promise to all the people of the world to +all time to come--I am exceedingly anxious that this Union, the +Constitution, and the liberties of the people shall be perpetuated in +accordance with the original idea for which that struggle was made; and I +shall be most happy indeed if I shall be a humble instrument in the hands +of the Almighty, and of this his almost chosen people, for perpetuating +the object of that great struggle. You give me this reception, as I +understand, without distinction of party. I learn that this body is +composed of a majority of gentlemen who, in the exercise of their best +judgment in the choice of a chief magistrate, did not think I was the +man. I understand, nevertheless, that they come forward here to greet me +as the constitutionally elected President of the United States--as +citizens of the United States to meet the man who, for the time being, is +the representative of the majesty of the nation--united by the single +purpose to perpetuate the Constitution, the union, and the liberties of +the people. As such, I accept this reception more gratefully than I could +do did I believe it were tendered to me as an individual. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF NEW JERSEY, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. SPEAKER AND GENTLEMEN: I have just enjoyed the honor of a reception +by the other branch of this Legislature, and I return to you and them my +thanks for the reception which the people of New Jersey have given +through their chosen representatives to me as the representative, for the +time being, of the majesty of the people of the United States. I +appropriate to myself very little of the demonstrations of respect with +which I have been greeted. I think little should be given to any man, but +that it should be a manifestation of adherence to the Union and the +Constitution. I understand myself to be received here by the +representatives of the people of New Jersey, a majority of whom differ in +opinion from those with whom I have acted. This manifestation is +therefore to be regarded by me as expressing their devotion to the Union, +the Constitution, and the liberties of the people. + +You, Mr. Speaker, have well said that this is a time when the bravest and +wisest look with doubt and awe upon the aspect presented by our national +affairs. Under these circumstances you will readily see why I should not +speak in detail of the course I shall deem it best to pursue. It is +proper that I should avail myself of all the information and all the time +at my command, in order that when the time arrives in which I must speak +officially, I shall be able to take the ground which I deem best and +safest, and from which I may have no occasion to swerve. I shall endeavor +to take the ground I deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the +South, and the whole country. I shall take it, I hope, in good temper, +certainly with no malice toward any section. I shall do all that may be +in my power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficulties. The +man does not live who is more devoted to peace than I am, none who would +do more to preserve it, but it may be necessary to put the foot down +firmly. And if I do my duty and do right, you will sustain me, will you +not? [Loud cheers, and cries of "Yes, yes; we will."] Received as I am by +the members of a Legislature the majority of whom do not agree with me in +political sentiments, I trust that I may have their assistance in +piloting the ship of state through this voyage, surrounded by perils as +it is; for if it should suffer wreck now, there will be no pilot ever +needed for another voyage. + +Gentlemen, I have already spoken longer than I intended, and must beg +leave to stop here. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA:--I appear before you to +make no lengthy speech, but to thank you for this reception. The +reception you have given me to-night is not to me, the man, the +individual, but to the man who temporarily represents, or should +represent, the majesty of the nation. It is true, as your worthy mayor +has said, that there is great anxiety amongst the citizens of the United +States at this time. I deem it a happy circumstance that this +dissatisfied portion of our fellow-citizens does not point us to anything +in which they are being injured or about to be injured; for which reason +I have felt all the while justified in concluding that the crisis, the +panic, the anxiety of the country at this time is artificial. If there be +those who differ with me upon this subject, they have not pointed out the +substantial difficulty that exists. I do not mean to say that an +artificial panic may not do considerable harm; that it has done such I do +not deny. The hope that has been expressed by your mayor, that I may be +able to restore peace, harmony, and prosperity to the country, is most +worthy of him; and most happy, indeed, will I be if I shall be able to +verify and fulfil that hope. I promise you that I bring to the work a +sincere heart. Whether I will bring a head equal to that heart will be +for future times to determine. It were useless for me to speak of details +of plans now; I shall speak officially next Monday week, if ever. If I +should not speak then, it were useless for me to do so now. If I do speak +then, it is useless for me to do so now. When I do speak, I shall take +such ground as I deem best calculated to restore peace, harmony, and +prosperity to the country, and tend to the perpetuity of the nation and +the liberty of these States and these people. Your worthy mayor has +expressed the wish, in which I join with him, that it were convenient for +me to remain in your city long enough to consult your merchants and +manufacturers; or, as it were, to listen to those breathings rising +within the consecrated walls wherein the Constitution of the United +States and, I will add, the Declaration of Independence, were originally +framed and adopted. I assure you and your mayor that I had hoped on this +occasion, and upon all occasions during my life, that I shall do nothing +inconsistent with the teachings of these holy and most sacred walls. I +have never asked anything that does not breathe from those walls. All my +political warfare has been in favor of the teachings that come forth from +these sacred walls. May my right hand forget its cunning and my tongue +cleave to the roof of my mouth if ever I prove false to those teachings. +Fellow-citizens, I have addressed you longer than I expected to do, and +now allow me to bid you goodnight. + + + + +ADDRESS IN THE HALL OF INDEPENDENCE, PHILADELPHIA, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. CUYLER:--I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing +here, in this place, where were collected together the wisdom, the +devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which we +live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of +restoring peace to the present distracted condition of the country. I can +say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments I entertain have +been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments +which originated and were given to the world from this hall. I have never +had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments +embodied in the Declaration of Independence. I have often pondered over +the dangers which were incurred by the men who assembled here and framed +and adopted that Declaration of Independence. I have pondered over the +toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who +achieved that independence. I have often inquired of myself what great +principle or idea it was that kept the confederacy so long together. It +was not the mere matter of separation of the colonies from the +motherland, but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which +gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but, I hope, to +the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due +time the weight would be lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is +the sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence. Now, my +friends, can the country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will +consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to +save it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, it will be truly +awful. But if this country cannot be saved without giving up that +principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot +than surrender it. Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, +there need be no bloodshed or war. There is no necessity for it. I am not +in favor of such a course, and I may say, in advance, that there will be +no bloodshed unless it is forced upon the Government, and then it will be +compelled to act in self-defence. + +My friends; this is wholly an unexpected speech, and I did not expect to +be called upon to say a word when I came here. I supposed it was merely +to do something toward raising the flag. I may, therefore, have said +something indiscreet. I have said nothing but what I am willing to live +by and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, die by. + + + + +REPLY TO THE WILMINGTON DELEGATION, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. CHAIRMAN:--I feel highly flattered by the encomiums you have seen fit +to bestow upon me. Soon after the nomination of General Taylor, I +attended a political meeting in the city of Wilmington, and have since +carried with me a fond remembrance of the hospitalities of the city on +that occasion. The programme established provides for my presence in +Harrisburg in twenty-four hours from this time. I expect to be in +Washington on Saturday. It is, therefore, an impossibility that I should +accept your kind invitation. There are no people whom I would more gladly +accommodate than those of Delaware; but circumstances forbid, gentlemen. +With many regrets for the character of the reply I am compelled to give +you, I bid you adieu. + + + + +ADDRESS AT LANCASTER, PENNSYLVANIA, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1860 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN OF OLD LANCASTER:--I appear not to make a speech. I +have not time to make a speech at length, and not strength to make them +on every occasion; and, worse than all, I have none to make. There is +plenty of matter to speak about in these times, but it is well known that +the more a man speaks the less he is understood--the more he says one +thing, the more his adversaries contend he meant something else. I shall +soon have occasion to speak officially, and then I will endeavor to put +my thoughts just as plain as I can express myself--true to the +Constitution and Union of all the States, and to the perpetual liberty of +all the people. Until I so speak, there is no need to enter upon details. +In conclusion, I greet you most heartily, and bid you an affectionate +farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA, AT HARRISBURG, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. SPEAKER OF THE SENATE, AND ALSO MR. SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF +REPRESENTATIVES, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF +PENNSYLVANIA:--I appear before you only for a very few brief remarks in +response to what has been said to me. I thank you most sincerely for this +reception, and the generous words in which support has been promised me +upon this occasion. I thank your great commonwealth for the overwhelming +support it recently gave, not me personally, but the cause which I think +a just one, in the late election. + +Allusion has been made to the fact--the interesting fact perhaps we +should say--that I for the first time appear at the capital of the great +commonwealth of Pennsylvania upon the birthday of the Father of his +Country. In connection with that beloved anniversary connected with the +history of this country, I have already gone through one exceedingly +interesting scene this morning in the ceremonies at Philadelphia. Under +the kind conduct of gentlemen there, I was for the first time allowed the +privilege of standing in old Independence Hall to have a few words +addressed to me there, and opening up to me an opportunity of manifesting +my deep regret that I had not more time to express something of my own +feelings excited by the occasion, that had been really the feelings of my +whole life. + +Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent flag of the +country. They had arranged it so that I was given the honor of raising it +to the head of its staff, and when it went up I was pleased that it went +to its place by the strength of my own feeble arm. When, according to the +arrangement, the cord was pulled, and it floated gloriously to the wind, +without an accident, in the bright, glowing sunshine of the morning, I +could not help hoping that there was in the entire success of that +beautiful ceremony at least something of an omen of what is to come. Nor +could I help feeling then, as I have often felt, that in the whole of +that proceeding I was a very humbled instrument. I had not provided the +flag; I had not made the arrangements for elevating it to its place; I +had applied but a very small portion of even my feeble strength in +raising it. In the whole transaction I was in the hands of the people who +had arranged it, and if I can have the same generous co-operation of the +people of this nation, I think the flag of our country may yet be kept +flaunting gloriously. + +I recur for a moment but to repeat some words uttered at the hotel in +regard to what has been said about the military support which the General +Government may expect from the commonwealth of Pennsylvania in a proper +emergency. To guard against any possible mistake do I recur to this. It +is not with any pleasure that I contemplate the possibility that a +necessity may arise in this country for the use of the military arm. +While I am exceedingly gratified to see the manifestation upon your +streets of your military force here, and exceedingly gratified at your +promise to use that force upon a proper emergency--while I make these +acknowledgments I desire to repeat, in order to preclude any possible +misconstruction, that I do most sincerely hope that we shall have no use +for them; that it will never become their duty to shed blood, and most +especially never to shed fraternal blood. I promise that so far as I may +have wisdom to direct, if so painful a result shall in any wise be +brought about, it shall be through no fault of mine. + +Allusion has also been made by one of your honored speakers to some +remarks recently made by myself at Pittsburg in regard to what is +supposed to be the especial interest of this great commonwealth of +Pennsylvania. I now wish only to say in regard to that matter, that the +few remarks which I uttered on that occasion were rather carefully +worded. I took pains that they should be so. I have seen no occasion +since to add to them or subtract from them. I leave them precisely as +they stand, adding only now that I am pleased to have an expression from +you, gentlemen of Pennsylvania, signifying that they are satisfactory to +you. + +And now, gentlemen of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of +Pennsylvania, allow me again to return to you my most sincere thanks. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF WASHINGTON, D.C., + +FEBRUARY 27, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR:--I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities of +this city who accompany you, for this welcome. And as it is the first +time in my life, since the present phase of politics has presented itself +in this country, that I have said anything publicly within a region of +country where the institution of slavery exists, I will take this +occasion to say that I think very much of the ill feeling that has +existed and still exists between the people in the section from which I +came and the people here, is dependent upon a misunderstanding of one +another. I therefore avail myself of this opportunity to assure you, Mr. +Mayor, and all the gentlemen present, that I have not now, and never have +had, any other than as kindly feelings toward you as to the people of my +own section. I have not now, and never have had, any disposition to treat +you in any respect otherwise than as my own neighbors. I have not now any +purpose to withhold from you any of the benefits of the Constitution, +under any circumstances, that I would not feel myself constrained to +withhold from my own neighbors; and I hope, in a word, that when we shall +become better acquainted--and I say it with great confidence--we shall +like each other better. I thank you for the kindness of this reception. + + + + +REPLY TO A SERENADE AT WASHINGTON, D.C., + +FEBRUARY 28, 1861 + +MY FRIENDS:--I suppose that I may take this as a compliment paid to me, +and as such please accept my thanks for it. I have reached this city of +Washington under circumstances considerably differing from those under +which any other man has ever reached it. I am here for the purpose of +taking an official position amongst the people, almost all of whom were +politically opposed to me, and are yet opposed to me, as I suppose. + +I propose no lengthy address to you. I only propose to say, as I did on +yesterday, when your worthy mayor and board of aldermen called upon me, +that I thought much of the ill feeling that has existed between you and +the people of your surroundings and that people from among whom I came, +has depended, and now depends, upon a misunderstanding. + +I hope that, if things shall go along as prosperously as I believe we all +desire they may, I may have it in my power to remove something of this +misunderstanding; that I may be enabled to convince you, and the people +of your section of the country, that we regard you as in all things our +equals, and in all things entitled to the same respect and the same +treatment that we claim for ourselves; that we are in no wise disposed, +if it were in our power, to oppress you, to deprive you of any of your +rights under the Constitution of the United States, or even narrowly to +split hairs with you in regard to these rights, but are determined to +give you, as far as lies in our hands, all your rights under the +Constitution--not grudgingly, but fully and fairly. I hope that, by thus +dealing with you, we will become better acquainted, and be better +friends. + +And now, my friends, with these few remarks, and again returning my +thanks for this compliment, and expressing my desire to hear a little +more of your good music, I bid you good-night. + + + + +WASHINGTON, SUNDAY, MARCH 3, 1861 + +[During the struggle over the appointments of LINCOLN's Cabinet, the +President-elect spoke as follows:] + +Gentlemen, it is evident that some one must take the responsibility of +these appointments, and I will do it. My Cabinet is completed. The +positions are not definitely assigned, and will not be until I announce +them privately to the gentlemen whom I have selected as my Constitutional +advisers. + + + + +FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS, + +MARCH 4, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES:--In compliance with a custom as old +as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and +to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the +United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the +execution of his office." + +I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters +of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. + +Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that +by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their +peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been +any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample +evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their +inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who +now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I +declare that + +"I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the +institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no +lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." + +Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had +made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. +And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and +as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which +I now read: + +"Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, +and especially the right of each State to order and control its own +domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is +essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance +of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by +armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what +pretext, as amongst the gravest of crimes." + +I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon the +public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is +susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to +be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, too, +that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the +laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when +lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to +another. + +There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from +service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the +Constitution as any other of its provisions: + +"No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, +escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation +therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered +up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." + +It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who +made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the +intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their +support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any +other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the +terms of this clause "shall be delivered up," their oaths are unanimous. +Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with +nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep +good that unanimous oath? + +There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be +enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that difference is +not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of +but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. +And should any one in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept +on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? + +Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of +liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so +that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it +not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of +that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of +each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens +in the several States"? + +I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no +purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. +And, while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as +proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, +both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all +those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting +to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. + +It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under +our national Constitution. During that period fifteen different and +greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the +executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many +perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of +precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional +term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of +the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. + +I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, +the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not +expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe +to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic +law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express +provisions of our national Constitution, and the Union will endure +forever--it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not +provided for in the instrument itself. + +Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an +association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it as a +contract be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? +One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak; but does +it not require all to lawfully rescind it? + +Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in +legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of +the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was +formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured +and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further +matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted +and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation +in 1778. And, finally, in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining +and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union." + +But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the +States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the +Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. + +It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can +lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that +effect are legally void; and that acts of violence, within any State or +States, against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary +or revolutionary, according to circumstances. + +I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the +Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as +the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the +Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be +only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform it so far as +practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall +withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the +contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the +declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and +maintain itself. + +In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there shall +be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power +confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and +places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and +imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will +be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. +Where hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, shall be +so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from +holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious +strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right +may exist in the government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the +attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable +withal, that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such +offices. + +The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of +the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that +sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and +reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current +events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, +and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised +according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope +of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of +fraternal sympathies and affections. + +That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the +Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither +affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To +those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak? + +Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national +fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not +be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate +a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you +fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly +to are greater than all the real ones you fly from--will you risk the +commission of so fearful a mistake? + +All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can +be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the +Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so +constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, +if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of +the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a +majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional +right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution--certainly +would if such a right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the +vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to +them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the +Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no +organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable +to every question which may occur in practical administration. No +foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, +express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor +be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does +not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The +Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the +Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. + +From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, +and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority +will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. +There is no other alternative; for continuing the Government is +acquiescence on one side or the other. + +If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a +precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; for a minority of +their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be +controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a +new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely +as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who +cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of +doing this. + +Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a +new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession? + +Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A +majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and +always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and +sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects +it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is +impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly +inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or +despotism in some form is all that is left. + +I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional +questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that such +decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, as to +the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high +respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments +of the government. And, while it is obviously possible that such decision +may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, +being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be +overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be +borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the +candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government, upon +vital questions affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by +decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary +litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have +ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned +the government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in +this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from +which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, +and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to +political purposes. + +One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be +extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be +extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause +of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave +trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a +community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the +law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal +obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, +cannot be perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases after the +separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now +imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, +in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, +would not be surrendered at all by the other. + +Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective +sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A +husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond +the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do +this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either +amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to +make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after +separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can +make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than +laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; +and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease +fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are +again upon you. + +This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit +it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can +exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their +revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of +the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having +the national Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of +amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over +the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in +the instrument itself, and I should, under existing circumstances, favor +rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act +upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems +preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people +themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject +propositions originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, +and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept +or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution which +amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect +that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic +institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To +avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not +to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a +provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to +its being made express and irrevocable. + +The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they +have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the +States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the +executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer +the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, +unimpaired by him, to his successors. + +Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of +the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our +present differences is either party without faith of being in the right? +If the Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be +on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that +justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the +American people. + +By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people have +wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; and +have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their +own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue +and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, +can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four +years. + +My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole +subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an +object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never +take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no +good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied +still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, +the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will +have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were +admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the +dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. +Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who +has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust +in the best way all our present difficulty. + +In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the +momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can +have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no +oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have +the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend" it. + +I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be +enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break, our bonds +of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every +battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all +over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again +touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. + + + + +REFUSAL OF SEWARD RESIGNATION + +TO WM. H. SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 4, 1861. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your note of the 2d instant, asking to withdraw your +acceptance of my invitation to take charge of the State Department, was +duly received. It is the subject of the most painful solicitude with me, +and I feel constrained to beg that you will countermand the withdrawal. +The public interest, I think, demands that you should; and my personal +feelings are deeply enlisted in the same direction. Please consider and +answer by 9 A.M. to-morrow. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION, + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE PENNSYLVANIAN DELEGATION:--As I have so +frequently said heretofore, when I have had occasion to address the +people of the Keystone, in my visits to that State, I can now but repeat +the assurance of my gratification at the support you gave me at the +election, and at the promise of a continuation of that support which is +now tendered to me. + +Allusion has been made to the hope that you entertain that you have a +President and a government. In respect to that I wish to say to you that +in the position I have assumed I wish to do more than I have ever given +reason to believe I would do. I do not wish you to believe that I assume +to be any better than others who have gone before me. I prefer rather to +have it understood that if we ever have a government on the principles we +profess, we should remember, while we exercise our opinion, that others +have also rights to the exercise of their opinions, and that we should +endeavor to allow these rights, and act in such a manner as to create no +bad feeling. I hope we have a government and a President. I hope, and +wish it to be understood, that there may be no allusion to unpleasant +differences. + +We must remember that the people of all the States are entitled to all +the privileges and immunities of the citizens of the several States. We +should bear this in mind, and act in such a way as to say nothing +insulting or irritating. I would inculcate this idea, so that we may not, +like Pharisees, set ourselves up to be better than other people. + +Now, my friends, my public duties are pressing to-day, and will prevent +my giving more time to you. Indeed, I should not have left them now, but +I could not well deny myself to so large and respectable a body. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION, + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + +I am thankful for this renewed assurance of kind feeling and confidence, +and the support of the old Bay State, in so far as you, Mr. Chairman, +have expressed, in behalf of those whom you represent, your sanction of +what I have enunciated in my inaugural address. This is very grateful to +my feelings. The object was one of great delicacy, in presenting views at +the opening of an administration under the peculiar circumstances +attending my entrance upon the official duties connected with the +Government. I studied all the points with great anxiety, and presented +them with whatever of ability and sense of justice I could bring to bear. +If it met the approbation of our good friends in Massachusetts, I shall +be exceedingly gratified, while I hope it will meet the approbation of +friends everywhere. I am thankful for the expressions of those who have +voted with us; and like every other man of you, I like them as certainly +as I do others. As the President in the administration of the Government, +I hope to be man enough not to know one citizen of the United States from +another, nor one section from another. I shall be gratified to have good +friends of Massachusetts and others who have thus far supported me in +these national views still to support me in carrying them out. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD + +EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, MARCH 7, 1861 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is the diplomatic address and my reply. To whom +the reply should be addressed--that is, by what title or style--I do not +quite understand, and therefore I have left it blank. + +Will you please bring with you to-day the message from the War +Department, with General Scott's note upon it, which we had here +yesterday? I wish to examine the General's opinion, which I have not yet +done. + +Yours very truly + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS + +WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, MARCH 7, 1861 + +Mr. FIGANIERE AND GENTLEMEN OF THE DIPLOMATIC BODY:--Please accept my +sincere thanks for your kind congratulations. It affords me pleasure to +confirm the confidence you so generously express in the friendly +disposition of the United States, through me, towards the sovereigns and +governments you respectively represent. With equal satisfaction I accept +the assurance you are pleased to give, that the same disposition is +reciprocated by your sovereigns, your governments, and yourselves. + +Allow me to express the hope that these friendly relations may remain +undisturbed, and also my fervent wishes for the health and happiness of +yourselves personally. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 11,1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. DEAR SIR:--What think you of sending ministers +at once as follows: Dayton to England; Fremont to France; Clay to Spain; +Corwin to Mexico? + +We need to have these points guarded as strongly and quickly as possible. +This is suggestion merely, and not dictation. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. COLLAMER + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 12, 1861 + +HON. JACOB COLLAMER. MY DEAR SIR:--God help me. It is said I have +offended you. I hope you will tell me how. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + +March 14, 1861. DEAR SIR:--I am entirely unconscious that you have any +way offended me. I cherish no sentiment towards you but that of kindness +and confidence. Your humble servant, J. COLLAMER. + + [Returned with indorsement:] + +Very glad to know that I have n't. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 13, 1861 + +HON. P. M. G. + +DEAR SIR:--The bearer of this, Mr. C. T. Hempstow, is a Virginian who +wishes to get, for his son, a small place in your Dept. I think Virginia +should be heard, in such cases. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +NOTE ASKING CABINET OPINIONS ON FORT SUMTER. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 15, 1861 + +THE HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort Sumter, +under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it? Please give me your +opinion in writing on this question. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Same to other members of the Cabinet.] + + + + +ON ROYAL ARBITRATION OF AMERICAN BOUNDARY LINE + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES + +The Senate has transmitted to me a copy of the message sent by my +predecessor to that body on the 21st of February last, proposing to take +its advice on the subject of a proposition made by the British Government +through its minister here to refer the matter in controversy between that +government and the Government of the United States to the arbitrament of +the King of Sweden and Norway, the King of the Netherlands, or the +Republic of the Swiss Confederation. + +In that message my predecessor stated that he wished to present to the +Senate the precise questions following, namely: + +"Will the Senate approve a treaty referring to either of the sovereign +powers above named the dispute now existing between the governments of +the United States and Great Britain concerning the boundary line between +Vancouver's Island and the American continent? In case the referee shall +find himself unable to decide where the line is by the description of it +in the treaty of June 15, 1846, shall he be authorized to establish a +line according to the treaty as nearly as possible? Which of the three +powers named by Great Britain as an arbiter shall be chosen by the United +States?" + +I find no reason to disapprove of the course of my predecessor in this +important matter; but, on the contrary, I not only shall receive the +advice of the Senate thereon cheerfully, but I respectfully ask the +Senate for their advice on the three questions before recited. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, March 16, 1861 + + + + +AMBASSADORIAL APPOINTMENTS + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 18, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I believe it is a necessity with us to make the +appointments I mentioned last night--that is, Charles F. Adams to +England, William L. Dayton to France, George P. Marsh to Sardinia, and +Anson Burlingame to Austria. These gentlemen all have my highest esteem, +but no one of them is originally suggested by me except Mr. Dayton. Mr. +Adams I take because you suggested him, coupled with his eminent fitness +for the place. Mr. Marsh and Mr. Burlingame I take because of the intense +pressure of their respective States, and their fitness also. + +The objection to this card is that locally they are so huddled up--three +being in New England and two from a single State. I have considered this, +and will not shrink from the responsibility. This, being done, leaves but +five full missions undisposed of--Rome, China, Brazil, Peru, and Chili. +And then what about Carl Schurz; or, in other words, what about our +German friends? + +Shall we put the card through, and arrange the rest afterward? What say +you? + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO G. E. PATTEN. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 19, 1861. + +TO MASTER GEO. EVANS PATTEN. + +WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:--I did see and talk with Master Geo. Evans Patten +last May at Springfield, Ill. + +Respectfully, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Written because of a denial that any interview with young Patten, then a +schoolboy, had ever taken place.] + + + + +RESPONSE TO SENATE INQUIRY RE. FORT SUMTER + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:--I have received a copy of the +resolution of the Senate, passed on the 25th instant, requesting me, if +in my opinion not incompatible with the public interest, to communicate +to the Senate the despatches of Major Robert Anderson to the War +Department during the time he has been in command of Fort Sumter. On +examination of the correspondence thus called for, I have, with the +highest respect for the Senate, come to the conclusion that at the +present moment the publication of it would be inexpedient. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 16, 1861 + + + + +PREPARATION OF FIRST NAVAL ACTION + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 29, 1861 + +HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +SIR:--I desire that an expedition to move by sea be got ready to sail as +early as the 6th of April next, the whole according to memorandum +attached, and that you cooperate with the Secretary of the Navy for that +object. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Inclosure.] + +Steamers Pocahontas at Norfolk, Paunee at Washington, Harriet Lane at New +York, to be under sailing orders for sea, with stores, etc., for one +month. Three hundred men to be kept ready for departure from on board the +receiving-ships at New York. Two hundred men to be ready to leave +Governor's Island in New York. Supplies for twelve months for one hundred +men to be put in portable shape, ready for instant shipping. A large +steamer and three tugs conditionally engaged. + + + + +TO ______ STUART. + +WASHINGTON, March 30, 1861 + +DEAR STUART: + +Cousin Lizzie shows me your letter of the 27th. The question of giving +her the Springfield post-office troubles me. You see I have already +appointed William Jayne a Territorial governor and Judge Trumbull's +brother to a land-office. Will it do for me to go on and justify the +declaration that Trumbull and I have divided out all the offices among +our relatives? Dr. Wallace, you know, is needy, and looks to me; and I +personally owe him much. + +I see by the papers, a vote is to be taken as to the post-office. Could +you not set up Lizzie and beat them all? She, being here, need know +nothing of it, so therefore there would be no indelicacy on her part. + +Yours as ever, + + + + +TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NEW YORK NAVY-YARD. + +NAVY DEPT., WASHINGTON, April 1, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NAVY-YARD, Brooklyn, N. Y. + +Fit out the Powhatan to go to sea at the earnest possible moment under +sealed orders. Orders by a confidential messenger go forward to-morrow. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861 + +LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER, United States Navy. + +SIR:--You will proceed to New York, and with the least possible delay, +assuming command of any naval steamer available, proceed to Pensacola +Harbor, and at any cost or risk prevent any expedition from the mainland +reaching Fort Pickens or Santa Rosa Island. + +You will exhibit this order to any naval officer at Pensacola, if you +deem it necessary, after you have established yourself within the harbor, +and will request co-operation by the entrance of at least one other +steamer. + +This order, its object, and your destination will be communicated to no +person whatever until you reach the harbor of Pensacola. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +Recommended, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + + + + +RELIEF EXPEDITION FOR FORT SUMTER + +ORDER TO OFFICERS OF THE ARMY AND NAVY. + +WASHINGTON, EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861. + +All officers of the army and navy to whom this order may be exhibited +will aid by every means in their power the expedition under the command +of Colonel Harvey Brown, supplying him with men and material, and +co-operating with him as he may desire. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO CAPTAIN SAMUEL MERCER. + +(Confidential.) + +WASHINGTON CITY, April 1, 1861 + +SIR:--Circumstances render it necessary to place in command of your ship +(and for a special purpose) an officer who is fully informed and +instructed in relation to the wishes of the Government, and you will +therefore consider yourself detached. But in taking this step the +Government does not in the least reflect upon your efficiency or +patriotism; on the contrary, have the fullest confidence in your ability +to perform any duty required of you. Hoping soon to be able to give you a +better command than the one you now enjoy, and trusting that you will +have full confidence in the disposition of the Government toward you, I +remain, etc., + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +SECRETARY SEWARD'S BID FOR POWER + +MEMORANDUM FROM SECRETARY SEWARD, APRIL 1, 1861 + +Some thoughts for the President's Consideration, + +First. We are at the end of a month's administration, and yet without a +policy either domestic or foreign. + +Second. This, however, is not culpable, and it has even been unavoidable. +The presence of the Senate, with the need to meet applications for +patronage, have prevented attention to other and more grave matters. + +Third. But further delay to adopt and prosecute our policies for both +domestic and foreign affairs would not only bring scandal on the +administration, but danger upon the country. + +Fourth. To do this we must dismiss the applicants for office. But how? I +suggest that we make the local appointments forthwith, leaving foreign or +general ones for ulterior and occasional action. + +Fifth. The policy at home. I am aware that my views are singular, and +perhaps not sufficiently explained. My system is built upon this idea as +a ruling one, namely, that we must CHANGE THE QUESTION BEFORE THE PUBLIC +FROM ONE UPON SLAVERY, OR ABOUT SLAVERY, for a question upon UNION OR +DISUNION: In other words, from what would be regarded as a party +question, to one of patriotism or union. + +The occupation or evacuation of Fort Sumter, although not in fact a +slavery or a party question, is so regarded. Witness the temper +manifested by the Republicans in the free States, and even by the Union +men in the South. + +I would therefore terminate it as a safe means for changing the issue. I +deem it fortunate that the last administration created the necessity. + +For the rest, I would simultaneously defend and reinforce all the ports +in the gulf, and have the navy recalled from foreign stations to be +prepared for a blockade. Put the island of Key West under martial law. + +This will raise distinctly the question of union or disunion. I would +maintain every fort and possession in the South. + + +FOR FOREIGN NATIONS, + +I would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at +once. + +I would seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia, and send agents +into Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous continental +spirit of independence on this continent against European intervention. + +And, if satisfactory explanations are not received from Spain and France, + +Would convene Congress and declare war against them. + +But whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of +it. + +For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it +incessantly. + +Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in +it, or Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on +it must end, and all agree and abide. + +It is not in my especial province; But I neither seek to evade nor assume +responsibility. + + + + +REPLY TO SECRETARY SEWARD'S MEMORANDUM + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, APRIL 1, 1861 + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Since parting with you I have been considering your paper +dated this day, and entitled "Some Thoughts for the President's +Consideration." The first proposition in it is, "First, We are at the end +of a month's administration, and yet without a policy either domestic or +foreign." + +At the beginning of that month, in the inaugural, I said: "The power +confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and +places belonging to the Government, and to Collect the duties and +imposts." This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken in +connection with the order I immediately gave General Scott, directing him +to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold the forts, +comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with the single +exception that it does not propose to abandon Fort Sumter. + +Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement of Fort Sumter would be +done on a slavery or a party issue, while that of Fort Pickens would be +on a more national and patriotic one. + +The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly brings a +new item within the range of our foreign policy; but up to that time we +have been preparing circulars and instructions to ministers and the like, +all in perfect harmony, without even a suggestion that we had no foreign +policy. + +Upon your Closing propositions--that, + +"Whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of it. + +"For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it +incessantly. + +"Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in +it, or, + +"Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it +must end, and all agree and abide"-- + +I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general line of +policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its being changed +without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of unnecessary debate; +still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and suppose I am +entitled to have, the advice of all the Cabinet. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO A COMMITTEE FROM THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION, APRIL 13, 1861 + +HON. WILLIAM BALLARD PRESTON, ALEXANDER H. H. STUART, GEORGE W. RANDOLPH, +Esq. + +GENTLEMEN:--As a committee of the Virginia Convention now in Session, you +present me a preamble and resolution in these words: + +"Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which +prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive +intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely injurious to the +industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an +excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment of pending +difficulties, and threatens a disturbance of the public peace: therefore + +"Resolved, that a committee of three delegates be appointed by this +Convention to wait upon the President of the United States, present to +him this preamble and resolution, and respectfully ask him to communicate +to this Convention the policy which the Federal Executive intends to +pursue in regard to the Confederate States. + +"Adopted by the Convention of the State of Virginia, Richmond, April 8, +1861." + +In answer I have to say that, having at the beginning of my official term +expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep +regret and some mortification I now learn that there is great and +injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and +what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to +change, it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the +inaugural address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole +document as the best expression I can give of my purposes. + +As I then and therein said, I now repeat: "The power confided to me will +be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to +the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what is +necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force +against or among the people anywhere." By the words "property and places +belonging to the Government," I chiefly allude to the military posts and +property which were in the possession of the Government when it came to +my hands. + +But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the +United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault has been +made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess, if I +can, like places which had been seized before the Government was devolved +upon me. And in every event I shall, to the extent of my ability, repel +force by force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been +assaulted, as is reported, I shall perhaps cause the United States mails +to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to have seceded, +believing that the commencement of actual war against the Government +justifies and possibly demands this. + +I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and property +situated within the States which claim to have seceded as yet belonging +to the Government of the United States as much as they did before the +supposed secession. + +Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect +the duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the country; +not meaning by this, however, that I may not land a force deemed +necessary to relieve a fort upon a border of the country. + +From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must +not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I +reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be regarded as +a modification. + + + + +PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 75,000 MILITIA, AND CONVENING CONGRESS IN +EXTRA SESSION, APRIL 15, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past and +now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of +South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and +Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary +course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals +bylaw: + +Now, therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, in +virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have +thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the +several States of the Union, to the aggregate number of seventy-five +thousand, in order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the laws +to be duly executed. + +The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the State +authorities through the War Department. + +I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort +to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our National +Union, and the perpetuity of popular government; and to redress wrongs +already long enough endured. + +I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces +hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and +property which have been seized from the Union; and in every event the +utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to +avoid any devastation, any destruction of or interference with property, +or any disturbance of peaceful citizens in any part of the country. + +And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid to +disperse and retire peacefully to their respective abodes within twenty +days from date. + +Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an +extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested +by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. Senators and +Representatives are therefore summoned to assemble at their respective +chambers, at twelve o'clock noon, on Thursday, the fourth day of July +next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their +wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the year +of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + +By the President: + WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 19, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF +AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas an insurrection against the Government of the United States has +broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, +Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the United States for +the collection of the revenue cannot be effectually executed therein +conformably to that provision of the Constitution which requires duties +to be uniform throughout the United States: + +And Whereas a combination of persons engaged in such insurrection have +threatened to grant pretended letters of marque to authorize the bearers +thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, and property of good +citizens of the country lawfully engaged in commerce on the high seas, +and in waters of the United States: + +And Whereas an executive proclamation has been already issued requiring +the persons engaged in these disorderly proceedings to desist therefrom, +calling out a militia force for the purpose of repressing the same, and +convening Congress in extraordinary session to deliberate and determine +thereon: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the United States, with +a view to the same purposes before mentioned, and to the protection of +the public peace, and the lives and property of quiet and orderly +citizens pursuing their lawful occupations, until Congress shall have +assembled and deliberated on the said unlawful proceedings, or until the +same shall have ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set on foot a +blockade of the ports within the States aforesaid, in pursuance of the +laws of the United States, and of the law of nations in such case +provided. For this purpose a competent force will be posted so as to +prevent entrance and exit of vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, +therefore, with a view to violate such blockade, a vessel shall approach +or shall attempt to leave either of the said ports, she will be duly +warned by the commander of one of the blockading vessels, who will +indorse on her register the fact and date of such warning, and if the +same vessel shall again attempt to enter or leave the blockaded port, she +will be captured and sent to the nearest convenient port, for such +proceedings against her and her cargo, as prize, as may be deemed +advisable. + +And I hereby proclaim and declare that if any person, under the pretended +authority of the said States, or under any other pretense, shall molest a +vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo on board of her, +such person will be held amenable to the laws of the United States for +the prevention and punishment of piracy. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of April, in the year +of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: + WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + +WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 +GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brune is received. I +tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to keep the peace in +the trying situation in which you are placed. + +For the future troops must be brought here, but I make no point of +bringing them through Baltimore. Without any military knowledge myself, +of course I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily said this +morning in the presence of these gentlemen, "March them around Baltimore, +and not through it." I sincerely hope the General, on fuller reflection, +will consider this practical and proper, and that you will not object to +it. By this a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops will +be avoided, unless they go out of their way to seek it. I hope you will +exert your influence to prevent this. + +Now and ever I shall do all in my power for peace consistently with the +maintenance of the Government. + +Your obedient servant, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR HICKS. + +WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 +GOVERNOR HICKS: + +I desire to consult with you and the Mayor of Baltimore relative to +preserving the peace of Maryland. Please come immediately by special +train, which you can take at Baltimore; or, if necessary, one can be sent +from here. Answer forthwith. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO DEFEND FROM A MARYLAND INSURRECTION + +ORDER TO GENERAL SCOTT. WASHINGTON, April 25, 1861 + +LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SCOTT. + +MY DEAR SIR--The Maryland Legislature assembles to-morrow at Annapolis, +and not improbably will take action to arm the people of that State +against the United States. The question has been submitted to and +considered by me whether it would not be justifiable, upon the ground of +necessary defense, for you, as General in Chief of the United States +Army, to arrest or disperse the members of that body. I think it would +not be justifiable nor efficient for the desired object. + +First. They have a clearly legal right to assemble, and we cannot know in +advance that their action will not be lawful and peaceful, and if we wait +until they shall have acted their arrest or dispersion will not lessen +the effect of their action. + +Secondly. We cannot permanently prevent their action. If we arrest them, +we cannot long hold them as prisoners, and when liberated they will +immediately reassemble and take their action; and precisely the same if +we simply disperse them--they will immediately reassemble in some other +place. + +I therefore conclude that it is only left to the Commanding General to +watch and await their action, which, if it shall be to arm their people +against the United States, he is to adopt the most prompt and efficient +means to counteract, even, if necessary, to the bombardment of their +cities and, in the extremist necessity, the suspension of the writ of +habeas corpus. + +Your obedient servant, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 27, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas, for the reasons assigned in my proclamation of the nineteenth +instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South Carolina, +Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas was ordered +to be established: + +And whereas, since that date, public property of the United States has +been seized, the collection of the revenue obstructed, and duly +commissioned officers of the United States, while engaged in executing +the orders of their superiors, have been arrested and held in custody as +prisoners, or have been impeded in the discharge of their official +duties, without due legal process, by persons claiming to act under +authorities of the States of Virginia and North Carolina: + +An efficient blockade of the ports of those States will also be +established. + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the +United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this twenty seventh day of April, in the +year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +REMARKS TO A MILITARY COMPANY, WASHINGTON, +APRIL 27, 1861 + +I have desired as sincerely as any man, and I sometimes think more than +any other man, that our present difficulties might be settled without the +shedding of blood. I will not say that all hope has yet gone; but if the +alternative is presented whether the Union is to be broken in fragments +and the liberties of the people lost, or blood be shed, you will probably +make the choice with which I shall not be dissatisfied. + + + + +LOCALIZED REPEAL OF WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS + +TO GENERAL SCOTT. + +TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES. + +You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of the +United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line +which is now or which shall be used between the City of Philadelphia and +the city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to +suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public safety, you personally, +or through the officer in command at the point at which resistance +occurs, are authorized to suspend that writ. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, April 17, 1861 + + + + +MILITARY ENROLLMENT OF ST. LOUIS CITIZENS + +FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR WAR DEPARTMENT, April 30, 1861 + +TO CAPTAIN NATHANIEL LYON. + +CAPT. NATHANIEL LYON, Commanding Department of the West. + +SIR:--The President of the United States directs that you enroll in the +military service of the United States the loyal citizens of Saint Louis +and vicinity, not exceeding, with those heretofore enlisted, ten thousand +in number, for the purpose of maintaining the authority of the United +States; for the protection of the peaceful inhabitants of Missouri; and +you will, if deemed necessary for that purpose by yourself, by Messrs. +Oliver F. Ferny, John How, James O. Broadhead, Samuel T. Glover, J. +Wilzie, Francis P. Blair, Jr., proclaim martial law in the city of Saint +Louis. + +The additional force hereby authorized shall be discharged in part or in +whole, if enlisted. As soon as it appears to you and the gentlemen above +mentioned that there is no danger of an attempt on the part of the +enemies of the Government to take military possession of the city of +Saint Louis, or put the city in control of the combination against the +Government of the United States; and whilst such additional force remains +in the service the same shall be governed by the Rules and Articles of +War, and such special regulations as you may prescribe. I shall like the +force hereafter directed to be enrolled to be under your command. + +The arms and other military stores in the Saint Louis Arsenal not needed +for the forces of the United States in Missouri must be removed to +Springfield, or some other safe place of deposit in the State of +Illinois, as speedily as practicable, by the ordnance officers in charge +at Saint Louis. + +(Indorsement.) + +It is revolutionary times, and therefore I do not object to the +irregularity of this. W. S. + +Approved, April 30, 1861. + +A. LINCOLN. + +Colonel Thomas will make this order. +SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War. + + + + +CONDOLENCE OVER FAILURE OF FT. SUMTER RELIEF + +TO GUSTAVUS V. FOX. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., May 1, 1861 + +CAPTAIN G. V. Fox. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I sincerely regret that the failure of the late attempt to +provision Fort Sumter should be the source of any annoyance to you. + +The practicability of your plan was not, in fact, brought to a test. By +reason of a gale, well known in advance to be possible and not +improbable, the tugs, an essential part of the plan, never reached the +ground; while, by an accident for which you were in no wise responsible, +and possibly I to some extent was, you were deprived of a war vessel, +with her men, which you deemed of great importance to the enterprise. + +I most cheerfully and truly declare that the failure of the undertaking +has not lowered you a particle, while the qualities you developed in the +effort have greatly heightened you in my estimation. + +For a daring and dangerous enterprise of a similar character you would +to-day be the man of all my acquaintances whom I would select. You and I +both anticipated that the cause of the country would be advanced by +making the attempt to provision Fort Sumter, even if it should fail; and +it is no small consolation now to feel that our anticipation is justified +by the result. + +Very truly your friend, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 42,034 VOLUNTEERS, + +MAY 3, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. + +A Proclamation.. + +Whereas existing exigencies demand immediate and adequate measures for +the protection of the National Constitution and the preservation of the +National Union by the suppression of the insurrectionary combinations now +existing in several States for opposing the laws of the Union and +obstructing the execution thereof, to which end a military force in +addition to that called forth by my proclamation of the 15th day of April +in the present year appears to be indispensably necessary: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States and +Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy thereof and of the militia of the +several States when called into actual service, do hereby call into the +service of the United States 42,034 volunteers to serve for the period of +three years, unless sooner discharged, and to be mustered into service as +infantry and cavalry. The proportions of each arm and the details of +enrollment and organization will be made known through the Department of +War. + +And I also direct that the Regular Army of the United States be increased +by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one regiment of cavalry, +and one regiment of artillery, making altogether a maximum aggregate +increase of 22,714 officers and enlisted men, the details of which +increase will also be made known through the Department of War. + +And I further direct the enlistment for not less than one or more than +three years of 18,000 seamen, in addition to the present force, for the +naval service of the United States. The details of the enlistment and +organization will be made known through the Department of the Navy. + +The call for volunteers hereby made and the direction for the increase of +the Regular Army and for the enlistment of seamen hereby given, together +with the plan of organization adopted for the volunteer and for the +regular forces hereby authorized, will be submitted to Congress as soon +as assembled. + +In the meantime I earnestly invoke the co-operation of all good citizens +in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual suppression of unlawful +violence, for the impartial enforcement of constitutional laws, and for +the speediest possible restoration of peace and order, and with these of +happiness and prosperity, throughout our country. + +In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my band and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed................ + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: + WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +COMMUNICATION WITH VICE-PRESIDENT + +TO VICE-PRESIDENT HAMLIN. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., May 6, 1861 + +HON. H. HAMLIN, New York. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Please advise me at the close of each day what troops left +during the day, where going, and by what route; what remaining at New +York, and what expected in the next day. Give the numbers, as near as +convenient, and what corps they are. This information, reaching us daily, +will be very useful as well as satisfactory. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO COLONEL ANDERSON, + +MAY 7, 1861 + +TO ALL WHO SHALL SEE THESE PRESENTS, GREETING: + +Know ye that, reposing special trust and confidence in the patriotism, +valor, fidelity, and ability of Colonel Robert Anderson, U. S. Army, I +have empowered him, and do hereby empower him, to receive into the army +of the United States as many regiments of volunteer troops from the State +of Kentucky and from the western part of the State of Virginia as shall +be willing to engage in the Service of the United States for the term of +three years, upon the terms and according to the plan proposed by the +proclamation of May 3, 1861, and General Orders No. 15, from the War +Department, of May 4, 1861. + +The troops whom he receives shall be on the same footing in every respect +as those of the like kind called for in the proclamation above cited, +except that the officers shall be commissioned by the United States. He +is therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the duty hereby +devolved upon him by doing and performing all manner of things thereunto +belonging. + +Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 7th day of May, A. +D. 1861, and in the eighty-fifth year of the independence of the United +States. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: + SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War, + + + + +PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING THE WRIT OF HABEAS +CORPUS IN FLORIDA, MAY 10, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas an insurrection exists in the State of Florida, by which the +lives, liberty, and property of loyal citizens of the United States are +endangered: + +And whereas it is deemed proper that all needful measures should be taken +for the protection of such citizens and all officers of the United States +in the discharge of their public duties in the State aforesaid: + +Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the +United States, do hereby direct the commander of the forces of the United +States on the Florida coast to permit no person to exercise any office or +authority upon the islands of Key West, the Tortugas, and Santa Rosa, +which may be inconsistent with the laws and Constitution of the United +States, authorizing him at the same time, if he shall find it necessary, +to suspend there the writ of habeas corpus, and to remove from the +vicinity of the United States fortresses all dangerous or suspected +persons. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed..................... + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: + WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY WELLES. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 11, 1861 + +TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. + +SIR:-Lieut. D. D. Porter was placed in command of the steamer Powhatan, +and Captain Samuel Mercer was detached therefrom, by my special order, +and neither of them is responsible for any apparent or real irregularity +on their part or in connection with that vessel. + +Hereafter Captain Porter is relieved from that special service and placed +under the direction of the Navy Department, from which he will receive +instructions and to which he will report. + +Very respectfully, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CORRECTIONS OF A DIPLOMATIC DESPATCH WRITTEN BY +THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO MINISTER ADAMS + +NO. 10. + +DEPARTMENT OF STATE. WASHINGTON, May 21, 1861 + +SIR:---Mr. Dallas, in a brief despatch of May 2d (No. 333), tells us that +Lord John Russell recently requested an interview with him on account of +the solicitude which his lordship felt concerning the effect of certain +measures represented as likely to be adopted by the President. In that +conversation the British secretary told Mr. Dallas that the three +representatives of the Southern Confederacy were then in London, that +Lord John Russell had not yet seen them, but that he was not unwilling to +see them unofficially. He further informed Mr. Dallas that an +understanding exists between the British and French governments which +would lead both to take one and the same course as to recognition. His +lordship then referred to the rumor of a meditated blockade by us of +Southern ports, and a discontinuance of them as ports of entry. Mr. +Dallas answered that he knew nothing on those topics, and therefore + + (The President's corrections, both in notes and text, are in + caps. All matter between brackets was to be marked out.) + +could say nothing. He added that you were expected to arrive in two +weeks. Upon this statement Lord John Russell acquiesced in the expediency +of waiting for the full knowledge you were expected to bring. + +Mr. Dallas transmitted to us some newspaper reports of ministerial +explanations made in Parliament. + +You will base no proceedings on parliamentary debates further than to +seek explanations when necessary and communicate them to this department. +[We intend to have a clear and simple record of whatever issue may arise +between us and Great Britain.] + +The President [is surprised and grieved] regrets that Mr. Dallas did not +protest against the proposed unofficial intercourse between the British +Government and the missionaries of the insurgents [as well as against the +demand for explanations made by the British Government]. It is due, +however, to Mr. Dallas to say that our instructions had been given only +to you and not to him, and that his loyalty and fidelity, too rare in +these times [among our late representatives abroad, are confessed and] +are appreciated. + +Intercourse of any kind with the so-called commissioners is liable to be +construed as a recognition of the authority which appointed them. Such +intercourse would be none the less [wrongful] hurtful to us for being +called unofficial, and it might be even more injurious, because we should +have no means of knowing what points might be resolved by it. Moreover, +unofficial intercourse is useless and meaningless if it is not expected +to ripen into official intercourse and direct recognition. It is left +doubtful here whether the proposed unofficial intercourse has yet +actually begun. Your own [present] antecedent instructions are deemed +explicit enough, and it is hoped that you have not misunderstood them. +You will in any event desist from all intercourse whatever, unofficial as +well as official, with the British Government, so long as it shall +continue intercourse of either kind with the domestic enemies of this +country [confining yourself to a delivery of a copy of this paper to the +Secretary of State. After doing this.] When intercourse shall have been +arrested for this cause, you will communicate with this department and +receive further directions. + +Lord John Russell has informed us of an understanding between the British +and French governments that they will act together in regard to our +affairs. This communication, however, loses something of its value from +the circumstance that the communication was withheld until after +knowledge of the fact had been acquired by us from other sources. We know +also another fact that has not yet been officially communicated to +us--namely, that other European States are apprised by France and England +of their agreement, and are expected to concur with or follow them in +whatever measures they adopt on the subject of recognition. The United +States have been impartial and just in all their conduct toward the +several nations of Europe. They will not complain, however, of the +combination now announced by the two leading powers, although they think +they had a right to expect a more independent, if not a more friendly, +course from each of them. You will take no notice of that or any other +alliance. Whenever the European governments shall see fit to communicate +directly with us, we shall be, as heretofore, frank and explicit in our +reply. + +As to the blockade, you will say that by [the] our own laws [of nature] +and the laws of nature and the laws of nations, this Government has a +clear right to suppress insurrection. An exclusion of commerce from +national ports which have been seized by the insurgents, in the equitable +form of blockade, is the proper means to that end. You will [admit] not +insist that our blockade is [not] to be respected if it be not maintained +by a competent force; but passing by that question as not now a +practical, or at least an urgent, one, you will add that [it] the +blockade is now, and it will continue to be so maintained, and therefore +we expect it to be respected by Great Britain. You will add that we have +already revoked the exequatur of a Russian consul who had enlisted in the +military service of the insurgents, and we shall dismiss or demand the +recall of every foreign agent, consular or diplomatic, who shall either +disobey the Federal laws or disown the Federal authority. + +As to the recognition of the so-called Southern Confederacy, it is not to +be made a subject of technical definition. It is, of course, [quasi] +direct recognition to publish an acknowledgment of the sovereignty and +independence of a new power. It is [quasi] direct recognition to receive +its ambassadors, ministers, agents, or commissioners officially. A +concession of belligerent rights is liable to be construed as a +recognition of them. No one of these proceedings will [be borne] pass +[unnoticed] unquestioned by the United States in this case. + +Hitherto recognition has been moved only on the assumption that the +so-called Confederate States are de facto a self-sustaining power. Now, +after long forbearance, designed to soothe discontent and avert the need +of civil war, the land and naval forces of the United States have been +put in motion to repress the insurrection. The true character of the +pretended new State is at once revealed. It is seen to be a power +existing in pronunciamento only, It has never won a field. It has +obtained no forts that were not virtually betrayed into its hands or +seized in breach of trust. It commands not a single port on the coast nor +any highway out from its pretended capital by land. Under these +circumstances Great Britain is called upon to intervene and give it body +and independence by resisting our measures of suppression. British +recognition would be British intervention to create within our own +territory a hostile state by overthrowing this republic itself. [When +this act of intervention is distinctly performed, we from that hour shall +cease to be friends, and become once more, as we have twice before been +forced to be, enemies of Great Britain.] + +As to the treatment of privateers in the insurgent service, you will say +that this is a question exclusively our own. We treat them as pirates. +They are our own citizens, or persons employed by our citizens, preying +on the commerce of our country. If Great Britain shall choose to +recognize them as lawful belligerents, and give them shelter from our +pursuit and punishment, the laws of nations afford an adequate and proper +remedy [and we shall avail ourselves of it. And while you need not say +this in advance, be sure that you say nothing inconsistent with it.] + +Happily, however, her Britannic Majesty's government can avoid all these +difficulties. It invited us in 1856 to accede to the declaration of the +Congress of Paris, of which body Great Britain was herself a member, +abolishing privateering everywhere in all cases and forever. You already +have our authority to propose to her our accession to that declaration. +If she refuse to receive it, it can only be because she is willing to +become the patron of privateering when aimed at our devastation. + +These positions are not elaborately defended now, because to vindicate +them would imply a possibility of our waiving them. + +1 We are not insensible of the grave importance of + +1 (Drop all from this line to the end, and in lieu of it write, "This +paper is for your own guidance only, and not [sic] to be read or shown to +any one.") + +(Secretary Seward, when the despatch was returned to him, added an +introductory paragraph stating that the document was strictly +confidential. For this reason these last two paragraphs remained as they +are here printed.) + +this occasion. We see how, upon the result of the debate in which we are +engaged, a war may ensue between the United States and one, two, or even +more European nations. War in any case is as exceptionable from the +habits as it is revolting from the sentiments of the American people. But +if it come, it will be fully seen that it results from the action of +Great Britain, not our own; that Great Britain will have decided to +fraternize with our domestic enemy, either without waiting to hear from +you our remonstrances and our warnings, or after having heard them. War +in defense of national life is not immoral, and war in defense of +independence is an inevitable part of the discipline of nations. + +The dispute will be between the European and the American branches of the +British race. All who belong to that race will especially deprecate it, +as they ought. It may well be believed that men of every race and kindred +will deplore it. A war not unlike it between the same parties occurred at +the close of the last century. Europe atoned by forty years of suffering +for the error that Great Britain committed in provoking that contest. If +that nation shall now repeat the same great error, the social convulsions +which will follow may not be so long, but they will be more general. When +they shall have ceased, it will, we think, be seen, whatever may have +been the fortunes of other nations, that it is not the United States that +will have come out of them with its precious Constitution altered or its +honestly obtained dominion in any degree abridged. Great Britain has but +to wait a few months and all her present inconveniences will cease with +all our own troubles. If she take a different course, she will calculate +for herself the ultimate as well as the immediate consequences, and will +consider what position she will hold when she shall have forever lost the +sympathies and the affections of the only nation on whose sympathies and +affections she has a natural claim. In making that calculation she will +do well to remember that in the controversy she proposes to open we shall +be actuated by neither pride, nor passion, nor cupidity, nor ambition; +but we shall stand simply on the principle of self-preservation, and that +our cause will involve the independence of nations and the rights of +human nature. + +I am, Sir, respectfully your obedient servant, W. H. S. + +CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., etc, + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 21, 1861. + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:--Why cannot Colonel Small's +Philadelphia regiment be received? I sincerely wish it could. There is +something strange about it. Give these gentlemen an interview, and take +their regiment. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR MORGAN. + +WASHINGTON, May 12, 1861 + +GOVERNOR E. D. MORGAN, Albany, N.Y. + +I wish to see you face to face to clear these difficulties about +forwarding troops from New York. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO CAPTAIN DAHLGREEN. + +EXECUTIVE, MANSION, May 23, 1863. + +CAPT. DAHLGREEN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Allow me to introduce Col. J. A. McLernand, M.C. of my own +district in Illinois. If he should desire to visit Fortress Monroe, +please introduce him to the captain of one of the vessels in our service, +and pass him down and back. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER OF CONDOLENCE TO ONE OF FIRST CASUALTIES + +TO COLONEL ELLSWORTH'S PARENTS, WASHINGTON, D.C., May 25, 1861 + +TO THE FATHER AND MOTHER OF COL. ELMER E. ELLSWORTH. + +MY DEAR SIR AND MADAME:--In the untimely loss of your noble son, our +affliction here is scarcely less than your own. So much of promised +usefulness to one's country, and of bright hopes for one's self and +friends, have never been so suddenly dashed as in his fall. In size, in +years, and in youthful appearance a boy only, his power to command men +was surpassingly great. This power, combined with a fine intellectual +and indomitable energy, and a taste altogether military, constituted in +him, as seemed to me, the best natural talent in that department I ever +knew. And yet he was singularly modest and deferential in social +intercourse. My acquaintance with him began less than two years ago; yet, +through the latter half of the intervening period, it was as intense as +the disparity of our ages and my engrossing engagements would permit. To +me he appeared to have no indulgences or pastimes, and I never heard him +utter a profane or an intemperate word. What was conclusive of his good +heart, he never forgot his parents. The honors he labored for so +laudably, and for which, in the sad end, he so gallantly gave his life, +he meant for them no less than for himself. + +In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon the sacredness of your +sorrow, I have ventured to address you this tribute to the memory of my +young friend and your brave and early fallen son. + +May God give you the consolation which is beyond all early power. + +Sincerely your friend in common affliction, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO COLONEL BARTLETT. + +WASHINGTON, May 27, 1861 + +COL. W. A. BARTLETT, New York. + +The Naval Brigade was to go to Fort Monroe without trouble to the +government, and must so go or not at all. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MEMORANDUM ABOUT INDIANA REGIMENTS. + +WASHINGTON, JUNE 11, 1861 + + The government has already accepted ten regiments from the State of +Indiana. I think at least six more ought to be received from that +State, two to be those of Colonel James W. McMillan and Colonel +William L. Brown, and the other four to be designated by the Governor +of the State of Indiana, and to be received into the volunteer +service of the United States according to the "Plan of Organization" +in the General Orders of the War Department, No.15. When they report +to Major-General McClellan in condition to pass muster according to +that order, and with the approval of the Secretary of War to be +indorsed hereon, and left in his department, I direct that the whole +six, or any smaller number of such regiments, be received. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--There is, it seems, a regiment in Massachusetts commanded +by Fletcher Webster, and which HON. Daniel Webster's old friends very +much wish to get into the service. If it can be received with the +approval of your department and the consent of the Governor of +Massachusetts I shall indeed be much gratified. Give Mr. Ashmun a chance +to explain fully. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR--I think it is entirely safe to accept a fifth regiment from +Michigan, and with your approbation I should say a regiment presented by +Col. T. B. W. Stockton, ready for service within two weeks from now, will +be received. Look at Colonel Stockton's testimonials. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 17, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY Of WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--With your concurrence, and that of the Governor of Indiana, +I am in favor of accepting into what we call the three years' service any +number not exceeding four additional regiments from that State. Probably +they should come from the triangular region between the Ohio and Wabash +Rivers, including my own old boyhood home. Please see HON. C. M. Allen, +Speaker of the Indiana House of Representatives, and unless you perceive +good reason to the contrary, draw up an order for him according to the +above. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 17,1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:--With your concurrence, and that of +the Governor of Ohio, I am in favor of receiving into what we call the +three years' service any number not exceeding six additional regiments +from that State, unless you perceive good reasons to the contrary. Please +see HON. John A. Gurley, who bears this, and make an order corresponding +with the above. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO N. W. EDWARDS + +WASHINGTON, D. C., June 19, 1861 + +Hon. N. W. EDWARDS MY DEAR SIR: ............. ............. When you +wrote me some time ago in reference to looking up something in the +departments here, I thought I would inquire into the thing and write you, +but the extraordinary pressure upon me diverted me from it, and soon it +passed out of my mind. The thing you proposed, it seemed to me, I ought +to understand myself before it was set on foot by my direction or +permission; and I really had no time to make myself acquainted with it. +Nor have I yet. And yet I am unwilling, of course, that you should be +deprived of a chance to make something, if it can be done without +injustice to the Government, or to any individual. If you choose to come +here and point out to me how this can be done I shall not only not +object, but shall be gratified to be able to oblige you. + +Your friend as ever + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 20, 1861. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Since you spoke to me yesterday about General J. H. Lane, +of Kansas, I have been reflecting upon the subject, and have concluded +that we need the service of such a man out there at once; that we had +better appoint him a brigadier-general of volunteers to-day, and send him +off with such authority to raise a force (I think two regiments better +than three, but as to this I am not particular) as you think will get him +into actual work quickest. Tell him, when he starts, to put it through +not to be writing or telegraphing back here, but put it through. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +[Indorsement.] + +General Lane has been authorized to raise two additional regiments of +volunteers. + +SIMON CAMERON, Secretary o f War. + + + + +TO THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 29, 1861. +GENTLEMEN OF THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION WHO ARE FOR THE UNION: + +I somewhat wish to authorize my friend Jesse Bayles to raise a Kentucky +regiment, but I do not wish to do it without your consent. If you +consent, please write so at the bottom of this. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + We consent: + R. MALLORY. + H. GRIDER. + G. W. DUNLAP. + J. S. JACKSON. + C. A. WICKLIFFE. + + + + +August 5, 1861. + +I repeat, I would like for Col. Bayles to raise a regiment of cavalry +whenever the Union men of Kentucky desire or consent to it. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL SCOTT TO SUSPEND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, +JULY 2, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES: + +You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of the +United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line +which is now or which shall be used between the city of New York and the +city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to +suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public safety, you personally, +or through the officer in command at the point where resistance occurs, +are authorized to suspend that writ. + +Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at the city of +Washington, this second day of July, A.D. 1861, and of the independence +of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: + WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 3, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--General Scott had sent me a copy of the despatch of which +you kindly sent one. Thanks to both him and you. Please assemble the +Cabinet at twelve to-day to look over the message and reports. + +And now, suppose you step over at once and let us see General Scott (and) +General Cameron about assigning a position to General Fremont. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS IN SPECIAL SESSION, + +JULY 4, 1861. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--Having been +convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the Constitution, +your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of legislation. + +At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four months ago, the +functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally suspended +within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, +Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of the +Post-Office Department. + +Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dockyards, custom-houses, +and the like, including the movable and stationary property in and about +them, had been seized, and were held in open hostility to this +government, excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on and +near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor, South +Carolina. The forts thus seized had been put in improved condition, new +ones had been built, and armed forces had been organized and were +organizing, all avowedly with the same hostile purpose. + +The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal Government in and +near these States were either besieged or menaced by warlike +preparations, and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by +well-protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the best +of its own, and outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. A +disproportionate share of the Federal muskets and rifles had somehow +found their way into these States, and had been seized to be used against +the government. Accumulations of the public revenue lying within them had +been seized for the same object. The navy was scattered in distant seas, +leaving but a very small part of it within the immediate reach of the +government. Officers of the Federal army and navy had resigned in great +numbers; and of those resigning a large proportion had taken up arms +against the government. Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, +the purpose to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance +with this purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States, +declaring the States respectively to be separated from the national +Union. A formula for instituting a combined government of these States +had been promulgated; and this illegal organization, in the character of +confederate States, was already invoking recognition, aid, and +intervention from foreign powers. + +Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an imperative +duty upon the incoming executive to prevent, if possible, the +consummation of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of +means to that end became indispensable. This choice was made and was +declared in the inaugural address. The policy chosen looked to the +exhaustion of all peaceful measures before a resort to any stronger ones. +It sought only to hold the public places and property not already wrested +from the government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on +time, discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the +mails, at government expense, to the very people who were resisting the +government; and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to any +of the people, or any of their rights. Of all that which a President +might constitutionally and justifiably do in such a case, everything was +forborne without which it was believed possible to keep the government on +foot. + +On the 5th of March (the present incumbent's first full day in office), a +letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written on the 28th +of February and received at the War Department on the 4th of March, was +by that department placed in his hands. This letter expressed the +professional opinion of the writer that reinforcements could not be +thrown into that fort within the time for his relief, rendered necessary +by the limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding +possession of the same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good +and well-disciplined men. This opinion was concurred in by all the +officers of his command, and their memoranda on the subject were made +inclosures of Major Anderson's letter. The whole was immediately laid +before Lieutenant-General Scott, who at once concurred with Major +Anderson in opinion. On reflection, however, he took full time, +consulting with other officers, both of the army and the navy, and at the +end of four days came reluctantly but decidedly to the same conclusion as +before. He also stated at the same time that no such sufficient force was +then at the control of the government, or could be raised and brought to +the ground within the time when the provisions in the fort would be +exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this reduced the duty of +the administration in the case to the mere matter of getting the garrison +safely out of the fort. + +It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the +circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity under which +it was to be done would not be fully understood; that by many it would be +construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home it would +discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far +to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; that in fact, it would be +our national destruction consummated. This could not be allowed. +Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and ere it would be reached +Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last would be a clear indication +of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the evacuation +of Fort Sumter as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to +be sent for the landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into +Fort Pickens. This order could not go by land, but must take the longer +and slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was +received just one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news itself +was that the officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops +had been transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi armistice +of the late administration (and of the existence of which the present +administration, up to the time the order was despatched, had only too +vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention), had refused to land the +troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would be reached at +Fort Sumter was impossible--rendered so by the near exhaustion of +provisions in the latter-named fort. In precaution against such a +conjuncture, the government had, a few days before, commenced preparing +an expedition as well adapted as might be to relieve Fort Sumter, which +expedition was intended to be ultimately used, or not, according to +circumstances. The strongest anticipated case for using it was now +presented, and it was resolved to send it forward. As had been intended +in this contingency, it was also resolved to notify the governor of South +Carolina that he might expect an attempt would be made to provision the +fort; and that, if the attempt should not be resisted, there would be no +effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or +in case of an attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given; +whereupon the fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even +awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition. + +It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sumter was in +no sense a matter of self-defense on the part of the assailants. They +well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no possibility commit +aggression upon them. They knew--they were expressly notified--that the +giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of the garrison was all +which would on that occasion be attempted, unless themselves, by +resisting so much, should provoke more. They knew that this government +desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail them, but merely +to maintain visible possession, and thus to preserve the Union from +actual and immediate dissolution--trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to +time, discussion, and the ballot-box for final adjustment; and they +assailed and reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object--to drive +out the visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to +immediate dissolution. That this was their object the executive well +understood; and having said to them in the inaugural address, "You can +have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors," he took pains +not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free +from the power of ingenious sophistry that the world should not be able +to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding +circumstances, that point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of +the government began the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in +expectancy to return their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to +that harbor years before for their own protection, and still ready to +give that protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all +else, they have forced upon the country the distinct issue, "immediate +dissolution or blood." + +And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It +presents to the whole family of man the question whether a constitutional +republic or democracy--a government of the people by the same people--can +or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic +foes. It presents the question whether discontented individuals, too few +in numbers to control administration according to organic law in any +case, can always, upon the pretenses made in this case, or on any other +pretenses, or arbitrarily without any pretense, break up their +government, and thus practically put an end to free government upon the +earth. It forces us to ask: Is there in all republics this inherent and +fatal weakness? Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the +liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence? + +So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power of +the government, and so to resist force employed for its destruction by +force for its preservation. + +The call was made, and the response of the country was most gratifying, +surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expectation. Yet +none of the States commonly called slave States, except Delaware, gave a +regiment through regular State organization. A few regiments have been +organized within some others of those States by individual enterprise, +and received into the government service. Of course the seceded States, +so called (and to which Texas had been joined about the time of the +inauguration), gave no troops to the cause of the Union. + +The border States, so called, were not uniform in their action, some of +them being almost for the Union, while in others--as Virginia, North +Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas--the Union sentiment was nearly +repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most +remarkable--perhaps the most important. A convention elected by the +people of that State to consider this very question of disrupting the +Federal Union was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter +fell. To this body the people had chosen a large majority of professed +Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, many members of +that majority went over to the original disunion minority, and with them +adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Union. Whether +this change was wrought by their great approval of the assault upon +Sumter, or their great resentment at the government's resistance to that +assault, is not definitely known. Although they submitted the ordinance +for ratification to a vote of the people, to be taken on a day then +somewhat more than a month distant, the convention and the Legislature +(which was also in session at the same time and place), with leading men +of the State not members of either, immediately commenced acting as if +the State were already out of the Union. They pushed military +preparations vigorously forward all over the State. They seized the +United States armory at Harper's Ferry, and the navy-yard at Gosport, +near Norfolk. They received perhaps invited--into their State large +bodies of troops, with their warlike appointments, from the so-called +seceded States. They formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance +and co-operation with the so-called "Confederate States," and sent +members to their congress at Montgomery. And finally, they permitted the +insurrectionary government to be transferred to their capital at +Richmond. + +The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to make +its nest within her borders; and this government has no choice left but +to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret as the +loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed its protection. Those loyal +citizens this government is bound to recognize and protect, as being +Virginia. + +In the border States, so called,--in fact, the middle States,--there are +those who favor a policy which they call "armed neutrality"; that is, an +arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one way, or +the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disunion +completed. Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an +impassable wall along the line of separation--and yet not quite an +impassable one, for under the guise of neutrality it would tie the hands +of Union men and freely pass supplies from among them to the +insurrectionists, which it could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke it +would take all the trouble off the hands of secession, except only what +proceeds from the external blockade. It would do for the disunionists +that which, of all things, they most desire--feed them well and give them +disunion without a struggle of their own. It recognizes no fidelity to +the Constitution, no obligation to maintain the Union; and while very +many who have favored it are doubtless loyal citizens, it is, +nevertheless, very injurious in effect. + +Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated that at first +a call was made for 75,000 militia; and, rapidly following this, a +proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insurrectionary +districts by proceedings in the nature of blockade. So far all was +believed to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrectionists +announced their purpose to enter upon the practice of privateering. + +Other calls were made for volunteers to serve for three years, unless +sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular army and +navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured upon, +under what appeared to be a popular demand and a public necessity; +trusting then, as now, that Congress would readily ratify them. It is +believed that nothing has been done beyond the constitutional competency +of Congress. + +Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to +authorize the commanding general in proper cases, according to his +discretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, or, in +other words, to arrest and detain, without resort to the ordinary +processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous +to the public safety. This authority has purposely been exercised but +very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and propriety of what has been +done under it are questioned, and the attention of the country has been +called to the proposition that one who has sworn to "take care that the +laws be faithfully executed" should not himself violate them. Of course +some consideration was given to the questions of power and propriety +before this matter was acted upon. The whole of the laws which were +required to be faithfully executed were being resisted and failing of +execution in nearly one third of the States. Must they be allowed to +finally fail of execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the +use of the means necessary to their execution some single law, made in +such extreme tenderness of the citizen's liberty that, practically, it +relieves more of the guilty than of the innocent, should to a very +limited extent be violated? To state the question more directly, are all +the laws but one to go unexecuted, and the government itself go to pieces +lest that one be violated? Even in such a case, would not the official +oath be broken if the government should be overthrown when it was +believed that disregarding the single law would tend to preserve it? But +it was not believed that this question was presented. It was not believed +that any law was violated. The provision of the Constitution that "the +privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless +when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require +it," is equivalent to a provision--is a provision--that such privilege +may be suspended when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public +safety does require it. It was decided that we have a case of rebellion, +and that the public safety does require the qualified suspension of the +privilege of the writ which was authorized to be made. Now it is insisted +that Congress, and not the executive, is vested with this power. But the +Constitution itself is silent as to which or who is to exercise the +power; and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, +it cannot be believed the framers of the instrument intended that in +every case the danger should run its course until Congress could be +called together, the very assembling of which might be prevented, as was +intended in this case, by the rebellion. + +No more extended argument is now offered, as an opinion at some length +will probably be presented by the attorney-general. Whether there shall +be any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is submitted +entirely to the better judgment of Congress. + +The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary and so long +continued as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as if +they supposed the early destruction of our national Union was probable. +While this, on discovery, gave the executive some concern, he is now +happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United States are now +everywhere practically respected by foreign powers; and a general +sympathy with the country is manifested throughout the world. + +The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy will +give the information in detail deemed necessary and convenient for your +deliberation and action; while the executive and all the departments will +stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate new facts considered +important for you to know. + +It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this +contest a short and decisive one: that you place at the control of the +government for the work at least four hundred thousand men and +$400,000,000. That number of men is about one-tenth of those of proper +ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to engage; and +the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money value owned by the +men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of $600,000,000 now is a +less sum per head than was the debt of our Revolution when we came out of +that struggle; and the money value in the country now bears even a +greater proportion to what it was then than does the population. Surely +each man has as strong a motive now to preserve our liberties as each had +then to establish them. + +A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten +times the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from the +country leaves no doubt that the material for the work is abundant, and +that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal sanction, and +the hand of the executive to give it practical shape and efficiency. One +of the greatest perplexities of the government is to avoid receiving +troops faster than it can provide for them. In a word, the people will +save their government if the government itself will do its part only +indifferently well. + +It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether the +present movement at the South be called "secession" or "rebellion." The +movers, however, well understand the difference. At the beginning they +knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude by +any name which implies violation of law. They knew their people possessed +as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and order, and as much +pride in and reverence for the history and government of their common +country as any other civilized and patriotic people. They knew they could +make no advancement directly in the teeth of these strong and noble +sentiments. Accordingly, they commenced by an insidious debauching of the +public mind. They invented an ingenious sophism which, if conceded, was +followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the incidents, to the +complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself is that any State +of the Union may consistently with the national Constitution, and +therefore lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from the Union without the +consent of the Union or of any other State. The little disguise that the +supposed right is to be exercised only for just cause, themselves to be +the sole judges of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice. + +With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been drugging the public mind +of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length they +have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against the +government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted the farcical +pretense of taking their State out of the Union, who could have been +brought to no such thing the day before. + +This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency from the +assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining +to a State--to each State of our Federal Union. Our States have neither +more nor less power than that reserved to them in the Union by the +Constitution--no one of them ever having been a State out of the Union. +The original ones passed into the Union even before they cast off their +British colonial dependence; and the new ones each came into the Union +directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas. And even Texas +in its temporary independence was never designated a State. The new ones +only took the designation of States on coming into the Union, while that +name was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of +Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were declared to be "free and +independent States"; but even then the object plainly was not to declare +their independence of one another or of the Union, but directly the +contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action before, at the +time, and afterward, abundantly show. The express plighting of faith by +each and all of the original thirteen in the Articles of Confederation, +two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive. +Having never been States either in substance or in name outside of the +Union, whence this magical omnipotence of "State rights," asserting a +claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is said about +the "sovereignty" of the States; but the word even is not in the national +Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State constitutions. +What is "sovereignty" in the political sense of the term? Would it be far +wrong to define it as "a political community without a political +superior"? Tested by this, no one of our States except Texas ever was a +sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the character on coming into the +Union; by which act she acknowledged the Constitution of the United +States, and the laws and treaties of the United States made in pursuance +of the Constitution, to be for her the supreme law of the land. The +States have their status in the Union, and they have no other legal +status. If they break from this, they can only do so against law and by +revolution. The Union, and not themselves separately, procured their +independence and their liberty. By conquest or purchase the Union gave +each of them whatever of independence or liberty it has. The Union is +older than any of the States, and, in fact, it created them as States. +Originally some dependent colonies made the Union, and, in turn, the +Union threw off their old dependence for them, and made them States, such +as they are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution independent of +the Union. Of course, it is not forgotten that all the new States framed +their constitutions before they entered the Union nevertheless, dependent +upon and preparatory to coming into the Union. + +Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to them in +and by the national Constitution; but among these surely are not included +all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive, but, at most, +such only as were known in the world at the time as governmental powers; +and certainly a power to destroy the government itself had never been +known as a governmental, as a merely administrative power. This relative +matter of national power and State rights, as a principle, is no other +than the principle of generality and locality. Whatever concerns the +whole should be confided to the whole--to the General Government; while +whatever concerns only the State should be left exclusively to the State. +This is all there is of original principle about it. Whether the national +Constitution in defining boundaries between the two has applied the +principle with exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. We are all bound +by that defining, without question. + +What is now combated is the position that secession is consistent with +the Constitution--is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that there +is any express law for it; and nothing should ever be implied as law +which leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The nation purchased with +money the countries out of which several of these States were formed. Is +it just that they shall go off without leave and without refunding? The +nation paid very large sums (in the aggregate, I believe, nearly a +hundred millions) to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just +that she shall now be off without consent or without making any return? +The nation is now in debt for money applied to the benefit of these +so-called seceding States in common with the rest. Is it just either that +creditors shall go unpaid or the remaining States pay the whole? A part +of the present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of +Texas. Is it just that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself? + +Again, if one State may secede, so may another; and when all shall have +seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just for creditors? +Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed their +money? If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the seceders to go +in peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if others choose to go or +to extort terms upon which they will promise to remain. + +The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They have +assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which of +necessity they have either discarded or retained the right of secession +as they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, they +thereby admit that on principle it ought not to be in ours. If they have +retained it, by their own construction of ours, they show that to be +consistent they must secede from one another whenever they shall find it +the easiest way of settling their debts, or effecting any other selfish +or unjust object. The principle itself is one of disintegration and upon +which no government can possibly endure. + +If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out +of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder politicians would +at once deny the power and denounce the act as the greatest outrage upon +State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being +called "driving the one out," should be called "the seceding of the +others from that one," it would be exactly what the seceders claim to do, +unless, indeed, they make the point that the one, because it is a +minority, may rightfully do what the others, because they are a majority, +may not rightfully do. These politicians are subtle and profound on the +rights of minorities. They are not partial to that power which made the +Constitution and speaks from the preamble calling itself "We, the +People." + +It may well be questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the +legally qualified voters of any State except perhaps South Carolina in +favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union men are +the majority in many, if not in every other one, of the so-called seceded +States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of them. It is +ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and Tennessee; for the result of +an election held in military camps, where the bayonets are all on one +side of the question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as +demonstrating popular sentiment. At such an election, all that large +class who are at once for the Union and against coercion would be coerced +to vote against the Union. + +It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institutions we +enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our whole +people beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking +and an impressive illustration. So large an army as the government has +now on foot was never before known without a soldier in it but who has +taken his place there of his own free choice. But more than this, there +are many single regiments whose members, one and another, possess full +practical knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever +else, whether useful or elegant, is known in the world; and there is +scarcely one from which there could not be selected a President, a +Cabinet, a Congress, and perhaps a court, abundantly competent to +administer the government itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in +the army of our late friends, now adversaries in this contest; but if it +is, so much better the reason why the government which has conferred such +benefits on both them and us should not be broken up. Whoever in any +section proposes to abandon such a government would do well to consider +in deference to what principle it is that he does it; what better he is +likely to get in its stead; whether the substitute will give, or be +intended to give, so much of good to the people. There are some +foreshadowings on this subject. Our adversaries have adopted some +declarations of independence in which, unlike the good old one, penned by +Jefferson, they omit the words "all men are created equal." Why? They +have adopted a temporary national constitution, in the preamble of which, +unlike our good old one, signed by Washington, they omit "We, the +People," and substitute, "We, the deputies of the sovereign and +independent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view the +rights of men and the authority of the people? + +This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a +struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of +government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men to +lift artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of +laudable pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and a fair +chance in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures, +from necessity; this is the leading object of the government for whose +existence we contend. + +I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and +appreciate this. It is worthy of note that, while in this the +government's hour of trial large numbers of those in the army and navy +who have been favored with the offices have resigned and proved false to +the hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier or common sailor +is known to have deserted his flag. + +Great honor is due to those officers who remained true, despite the +example of their treacherous associates; but the greatest honor, and most +important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common soldiers +and common sailors. To the last man, so far as known, they have +successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose commands, but +an hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic +instinct of the plain people. They understand, without an argument, that +the destroying of the government which was made by Washington means no +good to them. + +Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two points in +it our people have already settled--the successful establishing and the +successful administering of it. One still remains--its successful +maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is +now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry +an election can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are the rightful +and peaceful successors of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly and +constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back to +bullets; that there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots +themselves, at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of +peace: teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither +can they take it by a war; teaching all the folly of being the beginners +of a war. + +Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what is to +be the course of the government toward the Southern States after the +rebellion shall have been suppressed, the executive deems it proper to +say it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the +Constitution and the laws; and that he probably will have no different +understanding of the powers and duties of the Federal Government +relatively to the rights of the States and the people, under the +Constitution, than that expressed in the inaugural address. + +He desires to preserve the government, that it may be administered for +all as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens +everywhere have the right to claim this of their government, and the +government has no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived +that in giving it there is any coercion, any conquest, or any +subjugation, in any just sense of those terms. + +The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the +provision, that "the United States shall guarantee to every State in this +Union a republican form of government." But if a State may lawfully go +out of the Union, having done so it may also discard the republican form +of government, so that to prevent its going out is an indispensable means +to the end of maintaining the guarantee mentioned; and when an end is +lawful and obligatory, the indispensable means to it are also lawful and +obligatory. + +It was with the deepest regret that the executive found the duty of +employing the war power in defense of the government forced upon him. He +could but perform this duty or surrender the existence of the government. +No compromise by public servants could, in this case, be a cure; not that +compromises are not often proper, but that no popular government can long +survive a marked precedent that those who carry an election can only save +the government from immediate destruction by giving up the main point +upon which the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not +their servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions. + +As a private citizen the executive could not have consented that these +institutions shall perish; much less could he in betrayal of so vast and +so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him. He felt that +he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the chances of his own +life, in what might follow. In full view of his great responsibility he +has, so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to +your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and +your action may so accord with his as to assure all faithful citizens who +have been disturbed in their rights of a certain and speedy restoration +to them, under the Constitution and the laws. + +And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure purpose, +let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly +hearts. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, + +July 4, 1861 + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, July 6, 1861. + +HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Please ask the Comr. of Indian Affairs, and of the Gen'l +Land Office to come with you, and see me at once. I want the assistance +of all of you in overhauling the list of appointments a little before I +send them to the Senate. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th +instant, requesting a copy of correspondence upon the subject of the +incorporation of the Dominican republic with the Spanish monarchy, I +transmit a report from the Secretary of State; to whom the resolution was +referred. + +WASHINGTON, July 11, 1861. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a copy of correspondence between the Secretary of +State and her Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister +plenipotentiary accredited to this government, relative to the exhibition +of the products of industry of all nations, which is to take place at +London in the course of next year. As citizens of the United States may +justly pride themselves upon their proficiency in industrial arts, it is +desirable that they should have proper facilities toward taking part in +the exhibition. With this view I recommend such legislation by Congress +at this session as may be necessary for that purpose. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, July 16, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +As the United States have, in common with Great Britain and France, a +deep interest in the preservation and development of the fisheries +adjacent to the northeastern coast and islands of this continent, it +seems proper that we should concert with the governments of those +countries such measures as may be conducive to those important objects. +With this view I transmit to Congress a copy of a correspondence between +the Secretary of State and the British minister here, in which the latter +proposes, on behalf of his government, the appointment of a joint +commission to inquire into the matter, in order that such ulterior +measures may be adopted as may be advisable for the objects proposed. +Such legislation recommended as may be necessary to enable the executive +to provide for a commissioner on behalf of the United States: + +WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL + +WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861 + +ADJUTANT-GENERAL: + +I have agreed, and do agree, that the two Indian regiments named within +shall be accepted if the act of Congress shall admit it. Let there be no +further question about it. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MEMORANDA OF MILITARY POLICY SUGGESTED BY THE +BULL RUN DEFEAT. +JULY 23, 1861 + +1. Let the plan for making the blockade effective be pushed forward with +all possible despatch. + +2. Let the volunteer forces at Fort Monroe and vicinity under General +Butler be constantly drilled, disciplined, and instructed without more +for the present. + +3. Let Baltimore be held as now, with a gentle but firm and certain hand. + +4. Let the force now under Patterson or Banks be strengthened and made +secure in its position. + +5. Let the forces in Western Virginia act till further orders according +to instructions or orders from General McClellan. + +6. [Let] General Fremont push forward his organization and operations in +the West as rapidly as possible, giving rather special attention to +Missouri. + +7. Let the forces late before Manassas, except the three-months men, be +reorganized as rapidly as possible in their camps here and about +Arlington. + +8. Let the three-months forces who decline to enter the longer service be +discharged as rapidly as circumstances will permit. + +9. Let the new volunteer forces be brought forward as fast as possible, +and especially into the camps on the two sides of the river here. + +When the foregoing shall be substantially attended to: + +1. Let Manassas Junction (or some point on one or other of the railroads +near it) and Strasburg be seized, and permanently held, with an open line +from Washington to Manassas, and an open line from Harper's Ferry to +Strasburg the military men to find the way of doing these. + +2. This done, a joint movement from Cairo on Memphis; and from Cincinnati +on East Tennessee. + + + + +TO THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., July 24, 1861 + +THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + +SIR:--Together with the regiments of three years' volunteers which the +government already has in service in your State, enough to make eight in +all, if tendered in a reasonable time, will be accepted, the new +regiments to be taken, as far as convenient, from the three months' men +and officers just discharged, and to be organized, equipped, and sent +forward as fast as single regiments are ready, On the same terms as were +those already in the service from that State. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Indorsement.] + +This order is entered in the War Department, and the Governor of New +Jersey is authorized to furnish the regiments with wagons and horses. + +S. CAMERON, Secretary of War. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 22d +instant; requesting a copy of the correspondence between this, government +and foreign powers with reference to maritime right, I transmit a report +from the Secretary of State. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 15th +instant, requesting a copy of the correspondence between this government +and foreign powers on the subject of the existing insurrection in the +United States, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State. + +WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CHASE. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 16, 1861 + +MR CHASE:--The bearer, Mr.____, wants ______ in the custom house at +Baltimore. If his recommendations are satisfactory, and I recollect them +to have been so, the fact that he is urged by the Methodists should be in +his favor, as they complain of us some. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 24th +instant, asking the grounds, reasons, and evidence upon which the police +Commissioners of Baltimore were arrested and are now detained as +prisoners at Port McHenry, I have to state that it is judged to be +incompatible with the public interest at this time to furnish the +information called for by the resolution. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, JULY 27, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 19th instant requesting +information concerning the quasi armistice alluded to in my message of +the 4th instant, I transmit a report from the Secretary of the Navy. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +JULY 30, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 23d instant requesting +information concerning the imprisonment of Lieutenant John J. Worden +(John L. Worden) of the United States navy, I transmit a report from the +Secretary of the Navy. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +July 30, 1861 + + + + +ORDER TO UNITED STATES MARSHALS. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C., JULY 31, 1861 + +The Marshals of the United States in the vicinity of forts where +political prisoners are held will supply decent lodging and sustenance +for such prisoners unless they shall prefer to provide in those respects +for themselves, in which case they will be allowed to do so by the +commanding officer in charge. + +Approved, and the Secretary of the State will transmit the order to the +Marshals, to the Lieutenant-General, and the Secretary of the Interior. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of yesterday, +requesting information regarding the imprisonment of loyal citizens of +the United States by the forces now in rebellion against this government, +I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and the copy of a +telegraphic despatch by which it was accompanied. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, August 2, 1861. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of your honorable body of date July 31, 1861, +requesting the President to inform the Senate whether the Hon. James H. +Lane, a member of that body from Kansas, has been appointed a +brigadier-general in the army of the United States, and if so, whether he +has accepted such appointment, I have the honor to transmit herewith +certain papers, numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, which, taken together, +explain themselves, and which contain all the information I possess upon +the questions propounded. + +It was my intention, as shown by my letter of June 20, 1861, to appoint +Hon. James H. Lane, of Kansas, a brigadier-general of United States +volunteers in anticipation of the act of Congress, since passed, for +raising such volunteers; and I have no further knowledge upon the +subject, except as derived from the papers herewith enclosed. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 5, 1861 + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, AUGUST 7, 1861 +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR + +MY DEAR SIR:--The within paper, as you see, is by HON. John S. Phelps and +HON. Frank P. Blair, Jr., both members of the present Congress from +Missouri. The object is to get up an efficient force of Missourians in +the southwestern part of the State. It ought to be done, and Mr. Phelps +ought to have general superintendence of it. I see by a private report to +me from the department that eighteen regiments are already accepted from +Missouri. Can it not be arranged that part of them (not yet organized, as +I understand) may be taken from the locality mentioned and put under the +control of Mr. Phelps, and let him have discretion to accept them for a +shorter term than three years--or the war--understanding, however, that +he will get them for the full term if he can? I hope this can be done, +because Mr. Phelps is too zealous and efficient and understands his +ground too well for us to lose his service. Of course provision for +arming, equipping, etc., must be made. Mr. Phelps is here, and wishes to +carry home with him authority for this matter. + +Yours truly, A. LINCOLN + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF A NATIONAL FAST-DAY, +AUGUST 12, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas a joint committee of both houses of Congress has waited on the +President of the United States and requested him to "recommend a day of +public humiliation, prayer, and fasting to be observed by the people of +the United States with religious solemnities and the offering of fervent +supplications to Almighty God for the safety and welfare of these States, +His blessings on their arms, and a speedy restoration of peace"; and + +Whereas it is fit and becoming in all people at all times to acknowledge +and revere the supreme government of God, to bow in humble submission to +His chastisements, to confess and deplore their sins and transgressions +in the full conviction that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of +wisdom, and to pray with all fervency and contrition for the pardon of +their past offences and for a blessing upon their present and prospective +action; and + +Whereas when our own beloved country, once, by the blessing of God, +united, prosperous, and happy, is now afflicted with faction and civil +war, it is peculiarly fit for us to recognize the hand of God in this +terrible visitation, and in sorrowful remembrance of our own faults and +crimes as a nation and as individuals to humble ourselves before Him and +to pray for His mercy-to pray that we may be spared further punishment, +though most justly deserved, that our arms may be blessed and made +effectual for the re-establishment of order, law, and peace throughout +the wide extent of our country, and that the inestimable boon of civil +and religious liberty, earned under His guidance and blessing by the +labors and sufferings of our fathers, may be restored in all its original +excellence. + +Therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do appoint +the last Thursday in September next as a day of humiliation, prayer, and +fasting for all the people of the nation. And I do earnestly recommend to +all the people, and especially to all ministers and teachers of religion +of all denominations and to all heads of families, to observe and keep +that day according to their several creeds and modes of worship in all +humility and with all religious solemnity, to the end that the united +prayer of the nation may ascend to the Throne of Grace and bring down +plentiful blessings upon our country. + + In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand + and caused the seal of the United States to +[SEAL.] be affixed, this twelfth day of August, A. D. + 1861, and of the independence of the United + States of America the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO JAMES POLLOCK. + +WASHINGTON, AUGUST 15, 1861 + +HON. JAMES POLLOCK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--You must make a job for the bearer of this--make a job of +it with the collector and have it done. You can do it for me and you +must. + +Yours as ever, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 15, 1861 + +GOVERNOR MORTON, Indiana: Start your four regiments to St. Louis at the +earliest moment possible. Get such harness as may be necessary for your +rifled gums. Do not delay a single regiment, but hasten everything +forward as soon as any one regiment is ready. Have your three additional +regiments organized at once. We shall endeavor to send you the arms this +week. + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FREMONT, + +WASHINGTON, August 15, 1861 + +TO MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + +Been answering your messages since day before yesterday. Do you receive +the answers? The War Department has notified all the governors you +designate to forward all available force. So telegraphed you. Have you +received these messages? Answer immediately. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION FORBIDDING INTERCOURSE WITH +REBEL STATES, AUGUST 16, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas on the fifteenth day of April, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, +the President of the United States, in view of an insurrection against +the laws, Constitution, and government of the United States which had +broken out within the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, +Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and in pursuance of the +provisions of the act entitled "An act to provide for calling forth the +militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and +repel invasions, and to repeal the act now in force for that purpose," +approved February twenty-eighth, seventeen hundred and ninety-five, did +call forth the militia to suppress said insurrection, and to cause the +laws of the Union to be duly executed, and the insurgents have failed to +disperse by the time directed by the President; and whereas such +insurrection has since broken out and yet exists within the States of +Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas; and whereas the +insurgents in all the said States claim to act under the authority +thereof, and such claim is not disclaimed or repudiated by the persons +exercising the functions of government in such State or States, or in the +part or parts thereof in which such combinations exist, nor has such +insurrection been suppressed by said States: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in +pursuance of an act of Congress approved July thirteen, eighteen hundred +and sixty-one, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the said States +of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, +Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Florida (except the +inhabitants of that part of the State of Virginia lying west of the +Allegheny Mountains, and of such other parts of that State, and the other +States hereinbefore named, as may maintain a loyal adhesion to the Union +and the Constitution, or may be time to time occupied and controlled by +forces of the United States engaged in the dispersion of said +insurgents), are in a state of insurrection against the United States, +and that all commercial intercourse between the same and the inhabitants +thereof, with the exceptions aforesaid, and the citizens of other States +and other parts of the United States, is unlawful, and will remain +unlawful until such insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed; that +all goods and chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of said +States, with the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United +States, without the special license and permission of the President, +through the Secretary of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said +States, with the exceptions aforesaid, by land or water, together with +the vessel or vehicle conveying the same, or conveying persons to or from +said States, with said exceptions, will be forfeited to the United +States; and that from and after fifteen days from the issuing of this +proclamation all ships and vessels belonging in whole or in part to any +citizen or inhabitant of any of said States, with said exceptions, found +at sea, or in any port of the United States, will be forfeited to the +United States; and I hereby enjoin upon all district attorneys, marshals, +and officers of the revenue and of the military and naval forces of the +United States to be vigilant in the execution of said act, and in the +enforcement of the penalties and forfeitures imposed or declared by it; +leaving any party who may think himself aggrieved thereby to his +application to the Secretary of the Treasury for the remission of any +penalty or forfeiture, which the said Secretary is authorized by law to +grant if, in his judgment, the special circumstances of any case shall +require such remission. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand,................... + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of Sate. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 17, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Unless there be reason to the contrary, not known to me, +make out a commission for Simon B. Buckner, of Kentucky, as a +brigadier-general of volunteers. It is to be put into the hands of +General Anderson, and delivered to General Buckner or not, at the +discretion of General Anderson. Of course it is to remain a secret unless +and until the commission is delivered. + +Yours truly, A. LINCOLN + +Same day made. + +[Indorsement.] + + + + +TO GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN, + +WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 24, 1861 + +To HIS EXCELLENCY B. MAGOFFIN, Governor of the State of Kentucky. + +SIR:--Your letter of the 19th instant, in which you urge the "removal +from the limits of Kentucky of the military force now organized and in +camp within that State," is received. + +I may not possess full and precisely accurate knowledge upon this +subject; but I believe it is true that there is a military force in camp +within Kentucky, acting by authority of the United States, which force is +not very large, and is not now being augmented. + +I also believe that some arms have been furnished to this force by the +United States. + +I also believe this force consists exclusively of Kentuckians, having +their camp in the immediate vicinity of their own homes, and not +assailing or menacing any of the good people of Kentucky. + +In all I have done in the premises I have acted upon the urgent +solicitation of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with what I believed, +and still believe, to be the wish of a majority of all the Union-loving +people of Kentucky. + +While I have conversed on this subject with many eminent men of Kentucky, +including a large majority of her members of Congress, I do not remember +that any one of them, or any other person, except your Excellency and the +bearers of your Excellency's letter, has urged me to remove the military +force from Kentucky or to disband it. One other very worthy citizen of +Kentucky did solicit me to have the augmenting of the force suspended for +a time. + +Taking all the means within my reach to form a judgment, I do not believe +it is the popular wish of Kentucky that this force shall be removed +beyond her limits; and, with this impression, I must respectfully decline +to so remove it. + +I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in the wish to preserve +the peace of my own native State, Kentucky. It is with regret I search, +and cannot find, in your not very short letter, any declaration or +intimation that you entertain any desire for the preservation of the +Federal Union. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 2, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Two points in your proclamation of August 30 give me some +anxiety. + +First. Should you shoot a man, according to the proclamation, the +Confederates would very certainly shoot our best men in their hands in +retaliation; and so, man for man, indefinitely. It is, therefore, my +order that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation without +first having my approbation or consent. + +Second. I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in +relation to the confiscation of property and the liberating slaves of +traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends and turn them +against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky. Allow me, +therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion, modify that +paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth sections of the act of +Congress entitled "An act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary +purposes," approved August 6, 1861, and a copy of which act I herewith +send you. + +This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure. I send +it by special messenger, in order that it may certainly and speedily +reach you. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNORS WASHBURN OF MAINE, FAIRBANKS OF VERMONT, BERRY +OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, ANDREW OF MASSACHUSETTS, BUCKINGHAM OF CONNECTICUT, AND +SPRAGUE OF RHODE ISLAND. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, September 11, 1861. + +General Butler proposes raising in New England six regiments, to be +recruited and commanded by himself, and to go on special service. + +I shall be glad if you, as governor of ______, will answer by telegraph +if you consent. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 11, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN C. FREMONT. + +SIR:-Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just +received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the +necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing +your proclamation of August 30 I perceived no general objection to it. +The particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of +property and the liberation of slaves appeared to me to be objectionable +in its nonconformity to the act of Congress passed the 6th of last August +upon the same subjects; and hence I wrote you, expressing my wish that +that clause should be modified accordingly. Your answer, just received, +expresses the preference on your part that I should make an open order +for the modification, which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered +that the said clause of said proclamation be so modified, held, and +construed as to conform to, and not to transcend, the provisions on the +same subject contained in the act of Congress entitled "An act to +confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August +6, 1861, and that said act be published at length with this order. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO MRS. FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., September 12, 1861 + +Mrs. GENERAL FREMONT. + +MY DEAR MADAM:--Your two notes of to-day are before me. I answered the +letter you bore me from General Fremont on yesterday, and not hearing +from you during the day, I sent the answer to him by mail. It is not +exactly correct, as you say you were told by the elder Mr. Blair, to say +that I sent Postmaster-General Blair to St. Louis to examine into that +department and report. Postmaster-General Blair did go, with my +approbation, to see and converse with General Fremont as a friend. I do +not feel authorized to furnish you with copies of letters in my +possession without the consent of the writers. No impression has been +made on my mind against the honor or integrity of General Fremont, and I +now enter my protest against being understood as acting in any hostility +toward him. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOSEPH HOLT, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + +HON. JOSEPH HOLT. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of this day in relation to the late proclamation of +General Fremont is received yesterday I addressed a letter to him, by +mail, on the same subject, and which is to be made public when he +receives it. I herewith send you a copy of that letter, which perhaps +shows my position as distinctly as any new one I could write. I will +thank you not to make it public until General Fremont shall have had time +to receive the original. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL SCOTT + +WASHINGTON, D.C., September 16, 1861. + +DEAR SIR:--Since conversing with you I have concluded to request you to +frame an order for recruiting North Carolinians at Fort Hatteras. I +suggest it to be so framed as for us to accept a smaller force--even a +company--if we cannot get a regiment or more. What is necessary to now +say about officers you will judge. Governor Seward says he has a nephew +(Clarence A. Seward, I believe) who would be willing to go and play +colonel and assist in raising the force. Still it is to be considered +whether the North Carolinians will not prefer officers of their own. I +should expect they would. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 18, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. MY DEAR SIR:--To guard against misunderstanding, I +think fit to say that the joint expedition of the army and navy agreed +upon some time since, and in which General T. W. Sherman was and is to +bear a conspicuous part, is in no wise to be abandoned, but must be ready +to move by the 1st of, or very early in, October. Let all preparations +go forward accordingly. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT, + +WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + +Governor Morton telegraphs as follows: "Colonel Lane, just arrived by +special train, represents Owensborough, forty miles above Evansville, in +possession of secessionists. Green River is navigable. Owensborough must +be seized. We want a gunboat sent up from Paducah for that purpose." Send +up the gunboat if, in your discretion, you think it right. Perhaps you +had better order those in charge of the Ohio River to guard it vigilantly +at all points. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +To O. H. BROWNING. + +(Private and Confidential) + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON SEPTEMBER 22, 1861 + +HON. O. H. BROWNING. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 17th is just received; and coming from you, I +confess it astonishes me. That you should object to my adhering to a law +which you had assisted in making and presenting to me less than a month +before is odd enough. But this is a very small part. General Fremont's +proclamation as to confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves +is purely political and not within the range of military law or +necessity. If a commanding general finds a necessity to seize the farm of +a private owner for a pasture, an encampment, or a fortification, he has +the right to do so, and to so hold it as long as the necessity lasts; and +this is within military law, because within military necessity. But to +say the farm shall no longer belong to the owner, or his heirs forever, +and this as well when the farm is not needed for military purposes as +when it is, is purely political, without the savor of military law about +it. And the same is true of slaves. If the general needs them, he can +seize them and use them; but when the need is past, it is not for him to +fix their permanent future condition. That must be settled according to +laws made by law-makers, and not by military proclamations. The +proclamation in the point in question is simply "dictatorship." It +assumes that the general may do anything he pleases confiscate the lands +and free the slaves of loyal people, as well as of disloyal ones. And +going the whole figure, I have no doubt, would be more popular with some +thoughtless people than that which has been done, But I cannot assume +this reckless position, nor allow others to assume it on my +responsibility. + +You speak of it as being the only means of saving the government. On the +contrary, it is itself the surrender of the government. Can it be +pretended that it is any longer the Government of the United States--any +government of constitution and laws wherein a general or a president may +make permanent rules of property by proclamation? I do not say Congress +might not with propriety pass a law on the point, just such as General +Fremont proclaimed. + +I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote for it. What I +object to is, that I, as President, shall expressly or impliedly seize +and exercise the permanent legislative functions of the government. + +So much as to principle. Now as to policy. No doubt the thing was popular +in some quarters, and would have been more so if it had been a general +declaration of emancipation. The Kentucky Legislature would not budge +till that proclamation was modified; and General Anderson telegraphed me +that on the news of General Fremont having actually issued deeds of +manumission, a whole company of our volunteers threw down their arms and +disbanded. I was so assured as to think it probable that the very arms we +had furnished Kentucky would be turned against us. I think to lose +Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game. Kentucky gone, we +cannot hold Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all against us, +and the job on our hands is too large for us. We would as well consent to +separation at once, including the surrender of this Capital. On the +contrary, if you will give up your restlessness for new positions, and +back me manfully on the grounds upon which you and other kind friends +gave me the election and have approved in my public documents, we shall +go through triumphantly. You must not understand I took my course on the +proclamation because of Kentucky. I took the same ground in a private +letter to General Fremont before I heard from Kentucky. + +You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid General Fremont +to shoot men under the proclamation. I understand that part to be within +military law, but I also think, and so privately wrote General Fremont, +that it is impolitic in this, that our adversaries have the power, and +will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many of our men as we shoot of +theirs. I did not say this in the public letter, because it is a subject +I prefer not to discuss in the hearing of our enemies. + +There has been no thought of removing General Fremont on any ground +connected with his proclamation, and if there has been any wish for his +removal on any ground, our mutual friend Sam. Glover can probably tell +you what it was. I hope no real necessity for it exists on any ground. + +Your friend, as ever, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MEMORANDUM FOR A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN +[OCTOBER 1?] 1861 + +On or about the 5th of October (the exact date to be determined +hereafter) I wish a movement made to seize and hold a point on the +railroad connecting Virginia and Tennessee near the mountain-pass called +Cumberland Gap. That point is now guarded against us by Zollicoffer, with +6000 or 8000 rebels at Barboursville Ky.,--say twenty-five miles from the +Gap, toward Lexington. We have a force of 5000 or 6000 under General +Thomas, at Camp Dick Robinson, about twenty-five miles from Lexington and +seventy-five from Zollicoffer's camp, On the road between the two. There +is not a railroad anywhere between Lexington and the point to be seized, +and along the whole length of which the Union sentiment among the people +largely predominates. We have military possession of the railroad from +Cincinnati to Lexington, and from Louisville to Lexington, and some home +guards, under General Crittenden, are on the latter line. We have +possession of the railroad from Louisville to Nashville, Tenn., so far as +Muldraugh's Hill, about forty miles, and the rebels have possession of +that road all south of there. At the Hill we have a force of 8000, under +General Sherman, and about an equal force of rebels is a very short +distance south, under General Buckner. + +We have a large force at Paducah, and a smaller at Port Holt, both on the +Kentucky side, with some at Bird's Point, Cairo, Mound City, Evansville, +and New Albany, all on the other side, and all which, with the gunboats +on the river, are perhaps sufficient to guard the Ohio from Louisville to +its mouth. + +About supplies of troops, my general idea is that all from Wisconsin, +Minnesota, Iowa, Illinois, Missouri, and Kansas, not now elsewhere, be +left to Fremont. All from Indiana and Michigan, not now elsewhere, be +sent to Anderson at Louisville. All from Ohio needed in western Virginia +be sent there, and any remainder be sent to Mitchell at Cincinnati, for +Anderson. All east of the mountains be appropriated to McClellan and to +the coast. + +As to movements, my idea is that the one for the coast and that on +Cumberland Gap be simultaneous, and that in the meantime preparation, +vigilant watching, and the defensive only be acted upon; this, however, +not to apply to Fremont's operations in northern and middle Missouri. +That before these movements Thomas and Sherman shall respectively watch +but not attack Zollicoffer and Buckner. That when the coast and Gap +movements shall be ready Sherman is merely to stand fast, while all at +Cincinnati and all at Louisville, with all on the line, concentrate +rapidly at Lexington, and thence to Thomas's camp, joining him, and the +whole thence upon the Gap. It is for the military men to decide whether +they can find a pass through the mountains at or near the Gap which +cannot be defended by the enemy with a greatly inferior force, and what +is to be done in regard to this. + +The coast and Gap movements made, Generals McClellan and Fremont, in +their respective departments, will avail themselves of any advantages the +diversions may present. + +[He was entirely unable to get this started, Sherman would have taken an +active part if given him, the others were too busy getting lines of +communication guarded--and discovering many "critical" supply items that +had not been sent them. Also the commanding general did not like it. +D.W.] + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 4, 1861 + +HONORABLE SECRETARY OF STATE. + +DEAR SIR:--Please see Mr. Walker, well vouched as a Union man and +son-in-law of Governor Morehead, and pleading for his release. I +understand the Kentucky arrests were not made by special direction from +here, and I am willing if you are that any of the parties may be released +when James Guthrie and James Speed think they should be. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE VICEROY OF EGYPT. + +WASHINGTON, October 11, 1861. + +GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND:--I have received from Mr. Thayer, Consul-General +of the United States at Alexandria, a full account of the liberal, +enlightened, and energetic proceedings which, on his complaint, you have +adopted in bringing to speedy and condign punishment the parties, +subjects of your Highness in Upper Egypt, who were concerned in an act of +criminal persecution against Faris, an agent of certain Christian +missionaries in Upper Egypt. I pray your Highness to be assured that +these proceedings, at once so prompt and so just, will be regarded as a +new and unmistakable proof equally of your Highness's friendship for the +United States and of the firmness, integrity and wisdom, with which the +government of your Highness is conducted. Wishing you great prosperity +and success, I am your friend, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +HIS HIGHNESS MOHAMMED SAID PACHA, Viceroy of Egypt and its Dependencies, +etc. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OF +HABEAS CORPUS. + +October 14 1861 + +LIEUTENANT-GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT: + +The military line of the United States for the suppression of the +insurrection may be extended so far as Bangor, in Maine. You and any +officer acting under your authority are hereby authorized to suspend the +writ of habeas corpus in any place between that place and the city of +Washington. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY OF INTERIOR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 14, 1861 + +HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + +DEAR SIR:--How is this? I supposed I was appointing for register of wills +a citizen of this District. Now the commission comes to me "Moses Kelly, +of New Hampshire." I do not like this. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TWO SONS WHO WANT TO WORK + +TO MAJOR RAMSEY. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 17, 1861 +MAJOR RAMSEY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The lady bearer of this says she has two sons who want to +work. Set them at it if possible. Wanting to work is so rare a want that +it should be encouraged. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL THOMAS W. SHERMAN. + +WASHINGTON, October 18, 1861. + +GENERAL THOMAS SHERMAN, Annapolis, Md.: + +Your despatch of yesterday received and shown to General McClellan. I +have promised him not to direct his army here without his consent. I do +not think I shall come to Annapolis. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL CURTIS, WITH INCLOSURES. + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is a document--half letter, half order--which, +wishing you to see, but not to make public, I send unsealed. Please read +it and then inclose it to the officer who may be in command of the +Department of the West at the time it reaches him. I cannot now know +whether Fremont or Hunter will then be in command. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + +DEAR SIR:--On receipt of this, with the accompanying inclosures, you will +take safe, certain, and suitable measures to have the inclosure addressed +to Major-General Fremont delivered to him with all reasonable despatch, +subject to these conditions only: that if, when General Fremont shall be +reached by the messenger--yourself or any one sent by you--he shall then +have, in personal command, fought and won a battle, or shall then be +actually in a battle, or shall then be in the immediate presence of the +enemy in expectation of a battle, it is not to be delivered, but held for +further orders. After, and not till after, the delivery to General +Fremont, let the inclosure addressed to General Hunter be delivered to +him. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + +(General Orders No. 18.) HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +Major-General Fremont, of the United States Army, the present commander +of the Western Department of the same, will, on the receipt of this +order, call Major-General Hunter, of the United States Volunteers, to +relieve him temporarily in that command, when he (Major-General Fremont) +will report to general headquarters by letter for further orders. + +WINFIELD SCOTT. By command: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General. + + + + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDER OF THE DEPARTMENT OF THE WEST. + +SIR:--The command of the Department of the West having devolved upon you, +I propose to offer you a few suggestions. Knowing how hazardous it is to +bind down a distant commander in the field to specific lines and +operations, as so much always depends on a knowledge of localities and +passing events, it is intended, therefore, to leave a considerable margin +for the exercise of your judgment and discretion. + +The main rebel army (Price's) west of the Mississippi is believed to have +passed Dade County in full retreat upon northwestern Arkansas, leaving +Missouri almost freed from the enemy, excepting in the southeast of the +State. Assuming this basis of fact, it seems desirable, as you are not +likely to overtake Price, and are in danger of making too long a line +from your own base of supplies and reinforcements, that you should give +up the pursuit, halt your main army, divide it into two corps of +observation, one occupying Sedalia and the other Rolla, the present +termini of railroads; then recruit the condition of both corps by +re-establishing and improving their discipline and instructions, +perfecting their clothing and equipments, and providing less +uncomfortable quarters. Of course, both railroads must be guarded and +kept open, judiciously employing just so much force as is necessary for +this. From these two points, Sedalia and Rolla, and especially in +judicious cooperation with Lane on the Kansas border, it would be so easy +to concentrate and repel any army of the enemy returning on Missouri from +the southwest, that it is not probable any such attempt will be made +before or during the approaching cold weather. Before spring the people +of Missouri will probably be in no favorable mood to renew for next year +the troubles which have so much afflicted and impoverished them during +this. If you adopt this line of policy, and if, as I anticipate, you will +see no enemy in great force approaching, you will have a surplus of force +which you can withdraw from these points and direct to others as may be +needed, the railroads furnishing ready means of reinforcing these main +points if occasion requires. Doubtless local uprisings will for a time +continue to occur, but these can be met by detachments and local forces +of our own, and will ere long tire out of themselves. + +While, as stated in the beginning of the letter, a large discretion must +be and is left with yourself, I feel sure that an indefinite pursuit of +Price or an attempt by this long and circuitous route to reach Memphis +will be exhaustive beyond endurance, and will end in the loss of the +whole force engaged in it. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER RETIRING GENERAL SCOTT AND APPOINTING + +GENERAL McCLELLAN HIS SUCCESSOR. (General Orders, No.94.) + +WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE + +WASHINGTON, November 1, 1861 + +The following order from the President of the United States, announcing +the retirement from active command of the honored veteran Lieutenant +general Winfield Scott, will be read by the army with profound regret: + + + + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. + +November 1, 1861 + +On the 1st day of November, A.D. 1861, upon his own application to the +President of the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott +is ordered to be placed, and hereby is placed, upon the list of retired +officers of the army of the United States, without reduction in his +current pay, subsistence, or allowances. + +The American people will hear with sadness and deep emotion that General +Scott has withdrawn from the active control of the army, while the +President and a unanimous Cabinet express their own and the nation's +sympathy in his personal affliction and their profound sense of the +important public services rendered by him to his country during his long +and brilliant career, among which will ever be gratefully distinguished +his faithful devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the flag when +assailed by parricidal rebellion. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + + +The President is pleased to direct that Major general George B. McClellan +assume the command of the army of the United States. The headquarters of +the army will be established in the city of Washington. All +communications intended for the commanding general will hereafter be +addressed direct to the adjutant-general. The duplicate returns, orders, +and other papers heretofore sent to the assistant adjutant-general, +headquarters of the army, will be discontinued. + +By order of the Secretary of War: +L. THOMAS, Adjutant General. + + + + +ORDER APPROVING THE PLAN OF GOVERNOR GAMBLE +OF MISSOURI. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +November 5, 1861. + +The Governor of the State of Missouri, acting under the direction of the +convention of that State, proposes to the Government of the United States +that he will raise a military force to serve within the State as State +militia during the war there, to cooperate with the troops in the service +of the United States in repelling the invasion of the State and +suppressing rebellion therein; the said State militia to be embodied and +to be held in the camp and in the field, drilled, disciplined, and +governed according to the Army Regulations and subject to the Articles of +War; the said State militia not to be ordered out of the State except for +the immediate defense of the State of Missouri, but to co-operate with +the troops in the service of the United States in military operations +within the State or necessary to its defense, and when officers of the +State militia act with officers in the service of the United States of +the same grade the officers of the United States service shall command +the combined force; the State militia to be armed, equipped, clothed, +subsisted, transported, and paid by the United States during such time as +they shall be actually engaged as an embodied military force in service +in accordance with regulations of the United States Army or general +orders as issued from time to time. + +In order that the Treasury of the United States may not be burdened with +the pay of unnecessary officers, the governor proposes that, although the +State law requires him to appoint upon the general staff an +adjutant-general, a commissary-general, an inspector-general, a +quartermaster-general, a paymaster-general, and a surgeon-general, each +with the rank of colonel of cavalry, yet he proposes that the Government +of the United States pay only the adjutant-general, the +quartermaster-general, and inspector-general, their services being +necessary in the relations which would exist between the State militia +and the United States. The governor further proposes that while he is +allowed by the State law to appoint aides-de-camp to the governor at his +discretion, with the rank of colonel, three only shall be reported to the +United States for payment. He also proposes that the State militia shall +be commanded by a single major-general and by such number of +brigadier-generals as shall allow one for a brigade of not less than four +regiments, and that no greater number of staff officers shall be +appointed for regimental, brigade, and division duties than as provided +for in the act of Congress of the 22d July, 1861; and that, whatever be +the rank of such officers as fixed by the law of the State, the +compensation that they shall receive from the United States shall only be +that which belongs to the rank given by said act of Congress to officers +in the United States service performing the same duties. + +The field officers of a regiment in the State militia are one colonel, +one lieutenant-colonel, and one major, and the company officers are a +captain, a first lieutenant, and a second lieutenant. The governor +proposes that, as the money to be disbursed is the money of the United +States, such staff officers in the service of the United States as may be +necessary to act as disbursing officers for the State militia shall be +assigned by the War Department for that duty; or, if such cannot be +spared from their present duty, he will appoint such persons disbursing +officers for the State militia as the President of the United States may +designate. Such regulations as may be required, in the judgment of the +President, to insure regularity of returns and to protect the United +States from any fraudulent practices shall be observed and obeyed by all +in office in the State militia. + +The above propositions are accepted on the part of the United States, and +the Secretary of War is directed to make the necessary orders upon the +Ordnance, Quartermaster's, Commissary, Pay, and Medical departments to +carry this agreement into effect. He will cause the necessary staff +officers in the United States service to be detailed for duty in +connection with the Missouri State militia, and will order them to make +the necessary provision in their respective offices for fulfilling this +agreement. All requisitions upon the different officers of the United +States under this agreement to be made in substance in the same mode for +the Missouri State militia as similar requisitions are made for troops in +the service of the United States; and the Secretary of War will cause any +additional regulations that may be necessary to insure regularity and +economy in carrying this agreement into effect to be adopted and +communicated to the Governor of Missouri for the government of the +Missouri State militia. + +[Indorsement.] + +November 6, 1861. + +This plan approved, with the modification that the governor stipulates +that when he commissions a major-general of militia it shall be the same +person at the time in command of the United States Department of the +West; and in case the United States shall change such commander of the +department, he (the governor) will revoke the State commission given to +the person relieved and give one to the person substituted to the United +States command of said department. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MINISTER FROM SWEDEN. + +November 8, 1861. + +SIR:--I receive with great pleasure a Minister from Sweden. That pleasure +is enhanced by the information which preceded your arrival here, that his +Majesty, your sovereign, had selected you to fill the mission upon the +grounds of your derivation from an ancestral stock identified with the +most glorious era of your country's noble history, and your own eminent +social and political standing in Sweden. This country, sir, maintains, +and means to maintain, the rights of human nature, and the capacity of +men for self-government. The history of Sweden proves that this is the +faith of the people of Sweden, and we know that it is the faith and +practice of their respected sovereign. Rest assured, therefore, that we +shall be found always just and paternal in our transactions with your +government, and that nothing will be omitted on my part to make your +residence in this capital agreeable to yourself and satisfactory to your +government. + + + + +INDORSEMENT AUTHORIZING MARTIAL LAW IN SAINT LOUIS. + +St. Louis, November 20, 1861. (Received Nov. 20th.) + +GENERAL McCLELLAN, + +For the President of the United States. + +No written authority is found here to declare and enforce martial law in +this department. Please send me such written authority and telegraph me +that it has been sent by mail. + +H. W. HALLECK, Major-General. + +[Indorsement.] November 21, 1861. + +If General McClellan and General Halleck deem it necessary to declare and +maintain martial law in Saint Louis, the same is hereby authorized. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +OFFER TO COOPERATE AND GIVE SPECIAL LINE OF INFORMATION +TO HORACE GREELEY + +TO GOVERNOR WALKER. + +WASHINGTON, November 21, 1861 + +DEAR GOVERNOR:--I have thought over the interview which Mr. Gilmore has +had with Mr. Greeley, and the proposal that Greeley has made to Gilmore, +namely, that he [Gilmore] shall communicate to him [Greeley] all that he +learns from you of the inner workings of the administration, in return +for his [Greeley's] giving such aid as he can to the new magazine, and +allowing you [Walker] from time to time the use of his [Greeley's] +columns when it is desirable to feel of, or forestall, public opinion on +important subjects. The arrangement meets my unqualified approval, and I +shall further it to the extent of my ability, by opening to you--as I do +now--fully the policy of the Government,--its present views and future +intentions when formed, giving you permission to communicate them to +Gilmore for Greeley; and in case you go to Europe I will give these +things direct to Gilmore. But all this must be on the express and +explicit understanding that the fact of these communications coming from +me shall be absolutely confidential,--not to be disclosed by Greeley to +his nearest friend, or any of his subordinates. He will be, in effect, my +mouthpiece, but I must not be known to be the speaker. + +I need not tell you that I have the highest confidence in Mr. Greeley. He +is a great power. Having him firmly behind me will be as helpful to me as +an army of one hundred thousand men. + +This was to be most severely regretted, when Greeley became a traitor to +the cause, editorialized for compromise and separation--and promoted +McClellan as Democratic candidate for the Presidency. + +That he has ever kicked the traces has been owing to his not being fully +informed. Tell Gilmore to say to him that, if he ever objects to my +policy, I shall be glad to have him state to me his views frankly and +fully. I shall adopt his if I can. If I cannot, I will at least tell him +why. He and I should stand together, and let no minor differences come +between us; for we both seek one end, which is the saving of our country. +Now, Governor, this is a longer letter than I have written in a +month,--longer than I would have written for any other man than Horace +Greeley. + +Your friend, truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +P. S.--The sooner Gilmore sees Greeley the better, as you may before long +think it wise to ventilate our policy on the Trent affair. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL HALLECK TO SUSPEND +THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, + +DECEMBER 2, 1861. + +MAJOR-GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, Commanding in the Department of Missouri. + +GENERAL:--As an insurrection exists in the United States, and is in arms +in the State of Missouri, you are hereby authorized and empowered to +suspend the writ of habeas corpus within the limits of the military +division under your command, and to exercise martial law as you find it +necessary in your discretion to secure the public safety and the +authority of the United States. + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the +United States to be affixed at Washington, this second day of December, +A.D. 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, December 3, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--In the midst +of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great gratitude to +God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests. + +You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of the +times our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with +profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs. + +A disloyal portion of the American people have during the whole year been +engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation which +endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect abroad, and +one party, if not both, is sure sooner or later to invoke foreign +intervention. + +Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the +counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although measures +adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious +to those adopting them. + +The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of +our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked +abroad have received less patronage and encouragement than they probably +expected. If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have seemed to +assume, that foreign nations in this case, discarding all moral, social, +and treaty obligations, would act solely and selfishly for the most +speedy restoration of commerce, including especially the acquisition of +cotton, those nations appear as yet not to have seen their way to their +object more directly or clearly through the destruction than through the +preservation of the Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign +nations are actuated by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a +sound argument could be made to show them that they can reach their aim +more readily and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion than by giving +encouragement to it. + +The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign +nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the +embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably saw +from the first that it was the Union which made as well our foreign as +our domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that the +effort for disunion produces the existing difficulty, and that one strong +nation promises more durable peace and a more extensive, valuable, and +reliable commerce than can the same nation broken into hostile fragments. + +It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states, +because, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the integrity of +our country and the stability of our government mainly depend not upon +them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the +American people. The correspondence itself, with the usual reservations, +is herewith submitted. + +I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and +liberality toward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation and with +firmness maintaining our own rights and honor. + +Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state, +foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recommend +that adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the public +defenses on every side. While under this general recommendation provision +for defending our seacoast line readily occurs to the mind, I also in the +same connection ask the attention of Congress to our great lakes and +rivers. It is believed that some fortifications and depots of arms and +munitions, with harbor and navigation improvements, all at well-selected +points upon these, would be of great importance to the national defense +and preservation I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War, +expressed in his report, upon the same general subject. + +I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of east Tennessee and +western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky and other +faithful parts of the Union by rail-road. I therefore recommend, as a +military measure, that Congress provide for the construction of such +rail-road as speedily as possible. Kentucky will no doubt co-operate, and +through her Legislature make the most judicious selection of a line. The +northern terminus must connect with some existing railroad, and whether +the route shall be from Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, +or from Lebanon to the Tennessee line, in the direction of Knoxville, or +on some still different line, can easily be determined. Kentucky and the +General Government co-operating, the work can be completed in a very +short time, and when done it will be not only of vast present usefulness +but also a valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost in all the +future. + +Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and having +no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and will be +submitted to the Senate for their consideration. + +Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers to adopt +a desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we have removed all +obstructions from the way of this humane reform except such as are merely +of temporary and accidental occurrence. + +I invite your attention to the correspondence between her Britannic +Majesty's minister accredited to this government and the Secretary of +State relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire in June +last by the United States steamer Massachusetts for a supposed breach of +the blockade. As this detention was occasioned by an obvious +misapprehension of the facts, and as justice requires that we should +commit no belligerent act not founded in strict right as sanctioned by +public law, I recommend that an appropriation be made to satisfy the +reasonable demand of the owners of the vessel for her detention. + +I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor in his annual message to +Congress in December last in regard to the disposition of the surplus +which will probably remain after satisfying the claims of American +citizens against China, pursuant to the awards of the commissioners under +the act of the 3d of March, 1859. If, however, it should not be deemed +advisable to carry that recommendation into effect, I would suggest that +authority be given for investing the principal, or the proceeds of the +surplus referred to, in good securities, with a view to the satisfaction +of such other just claims of our citizens against China as are not +unlikely to arise hereafter in the course of our extensive trade with +that empire. + +By the act of the 5th of August last Congress authorized the President to +instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend themselves against +and to capture pirates. His authority has been exercised in a single +instance only. For the more effectual protection of our extensive and +valuable commerce in the Eastern seas especially, it seems to me that it +would also be advisable to authorize the commanders of sailing vessels to +recapture any prizes which pirates may make of United States vessels and +their cargoes, and the consular courts now established by law in Eastern +countries to adjudicate the cases in the event that this should not be +objected to by the local authorities. + +If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in withholding +our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Haiti and Liberia, +I am unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to inaugurate a novel +policy in regard to them without the approbation of Congress, I submit +for your consideration the expediency of an appropriation for maintaining +a charge d'affaires near each of those new States. It does not admit of +doubt that important commercial advantages might be secured by favorable +treaties with them. + +The operations of the treasury during the period which has elapsed since +your adjournment have been conducted with signal success. The patriotism +of the people has placed at the disposal of the government the large +means demanded by the public exigencies. Much of the national loan has +been taken by citizens of the industrial classes, whose confidence in +their country's faith and zeal for their country's deliverance from +present peril have induced them to contribute to the support of the +government the whole of their limited acquisitions. This fact imposes +peculiar obligations to economy in disbursement and energy in action. + +The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial year +ending on the 30th of June, 1861, was $86,835,900.27, and the +expenditures for the same period, including payments on account of the +public debt, were $84,578,834.47, leaving a balance in the treasury on +the 1st of July of $2,257,065.80. For the first quarter of the financial +year ending on the 30th of September, 1861, the receipts from all +sources, including the balance of the 1st of July, were $102,532,509.27, +and the expenses $98,239733.09, leaving a balance on the 1st of October, +1861, of $4,292,776.18. + +Estimates for the remaining three quarters of the year and for the +financial year 1863, together with his views of ways and means for +meeting the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to Congress +by the Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know that the +expenditures made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the resources +of the loyal people, and to believe that the same patriotism which has +thus far sustained the government will continue to sustain it till peace +and union shall again bless the land. + +I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War for +information respecting the numerical strength of the army and for +recommendations having in view an increase of its efficiency and the +well-being of the various branches of the service intrusted to his care. +It is gratifying to know that the patriotism of the people has proved +equal to the occasion, and that the number of troops tendered greatly +exceeds the force which Congress authorized me to call into the field. + +I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make allusion +to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by our troops and +to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire army. + +The recommendation of the Secretary for an organization of the militia +upon a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to the future +safety of the country, and is commended to the serious attention of +Congress. + +The large addition to the regular army, in connection with the defection +that has so considerably diminished the number of its officers, gives +peculiar importance to his recommendation for increasing the corps of +cadets to the greatest capacity of the Military Academy. + +By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chaplains for +hospitals occupied by volunteers. This subject was brought to my notice, +and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy of which, +properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the persons, and at the +dates respectively named and stated in a schedule, containing also the +form of the letter, marked A, and herewith transmitted. + +These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated at the +times respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored faithfully +therein ever since. I therefore recommend that they be compensated at the +same rate as chaplains in the army. I further suggest that general +provision be made for chaplains to serve at hospitals, as well as with +regiments. + +The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the operations +of that branch of the service, the activity and energy which have +characterized its administration, and the results of measures to increase +its efficiency and power such have been the additions, by construction +and purchase, that it may almost be said a navy has been created and +brought into service since our difficulties commenced. + +Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than ever before +assembled under our flag have been put afloat and performed deeds which +have increased our naval renown. + +I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the Secretary +for a more perfect organization of the navy by introducing additional +grades in the service. + +The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the +suggestions submitted by the department will, it is believed, if adopted, +obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote harmony, and increase the +efficiency of the navy. + +There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court--two by the +decease of Justices Daniel and McLean and one by the resignation of +Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne making nominations to fill these +vacancies for reasons which I will now state. Two of the outgoing judges +resided within the States now overrun by revolt, so that if successors +were appointed in the same localities they could not now serve upon their +circuits; and many of the most competent men there probably would not +take the personal hazard of accepting to serve, even here, upon the +Supreme bench. I have been unwilling to throw all the appointments +north-ward, thus disabling myself from doing justice to the South on the +return of peace; although I may remark that to transfer to the North one +which has heretofore been in the South would not, with reference to +territory and population, be unjust. + +During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean his circuit +grew into an empire-altogether too large for any one judge to give the +courts therein more than a nominal attendance--rising in population from +1,470,018 in 1830 to 6,151,405 in 1860. + +Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present judicial +system. If uniformity was at all intended, the system requires that all +the States shall be accommodated with circuit courts, attended by Supreme +judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Florida, +Texas, California, and Oregon have never had any such courts. Nor can +this well be remedied without a change in the system, because the adding +of judges to the Supreme Court, enough for the accommodation of all parts +of the country with circuit courts, would create a court altogether too +numerous for a judicial body of any sort. And the evil, if it be one, +will increase as new States come into the Union. Circuit courts are +useful or they are not useful. If useful, no State should be denied them; +if not useful, no State should have them. Let them be provided for all or +abolished as to all. + +Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would be an +improvement upon our present system. Let the Supreme Court be of +convenient number in every event; then, first, let the whole country be +divided into circuits of convenient size, the Supreme judges to serve in +a number of them corresponding to their own number, and independent +circuit judges be provided for all the rest; or, secondly, let the +Supreme judges be relieved from circuit duties and circuit judges +provided for all the circuits; or, thirdly, dispense with circuit courts +altogether, leaving the judicial functions wholly to the district courts +and an independent Supreme Court. + +I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the present +condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be able +to find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils which +constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical administration of +them. Since the Organization of the government, Congress has enacted some +5000 acts and joint resolutions, which fill more than 6000 closely +printed pages and are scattered through many volumes. Many of these acts +have been drawn in haste and without sufficient caution, so that their +provisions are often obscure in themselves or in conflict with each +other, or at least so doubtful as to render it very difficult for even +the best-informed persons to ascertain precisely what the statute law +really is. + +It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be made as +plain and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a compass +as may consist with the fullness and precision of the will of the +Legislature and the perspicuity of its language. This well done would, I +think, greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty it is to assist +in the administration of the laws, and would be a lasting benefit to the +people, by placing before them in a more accessible and intelligible form +the laws which so deeply concern their interests and their duties. + +I am informed by some whose opinions I respect that all the acts of +Congress now in force and of a permanent and general nature might be +revised and rewritten so as to be embraced in one volume (or at most two +volumes) of ordinary and convenient size; and I respectfully recommend to +Congress to consider of the subject, and if my suggestion be approved to +devise such plan as to their wisdom shall seem most proper for the +attainment of the end proposed. + +One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is the +entire suppression in many places of all the ordinary means of +administering civil justice by the officers and in the forms of existing +law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the insurgent States; +and as our armies advance upon and take possession of parts of those +States the practical evil becomes more apparent. There are no courts or +officers to whom the citizens of other States may apply for the +enforcement of their lawful claims against citizens of the insurgent +States, and there is a vast amount of debt constituting such claims. Some +have estimated it as high as $200,000,000, due in large part from +insurgents in open rebellion to loyal citizens who are even now making +great sacrifices in the discharge of their patriotic duty to support the +government. + +Under these circumstances I have been urgently solicited to establish, by +military power, courts to administer summary justice in such cases. I +have thus far declined to do it, not because I had any doubt that the end +proposed--the collection of the debts--was just and right in itself, but +because I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of necessity in +the unusual exercise of power. But the powers of Congress, I suppose, are +equal to the anomalous occasion, and therefore I refer the whole matter +to Congress, with the hope that a plan maybe devised for the +administration of justice in all such parts of the insurgent States and +Territories as may be under the control of this government, whether by a +voluntary return to allegiance and order or by the power of our arms; +this, however, not to be a permanent institution, but a temporary +substitute, and to cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be +reestablished in peace. + +It is important that some more convenient means should be provided, if +possible, for the adjustment of claims against the government, especially +in view of their increased number by reason of the war. It is as much the +duty of government to render prompt justice against itself in favor of +citizens as it is to administer the same between private individuals. The +investigation and adjudication of claims in their nature belong to the +judicial department. Besides, it is apparent that the attention of +Congress will be more than usually engaged for some time to come with +great national questions. It was intended by the organization of the +Court of Claims mainly to remove this branch of business from the halls +of Congress; but, while the court has proved to be an effective and +valuable means of investigation, it in great degree fails to effect the +object of its creation for want of power to make its judgments final. + +Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger of the subject, I +commend to your careful consideration whether this power of making +judgments final may not properly be given to the court, reserving the +right of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such other +provisions as experience may have shown to be necessary. + +I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster general, the following +being a summary statement of the condition of the department: + +The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1861, +including the annual permanent appropriation of $700,000 for the +transportation of "free mail matter," was $9,049,296.40, being about 2 +per cent. less than the revenue for 1860. + +The expenditures were $13,606,759.11, showing a decrease of more than 8 +per cent. as compared with those of the previous year and leaving an +excess of expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal year of +$4,557,462.71. + +The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated at an +increase of 4 per cent. on that of 1861, making $8,683,000, to which +should be added the earnings of the department in carrying free matter, +viz., $700,000, making $9,383,000. + +The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,528,000, leaving an +estimated deficiency of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the treasury in +addition to the permanent appropriation. + +The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this +District across the Potomac River at the time of establishing the capital +here was eminently wise, and consequently that the relinquishment of that +portion of it which lies within the State of Virginia was unwise and +dangerous. I submit for your consideration the expediency of regaining +that part of the District and the restoration of the original boundaries +thereof through negotiations with the State of Virginia. + +The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompanying +documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the public +business pertaining to that department. The depressing influences of the +insurrection have been specially felt in the operations of the Patent and +General Land Offices. The cash receipts from the sales of public lands +during the past year have exceeded the expenses of our land system only +about $200,000. The sales have been entirely suspended in the Southern +States, while the interruptions to the business of the country and the +diversion of large numbers of men from labor to military service have +obstructed settlements in the new States and Territories of the +Northwest. + +The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months about +$100,000.00 rendering a large reduction of the force employed necessary +to make it self-sustaining. + +The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by the +insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the +casualties of the existing war, have already been made. There is reason +to believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls and in receipt of +the bounty of the government are in the ranks of the insurgent army or +giving them aid and comfort. The Secretary of the Interior has directed a +suspension of the payment of the pensions of such persons upon proof of +their disloyalty. I recommend that Congress authorize that officer to +cause the names of such persons to be stricken from the pension rolls. + +The relations of the government with the Indian tribes have been greatly +disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the southern superintendency +and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south of Kansas is in the +possession of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. The agents of the +United States appointed since the 4th of March for this superintendency +have been unable to reach their posts, while the most of those who were +in office before that time have espoused the insurrectionary cause, and +assume to exercise the powers of agents by virtue of commissions from the +insurrectionists. It has been stated in the public press that a portion +of those Indians have been organized as a military force and are attached +to the army of the insurgents. Although the government has no official +information upon this subject, letters have been written to the +Commissioner of Indian Affairs by several prominent chiefs giving +assurance of their loyalty to the United States and expressing a wish for +the presence of Federal troops to protect them. It is believed that upon +the repossession of the country by the Federal forces the Indians will +readily cease all hostile demonstrations and resume their former +relations to the government. + +Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not a +department nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in the +government. While it is fortunate that this great interest is so +independent in its nature as not to have demanded and extorted more from +the government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether something +more cannot be given voluntarily with general advantage. + +Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture, commerce, and +manufactures would present a fund of information of great practical value +to the country. While I make no suggestion as to details, I venture the +opinion that an agricultural and statistical bureau might profitably be +organized. + +The execution of the laws for the suppression of the African slave trade +has been confided to the Department of the Interior. It is a subject of +gratulation that the efforts which have been made for the suppression of +this inhuman traffic have been recently attended with unusual success. +Five vessels being fitted out for the slave trade have been seized and +condemned. Two mates of vessels engaged in the trade and one person in +equipping a vessel as a slaver have been convicted and subjected to the +penalty of fine and imprisonment, and one captain, taken with a cargo of +Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted of the highest grade of +offense under our laws, the punishment of which is death. + +The Territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada, created by the last +Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been +inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying when it is +considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of these +new countries when the Federal officers arrived there. + +The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the security +and protection afforded by organized government, will doubtless invite to +them a large immigration when peace shall restore the business of the +country to its accustomed channels. I submit the resolutions of the +Legislature of Colorado, which evidence the patriotic spirit of the +people of the Territory. So far the authority of the United States has +been upheld in all the Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the +future. I commend their interests and defense to the enlightened and +generous care of Congress. + +I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the interests of +the District of Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause of much +suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants, and as they have no +representative in Congress that body should not overlook their just +claims upon the government. + +At your late session a joint resolution was adopted authorizing the +President to take measures for facilitating a proper representation of +the industrial interests of the United States at the exhibition of the +industry of all nations to be holden at London in the year 1862. I regret +to say I have been unable to give personal attention to this subject--a +subject at once so interesting in itself and so extensively and +intimately connected with the material prosperity of the world. Through +the Secretaries of State and of the Interior a plan or system has been +devised and partly matured, and which will be laid before you. + +Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate +property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, the +legal claims of certain persons to the labor and service of certain other +persons have become forfeited, and numbers of the latter thus liberated +are already dependent on the United States, and must be provided for in +some way. Besides this, it is not impossible that some of the States will +pass similar enactments for their own benefit respectively, and by +operation of which persons of the same class will be thrown upon them for +disposal. In such case I recommend that Congress provide for accepting +such persons from such States, according to some mode of valuation, in +lieu, pro tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed on +with such States respectively; that such persons, on such acceptance by +the General Government, be at once deemed free, and that in any event +steps be taken for colonizing both classes (or the one first mentioned if +the other shall not be brought into existence) at some place or places in +a climate congenial to them. It might be well to consider, too, whether +the free colored people already in the United States could not, so far as +individuals may desire, be included in such colonization. + +To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of +territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be expended +in the territorial acquisition. Having practised the acquisition of +territory for nearly sixty years, the question of constitutional power to +do so is no longer an open one with us. The power was questioned at first +by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the purchase of Louisiana, yielded his +scruples on the plea of great expediency. If it be said that the only +legitimate object of acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white +men, this measure effects that object, for emigration of colored men +leaves additional room for white men remaining or coming here. Mr. +Jefferson, however, placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on +political and commercial grounds than on providing room for population. + +On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with the +acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to absolute +necessity--that without which the government itself cannot be +perpetuated? + +The war continues. In considering the policy to be adopted for +suppressing the insurrection I have been anxious and careful that the +inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a violent +and remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have therefore in every case +thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Union prominent as the +primary object of the contest on our part, leaving all questions which +are not of vital military importance to the more deliberate action of the +Legislature. + +In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the blockade of +the ports held by the insurgents, instead of putting in force by +proclamation the law of Congress enacted at the late session for closing +those ports. + +So also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well as the obligations of +law, instead of transcending I have adhered to the act of Congress to +confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new law upon +the same subject shall be proposed, its propriety will be duly +considered. The Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable +means must be employed. We should not be in haste to determine that +radical and extreme measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the +disloyal, are indispensable. + +The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration and the +message to Congress at the late special session were both mainly devoted +to topics domestic controversy out of which the insurrection and +consequent war have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add or subtract to or +from the principles or general purposes stated and expressed in those +documents. + +The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expired at the +assault upon Fort Sumter, and a general review of what has occurred since +may not be unprofitable. What was painfully uncertain then is much better +defined and more distinct now, and the progress of events is plainly in +the right direction. The insurgents confidently claimed a strong support +from north of Mason and Dixon's line, and the friends of the Union were +not free from apprehension on the point. This, however, was soon settled +definitely, and on the right side. South of the line noble little +Delaware led off right from the first. Maryland was made to seem against +the Union. Our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and +railroads torn up within her limits, and we were many days at one time +without the ability to bring a single regiment over her soil to the +capital. Now her bridges and railroads are repaired and open to the +government; she already gives seven regiments to the cause of the Union, +and none to the enemy; and her people, at a regular election, have +sustained the Union by a larger majority and a larger aggregate vote than +they ever before gave to any candidate or any question. Kentucky, too, +for some time in doubt, is now decidedly and, I think, unchangeably +ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri is comparatively quiet, and, I +believe, can, not again be overrun by the insurrectionists. These three +States of Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, neither of which would +promise a single soldier at first, have now an aggregate of not less than +forty thousand in the field for the Union, while of their citizens +certainly not more than a third of that number, and they of doubtful +whereabouts and doubtful existence, are in arms against us. After a +somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter closes on the Union people of +western Virginia, leaving them masters of their own country. + +An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months dominating the +narrow peninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac and +Northampton, and known as Eastern Shore of Virginia, together with some +contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms, and the people +there have renewed their allegiance to and accepted the protection of the +old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist north of the Potomac or +east of the Chesapeake. + +Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points on the +southern coast of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island (near Savannah), and +Ship Island; and we likewise have some general accounts of popular +movements in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and Tennessee. + +These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing +steadily and certainly southward. + +Since your last adjournment Lieutenant-General Scott has retired from the +head of the army. During his long life the nation has not been unmindful +of his merit; yet on calling to mind how faithfully, ably, and +brilliantly he has served the country, from a time far back in our +history, when few of the now living had been born, and thenceforward +continually, I cannot but think we are still his debtors. I submit, +therefore, for your consideration what further mark of recognition is due +to him, and to ourselves as a grateful people. + +With the retirement of General Scott came the Executive duty of +appointing in his stead a general-in-chief of the army. It is a fortunate +circumstance that neither in council nor country was there, so far as I +know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person to be selected. +The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment in favor of General +McClellan for the position, and in this the nation seemed to give a +unanimous concurrence. The designation of General McClellan is therefore +in considerable degree the selection of the country as well as of the +Executive, and hence there is better reason to hope there will be given +him the confidence and cordial support thus by fair implication promised, +and without which he cannot with so full efficiency serve the country. + +It has been said that one bad general is better than two good ones, and +the saying is true if taken to mean no more than that an army is better +directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two superior ones at +variance and cross-purposes with each other. + +And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged can +have none but a common end in view and can differ only as to the choice +of means. In a storm at sea no one on hoard can wish the ship to sink, +and yet not unfrequently all go down together because too many will +direct and no single mind can be allowed to control. + +It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not +exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government--the +rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most +grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the general +tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the abridgment of the +existing right of suffrage and the denial to the people of all right to +participate in the selection of public officers except the legislative +boldly advocated, with labored arguments to prove that large control of +the people in government is the source of all political evil. Monarchy +itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the +people. + +In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit +raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. It +is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made in +favor of popular institutions, but there is one point, with its +connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief +attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if +not above, labor in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor +is available only in connection with capital; that nobody labors unless +somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the use of it induces him to +labor. This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that +capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own +consent, or buy them and drive them to it without their consent. Having +proceeded so far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either +hired laborers or what we call slaves. And further, it is assumed that +whoever is once a hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life. + +Now there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed, nor +is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the +condition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all +inferences from them are groundless. + +Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit +of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. +Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher +consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection +as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always +will be, a relation between labor and capital producing mutual benefits. +The error is in assuming that the whole labor of community exists within +that relation. A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor +themselves, and with their capital hire or buy another few to labor for +them. A large majority belong to neither class--neither work for others +nor have others working for them. In most of the Southern States a +majority of the whole people of all colors are neither slaves nor +masters, while in the Northern a large majority are neither hirers nor +hired. Men, with their families--wives, sons, and daughters,--work for +themselves on their farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking +the whole product to themselves, and asking no favors of capital on the +one hand nor of hired laborers or slaves on the other. It is not +forgotten that a considerable number of persons mingle their own labor +with capital; that is, they labor with their own hands and also buy or +hire others to labor for them; but this is only a mixed and not a +distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by the existence of this +mixed class. + +Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such thing +as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life. Many +independent men everywhere in these States a few years back in their +lives were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world +labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land +for himself, then labors on his own account another while, and at length +hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just and generous and +prosperous system which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and +consequent energy and progress and improvement of condition to all. No +men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from +poverty; none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have not +honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which +they already possess, and which if surrendered will surely be used to +close the door of advancement against such as they and to fix new +disabilities and burdens upon them till all of liberty shall be lost. + +From the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy +years, and we find our population at the end of the period eight times as +great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those other things +which men deem desirable has been even greater. We thus have at one view +what the popular principle, applied to government through the machinery +of the States and the Union, has produced in a given time, and also what +if firmly maintained it promises for the future. There are already among +us those who if the Union be preserved will live to see it contain +200,000,000. The struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-day; it is +for a vast future also. With a reliance on Providence all the more firm +and earnest, let us proceed in the great task which events have devolved +upon us. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, December 20, 1861. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a letter from the secretary of the executive +committee of the commission appointed to represent the interests of those +American citizens who may desire to become exhibitors at the industrial +exhibition to be held in London in 1862, and a memorial of that +commission, with a report of the executive committee thereof and copies +of circulars announcing the decisions of Her Majesty's commissioners in +London, giving directions to be observed in regard to articles intended +for exhibition, and also of circular forms of application, demands for +space, approvals, etc., according to the rules prescribed by the British +commissioners. + +As these papers fully set forth the requirements necessary to enable +those citizens of the United States who may wish to become exhibitors to +avail themselves of the privileges of the exhibition, I commend them to +your early consideration, especially in view of the near approach of the +time when the exhibition will begin. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER OF REPRIMAND TO GENERAL HUNTER + +TO GENERAL HUNTER. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +Dec.31, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 23d is received, and I am constrained to say it +is difficult to answer so ugly a letter in good temper. I am, as you +intimate, losing much of the great confidence I placed in you, not from +any act or omission of yours touching the public service, up to the time +you were sent to Leavenworth, but from the flood of grumbling despatches +and letters I have seen from you since. I knew you were being ordered to +Leavenworth at the time it was done; and I aver that with as tender a +regard for your honor and your sensibilities as I had for my own, it +never occurred to me that you were being "humiliated, insulted, and +disgraced"; nor have I, up to this day, heard an intimation that you have +been wronged, coming from any one but yourself. No one has blamed you for +the retrograde movement from Springfield, nor for the information you +gave General Cameron; and this you could readily understand, if it were +not for your unwarranted assumption that the ordering you to Leavenworth +must necessarily have been done as a punishment for some fault. I thought +then, and think yet, the position assigned to you is as responsible, and +as honorable, as that assigned to Buell--I know that General McClellan +expected more important results from it. My impression is that at the +time you were assigned to the new Western Department, it had not been +determined to replace General Sherman in Kentucky; but of this I am not +certain, because the idea that a command in Kentucky was very desirable, +and one in the farther West undesirable, had never occurred to me. You +constantly speak of being placed in command of only 3000. Now, tell me, +is this not mere impatience? Have you not known all the while that you +are to command four or five times that many. + +I have been, and am sincerely your friend; and if, as such, I dare to +make a suggestion, I would say you are adopting the best possible way to +ruin yourself. "Act well your part, there all the honor lies." He who +does something at the head of one regiment, will eclipse him who does +nothing at the head of a hundred. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HALLECK. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., December 31, 1861 + +GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + +General McClellan is sick. Are General Buell and yourself in concert? +When he moves on Bowling Green, what hinders it being reinforced from +Columbus? A simultaneous movement by you on Columbus might prevent it. + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Similar despatch to Buell same date.] + + + + + + +1862 + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +WASHINGTON CITY, January 1, 1862 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL, Louisville: + +General McClellan should not yet be disturbed with business. I think you +better get in concert with General Halleck at once. I write you to-night. +I also telegraph and write Halleck. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, January 1, 1862 + +DEAR GENERAL HALLECK: + +General McClellan is not dangerously ill, as I hope, but would better not +be disturbed with business. I am very anxious that, in case of General +Buell's moving toward Nashville, the enemy shall not be greatly +reinforced, and I think there is danger he will be from Columbus. It +seems to me that a real or feigned attack upon Columbus from up the river +at the same time would either prevent this or compensate for it by +throwing Columbus into our hands. I wrote General Buell a letter similar +to this, meaning that he and you shall communicate and act in concert, +unless it be your judgment and his that there is no necessity for it. You +and he will understand much better than I how to do it. Please do not +lose time in this matter. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND, + +In view of the recent declaration of the people of Maryland of their +adhesion to the Union, so distinctly made in their recent election, the +President directs that all the prisoners who having heretofore been +arrested in that State are now detained in military custody by the +President's authority, be released from their imprisonment on the +following conditions, namely: that if they were holding any civil or +military offices when arrested, the terms of which have expired, they +shall not resume or reclaim such office; and secondly, all persons +availing themselves of this proclamation shall engage by oath or parole +of honor to maintain the Union and the Constitution of the United States, +and in no way to aid or abet by arms, counsel, conversation, or +information of any kind the existing insurrection against the Government +of the United States. + +To guard against misapprehension it is proper to state that this +proclamation does not apply to prisoners of war. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 2, 1862 + +To THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES + +I transmit to Congress a copy of a letter to the Secretary of State from +James R. Partridge, secretary to the executive committee to the in +exhibition to be held in London in the course present year, and a copy of +the correspond which it refers, relative to a vessel for the of taking +such articles as persons in this country may wish to exhibit on that +occasion. As it appears no naval vessel can be spared for the purpose, I +recommend that authority be given to charter a suitable merchant vessel, +in order that facilities similar to those afforded by the government +exhibition of 1851 may also be extended to citizens of the United States +who may desire to contribute to the exhibition of this year. +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + + + + +MESSAGES OF DISAPPOINTMENT WITH HIS GENERALS + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +WASHINGTON, January 4, 1862. + +GENERAL BUELL: + +Have arms gone forward for East Tennessee? Please tell me the progress +and condition of the movement in that direction. Answer. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +January 6, 1862. + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your despatch of yesterday has been received, and it +disappoints and distresses me. I have shown it to General McClellan, who +says he will write you to-day. I am not competent to criticize your +views, and therefore what I offer is in justification of myself. Of the +two, I would rather have a point on the railroad south of Cumberland Gap +than Nashville. First, because it cuts a great artery of the enemy's +communication, which Nashville does not; and secondly, because it is in +the midst of loyal people who would rally around it, while Nashville is +not. Again, I cannot see why the movement on East Tennessee would not be +a diversion in your favor rather than a disadvantage, assuming that a +movement toward Nashville is the main object. But my distress is that our +friends in East Tennessee are being hanged and driven to despair, and +even now, I fear, are thinking of taking rebel arms for the sake of +personal protection. In this we lose the most valuable stake we have in +the South. My despatch, to which yours is an answer, was sent with the +knowledge of Senator Johnson and Representative Maynard of East +Tennessee, and they will be upon me to know the answer, which I cannot +safely show them. They would despair, possibly resign to go and save +their families somehow, or die with them. I do not intend this to be an +order in any sense, but merely, as intimated before, to show you the +grounds of my anxiety. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUELL. + +WASHINGTON, January 7, 1862. + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL D.C. BUELL, Louisville: + +Please name as early a day as you safely can on or before which you can +be ready to move southward in concert with Major-General Halleck. Delay +is ruining us, and it is indispensable for me to have something definite. +I send a like despatch to Major-General Halleck. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 10, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the minister of +his Majesty the Emperor of Austria accredited to this government, and a +copy of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State relative to +the questions involved in the taking from the British steamer Trent of +certain citizens of the United States by order of Captain Wilkes of the +United States Navy. This correspondence may be considered as a sequel to +that previously communicated to Congress relating to the same subject. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GENERAL HALLECK, + +JANUARY 10, 1862. + +HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSOURI ST. Louis, January 6, 1862. + +To His EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT: + +In reply to your Excellency's letter of the 1st instant, I have to state +that on receiving your telegram I immediately communicated with General +Buell and have since sent him all the information I could obtain of the +enemy's movements about Columbus and Camp Beauregard. No considerable +force has been sent from those places to Bowling Green. They have about +22,000 men at Columbus, and the place is strongly fortified. I have at +Cairo, Port Holt, and Paducah only about 15,000, which, after leaving +guards at these places, would give me but little over 10,000 men with +which to assist General Buell. It would be madness to attempt anything +serious with such a force, and I cannot at the present time withdraw any +from Missouri without risking the loss of this State. The troops recently +raised in other States of this department have, without my knowledge, +been sent to Kentucky and Kansas. + +I am satisfied that the authorities at Washington do not appreciate the +difficulties with which we have to contend here. The operations of Lane, +Jennison, and others have so enraged the people of Missouri that it is +estimated that there is a majority of 80,000 against the government. We +are virtually in an enemy's country. Price and others have a considerable +army in the southwest, against which I am operating with all my available +force. + +This city and most of the middle and northern counties are +insurrectionary,--burning bridges, destroying telegraph lines, etc.,--and +can be kept down only by the presence of troops. A large portion of the +foreign troops organized by General Fremont are unreliable; indeed, many +of them are already mutinous. They have been tampered with by +politicians, and made to believe that if they get up a mutiny and demand +Fremont's return the government will be forced to restore him to duty +here. It is believed that some high officers are in the plot I have +already been obliged to disarm several of these organizations, and I am +daily expecting more serious outbreaks. Another grave difficulty is the +want of proper general officers to command the troops and enforce order +and discipline, and especially to protect public property from robbery +and plunder. Some of the brigadier-generals assigned to this department +are entirely ignorant of their duties and unfit for any command. I assure +you, Mr. President, it is very difficult to accomplish much with such +means. I am in the condition of a carpenter who is required to build a +bridge with a dull axe, a broken saw, and rotten timber. It is true that +I have some very good green timber, which will answer the purpose as soon +as I can get it into shape and season it a little. + +I know nothing of General Buell's intended operations, never having +received any information in regard to the general plan of campaign. If it +be intended that his column shall move on Bowling Green while another +moves from Cairo or Paducah on Columbus or Camp Beauregard, it will be a +repetition of the same strategic error which produced the disaster of +Bull Run. To operate on exterior lines against an enemy occupying a +central position will fail, as it always has failed, in ninety-nine cases +out of a hundred. It is condemned by every military authority I have ever +read. + +General Buell's army and the forces at Paducah occupy precisely the same +position in relation to each other and to the enemy as did the armies of +McDowell and Patterson before the battle of Bull Run. + +Very respectfully, your obedient servant, + +H. W. HALLECK, Major-General + +[Indorsement] + +The within is a copy of a letter just received from General Halleck. It +is exceedingly discouraging. As everywhere else, nothing can be done. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR ANDREW. + +WASHINGTON, D. C., January 11, 1862 + +GOVERNOR JOHN A. ANDREW, Boston: + +I will be greatly obliged if you will arrange; somehow with General +Butler to officer his two un-officered regiments. + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 13, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + +MY DEAR SIR--Your despatch of yesterday is received, in which you say, "I +received your letter and General McClellan's, and will at once devote my +efforts to your views and his." In the midst of my many cares I have not +seen, nor asked to see, General McClellan's letter to you. For my own +views, I have not offered and do not now offer them as orders; and while +I am glad to have them respectfully considered, I would blame you to +follow them contrary to your own clear judgment, unless I should put them +in the form of orders. As to General McClellan's views, you understand +your duty in regard to them better than I do. + +With this preliminary I state my general idea of this war to be, that we +have the greater numbers and the enemy has the greater facility of +concentrating forces upon points of collision; that we must fail unless +we can find some way of making our advantage an overmatch for his; and +that this can only be done by menacing him with superior forces at +different points at the same time, so that we can safely attack one or +both if he makes no change; and if he weakens one to strengthen the +other, forbear to attack the strengthened one, but seize and hold the +weakened one, gaining so much. + +To illustrate: Suppose last summer, when Winchester ran away to reinforce +Manassas, we had forborne to attack Manassas, but had seized and held +Winchester. I mention this to illustrate and not to criticise. I did not +lose confidence in McDowell, and I think less harshly of Patterson than +some others seem to. . . . Applying the principle to your case, my idea +is that Halleck shall menace Columbus and "down river" generally, while +you menace Bowling Green and East Tennessee. If the enemy shall +concentrate at Bowling Green, do not retire from his front, yet do not +fight him there either, but seize Columbus and East Tennessee, one or +both, left exposed by the concentration at Bowling Green. It is a matter +of no small anxiety to me, and which I am sure you will not overlook, +that the East Tennessee line is so long and over so bad a road. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + +(Indorsement.) + +Having to-day written General Buell a letter, it occurs to me to send +General Halleck a copy of it. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 1, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The Germans are true and patriotic and so far as they have +got cross in Missouri it is upon mistake and misunderstanding. Without a +knowledge of its contents, Governor Koerner, of Illinois, will hand you +this letter. He is an educated and talented German gentleman, as true a +man as lives. With his assistance you can set everything right with the +Germans. . . . My clear judgment is that, with reference to the German +element in your command, you should have Governor Koerner with you; and +if agreeable to you and him, I will make him a brigadier-general, so that +he can afford to give his time. He does not wish to command in the field, +though he has more military knowledge than some who do. If he goes into +the place, he will simply be an efficient, zealous, and unselfish +assistant to you. I say all this upon intimate personal acquaintance with +Governor Koerner. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 17, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the minister of +his Majesty the King of Prussia accredited to this government, and a copy +of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State relating to the +capture and detention of certain citizens of the United States, +passengers on board the British steamer Trent, by order of Captain Wilkes +of the United States Navy. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + + + + +TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. + +January 20, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, + +Commanding Armies of the United States: + +You or any officer you may designate will in your discretion suspend the +writ of habeas corpus so far as may relate to Major Chase, lately of the +Engineer Corps of the Army of the United States, now alleged to be guilty +of treasonable practices against this government. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO. 1 + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 27, 1862. + +Ordered, That the 22d day of February, 1862, be the day for a general +movement of the land and the naval forces of the United States against +the insurgent forces. + +That especially the army at and about Fortress Monroe, the Army of the +Potomac, the Army of Western Virginia, the army near Munfordville, +Kentucky, the army and flotilla at Cairo, and a naval force in the Gulf +of Mexico, be ready for a movement on that day. + +That all other forces, both land and naval, with their respective +commanders, obey existing orders for the time, and be ready to obey +additional orders when duly given. + +That the heads of departments, and especially the Secretaries of War and +of the Navy, with all their subordinates, and the General-in-chief, with +all other commanders and subordinates of land and naval forces, will +severally be held to their strict and full responsibilities for the +prompt execution of this order. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY STANTON, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--It is my wish that the expedition commonly called the +"Lane Expedition" shall be, as much as has been promised at the +adjutant-general's office, under the supervision of General McClellan, +and not any more. I have not intended, and do not now intend, that it +shall be a great, exhausting affair, but a snug, sober column of 10,000 +or 15,000. General Lane has been told by me many times that he is under +the command of General Hunter, and assented to it as often as told. It +was the distinct agreement between him and me, when I appointed him, that +he was to be under Hunter. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO. 1. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862. + +Ordered, That all the disposable force of the Army of the Potomac, after +providing safely for the defence of Washington, be formed into an +expedition for the immediate object of seizing and occupying a point upon +the railroad southwestward of what is known as Manassas Junction, all +details to be in the discretion of the commander-in-chief, and the +expedition to move before or on the 22d day of February next. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +OPPOSITION TO McCLELLAN'S PLANS + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL MCCLELLAN. + +DEAR SIR--You and I have distinct and different plans for a movement of +the Army of the Potomac--yours to be down the Chesapeake, up the +Rappahannock to Urbana, and across land to the terminus of the railroad +on the York River; mine to move directly to a point on the railroad +southwest of Manassas. + +If you will give me satisfactory answers to the following questions, I +shall gladly yield my plan to yours. + +First. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of time +and money than mine? + +Second. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan than mine? + +Third. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine? + +Fourth. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it would +break no great line of the enemy's communications, while mine would? + +Fifth. In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult by your +plan than mine? + +Yours truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +Memorandum accompanying Letter of President Lincoln to General + +McClellan, dated February 3,1862. + +First. Suppose the enemy should attack us in force before we reach the +Occoquan, what? + +Second. Suppose the enemy in force shall dispute the crossing of the +Occoquan, what? In view of this, might it not be safest for us to cross +the Occoquan at Coichester, rather than at the village of Occoquan? This +would cost the enemy two miles of travel to meet us, but would, on the +contrary, leave us two miles farther from our ultimate destination. + +Third. Suppose we reach Maple Valley without an attack, will we not be +attacked there in force by the enemy marching by the several roads from +Manassas; and if so, what? + + + + +TO WM. H. HERNDON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1862. + +DEAR WILLIAM:--Yours of January 30th just received. Do just as you say +about the money matter. + +As you well know, I have not time to write a letter of respectable +length. God bless you, says + +Your friend, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +RESPITE FOR NATHANIEL GORDON + +February 4, 1862 + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, + +To all to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting: + +Whereas it appears that at a term of the Circuit Court of the United +States of America for the Southern District of New York held in the month +of November, A.D. 1861, Nathaniel Gordon was indicted and convicted for +being engaged in the slave trade, and was by the said court sentenced to +be put to death by hanging by the neck, on Friday the 7th day of +February, AD. 1862: + +And whereas a large number of respectable citizens have earnestly +besought me to commute the said sentence of the said Nathaniel Gordon to +a term of imprisonment for life, which application I have felt it to be +my duty to refuse: + +And whereas it has seemed to me probable that the unsuccessful +application made for the commutation of his sentence may have prevented +the said Nathaniel Gordon from making the necessary preparation for the +awful change which awaits him; + +Now, therefore, be it known, that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the +United States of America, have granted and do hereby grant unto him, the +said Nathaniel Gordon, a respite of the above recited sentence, until +Friday the twenty-first day of February, A.D. 1862, between the hours of +twelve o'clock at noon and three o'clock in the afternoon of the said +day, when the said sentence shall be executed. + +In granting this respite, it becomes my painful duty to admonish the +prisoner that, relinquishing all expectation of pardon by human +authority, he refer himself alone to the mercy of the common God and +Father of all men. + +In testimony whereof I have hereunto signed my name and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the City of Washington, this fourth day of February, A.D. 1862, +and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +WASHINGTON CITY, February 4. 1862 + +To THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the +Navy," approved December 21, 1862, provides: + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the +retired list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships +such officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to +be thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the +recommendation of the President of the United States they shall receive a +vote of thanks of Congress for their services and gallantry in action +against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, was +nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command of +the squadron which recently rendered such important service to the Union +in the expedition to the coast of South Carolina. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond +with the intention of the law, or be more pregnant with happy influence +as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Samuel F. Du Pont +receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry +displayed in the capture of Forts Walker and Beauregard, commanding the +entrance of Port Royal Harbor, on the 7th of November, 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERALS D. HUNTER AND J. H. LANE. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, FEBRUARY 4, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER AND BRIGADIER-GENERAL LANE, Leavenworth, Kansas: + +My wish has been and is to avail the government of the services of both +General Hunter and General Lane, and, so far as possible, to personally +oblige both. General Hunter is the senior officer, and must command when +they serve together; though in so far as he can consistently with the +public service and his own honor oblige General Lane, he will also oblige +me. If they cannot come to an amicable understanding, General Lane must +report to General Hunter for duty, according to the rules, or decline the +service. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 1, RELATING TO POLITICAL +PRISONERS. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, February 14,1862. + +The breaking out of a formidable insurrection based on a conflict of +political ideas, being an event without precedent in the United States, +was necessarily attended by great confusion and perplexity of the public +mind. Disloyalty before unsuspected suddenly became bold, and treason +astonished the world by bringing at once into the field military forces +superior in number to the standing army of the United States. + +Every department of the government was paralyzed by treason. Defection +appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in the Cabinet, +in the Federal courts; ministers and consuls returned from foreign +countries to enter the insurrectionary councils of land or naval forces; +commanding and other officers of the army and in the navy betrayed our +councils or deserted their posts for commands in the insurgent forces. +Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the post-office service, as +well as in the Territorial governments and in the Indian reserves. + +Not only governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in the +States, but even whole States rushed one after another with apparent +unanimity into rebellion. The capital was besieged and its connection +with all the States cut off. Even in the portions of the country which +were most loyal, political combinations and secret societies were formed +furthering the work of disunion, while, from motives of disloyalty or +cupidity or from excited passions or perverted sympathies, individuals +were found furnishing men, money, and materials of war and supplies to +the insurgents' military and naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications, +navy yards, arsenals, military posts, and garrisons one after another +were betrayed or abandoned to the insurgents. + +Congress had not anticipated, and so had not provided for, the emergency. +The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. The judicial +machinery seemed as if it had been designed, not to sustain the +government, but to embarrass and betray it. + +Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by the +abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has only been +prevented by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the most +perfect moderation, in our intercourse with nations. + +The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately not +distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the Federal +Government, which one year before had been thought a model worthy of +universal acceptance, had indeed the ability to defend and maintain +itself. + +Some reverses, which, perhaps, were unavoidable, suffered by newly levied +and inefficient forces, discouraged the loyal and gave new hopes to the +insurgents. Voluntary enlistments seemed about to cease and desertions +commenced. Parties speculated upon the question whether conscription had +not become necessary to fill up the armies of the United States. + +In this emergency the President felt it his duty to employ with energy +the extraordinary powers which the Constitution confides to him in cases +of insurrection. He called into the field such military and naval forces, +unauthorized by the existing laws, as seemed necessary. He directed +measures to prevent the use of the post-office for treasonable +correspondence. He subjected passengers to and from foreign countries to +new passport regulations, and he instituted a blockade, suspended the +writ of habeas corpus in various places, and caused persons who were +represented to him as being or about to engage in disloyal and +treasonable practices to be arrested by special civil as well as military +agencies and detained in military custody when necessary to prevent them +and deter others from such practices. Examinations of such cases were +instituted, and some of the persons so arrested have been discharged from +time to time under circumstances or upon conditions compatible, as was +thought, with the public safety. + +Meantime a favorable change of public opinion has occurred. The line +between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly defined. The whole structure of +the government is firm and stable. Apprehension of public danger and +facilities for treasonable practices have diminished with the passions +which prompted heedless persons to adopt them. The insurrection is +believed to have culminated and to be declining. + +The President, in view of these facts, and anxious to favor a return to +the normal course of the administration as far as regard for the public +welfare will allow, directs that all political prisoners or state +prisoners now held in military custody be released on their subscribing +to a parole engaging them to render no aid or comfort to the enemies in +hostility to the United States. + +The Secretary of War will, however, in his discretion, except from the +effect of this order any persons detained as spies in the service of the +insurgents, or others whose release at the present moment may be deemed +incompatible with the public safety. + +To all persons who shall be so released, and who shall keep their parole, +the President grants an amnesty for any past offences of treason or +disloyalty which they may have comminuted. + +Extraordinary arrests will hereafter be made under the direction of the +military authorities alone. + +By order of the President EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON CITY, February 15, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES: + +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the +Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the +retired list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships +such officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to +be thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the +recommendation of the President of the United States they shall receive a +vote of thanks of Congress for their services and gallantry in action +against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Louis M. Goldsborough, of the navy, +was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in +command of the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron, which recently +rendered such important service to the Union in the expedition to the +coast of North Carolina. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond +with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with happy influence as +an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Louis M. Goldsborough +receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry +displayed in the combined attack of the forces commanded by him and +Brigadier-General Burnside in the capture of Roanoke Island and the +destruction of rebel gunboats On the 7th, 8th, and 10th of February, +1862. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +FIRST WRITTEN NOTICE OF GRANT + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +February 16, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + +You have Fort Donelson safe, unless Grant shall be overwhelmed from +outside; to prevent which latter will, I think, require all the +vigilance, energy, and skill of yourself and Buell, acting in full +co-operation. Columbus will not get at Grant, but the force from Bowling +Green will. They hold the railroad from Bowling Green to within a few +miles of Fort Donelson, with the bridge at Clarksville undisturbed. It is +unsafe to rely that they will not dare to expose Nashville to Buell. A +small part of their force can retire slowly toward Nashville, breaking up +the railroad as they go, and keep Buell out of that city twenty days. +Meanwhile Nashville will be abundantly defended by forces from all South +and perhaps from hers at Manassas. Could not a cavalry force from General +Thomas on the upper Cumberland dash across, almost unresisted, and cut +the railroad at or near Knoxville, Tennessee? In the midst of a +bombardment at Fort Donelson, why could not a gunboat run up and destroy +the bridge at Clarksville? Our success or failure at Fort Donelson is +vastly important, and I beg you to put your soul in the effort. I send a +copy of this to Buell. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 2.--IN RELATION TO STATE PRISONERS. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, FEBRUARY 27, 1862 + +It is ordered: + +First. That a special commission of two persons, one of military rank and +the other in civil life, be appointed to examine the cases of the state +prisoners remaining in the military custody of the United States, and to +determine whether in view of the public Safety and the existing rebellion +they should be discharged, or remain in military custody, or be remitted +to the civil tribunals for trial. + +Second. That Major-General John A. Dix, commanding in Baltimore, and the +HON. Edwards Pierrepont, of New York, be, and they are hereby, appointed +commissioners for the purpose above mentioned; and they are authorized to +examine, hear, and determine the cases aforesaid ex parte and in a +summary manner, at such times and places as in their discretion they may +appoint, and make full report to the War Department. + +By order of the President EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + + + + +ORDER RELATING TO COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE. + +Considering that the existing circumstances of the country allow a +partial restoration of commercial intercourse between the inhabitants of +those parts of the United States heretofore declared to be in +insurrection and the citizens of the loyal States of the Union, and +exercising the authority and discretion confided to me by the act of +Congress, approved July 13, 1861, entitled "An act further to provide for +the collection of duties on imports, and for other purposes," I hereby +license and permit such commercial intercourse in all cases within the +rules and regulations which have been or may be prescribed by the +Secretary of the Treasury for conducting and carrying on the same on the +inland waters and ways of the United States. + +WASHINGTON, February 28, 1862. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +SPEECH TO THE PERUVIAN MINISTER, + +WASHINGTON, D. C., MARCH 4, 1862 + +The United States have no enmities, animosities, or rivalries, and no +interests which conflict with the welfare, safety, and rights or +interests of any other nation. Their own prosperity, happiness, and +aggrandizement are sought most safely and advantageously through the +preservation not only of peace on their own part, but peace among all +other nations. But while the United States are thus a friend to all other +nations, they do not seek to conceal the fact that they cherish especial +sentiments of friendship for, and sympathies with, those who, like +themselves, have founded their institutions on the principle of the equal +rights of men; and such nations being more prominently neighbors of the +United States, the latter are co-operating with them in establishing +civilization and culture on the American continent. Such being the +general principles which govern the United States in their foreign +relations, you may be assured, sir, that in all things this government +will deal justly, frankly, and, if it be possible, even liberally with +Peru, whose liberal sentiments toward us you have so kindly expressed. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS RECOMMENDING COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION. + +March 6, 1862 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--I recommend +the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable bodies which shall +be substantially as follows: + +"Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State +which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State +pecuniary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to compensate +for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of +system." + +If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the approval +of Congress and the country, there is the end; but if it does command +such approval, I deem it of importance that the States and people +immediately interested should be at once distinctly notified of the fact, +so that they may begin to consider whether to accept or reject it. The +Federal Government would find its highest interest in such a measure, as +one of the most efficient means of self-preservation. The leaders of the +existing insurrection entertain the hope that this government will +ultimately be forced to acknowledge the independence of some part of the +disaffected region, and that all the slave States north of such part will +then say, "The Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we +now choose to go with the Southern section." To deprive them of this hope +substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipation +completely deprives them of it as to all the States initiating it. The +point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would very soon, if +at all, initiate emancipation; but that, while the offer is equally made +to all, the more northern shall by such initiation make it certain to the +more southern that in no event will the former ever join the latter in +their proposed confederacy. I say "initiation" because, in my judgment, +gradual and not sudden emancipation is better for all. In the mere +financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress with the census +tables and treasury reports before him can readily see for himself how +very soon the current expenditures of this war would purchase, at fair +valuation, all the slaves in any named State. Such a proposition on the +part of the General Government sets up no claim of a right by Federal +authority to interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as it +does, the absolute control of the subject in each case to the State and +its people immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of +perfectly free choice with them. + +In the annual message last December, I thought fit to say, "The Union +must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed." I +said this not hastily, but deliberately. War has been made and continues +to be an indispensable means to this end. A practical reacknowledgment of +the national authority would render the war unnecessary, and it would at +once cease. If, however, resistance continues, the war must also +continue; and it is impossible to foresee all the incidents which may +attend and all the ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem +indispensable or may obviously promise great efficiency toward ending the +struggle must and will come. + +The proposition now made (though an offer only), I hope it may be +esteemed no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered +would not be of more value to the States and private persons concerned +than are the institution and property in it in the present aspect of +affairs. + +While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would be +merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it is +recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important practical +results. In full view of my great responsibility to my God and to my +country, I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the people to the +subject. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GOVERNOR YATES. + +STATE OF ILLINOIS, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, SPRINGFIELD, ILL., March 1, 1862 + +HON. EDWIN M. STANTON, SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington, D. C. + +SIR:--The government at my special request a few months since contracted +for fourteen batteries of the James rifled gun, 6-pounder calibre, and a +limited quantity of the James projectiles, weighing about fourteen pounds +each. The reports showing the superiority of this gun and projectile, +both as regards range, accuracy, and execution, for field service over +that of all others at the battle of Fort Donelson, leads me to request +that there be furnished to the State of Illinois in the shortest time +practicable seven batteries of 12-pounder calibre James rifled guns, with +carriages, harness, implements, etc., complete and ready for field +service, together with the following fixed ammunition to each gun, viz., +225 shells, 225 canister, and 50 solid projectiles, weighing about 24 +pounds each, and also 200 shells, 100 canister, and 100 solid projectiles +for each of the guns of the fourteen batteries named above, weighing +about 14 pounds each, all to be of the James model. + +Very respectfully, + +RICHARD YATES, Governor of Illinois. + +[Indorsement.] + +March 8, 1862. + +The within is from the Governor of Illinois. I understand the seven +additional batteries now sought are to be 6-gun batteries, and the object +is to mix them with the fourteen batteries they already have so as to +make each battery consist of four 6-pounders and two 12-pounders. I shall +be very glad to have the requisition filled if it can be without +detriment to the service. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.2. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON + +March 8, 1862. + +Ordered: 1. That the major-general commanding the Army of the Potomac +proceed forthwith to organize that part of the said army destined to +enter upon active operations (including the reserve, but excluding the +troops to be left in the fortifications about Washington) into four army +corps, to be commanded according to seniority of rank, as follows: + +First Corps to consist of four divisions, and to be commanded by +Major-General I. McDowell. Second Corps to consist of three divisions, +and to be commanded by Brigadier-General E. V. Sumner. Third Corps to +consist of three divisions, and to be commanded by Brigadier-General S. +P. Heintzelman. Fourth Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be +commanded by Brigadier-General E. D. Keyes. + +2. That the divisions now commanded by the officers above assigned to +the commands of army corps shall be embraced in and form part of their +respective corps. + +3. The forces left for the defense of Washington will be placed in +command of Brigadier-General James S. Wadsworth, who shall also be +military governor of the District of Columbia. + +4. That this order be executed with such promptness and dispatch as not +to delay the commencement of the operations already directed to be +underwritten by the Army of the Potomac. + +5. A fifth army corps, to be commanded by Major general N. P. Banks, will +be formed from his own and General Shields's (late General Lander's) +divisions. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 8,1862 + +Ordered: That no change of the base of operations of the Army of the +Potomac shall be made without leaving in and about Washington such a +force as in the opinion of the general-in-chief and the commanders of all +the army corps shall leave said city entirely secure. + +That no more than two army corps (about 50,000 troops) of said Army of +the Potomac shall be moved en route for a new base of operations until +the navigation of the Potomac from Washington to the Chesapeake Bay shall +be freed from enemy's batteries and other obstructions, or until the +President shall hereafter give express permission. + +That any movements as aforesaid en route for a new base of operations +which may be ordered by the general-in-chief, and which may be intended +to move upon the Chesapeake Bay, shall begin to move upon the bay as +early as the 18th day of March instant, and the general-in-chief shall be +responsible that it so move as early as that day. + +Ordered, That the army and navy co-operate in an immediate effort to +capture the enemy's batteries upon the Potomac between Washington and the +Chesapeake Bay. + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +MEMORANDUM OF AN INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME BORDER +SLAVE STATE REPRESENTATIVES, BY HON. J. W. CRISFIELD. + +"DEAR SIR:--I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to come +to the White House tomorrow morning, at nine o'clock, and bring such of +your colleagues as are in town." + +WASHINGTON, March 10, 1862. + +Yesterday, on my return from church, I found Mr. Postmaster-General Blair +in my room, writing the above note, which he immediately suspended, and +verbally communicated the President's invitation, and stated that the +President's purpose was to have some conversation with the delegations of +Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Virginia, and Delaware, in explanation of +his message of the 6th instant. + +This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town, +assembled at the White House at the appointed time, and after some little +delay were admitted to an audience. Mr. Leary and myself were the only +members from Maryland present, and, I think, were the only members of the +delegation at that time in the city. I know that Mr. Pearoe, of the +Senate, and Messrs. Webster and Calvert, of the House, were absent. + +After the usual salutations, and we were seated, the President said, in +substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some conversation +with us in explanation of his message of the 6th; that since he had sent +it in several of the gentlemen then present had visited him, but had +avoided any allusion to the message, and he therefore inferred that the +import of the message had been misunderstood, and was regarded as +inimical to the interests we represented; and he had resolved he would +talk with us, and disabuse our minds of that erroneous opinion. + +The President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests or wound +the sensibilities of the slave States. On the contrary, his purpose was +to protect the one and respect the other; that we were engaged in a +terrible, wasting, and tedious war; immense armies were in the field, and +must continue in the field as long as the war lasts; that these armies +must, of necessity, be brought into contact with slaves in the States we +represented and in other States as they advanced; that slaves would come +to the camps, and continual irritation was kept up; that he was +constantly annoyed by conflicting and antagonistic complaints: on the one +side a certain class complained if the slave was not protected by the +army; persons were frequently found who, participating in these views, +acted in a way unfriendly to the slaveholder; on the other hand, +slaveholders complained that their rights were interfered with, their +slaves induced to abscond and protected within the lines; these +complaints were numerous, loud and deep; were a serious annoyance to him +and embarrassing to the progress of the war; that it kept alive a spirit +hostile to the government in the States we represented; strengthened the +hopes of the Confederates that at some day the border States would unite +with them, and thus tend to prolong the war; and he was of opinion, if +this resolution should be adopted by Congress and accepted by our States, +these causes of irritation and these hopes would be removed, and more +would be accomplished toward shortening the war than could be hoped from +the greatest victory achieved by Union armies; that he made this +proposition in good faith, and desired it to be accepted, if at all, +voluntarily, and in the same patriotic spirit in which it was made; that +emancipation was a subject exclusively under the control of the States, +and must be adopted or rejected by each for itself; that he did not claim +nor had this government any right to coerce them for that purpose; that +such was no part of his purpose in making this proposition, and he wished +it to be clearly understood; that he did not expect us there to be +prepared to give him an answer, but he hoped we would take the subject +into serious consideration, confer with one another, and then take such +course as we felt our duty and the interests of our constituents required +of us. + +Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State slavery was not considered +a permanent institution; that natural causes were there in operation +which would at no distant day extinguish it, and he did not think that +this proposition was necessary for that; and, besides that, he and his +friends felt solicitous as to the message on account of the different +constructions which the resolution and message had received. The New York +Tribune was for it, and understood it to mean that we must accept gradual +emancipation according to the plan suggested, or get something worse. + +The President replied that he must not be expected to quarrel with the +New York Tribune before the right time; he hoped never to have to do it; +he would not anticipate events. In respect to emancipation in Missouri, +he said that what had been observed by Mr. Noell was probably true, but +the operation of these natural causes had not prevented the irritating +conduct to which he had referred, or destroyed the hopes of the +Confederates that Missouri would at some time merge herself alongside of +them, which, in his judgment, the passage of this resolution by Congress +and its acceptance by Missouri would accomplish. + +Mr. Crisfield, of Maryland, asked what would be the effect of the refusal +of the State to accept this proposal, and he desired to know if the +President looked to any policy beyond the acceptance or rejection of this +scheme. + +The President replied that he had no designs beyond the actions of the +States on this particular subject. He should lament their refusal to +accept it, but he had no designs beyond their refusal of it. + +Mr. Menzies, of Kentucky, inquired if the President thought there was any +power except in the States themselves to carry out his scheme of +emancipation. + +The President replied that he thought there could not be. He then went +off into a course of remarks not qualifying the foregoing declaration nor +material to be repeated to a just understanding of his meaning. + +Mr. Crisfield said he did not think the people of Maryland looked upon +slavery as a permanent institution; and he did not know that they would +be very reluctant to give it up if provision was made to meet the loss +and they could be rid of the race; but they did not like to be coerced +into emancipation, either by the direct action of the government or by +indirection, as through the emancipation of slaves in this District, or +the confiscation of Southern property as now threatened; and he thought +before they would consent to consider this proposition they would require +to be informed on these points. The President replied that, unless he was +expelled by the act of God or the Confederate armies he should occupy +that house for three years; and as long as he remained there Maryland had +nothing to fear either for her institutions or her interests on the +points referred to. + +Mr. Crisfield immediately added: "Mr. President, if what you now say +could be heard by the people of Maryland, they would consider your +proposition with a much better feeling than I fear without it they will +be inclined to do." + +The President: "That [meaning a publication of what he said] will not do; +it would force me into a quarrel before the proper time "; and, again +intimating, as he had before done, that a quarrel with the "Greeley +faction" was impending, he said he did not wish to encounter it before +the proper time, nor at all if it could be avoided. + +[The Greely faction wanted an immediate Emancipation Proclamation. D.W.] + +Governor Wickliffe, of Kentucky, then asked him respecting the +constitutionality of his scheme. + +The President replied: "As you may suppose, I have considered that; and +the proposition now submitted does not encounter any constitutional +difficulty. It proposes simply to co-operate with any State by giving +such State pecuniary aid"; and he thought that the resolution, as +proposed by him, would be considered rather as the expression of a +sentiment than as involving any constitutional question. + +Mr. Hall, of Missouri, thought that if this proposition was adopted at +all it should be by the votes of the free States, and come as a +proposition from them to the slave States, affording them an inducement +to put aside this subject of discord; that it ought not to be expected +that members representing slaveholding constituencies should declare at +once, and in advance of any proposition to them, for the emancipation of +slavery. + +The President said he saw and felt the force of the objection; it was a +fearful responsibility, and every gentleman must do as he thought best; +that he did not know how this scheme was received by the members from the +free States; some of them had spoken to him and received it kindly; but +for the most part they were as reserved and chary as we had been, and he +could not tell how they would vote. And in reply to some expression of +Mr. Hall as to his own opinion regarding slavery, he said he did not +pretend to disguise his anti-slavery feeling; that he thought it was +wrong, and should continue to think so; but that was not the question we +had to deal with now. Slavery existed, and that, too, as well by the act +of the North as of the South; and in any scheme to get rid of it the +North as well as the South was morally bound to do its full and equal +share. He thought the institution wrong and ought never to have existed; +but yet he recognized the rights of property which had grown out of it, +and would respect those rights as fully as similar rights in any other +property; that property can exist and does legally exist. He thought such +a law wrong, but the rights of property resulting must be respected; he +would get rid of the odious law, not by violating the rights, but by +encouraging the proposition and offering inducements to give it up. + +Here the interview, so far as this subject is concerned, terminated by +Mr. Crittenden's assuring the President that, whatever might be our final +action, we all thought him solely moved by a high patriotism and sincere +devotion to the happiness and glory of his country; and with that +conviction we should consider respectfully the important suggestions he +had made. + +After some conversation on the current war news, we retired, and I +immediately proceeded to my room and wrote out this paper. +J. W. CRISFIELD. + +We were present at the interview described in the foregoing paper of Mr. +Crisfield, and we certify that the substance of what passed on the +occasion is in this paper faithfully and fully given. + +J. W. MENZIES, J. J. CRITTENDEN, R. MALLORY. + +March 10, 1862. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 11, 1862. + +Major-General McClellan having personally taken the field at the head of +the Army of the Potomac, until otherwise ordered he is relieved from the +command of the other military departments, he retaining command of the +Department of the Potomac. + +Ordered further, That the departments now under the respective commands +of Generals Halleck and Hunter, together with so much of that under +General Buell as lies west of a north and south line indefinitely drawn +through Knoxville, Tenn., be consolidated and designated the Department +of the Mississippi, and that until otherwise ordered Major General +Halleck have command of said department. + +Ordered also, That the country west of the Department of the Potomac and +east of the Department of the Mississippi be a military department, to be +called the Mountain Department, and that the same be commanded by +Major-General Fremont. + +That all the commanders of departments, after the receipt of this order +by them, respectively report severally and directly to the Secretary of +War, and that prompt, full, and frequent reports will be expected of all +and each of them. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL MCCLELLAN. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, March 13, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN: + +The President, having considered the plan of operations agreed upon by +yourself and the commanders of army corps, makes no objection to the same +but gives the following directions as to its execution: + +1. Leave such force at Manassas Junction as shall make it entirely +certain that the enemy shall no repossess himself of that position and +line of communication. + +2. Leave Washington entirely secure. + +3. Move the remainder of the force down the Potomac, choosing a new base +at Fortress Monroe or anywhere between here and there, or, at all events, +move such remainder of the army at once in pursuit of the enemy by some +route. + +EDWARD M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + + + + +SPEECH TO A PARTY OF MASSACHUSETTS GENTLEMAN + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 13, 1862 + +I thank you, Mr. Train, for your kindness in presenting me with this +truly elegant and highly creditable specimen of the handiwork of the +mechanics of your State of Massachusetts, and I beg of you to express my +hearty thanks to the donors. It displays a perfection of workmanship +which I really wish I had time to acknowledge in more fitting words, and +I might then follow your idea that it is suggestive, for it is evidently +expected that a good deal of whipping is to be done. But as we meet here +socially let us not think only of whipping rebels, or of those who seem +to think only of whipping negroes, but of those pleasant days, which it +is to be hoped are in store for us, when seated behind a good pair of +horses we can crack our whips and drive through a peaceful, happy, and +prosperous land. With this idea, gentlemen, I must leave you for my +business duties. [It was likely a Buggy-Whip D.W.] + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON CITY, March 20, 1862. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the +Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides: + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the +retired list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships +such officers as he may believe the good of the service requires to be +thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation +of the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks +cf Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, +be restored to the active list, and not otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, was +nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command of +the squadron which recently rendered such important service to the Union +in the expedition to the coasts of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond +with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with happy influence as +an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Samuel F. Du Pont receive +a vote of thanks of Congress for his service and gallantry displayed in +the capture since the 21st December, 1861, of various ports on the coasts +of Georgia and Florida, particularly Brunswick, Cumberland Island and +Sound, Amelia Island, the towns of St. Mary's, St. Augustine, and +Jacksonville and Fernandina. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 31, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +MY DEAR SIR:-This morning I felt constrained to order Blenker's division +to Fremont, and I write this to assure you I did so with great pain, +understanding that you would wish it otherwise. If you could know the +full pressure of the case, I am confident that you would justify it, even +beyond a mere acknowledgment that the commander-in-chief may order what +he pleases. + +Yours very truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +GIFT OF SOME RABBITS + +TO MICHAEL CROCK. 360 N. Fourth St., Philadelphia. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 2, 1862. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Allow me to thank you in behalf of my little son for your +present of white rabbits. He is very much pleased with them. + +Yours truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +INSTRUCTION TO SECRETARY STANTON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 3, 1862. + +The Secretary of War will order that one or the other of the corps of +General McDowell and General Sumner remain in front of Washington until +further orders from the department, to operate at or in the direction of +Manassas Junction, or otherwise, as occasion may require; that the other +Corps not so ordered to remain go forward to General McClellan as +speedily as possible; that General McClellan commence his forward +movements from his new base at once, and that such incidental +modifications as the foregoing may render proper be also made. A. +LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 6, 1862. + +GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN: + +Yours of 11 A. M. today received. Secretary of War informs me that the +forwarding of transportation, ammunition, and Woodbury's brigade, under +your orders, is not, and will not be, interfered with. You now have over +one hundred thousand troops with you, independent of General Wool's +command. I think you better break the enemy's line from Yorktown to +Warwick River at once. This will probably use time as advantageously as +you can. + +A. LINCOLN, President + + + + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +MY DEAR SIR+--Your despatches, complaining that you are not properly +sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very much. + +Blenker's division was withdrawn from you before you left here, and you +knew the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought, acquiesced in +it certainly not without reluctance. + +After you left I ascertained that less than 20,000 unorganized men, +without a single field battery, were all you designed to be left for the +defense of Washington and Manassas Junction, and part of this even to go +to General Hooker's old position; General Banks's corps, once designed +for Manassas Junction, was divided and tied up on the line of Winchester +and Strasburg, and could not leave it without again exposing the upper +Potomac and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. This presented (or would +present when McDowell and Sumner should be gone) a great temptation to +the enemy to turn back from the Rappahannock and sack Washington. My +explicit order that Washington should, by the judgment of all the +Commanders of corps, be left entirely secure, had been neglected. It was +precisely this that drove me to detain McDowell. + +I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave Banks +at Manassas Junction; but when that arrangement was broken up and nothing +substituted for it, of course I was not satisfied. I was constrained to +substitute something for it myself. + +And now allow me to ask, do you really think I should permit the line +from Richmond via Manaasas Junction to this city to be entirely open, +except what resistance could be presented by less than 20,000 unorganized +troops? This is a question which the country will not allow me to evade. + +There is a curious mystery about the number of the troops now with you. +When I telegraphed you on the 6th, saying you had over 100,000 with you, +I had just obtained from the Secretary of War a statement, taken as he +said from your own returns, making 108,000 then with you and en route to +you. You now say you will have but 85,000 when all enroute to you shall +have reached you. How can this discrepancy of 23,000 be accounted for? + +As to General Wool's command, I understand it is doing for you precisely +what a like number of your own would have to do if that command was away. +I suppose the whole force which has gone forward to you is with you by +this time; and if so, I think it is the precise time for you to strike a +blow. By delay the enemy will relatively gain upon you--that is, he will +gain faster by fortifications and reinforcements than you can by +reinforcements alone. + +And once more let me tell you it is indispensable to you that you strike +a blow. I am powerless to help this. You will do me the justice to +remember I always insisted that going down the bay in search of a field, +instead of fighting at or near Manassas, was only shifting and not +surmounting a difficulty; that we would find the same enemy and the same +or equal entrenchments at either place. The country will not fail to +note--is noting now--that the present hesitation to move upon an +entrenched enemy is but the story of Manassas repeated. + +I beg to assure you that I have never written you or spoken to you in +greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller purpose to +sustain you, so far as in my most anxious judgment I consistently can; +but you must act. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Saint Louis, Mo.: If the rigor of the confinement +of Magoffin (Governor of Kentucky) at Alton is endangering his life, or +materially impairing his health, I wish it mitigated as far as it can be +consistently with his safe detention. + +A. LINCOLN. + +Please send above, by order of the President. JOHN HAY. + + + + +PROCLAMATION RECOMMENDING THANKSGIVING FOR VICTORIES, + +APRIL 10, 1862. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation + +It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal victories to the land and +naval forces engaged in suppressing, an internal rebellion, and at the +same time to avert from our country the dangers of foreign intervention +and invasion. + +It is therefore recommended to the people of the United States that at +their next weekly assemblages in their accustomed places of public +worship which shall occur after notice of this proclamation shall have +been received, they especially acknowledge and render thanks to our +Heavenly Father for these inestimable blessings, that they then and there +implore spiritual consolation in behalf of all who have been brought into +affliction by the casualties and calamities of sedition and civil war, +and that they reverently invoke the divine guidance for our national +counsels, to the end that they may speedily result in the restoration of +peace, harmony, and unity throughout our borders and hasten the +establishment of fraternal relations among all the countries of the +earth. + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the +United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of April, A.D. 1862, and +of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN WASHINGTON, D.C. + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. April 16, 1862. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: The act +entitled "An act for the relief of certain persons held to service or +labor in the District of Columbia" has this day been approved and signed. + +I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Congress to abolish +slavery in this District, and I have ever desired to see the national +capital freed from the institution in some satisfactory way. Hence there +has never been in my mind any question on the subject except the one of +expediency, arising in view of all the circumstances. If there be matters +within and about this act which might have taken a course or shape more +satisfactory to my judgment, I do not attempt to specify them. I am +gratified that the two principles of compensation and colonization are +both recognized and practically applied in the act. + +In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be +presented within ninety days from the passage of the act, "but not +thereafter"; and there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane or +absent persons. I presume this is an omission by mere oversight, and I +recommend that it be supplied by an amendatory or supplemental act. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 21, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Your despatch of the 19th was received that day. Fredericksburg is +evacuated and the bridges destroyed by the enemy, and a small part of +McDowell's command occupies this side of the Rappahannock, opposite the +town. He purposes moving his whole force to that point. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL + +A. LINCOLN. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 24, 1862. + +Hon. POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The member of Congress from the district including Tiffin, +O., calls on me about the postmaster at that place. I believe I turned +over a despatch to you from some persons there, asking a suspension, so +as for them to be heard, or something of the sort. If nothing, or nothing +amounting to anything, has been done, I think the suspension might now be +suspended, and the commission go forward. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 29, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Would it derange or embarrass your operations if I were to appoint +Captain Charles Griffin a brigadier-general of volunteers? Please answer. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE, MAY 1, 1862. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate [of April 22] in relation to +Brigadier-General Stone, I have the honor to state that he was arrested +and imprisoned under my general authority, and upon evidence which +whether he be guilty or innocent, required, as appears to me, such +proceedings to be had against him for the public safety. I deem it +incompatible with the public interest, as also, perhaps, unjust to +General Stone, to make a more particular statement of the evidence. + +He has not been tried because, in the state of military operations at the +time of his arrest and since, the officers to constitute a court martial +and for witnesses could not be withdrawn from duty without serious injury +to the service. He will be allowed a trial without any unnecessary delay; +the charges and specifications will be furnished him in due season, and +every facility for his defense will be afforded him by the War +Department. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, + +WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Your call for Parrott guns from Washington alarms me, chiefly because it +argues indefinite procrastination. Is anything to be done? + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, MAY 1, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Pittsburgh Landing, Tennessee: + +I am pressed by the Missouri members of Congress to give General +Schofield independent command in Missouri. They insist that for want of +this their local troubles gradually grow worse. I have forborne, so far, +for fear of interfering with and embarrassing your operations. Please +answer telling me whether anything, and what, I can do for them without +injuriously interfering with you. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +RESPONSE TO EVANGELICAL LUTHERANS, MAY 6, 1862 + +GENTLEMEN:--I welcome here the representatives of the Evangelical +Lutherans of the United States. I accept with gratitude their assurances +of the sympathy and support of that enlightened, influential, and loyal +class of my fellow citizens in an important crisis which involves, in my +judgment, not only the civil and religious liberties of our own dear +land, but in a large degree the civil and religious liberties of mankind +in many countries and through many ages. You well know, gentlemen, and +the world knows, how reluctantly I accepted this issue of battle forced +upon me on my advent to this place by the internal enemies of our +country. You all know, the world knows, the forces and the resources the +public agents have brought into employment to sustain a government +against which there has been brought not one complaint of real injury +committed against society at home or abroad. You all may recollect that +in taking up the sword thus forced into our hands this government +appealed to the prayers of the pious and the good, and declared that it +placed its whole dependence on the favor of God. I now humbly and +reverently, in your presence, reiterate the acknowledgment of that +dependence, not doubting that, if it shall please the Divine Being who +determines the destinies of nations, this shall remain a united people, +and that they will, humbly seeking the divine guidance, make their +prolonged national existence a source of new benefits to themselves and +their successors, and to all classes and conditions of mankind. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH. + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, MAY 7, 1862 + +FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + +SIR:--Major-General McClellan telegraphs that he has ascertained by a +reconnaissance that the battery at Jamestown has been abandoned, and he +again requests that gunboats may be sent up the James River. + +If you have tolerable confidence that you can successfully contend with +the Merrimac without the help of the Galena and two accompanying +gunboats, send the Galena and two gunboats up the James River at once. +Please report your action on this to me at once. I shall be found either +at General Wool's headquarters or on board the Miami. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FURTHER REPRIMAND OF McCLELLAN + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 9, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have just assisted the Secretary of War in framing part +of a despatch to you relating to army corps, which despatch, of course, +will have reached you long before this will. I wish to say a few words to +you privately on this subject. I ordered the army corps organization not +only on the unanimous opinion of the twelve generals whom you had +selected and assigned as generals of divisions, but also on the unanimous +opinion of every military man I could get an opinion from, and every +modern military book, yourself only excepted. Of course, I did not on my +own judgment pretend to understand the subject. I now think it +indispensable for you to know how your struggle against it is received in +quarters which we cannot entirely disregard. It is looked upon as merely +an effort to pamper one or two pets, and to persecute and degrade their +supposed rivals. I have had no word from Sumner, Heintzleman, or Keyes +the commanders of these corps are, of course, the three highest officers +with you; but I am constantly told that you have no consultation or +communication with them; that you consult and communicate with nobody but +General Fitz John Porter, and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say +these complaints are true or just; but at all events, it is proper you +should know of their existence. Do the commanders of corps disobey your +orders in anything? + +When you relieved General Hamilton of his command the other day, you +thereby lost the confidence of at least one of your best friends in the +Senate. And here let me say, not as applicable to you personally, that +Senators and Representatives speak of me in their places without +question, and that officers of the army must cease addressing insulting +letters to them for taking no greater liberty with them. + +But to return. Are you strong enough--are you strong enough even with my +help--to set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, Heintzelman, and Keyes +all at once? This is a practical and very serious question to you? + +The success of your army and the cause of the country are the same, and, +of course, I only desire the good of the cause. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH, + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 10, 1862 + +FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I send you this copy of your report of yesterday for the +purpose of saying to you in writing that you are quite right in supposing +the movement made by you and therein reported was made in accordance with +my wishes verbally expressed to you in advance. I avail myself of the +occasion to thank you for your courtesy and all your conduct, so far as +known to me, during my brief visit here. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION RAISING THE BLOCKADE OF CERTAIN PORTS. + +May 12, 1862. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas, by my proclamation of the 19th of April, one thousand eight +hundred and sixty-one, it was declared that the ports of certain States, +including those of Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina, Port Royal, +in the State of South Carolina, and New Orleans, in the State of +Louisiana, were, for reasons therein set forth, intended to be placed +under blockade; and whereas the said ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and +New Orleans have since been blockaded; but as the blockade of the same +ports may now be safely relaxed with advantage to the interests of +commerce: + +Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the +United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth +section of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July last, +entitled "An act further to provide for the collection of duties on +imports, and for other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade of +the said ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and New Orleans shall so far +cease and determine, from and after the first day of June next, that +commercial intercourse with those ports, except as to persons, things, +and information contraband of war, may from that time be carried on, +subject to the laws of the United States, and to the limitations and in +pursuance of the regulations which are prescribed by the Secretary of the +Treasury in his order of this date, which is appended to this +proclamation. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this twelfth day of May, in the year of +our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, +Volume 5, 1858-1862, by Abraham Lincoln + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS OF LINCOLN *** + +***** This file should be named 2657.txt or 2657.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.net/2/6/5/2657/ + +Produced by David Widger + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +http://gutenberg.net/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.net), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at http://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit http://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including including checks, online payments and credit card +donations. To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + http://www.gutenberg.net + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. |