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What +objection could be made to him? What is your Senator Martin saying +and doing? What is Webb about? + +Please write me. +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 24, 1858 + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +DEAR SIR:--Your letter enclosing the attack of the Times upon me was +received this morning. Give yourself no concern about my voting +against the supplies. Unless you are without faith that a lie can be +successfully contradicted, there is not a word of truth in the +charge, and I am just considering a little as to the best shape to +put a contradiction in. Show this to whomever you please, but do not +publish it in the paper. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. W. SOMERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 25, 1858. + +JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 22nd, inclosing a draft of two hundred +dollars, was duly received. I have paid it on the judgment, and +herewith you have the receipt. I do not wish to say anything as to +who shall be the Republican candidate for the Legislature in your +district, further than that I have full confidence in Dr. Hull. Have +you ever got in the way of consulting with McKinley in political +matters? He is true as steel, and his judgment is very good. The +last I heard from him, he rather thought Weldon, of De Witt, was our +best timber for representative, all things considered. But you there +must settle it among yourselves. It may well puzzle older heads than +yours to understand how, as the Dred Scott decision holds, Congress +can authorize a Territorial Legislature to do everything else, and +cannot authorize them to prohibit slavery. That is one of the things +the court can decide, but can never give an intelligible reason for. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. CAMPBELL. + +SPRINGFIELD, June 28, 1858. + +A. CAMPBELL, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--In 1856 you gave me authority to draw on you for any +sum not exceeding five hundred dollars. I see clearly that such a +privilege would be more available now than it was then. I am aware +that times are tighter now than they were then. Please write me at +all events, and whether you can now do anything or not I shall +continue grateful for the past. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. GILLESPIE. + +SPRINGFIELD, July 16, 1858. + +HON. JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I write this to say that from the specimens of Douglas +Democracy we occasionally see here from Madison, we learn that they +are making very confident calculation of beating you and your friends +for the lower house, in that county. They offer to bet upon it. +Billings and Job, respectively, have been up here, and were each as I +learn, talking largely about it. If they do so, it can only be done +by carrying the Fillmore men of 1856 very differently from what they +seem to [be] going in the other party. Below is the vote of 1856, in +your district: + +Counties. + + Counties. Buchanan. Fremont. Fillmore. + Bond ............ 607 153 659 + Madison ......... 1451 1111 1658 + Montgomery ...... 992 162 686 + ---- ---- ---- + 3050 1426 3003 + +By this you will see, if you go through the calculation, that if they +get one quarter of the Fillmore votes, and you three quarters, they +will beat you 125 votes. If they get one fifth, and you four fifths, +you beat them 179. In Madison, alone, if our friends get 1000 of the +Fillmore votes, and their opponents the remainder, 658, we win by +just two votes. + +This shows the whole field, on the basis of the election of 1856. + +Whether, since then, any Buchanan, or Fremonters, have shifted +ground, and how the majority of new votes will go, you can judge +better than I. + +Of course you, on the ground, can better determine your line of +tactics than any one off the ground; but it behooves you to be wide +awake and actively working. + +Don't neglect it; and write me at your first leisure. +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOHN MATHERS, JACKSONVILLE, ILL. + +SPRINGFIELD, JULY 20, 1858. + +JNO. MATHERS, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your kind and interesting letter of the 19th was duly +received. Your suggestions as to placing one's self on the offensive +rather than the defensive are certainly correct. That is a point +which I shall not disregard. I spoke here on Saturday night. The +speech, not very well reported, appears in the State journal of this +morning. You doubtless will see it; and I hope that you will +perceive in it that I am already improving. I would mail you a copy +now, but have not one [at] hand. I thank you for your letter and +shall be pleased to hear from you again. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + +SPRINGFIELD, JULY 25, 1858. + +HON. J. GILLESPIE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your doleful letter of the 8th was received on my +return from Chicago last night. I do hope you are worse scared than +hurt, though you ought to know best. We must not lose the district. +We must make a job of it, and save it. Lay hold of the proper +agencies, and secure all the Americans you can, at once. I do hope, +on closer inspection, you will find they are not half gone. Make a +little test. Run down one of the poll-books of the Edwardsville +precinct, and take the first hundred known American names. Then +quietly ascertain how many of them are actually going for Douglas. I +think you will find less than fifty. But even if you find fifty, +make sure of the other fifty, that is, make sure of all you can, at +all events. We will set other agencies to work which shall +compensate for the loss of a good many Americans. Don't fail to +check the stampede at once. Trumbull, I think, will be with you +before long. + +There is much he cannot do, and some he can. I have reason to hope +there will be other help of an appropriate kind. Write me again. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO B. C. COOK. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 2, 1858. + +Hon. B. C. COOK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have a letter from a very true and intelligent man +insisting that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and Bureau to run +Douglas Republicans for Congress and for the Legislature in those +counties, if they can only get the encouragement of our folks +nominating pretty extreme abolitionists. + +It is thought they will do nothing if our folks nominate men who are +not very obnoxious to the charge of abolitionism. Please have your +eye upon this. Signs are looking pretty fair. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HON. J. M. PALMER. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 5, 1858. + +HON. J. M. PALMER. + +DEAR SIR:--Since we parted last evening no new thought has occurred +to [me] on the subject of which we talked most yesterday. + +I have concluded, however, to speak at your town on Tuesday, August +31st, and have promised to have it so appear in the papers of +to-morrow. Judge Trumbull has not yet reached here. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO ALEXANDER SYMPSON. + +SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 11, 1858. + +ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 6th received. If life and health continue I +shall pretty likely be at Augusta on the 25th. + +Things look reasonably well. Will tell you more fully when I see +you. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. O. CUNNINGHAM. + +OTTAWA, August 22, 1858. + +J. O. CUNNINGHAM, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 18th, signed as secretary of the +Republican club, is received. In the matter of making speeches I am +a good deal pressed by invitations from almost all quarters, and +while I hope to be at Urbana some time during the canvass, I cannot +yet say when. Can you not see me at Monticello on the 6th of +September? + +Douglas and I, for the first time this canvass, crossed swords here +yesterday; the fire flew some, and I am glad to know I am yet alive. +There was a vast concourse of people--more than could get near enough +to hear. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON SLAVERY IN A DEMOCRACY. + +August ??, 1858 + +As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This +expresses my idea of democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the +extent of the difference, is no democracy. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO B. C. COOK. + +SPRINGFIELD, August 2, 1858 + +HON. B. C. COOK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have a letter from a very true friend, and +intelligent man, writing that there is a plan on foot in La Salle and +Bureau, to run Douglas Republican for Congress and for the +Legislature in those counties, if they can only get the encouragement +of our folks nominating pretty extreme abolitionists. It is thought +they will do nothing if our folks nominate men who are not very +[undecipherable word looks like "obnoxious"] to the charge of +abolitionism. Please have your eye upon this. Signs are looking +pretty fair. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO DR. WILLIAM FITHIAN, DANVILLE, ILL. + +BLOOMINGTON, Sept. 3, 1858 + +DEAR DOCTOR:--Yours of the 1st was received this morning, as also one +from Mr. Harmon, and one from Hiram Beckwith on the same subject. +You will see by the Journal that I have been appointed to speak at +Danville on the 22d of Sept.,--the day after Douglas speaks there. +My recent experience shows that speaking at the same place the next +day after D. is the very thing,--it is, in fact, a concluding speech +on him. Please show this to Messrs. Harmon and Beckwith; and tell +them they must excuse me from writing separate letters to them. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + +P. S.--Give full notice to all surrounding country. +A.L. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT PARIS, ILL., + +SEPT. 8, 1858. + +Let us inquire what Judge Douglas really invented when he introduced +the Nebraska Bill? He called it Popular Sovereignty. What does that +mean? It means the sovereignty of the people over their own affairs-- +in other words, the right of the people to govern themselves. Did +Judge Douglas invent this? Not quite. The idea of popular +sovereignty was floating about several ages before the author of the +Nebraska Bill was born--indeed, before Columbus set foot on this +continent. In the year 1776 it took form in the noble words which +you are all familiar with: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, +that all men are created equal," etc. Was not this the origin of +popular sovereignty as applied to the American people? Here we are +told that governments are instituted among men deriving their just +powers from the consent of the governed. If that is not popular +sovereignty, then I have no conception of the meaning of words. If +Judge Douglas did not invent this kind of popular sovereignty, let us +pursue the inquiry and find out what kind he did invent. Was it the +right of emigrants to Kansas and Nebraska to govern themselves, and a +lot of "niggers," too, if they wanted them? Clearly this was no +invention of his because General Cass put forth the same doctrine in +1848 in his so called Nicholson letter, six years before Douglas +thought of such a thing. Then what was it that the "Little Giant" +invented? It never occurred to General Cass to call his discovery by +the odd name of popular sovereignty. He had not the face to say that +the right of the people to govern "niggers" was the right of the +people to govern themselves. His notions of the fitness of things +were not moulded to the brazenness of calling the right to put a +hundred "niggers" through under the lash in Nebraska a "sacred" right +of self-government. And here I submit to you was Judge Douglas's +discovery, and the whole of it: He discovered that the right to breed +and flog negroes in Nebraska was popular sovereignty. + + + + +SPEECH AT CLINTON, ILLINOIS, + +SEPTEMBER 8, 1858. + +The questions are sometimes asked "What is all this fuss that is +being made about negroes? What does it amount to? And where will it +end?" These questions imply that those who ask them consider the +slavery question a very insignificant matter they think that it +amounts to little or nothing and that those who agitate it are +extremely foolish. Now it must be admitted that if the great +question which has caused so much trouble is insignificant, we are +very foolish to have anything to do with it--if it is of no +importance we had better throw it aside and busy ourselves with +something else. But let us inquire a little into this insignificant +matter, as it is called by some, and see if it is not important +enough to demand the close attention of every well-wisher of the +Union. In one of Douglas's recent speeches, I find a reference to +one which was made by me in Springfield some time ago. The judge +makes one quotation from that speech that requires some little notice +from me at this time. I regret that I have not my Springfield speech +before me, but the judge has quoted one particular part of it so +often that I think I can recollect it. It runs I think as follows: + +"We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with +the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery +agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not +only not ceased but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will +not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. + +"A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this +government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do +not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to +fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become +all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will +arrest the further spread of it and place it where the public mind +shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate +extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall +become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as +well as South." + +Judge Douglas makes use of the above quotation, and finds a great +deal of fault with it. He deals unfairly with me, and tries to make +the people of this State believe that I advocated dangerous doctrines +in my Springfield speech. Let us see if that portion of my +Springfield speech of which Judge Douglas complains so bitterly, is +as objectionable to others as it is to him. We are, certainly, far +into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed +object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. +On the fourth day of January, 1854, Judge Douglas introduced the +Kansas-Nebraska bill. He initiated a new policy, and that policy, so +he says, was to put an end to the agitation of the slavery question. +Whether that was his object or not I will not stop to discuss, but at +all events some kind of a policy was initiated; and what has been the +result? Instead of the quiet and good feeling which were promised us +by the self-styled author of Popular Sovereignty, we have had nothing +but ill-feeling and agitation. According to Judge Douglas, the +passage of the Nebraska bill would tranquilize the whole country-- +there would be no more slavery agitation in or out of Congress, and +the vexed question would be left entirely to the people of the +Territories. Such was the opinion of Judge Douglas, and such were +the opinions of the leading men of the Democratic Party. Even as +late as the spring of 1856 Mr. Buchanan said, a short time subsequent +to his nomination by the Cincinnati convention, that the territory of +Kansas would be tranquil in less than six weeks. Perhaps he thought +so, but Kansas has not been and is not tranquil, and it may be a long +time before she may be so. + +We all know how fierce the agitation was in Congress last winter, and +what a narrow escape Kansas had from being admitted into the Union +with a constitution that was detested by ninety-nine hundredths of +her citizens. Did the angry debates which took place at Washington +during the last season of Congress lead you to suppose that the +slavery agitation was settled? + +An election was held in Kansas in the month of August, and the +constitution which was submitted to the people was voted down by a +large majority. So Kansas is still out of the Union, and there is a +probability that she will remain out for some time. But Judge +Douglas says the slavery question is settled. He says the bill he +introduced into the Senate of the United States on the 4th day of +January, 1854, settled the slavery question forever! Perhaps he can +tell us how that bill settled the slavery question, for if he is able +to settle a question of such great magnitude he ought to be able to +explain the manner in which he does it. He knows and you know that +the question is not settled, and that his ill-timed experiment to +settle it has made it worse than it ever was before. + +And now let me say a few words in regard to Douglas's great hobby of +negro equality. He thinks--he says at least--that the Republican +party is in favor of allowing whites and blacks to intermarry, and +that a man can't be a good Republican unless he is willing to elevate +black men to office and to associate with them on terms of perfect +equality. He knows that we advocate no such doctrines as these, but +he cares not how much he misrepresents us if he can gain a few votes +by so doing. To show you what my opinion of negro equality was in +times past, and to prove to you that I stand on that question where I +always stood, I will read you a few extracts from a speech that was +made by me in Peoria in 1854. It was made in reply to one of Judge +Douglas's speeches. + +(Mr. Lincoln then read a number of extracts which had the ring of the +true metal. We have rarely heard anything with which we have been +more pleased. And the audience after hearing the extracts read, and +comparing their conservative sentiments with those now advocated by +Mr. Lincoln, testified their approval by loud applause. How any +reasonable man can hear one of Mr. Lincoln's speeches without being +converted to Republicanism is something that we can't account for. +Ed.) + +Slavery, continued Mr. Lincoln, is not a matter of little importance, +it overshadows every other question in which we are interested. It +has divided the Methodist and Presbyterian churches, and has sown +discord in the American Tract Society. The churches have split and +the society will follow their example before long. So it will be +seen that slavery is agitated in the religious as well as in the +political world. +Judge Douglas is very much afraid in the triumph that the Republican +party will lead to a general mixture of the white and black races. +Perhaps I am wrong in saying that he is afraid, so I will correct +myself by saying that he pretends to fear that the success of our +party will result in the amalgamation of the blacks and whites. I +think I can show plainly, from documents now before me, that Judge +Douglas's fears are groundless. The census of 1800 tells us that in +that year there were over four hundred thousand mulattoes in the +United States. Now let us take what is called an Abolition State-- +the Republican, slavery-hating State of New Hampshire--and see how +many mulattoes we can find within her borders. The number amounts to +just one hundred and eighty-four. In the Old Dominion--in the +Democratic and aristocratic State of Virginia--there were a few more +mulattoes than the Census-takers found in New Hampshire. How many do +you suppose there were? Seventy-nine thousand, seven hundred and +seventy-five--twenty-three thousand more than there were in all the +free States! In the slave States there were in 1800, three +hundred and forty-eight thousand mulattoes all of home production; +and in the free States there were less than sixty thousand mulattoes +--and a large number of them were imported from the South. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT EDWARDSVILLE, ILL., + +SEPT. 13, 1858. + +I have been requested to give a concise statement of the difference, +as I understand it, between the Democratic and Republican parties, on +the leading issues of the campaign. This question has been put to me +by a gentleman whom I do not know. I do not even know whether he is +a friend of mine or a supporter of Judge Douglas in this contest, nor +does that make any difference. His question is a proper one. Lest I +should forget it, I will give you my answer before proceeding with +the line of argument I have marked out for this discussion. + +The difference between the Republican and the Democratic parties on +the leading issues of this contest, as I understand it, is that the +former consider slavery a moral, social and political wrong, while +the latter do not consider it either a moral, a social or a political +wrong; and the action of each, as respects the growth of the country +and the expansion of our population, is squared to meet these views. +I will not affirm that the Democratic party consider slavery morally, +socially and politically right, though their tendency to that view +has, in my opinion, been constant and unmistakable for the past five +years. I prefer to take, as the accepted maxim of the party, the +idea put forth by Judge Douglas, that he don't care whether slavery +is voted down or voted up." I am quite willing to believe that many +Democrats would prefer that slavery should be always voted down, and +I know that some prefer that it be always voted up"; but I have a +right to insist that their action, especially if it be their constant +action, shall determine their ideas and preferences on this subject. +Every measure of the Democratic party of late years, bearing directly +or indirectly on the slavery question, has corresponded with this +notion of utter indifference whether slavery or freedom shall outrun +in the race of empire across to the Pacific--every measure, I say, up +to the Dred Scott decision, where, it seems to me, the idea is boldly +suggested that slavery is better than freedom. The Republican party, +on the contrary, hold that this government was instituted to secure +the blessings of freedom, and that slavery is an unqualified evil to +the negro, to the white man, to the soil, and to the State. +Regarding it as an evil, they will not molest it in the States where +it exists, they will not overlook the constitutional guards which our +fathers placed around it; they will do nothing that can give proper +offence to those who hold slaves by legal sanction; but they will use +every constitutional method to prevent the evil from becoming larger +and involving more negroes, more white men, more soil, and more +States in its deplorable consequences. They will, if possible, place +it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in +course of ultimate peaceable extinction in God's own good time. And +to this end they will, if possible, restore the government to the +policy of the fathers, the policy of preserving the new Territories +from the baneful influence of human bondage, as the Northwestern +Territories were sought to be preserved by the Ordinance of 1787, and +the Compromise Act of 1820. They will oppose, in all its length and +breadth, the modern Democratic idea, that slavery is as good as +freedom, and ought to have room for expansion all over the continent, +if people can be found to carry it. All, or nearly all, of Judge +Douglas's arguments are logical, if you admit that slavery is as good +and as right as freedom, and not one of them is worth a rush if you +deny it. This is the difference, as I understand it, between the +Republican and Democratic parties. + +My friends, I have endeavored to show you the logical consequences of +the Dred Scott decision, which holds that the people of a Territory +cannot prevent the establishment of slavery in their midst. I have +stated what cannot be gainsaid, that the grounds upon which this +decision is made are equally applicable to the free States as to the +free Territories, and that the peculiar reasons put forth by Judge +Douglas for indorsing this decision commit him, in advance, to the +next decision and to all other decisions corning from the same +source. And when, by all these means, you have succeeded in +dehumanizing the negro; when you have put him down and made it +impossible for him to be but as the beasts of the field; when you +have extinguished his soul in this world and placed him where the ray +of hope is blown out as in the darkness of the damned, are you quite +sure that the demon you have roused will not turn and rend you? What +constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and independence? It is +not our frowning battlements, our bristling sea coasts, our army and +our navy. These are not our reliance against tyranny All of those +may be turned against us without making us weaker for the struggle. +Our reliance is in the love of liberty which God has planted in us. +Our defense is in the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of +all men, in all lands everywhere. Destroy this spirit and you have +planted the seeds of despotism at your own doors. Familiarize +yourselves with the chains of bondage and you prepare your own limbs +to wear them. Accustomed to trample on the rights of others, you +have lost the genius of your own independence and become the fit +subjects of the first cunning tyrant who rises among you. And let me +tell you, that all these things are prepared for you by the teachings +of history, if the elections shall promise that the next Dred Scott +decision and all future decisions will be quietly acquiesced in by +the people. + + + + +VERSE TO "LINNIE " + +September 30,? 1858. + +TO "LINNIE": + +A sweet plaintive song did I hear +And I fancied that she was the singer. +May emotions as pure as that song set astir +Be the wont that the future shall bring her. + + + + +NEGROES ARE MEN + +TO J. U. BROWN. + +SPRINGFIELD, OCT 18, 1858 + +HON. J. U. BROWN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I do not perceive how I can express myself more plainly +than I have in the fore-going extracts. In four of them I have +expressly disclaimed all intention to bring about social and +political equality between the white and black races and in all the +rest I have done the same thing by clear implication. + +I have made it equally plain that I think the negro is included in +the word "men" used in the Declaration of Independence. + +I believe the declaration that "all men are created equal "is the +great fundamental principle upon which our free institutions rest; +that negro slavery is violative of that principle; but that, by our +frame of government, that principle has not been made one of legal +obligation; that by our frame of government, States which have +slavery are to retain it, or surrender it at their own pleasure; and +that all others--individuals, free States and national Government-- +are constitutionally bound to leave them alone about it. + +I believe our Government was thus framed because of the necessity +springing from the actual presence of slavery, when it was framed. + +That such necessity does not exist in the Territories when slavery is +not present. + +In his Mendenhall speech Mr. Clay says: "Now as an abstract principle +there is no doubt of the truth of that declaration (all men created +equal), and it is desirable, in the original construction of society, +to keep it in view as a great fundamental principle." + +Again, in the same speech Mr. Clay says: "If a state of nature +existed and we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man +would be more strongly opposed than I should to incorporate the +institution of slavery among its elements." + +Exactly so. In our new free Territories, a state of nature does +exist. In them Congress lays the foundations of society; and in +laying those foundations, I say, with Mr. Clay, it is desirable that +the declaration of the equality of all men shall be kept in view as a +great fundamental principle, and that Congress, which lays the +foundations of society, should, like Mr. Clay, be strongly opposed to +the incorporation of slavery and its elements. + +But it does not follow that social and political equality between +whites and blacks must be incorporated because slavery must not. The +declaration does not so require. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + +[Newspaper cuttings of Lincoln's speeches at Peoria, in 1854, at +Springfield, Ottawa, Chicago, and Charleston, in 1858. They were +pasted in a little book in which the above letter was also written.] + + + + +TO A. SYMPSON. + +BLANDINSVILLE, Oct 26, 1858 + +A. SYMPSON, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Since parting with you this morning I heard some things +which make me believe that Edmunds and Morrill will spend this week +among the National Democrats, trying to induce them to content +themselves by voting for Jake Davis, and then to vote for the Douglas +candidates for senator and representative. Have this headed off, if +you can. Call Wagley's attention to it and have him and the National +Democrat for Rep. to counteract it as far as they can. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SENATORIAL ELECTION LOST AND OUT OF MONEY + +TO N. B. JUDD. + +SPRINGFIELD, NOVEMBER 16, 1858 + +HON. N. B. JUDD + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th is just received. I wrote you the same +day. As to the pecuniary matter, I am willing to pay according to my +ability; but I am the poorest hand living to get others to pay. I +have been on expenses so long without earning anything that I am +absolutely without money now for even household purposes. Still, if +you can put in two hundred and fifty dollars for me toward +discharging the debt of the committee, I will allow it when you and I +settle the private matter between us. This, with what I have already +paid, and with an outstanding note of mine, will exceed my +subscription of five hundred dollars. This, too, is exclusive of my +ordinary expenses during the campaign, all of which, being added to +my loss of time and business, bears pretty heavily upon one no better +off in [this] world's goods than I; but as I had the post of honor, +it is not for me to be over nice. You are feeling badly,--"And this +too shall pass away," never fear. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +THE FIGHT MUST GO ON + +TO H. ASBURY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November 19, 1858. + +HENRY ASBURY, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 13th was received some days ago. The fight +must go on. The cause of civil liberty must not be surrendered at +the end of one or even one hundred defeats. Douglas had the +ingenuity to be supported in the late contest both as the best means +to break down and to uphold the slave interest. No ingenuity can +keep these antagonistic elements in harmony long. Another explosion +will soon come. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REALIZATION THAT DEBATES MUST BE SAVED + +TO C. H. RAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, Nov.20, 1858 + +DR. C. H. RAY + +MY DEAR SIR:--I wish to preserve a set of the late debates (if they +may be called so), between Douglas and myself. To enable me to do +so, please get two copies of each number of your paper containing the +whole, and send them to me by express; and I will pay you for the +papers and for your trouble. I wish the two sets in order to lay one +away in the [undecipherable word] and to put the other in a +scrapbook. Remember, if part of any debate is on both sides of the +sheet it will take two sets to make one scrap-book. + +I believe, according to a letter of yours to Hatch, you are "feeling +like h-ll yet." Quit that--you will soon feel better. Another "blow +up" is coming; and we shall have fun again. Douglas managed to be +supported both as the best instrument to down and to uphold the slave +power; but no ingenuity can long keep the antagonism in harmony. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November 30, 1858 + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +MY DEAR SIR :--Being desirous of preserving in some permanent form +the late joint discussion between Douglas and myself, ten days ago I +wrote to Dr. Ray, requesting him to forward to me by express two +sets of the numbers of the Tribune which contain the reports of those +discussions. Up to date I have no word from him on the subject. +Will you, if in your power, procure them and forward them to me by +express? If you will, I will pay all charges, and be greatly obliged, +to boot. Hoping to visit you before long, I remain + +As ever your friend, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. D. SHARPE. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 8, 1858. + +H. D. SHARPE, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of Nov. 9th was duly received. I +do not know that you expected or desired an answer; but glancing over +the contents of yours again, I am prompted to say that, while I +desired the result of the late canvass to have been different, I +still regard it as an exceeding small matter. I think we have fairly +entered upon a durable struggle as to whether this nation is to +ultimately become all slave or all free, and though I fall early in +the contest, it is nothing if I shall have contributed, in the least +degree, to the final rightful result. + +Respectfully yours, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. SYMPSON. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec.12, 1858. + +ALEXANDER SYMPSON, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I expect the result of the election went hard with you. +So it did with me, too, perhaps not quite so hard as you may have +supposed. I have an abiding faith that we shall beat them in the +long run. Step by step the objects of the leaders will become too +plain for the people to stand them. I write merely to let you know +that I am neither dead nor dying. Please give my respects to your +good family, and all inquiring friends. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON BANKRUPTCY + +NOTES OF AN ARGUMENT. + +December [?], 1858. + +Legislation and adjudication must follow and conform to the progress +of society. + +The progress of society now begins to produce cases of the transfer +for debts of the entire property of railroad corporations; and to +enable transferees to use and enjoy the transferred property, +legislation and adjudication begin to be necessary. + +Shall this class of legislation just now beginning with us be general +or special? + +Section Ten of our Constitution requires that it should be general, +if possible. (Read the section.) + +Special legislation always trenches upon the judicial department; and +in so far violates Section Two of the Constitution. (Read it.) + +Just reasoning--policy--is in favor of general legislation--else the +Legislature will be loaded down with the investigation of smaller +cases--a work which the courts ought to perform, and can perform much +more perfectly. How can the Legislature rightly decide the facts +between P. & B. and S.C. + +It is said that under a general law, whenever a R. R. Co. gets tired +of its debts, it may transfer fraudulently to get rid of them. So +they may--so may individuals; and which--the Legislature or the +courts--is best suited to try the question of fraud in either case? + +It is said, if a purchaser have acquired legal rights, let him not be +robbed of them, but if he needs legislation let him submit to just +terms to obtain it. + +Let him, say we, have general law in advance (guarded in every +possible way against fraud), so that, when he acquires a legal right, +he will have no occasion to wait for additional legislation; and if +he has practiced fraud let the courts so decide. + + + + +A LEGAL OPINION BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +The 11th Section of the Act of Congress, approved Feb. 11, 1805, +prescribing rules for the subdivision of sections of land within the +United States system of surveys, standing unrepealed, in my opinion, +is binding on the respective purchasers of different parts of the +same section, and furnishes the true rule for surveyors in +establishing lines between them. That law, being in force at the +time each became a purchaser, becomes a condition of the purchase. + +And, by that law, I think the true rule for dividing into quarters +any interior section or sections, which is not fractional, is to run +straight lines through the section from the opposite quarter section +corners, fixing the point where such straight lines cross, or +intersect each other, as the middle or centre of the section. + +Nearly, perhaps quite, all the original surveys are to some extent +erroneous, and in some of the sections, greatly so. In each of the +latter, it is obvious that a more equitable mode of division than the +above might be adopted; but as error is infinitely various perhaps no +better single rules can be prescribed. + +At all events I think the above has been prescribed by the competent +authority. + +SPRINGFIELD, Jany. 6, 1859. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO M. W. DELAHAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 4, 1859. + +M. W. DELAHAY, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR: Your second letter in relation to my being with you at +your Republican convention was duly received. It is not at hand just +now, but I have the impression from it that the convention was to be +at Leavenworth; but day before yesterday a friend handed me a letter +from Judge M. F. Caraway, in which he also expresses a wish for me to +come, and he fixes the place at Ossawatomie. This I believe is off +of the river, and will require more time and labor to get to it. It +will push me hard to get there without injury to my own business; but +I shall try to do it, though I am not yet quite certain I shall +succeed. + +I should like to know before coming, that while some of you wish me +to come, there may not be others who would quite as lief I would stay +away. Write me again. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. M. MORRIS. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 28, 1859. + +W. M. MORRIS, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Your kind note inviting me to deliver a lecture at +Galesburg is received. I regret to say I cannot do so now; I must +stick to the courts awhile. I read a sort of lecture to three +different audiences during the last month and this; but I did so +under circumstances which made it a waste of no time whatever. + +Yours very truly, + + + + +TO H. L. PIERCE AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, April 6, 1859. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your kind note inviting me to attend a festival in +Boston, on the 28th instant, in honor of the birthday of Thomas +Jefferson, was duly received. My engagements are such that I cannot +attend. + +Bearing in mind that about seventy years ago two great political +parties were first formed in this country, that Thomas Jefferson was +the head of one of them and Boston the headquarters of the other, it +is both curious and interesting that those supposed to descend +politically from the party opposed to Jefferson should now be +celebrating his birthday in their own original seat of empire, while +those claiming political descent from him have nearly ceased to +breathe his name everywhere. + +Remembering, too, that the Jefferson party was formed upon its +supposed superior devotion to the personal rights of men, holding the +rights of property to be secondary only, and greatly inferior, and +assuming that the so-called Democracy of to-day are the Jefferson, +and their opponents the anti-Jefferson, party, it will be equally +interesting to note how completely the two have changed hands as to +the principle upon which they were originally supposed to be divided. +The Democracy of to-day hold the liberty of one man to be absolutely +nothing, when in conflict with another man's right of property; +Republicans, on the contrary, are for both the man and the dollar, +but in case of conflict the man before the dollar. + +I remember being once much amused at seeing two partially intoxicated +men engaged in a fight with their great-coats on, which fight, after +a long and rather harmless contest, ended in each having fought +himself out of his own coat and into that of the other. If the two +leading parties of this day are really identical with the two in the +days of Jefferson and Adams, they have performed the same feat as the +two drunken men. + +But soberly, it is now no child's play to save the principles of +Jefferson from total overthrow in this nation. One would state with +great confidence that he could convince any sane child that the +simpler propositions of Euclid are true; but nevertheless he would +fail, utterly, with one who should deny the definitions and axioms. +The principles of Jefferson are the definitions and axioms of free +society. And yet they are denied and evaded, with no small show of +success. One dashingly calls them "glittering generalities." +Another bluntly calls them "self-evident lies." And others +insidiously argue that they apply to "superior races." These +expressions, differing in form, are identical in object and effect-- +the supplanting the principles of free government, and restoring +those of classification, caste, and legitimacy. They would delight a +convocation of crowned heads plotting against the people. They are +the vanguard, the miners and sappers, of returning despotism. We +must repulse them, or they will subjugate us. This is a world of +compensation; and he who would be no slave must consent to have no +slave. Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for +themselves, and, under a just God, cannot long retain it. All honor +to Jefferson to the man who, in the concrete pressure of a struggle +for national independence by a single people, had the coolness, +forecast, and capacity to introduce into a mere revolutionary +document an abstract truth, applicable to all men and all times, and +so to embalm it there that to-day and in all coming days it shall be +a rebuke and a stumbling-block to the very harbingers of reappearing +tyranny and oppression. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO T. CANISIUS. + +SPRINGFIELD, May 17, 1859. + +DR. THEODORE CANISIUS. + +DEAR SIR:--Your note asking, in behalf of yourself and other German +citizens, whether I am for or against the constitutional provision in +regard to naturalized citizens, lately adopted by Massachusetts, and +whether I am for or against a fusion of the Republicans and other +opposition elements for the canvass of 1860, is received. + +Massachusetts is a sovereign and independent State; and it is no +privilege of mine to scold her for what she does. Still, if from +what she has done an inference is sought to be drawn as to what I +would do, I may without impropriety speak out. I say, then, that, as +I understand the Massachusetts provision, I am against its adoption +in Illinois, or in any other place where I have a right to oppose it. +Understanding the spirit of our institutions to aim at the elevation +of men, I am opposed to whatever tends to degrade them. I have some +little notoriety for commiserating the oppressed negro; and I should +be strangely inconsistent if I could favor any project for curtailing +the existing rights of white men, even though born in different +lands, and speaking different languages from myself. As to the +matter of fusion, I am for it if it can be had on Republican grounds; +and I am not for it on any other terms. A fusion on any other terms +would be as foolish as unprincipled. It would lose the whole North, +while the common enemy would still carry the whole South. The +question of men is a different one. There are good, patriotic men +and able statesmen in the South whom I would cheerfully support, if +they would now place themselves on Republican ground, but I am +against letting down the Republican standard a hairsbreadth. + +I have written this hastily, but I believe it answers your questions +substantially. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE GOVERNOR, AUDITOR, AND TREASURER OF THE STATE OF ILLINOIS. + +GENTLEMEN: + +In reply to your inquiry; requesting our written opinion as to what +your duty requires you to do in executing the latter clause of the +Seventh Section of "An Act in relation to the payment of the +principal and interest of the State debt," approved Feb'y 22, 1859, +we reply that said last clause of said section is certainly +indefinite, general, and ambiguous in its description of the bonds to +be issued by you; giving no time at which the bonds are to be made +payable, no place at which either principal or interest are to be +paid, and no rate of interest which the bonds are to bear; nor any +other description except that they are to be coupon bonds, which in +commercial usage means interest-paying bonds with obligations or +orders attached to them for the payment of annual or semiannual +interest; there is we suppose no difficulty in ascertaining, if this +act stood alone, what ought to be the construction of the terms +"coupon bonds" and that it, would mean bonds bearing interest from +the time of issuing the same. And under this act considered by +itself the creditors would have a right to require such bonds. But +your inquiry in regard to a class of bonds on which no interest is to +be paid or shall begin to run until January 1, 1860, is whether the +Act of February 18, 1857, would not authorize you to refuse to give +bonds with any coupons attached payable before the first day of July, +1860. We have very maturely considered this question and have arrived +at the conclusion that you have a right to use such measures as will +secure the State against the loss of six months' interest on these +bonds by the indefiniteness of the Act of 1859. While it cannot be +denied that the letter of the laws favor the construction claimed by +some of the creditors that interest-bearing bonds were required to be +issued to them, inasmuch as the restriction that no interest is to +run on said bonds until 1st January, 1860, relates solely to the +bonds issued under the Act of 1857. And the Act of 1859 directing +you to issue new bonds does not contain this restriction, but directs +you to issue coupon bonds. Nevertheless the very indefiniteness and +generality of the Act of 1859, giving no rate of interest, no time +due, no place of payment, no postponement of the time when interest +commences, necessarily implies that the Legislature intended to +invest you with a discretion to impose such terms and restrictions as +would protect the interest of the State; and we think you have a +right and that it is your duty to see that the State Bonds are so +issued that the State shall not lose six months' interest. Two plans +present themselves either of which will secure the State. 1st. If in +literal compliance with the law you issue bonds bearing interest from +1st July, 1859, you may deduct from the bonds presented three +thousand from every $100,000 of bonds and issue $97,000 of coupon +bonds; by this plan $3000 out of $100,000 of principal would be +extinguished in consideration of paying $2910 interest on the first +of January, 1860--and the interest on the $3000 would forever cease; +this would be no doubt most advantageous to the State. But if the +Auditor will not consent to this, then, 2nd. Cut off of each bond +all the coupons payable before 1st July, 1860. + +One of these plans would undoubtedly have been prescribed by the +Legislature if its attention had been directed to this question. + +May 28, 1859. + + + + +ON LINCOLN'S SCRAP BOOK + +TO H. C. WHITNEY. + +SPRINGFIELD, December 25, 1858. + +H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have just received yours of the 23rd inquiring +whether I received the newspapers you sent me by express. I did +receive them, and am very much obliged. There is some probability +that my scrap-book will be reprinted, and if it shall, I will save +you a copy. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + + +1859 + + + +FIRST SUGGESTION OF A PRESIDENTIAL OFFER. + +TO S. GALLOWAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., July 28, 1859. + +HON. SAMUEL GALLOWAY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very complimentary, not to say flattering, letter +of the 23d inst. is received. Dr. Reynolds had induced me to expect +you here; and I was disappointed not a little by your failure to +come. And yet I fear you have formed an estimate of me which can +scarcely be sustained on a personal acquaintance. + +Two things done by the Ohio Republican convention--the repudiation of +Judge Swan, and the "plank" for a repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law--I +very much regretted. These two things are of a piece; and they are +viewed by many good men, sincerely opposed to slavery, as a struggle +against, and in disregard of, the Constitution itself. And it is the +very thing that will greatly endanger our cause, if it be not kept +out of our national convention. There is another thing our friends +are doing which gives me some uneasiness. It is their leaning toward +"popular sovereignty." There are three substantial objections to +this: First, no party can command respect which sustains this year +what it opposed last. Secondly, Douglas (who is the most dangerous +enemy of liberty, because the most insidious one) would have little +support in the North, and by consequence, no capital to trade on in +the South, if it were not for his friends thus magnifying him and his +humbug. But lastly, and chiefly, Douglas's popular sovereignty, +accepted by the public mind as a just principle, nationalizes +slavery, and revives the African slave trade inevitably. + +Taking slaves into new Territories, and buying slaves in Africa, are +identical things, identical rights or identical wrongs, and the +argument which establishes one will establish the other. Try a +thousand years for a sound reason why Congress shall not hinder the +people of Kansas from having slaves, and, when you have found it, it +will be an equally good one why Congress should not hinder the people +of Georgia from importing slaves from Africa. + +As to Governor Chase, I have a kind side for him. He was one of the +few distinguished men of the nation who gave us, in Illinois, their +sympathy last year. I never saw him, but suppose him to be able and +right-minded; but still he may not be the most suitable as a +candidate for the Presidency. + +I must say I do not think myself fit for the Presidency. As you +propose a correspondence with me, I shall look for your letters +anxiously. + +I have not met Dr. Reynolds since receiving your letter; but when I +shall, I will present your respects as requested. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +IT IS BAD TO BE POOR. + +TO HAWKINS TAYLOR + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. Sept. 6, 1859. + +HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 3d is just received. There is some mistake +about my expected attendance of the U.S. Court in your city on the 3d +Tuesday of this month. I have had no thought of being there. + +It is bad to be poor. I shall go to the wall for bread and meat if I +neglect my business this year as well as last. It would please me +much to see the city and good people of Keokuk, but for this year it +is little less than an impossibility. I am constantly receiving +invitations which I am compelled to decline. I was pressingly urged +to go to Minnesota; and I now have two invitations to go to Ohio. +These last are prompted by Douglas going there; and I am really +tempted to make a flying trip to Columbus and Cincinnati. + +I do hope you will have no serious trouble in Iowa. What thinks +Grimes about it? I have not known him to be mistaken about an +election in Iowa. Present my respects to Col. Carter, and any other +friends, and believe me + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SPEECH AT COLUMBUS, OHIO. + +SEPTEMBER 16, 1859. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF OHIO: I cannot fail to remember that +I appear for the first time before an audience in this now great +State,--an audience that is accustomed to hear such speakers as +Corwin, and Chase, and Wade, and many other renowned men; and, +remembering this, I feel that it will be well for you, as for me, +that you should not raise your expectations to that standard to which +you would have been justified in raising them had one of these +distinguished men appeared before you. You would perhaps be only +preparing a disappointment for yourselves, and, as a consequence of +your disappointment, mortification to me. I hope, therefore, that +you will commence with very moderate expectations; and perhaps, if +you will give me your attention, I shall be able to interest you to a +moderate degree. + +Appearing here for the first time in my life, I have been somewhat +embarrassed for a topic by way of introduction to my speech; but I +have been relieved from that embarrassment by an introduction which +the Ohio Statesman newspaper gave me this morning. In this paper I +have read an article, in which, among other statements, I find the +following: + +"In debating with Senator Douglas during the memorable contest of +last fall, Mr. Lincoln declared in favor of negro suffrage, and +attempted to defend that vile conception against the Little Giant." + +I mention this now, at the opening of my remarks, for the purpose of +making three comments upon it. The first I have already announced,-- +it furnishes me an introductory topic; the second is to show that the +gentleman is mistaken; thirdly, to give him an opportunity to correct +it. + +In the first place, in regard to this matter being a mistake. I have +found that it is not entirely safe, when one is misrepresented under +his very nose, to allow the misrepresentation to go uncontradicted. +I therefore propose, here at the outset, not only to say that this is +a misrepresentation, but to show conclusively that it is so; and you +will bear with me while I read a couple of extracts from that very +"memorable" debate with Judge Douglas last year, to which this +newspaper refers. In the first pitched battle which Senator Douglas +and myself had, at the town of Ottawa, I used the language which I +will now read. Having been previously reading an extract, I +continued as follows: + +"Now, gentlemen, I don't want to read at any greater length, but this +is the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to the +institution of slavery and the black race. This is the whole of it; +and anything that argues me into his idea of perfect social and +political equality with the negro, is but a specious and fantastic +arrangement of words, by which a man can prove a horse-chestnut to be +a chestnut horse. I will say here, while upon this subject, that I +have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the +institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I +have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. I +have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between +the white and the black races. There is a physical difference +between the two which, in my judgment, will probably forbid their +ever living together upon the footing of perfect equality; and +inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, +I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I +belong having the superior position. I have never said anything to +the contrary, but I hold that, notwithstanding all this, there is no +reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural +rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence,--the right to +life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as +much entitled to these as the white man. I agree with judge Douglas, +he is not my equal in many respects,--certainly not in color, perhaps +not in moral or intellectual endowments. But in the right to eat the +bread, without leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is +my equal, and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every +living man." + +Upon a subsequent occasion, when the reason for making a statement +like this occurred, I said: + +"While I was at the hotel to-day an elderly gentleman called upon me +to know whether I was really in favor of producing perfect equality +between the negroes and white people. While I had not proposed to +myself on this occasion to say much on that subject, yet, as the +question was asked me, I thought I would occupy perhaps five minutes +in saying something in regard to it. I will say, then, that I am +not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the +social and political equality of the white and black races; that I am +not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of +negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, or intermarry with +the white people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a +physical difference between the white and black races which I believe +will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social +and political equality. And inasmuch as they can not so live, while +they do remain together there must be the position of superior and +inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the +superior position assigned to the white race. I say upon this +occasion I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the +superior position, the negro should be denied everything. I do not +understand that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I +must necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is that I can +just let her alone. I am now in my fiftieth year, and I certainly +never have had a black woman for either a slave or a wife. So it +seems to me quite possible for us to get along without making either +slaves or wives of negroes. I will add to this that I have never +seen, to my knowledge, a man, woman, or child, who was in favor of +producing perfect equality, social and political, between negroes and +white men. I recollect of but one distinguished instance that I ever +heard of so frequently as to be satisfied of its correctness, and +that is the case of Judge Douglas's old friend Colonel Richard M. +Johnson. I will also add to the remarks I have made (for I am not +going to enter at large upon this subject), that I have never had the +least apprehension that I or my friends would marry negroes, if there +was no law to keep them from it; but as judge Douglas and his friends +seem to be in great apprehension that they might, if there were no +law to keep them from it, I give him the most solemn pledge that I +will to the very last stand by the law of the State which forbids the +marrying of white people with negroes." + +There, my friends, you have briefly what I have, upon former +occasions, said upon this subject to which this newspaper, to the +extent of its ability, has drawn the public attention. In it you not +only perceive, as a probability, that in that contest I did not at +any time say I was in favor of negro suffrage, but the absolute proof +that twice--once substantially, and once expressly--I declared +against it. Having shown you this, there remains but a word of +comment upon that newspaper article. It is this, that I presume the +editor of that paper is an honest and truth-loving man, and that he +will be greatly obliged to me for furnishing him thus early an +opportunity to correct the misrepresentation he has made, before it +has run so long that malicious people can call him a liar. + +The Giant himself has been here recently. I have seen a brief report +of his speech. If it were otherwise unpleasant to me to introduce +the subject of the negro as a topic for discussion, I might be +somewhat relieved by the fact that he dealt exclusively in that +subject while he was here. I shall, therefore, without much +hesitation or diffidence, enter upon this subject. + +The American people, on the first day of January, 1854, found the +African slave trade prohibited by a law of Congress. In a majority +of the States of this Union, they found African slavery, or any other +sort of slavery, prohibited by State constitutions. They also found +a law existing, supposed to be valid, by which slavery was excluded +from almost all the territory the United States then owned. This was +the condition of the country, with reference to the institution of +slavery, on the first of January, 1854. A few days after that, a +bill was introduced into Congress, which ran through its regular +course in the two branches of the national legislature, and finally +passed into a law in the month of May, by which the Act of Congress +prohibiting slavery from going into the Territories of the United +States was repealed. In connection with the law itself, and, in +fact, in the terms of the law, the then existing prohibition was not +only repealed, but there was a declaration of a purpose on the part +of Congress never thereafter to exercise any power that they might +have, real or supposed, to prohibit the extension or spread of +slavery. This was a very great change; for the law thus repealed was +of more than thirty years' standing. Following rapidly upon the +heels of this action of Congress, a decision of the Supreme Court is +made, by which it is declared that Congress, if it desires to +prohibit the spread of slavery into the Territories, has no +constitutional power to do so. Not only so, but that decision lays +down principles which, if pushed to their logical conclusion,--I say +pushed to their logical conclusion,--would decide that the +constitutions of free States, forbidding slavery, are themselves +unconstitutional. Mark me, I do not say the judges said this, and +let no man say I affirm the judges used these words; but I only say +it is my opinion that what they did say, if pressed to its logical +conclusion, will inevitably result thus. + +Looking at these things, the Republican party, as I understand its +principles and policy, believes that there is great danger of the +institution of slavery being spread out and extended until it is +ultimately made alike lawful in all the States of this Union; so +believing, to prevent that incidental and ultimate consummation is +the original and chief purpose of the Republican organization. I say +"chief purpose" of the Republican organization; for it is certainly +true that if the National House shall fall into the hands of the +Republicans, they will have to attend to all the other matters of +national house-keeping, as well as this. The chief and real purpose +of the Republican party is eminently conservative. It proposes +nothing save and except to restore this government to its original +tone in regard to this element of slavery, and there to maintain it, +looking for no further change in reference to it than that which the +original framers of the Government themselves expected and looked +forward to. + +The chief danger to this purpose of the Republican party is not just +now the revival of the African slave trade, or the passage of a +Congressional slave code, or the declaring of a second Dred Scott +decision, making slavery lawful in all the States. These are not +pressing us just now. They are not quite ready yet. The authors of +these measures know that we are too strong for them; but they will be +upon us in due time, and we will be grappling with them hand to hand, +if they are not now headed off. They are not now the chief danger to +the purpose of the Republican organization; but the most imminent +danger that now threatens that purpose is that insidious Douglas +popular sovereignty. This is the miner and sapper. While it does +not propose to revive the African slave trade, nor to pass a slave +code, nor to make a second Dred Scott decision, it is preparing us +for the onslaught and charge of these ultimate enemies when they +shall be ready to come on, and the word of command for them to +advance shall be given. I say this "Douglas popular sovereignty"; +for there is a broad distinction, as I now understand it, between +that article and a genuine popular sovereignty. + +I believe there is a genuine popular sovereignty. I think a +definition of "genuine popular sovereignty," in the abstract, would +be about this: That each man shall do precisely as he pleases with +himself, and with all those things which exclusively concern him. +Applied to government, this principle would be, that a general +government shall do all those things which pertain to it, and all the +local governments shall do precisely as they please in respect to +those matters which exclusively concern them. I understand that this +government of the United States, under which we live, is based upon +this principle; and I am misunderstood if it is supposed that I have +any war to make upon that principle. + +Now, what is judge Douglas's popular sovereignty? It is, as a +principle, no other than that if one man chooses to make a slave of +another man neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to +object. Applied in government, as he seeks to apply it, it is this: +If, in a new Territory into which a few people are beginning to enter +for the purpose of making their homes, they choose to either exclude +slavery from their limits or to establish it there, however one or +the other may affect the persons to be enslaved, or the infinitely +greater number of persons who are afterwards to inhabit that +Territory, or the other members of the families of communities, of +which they are but an incipient member, or the general head of the +family of States as parent of all, however their action may affect +one or the other of these, there is no power or right to interfere. +That is Douglas's popular sovereignty applied. + +He has a good deal of trouble with popular sovereignty. His +explanations explanatory of explanations explained are interminable. +The most lengthy, and, as I suppose, the most maturely considered of +this long series of explanations is his great essay in Harper's +Magazine. I will not attempt to enter on any very thorough +investigation of his argument as there made and presented. I will +nevertheless occupy a good portion of your time here in drawing your +attention to certain points in it. Such of you as may have read this +document will have perceived that the judge early in the document +quotes from two persons as belonging to the Republican party, without +naming them, but who can readily be recognized as being Governor +Seward of New York and myself. It is true that exactly fifteen +months ago this day, I believe, I for the first time expressed a +sentiment upon this subject, and in such a manner that it should get +into print, that the public might see it beyond the circle of my +hearers; and my expression of it at that time is the quotation that +Judge Douglas makes. He has not made the quotation with accuracy, but +justice to him requires me to say that it is sufficiently accurate +not to change the sense. + +The sense of that quotation condensed is this: that this slavery +element is a durable element of discord among us, and that we shall +probably not have perfect peace in this country with it until it +either masters the free principle in our government, or is so far +mastered by the free principle as for the public mind to rest in the +belief that it is going to its end. This sentiment, which I now +express in this way, was, at no great distance of time, perhaps in +different language, and in connection with some collateral ideas, +expressed by Governor Seward. Judge Douglas has been so much annoyed +by the expression of that sentiment that he has constantly, I +believe, in almost all his speeches since it was uttered, been +referring to it. I find he alluded to it in his speech here, as well +as in the copyright essay. I do not now enter upon this for the +purpose of making an elaborate argument to show that we were right in +the expression of that sentiment. In other words, I shall not stop +to say all that might properly be said upon this point, but I only +ask your attention to it for the purpose of making one or two points +upon it. + +If you will read the copyright essay, you will discover that judge +Douglas himself says a controversy between the American Colonies and +the Government of Great Britain began on the slavery question in +1699, and continued from that time until the Revolution; and, while +he did not say so, we all know that it has continued with more or +less violence ever since the Revolution. + +Then we need not appeal to history, to the declarations of the +framers of the government, but we know from judge Douglas himself +that slavery began to be an element of discord among the white people +of this country as far back as 1699, or one hundred and sixty years +ago, or five generations of men,--counting thirty years to a +generation. Now, it would seem to me that it might have occurred to +Judge Douglas, or anybody who had turned his attention to these +facts, that there was something in the nature of that thing, slavery, +somewhat durable for mischief and discord. + +There is another point I desire to make in regard to this matter, +before I leave it. From the adoption of the Constitution down to 1820 +is the precise period of our history when we had comparative peace +upon this question,--the precise period of time when we came nearer +to having peace about it than any other time of that entire one +hundred and sixty years in which he says it began, or of the eighty +years of our own Constitution. Then it would be worth our while to +stop and examine into the probable reason of our coming nearer to +having peace then than at any other time. This was the precise +period of time in which our fathers adopted, and during which they +followed, a policy restricting the spread of slavery, and the whole +Union was acquiescing in it. The whole country looked forward to the +ultimate extinction of the institution. It was when a policy had +been adopted, and was prevailing, which led all just and right-minded +men to suppose that slavery was gradually coming to an end, and that +they might be quiet about it, watching it as it expired. I think +Judge Douglas might have perceived that too; and whether he did or +not, it is worth the attention of fair-minded men, here and +elsewhere, to consider whether that is not the truth of the case. If +he had looked at these two facts,--that this matter has been an +element of discord for one hundred and sixty years among this people, +and that the only comparative peace we have had about it was when +that policy prevailed in this government which he now wars upon, he +might then, perhaps, have been brought to a more just appreciation of +what I said fifteen months ago,--that "a house divided against itself +cannot stand. I believe that this government cannot endure +permanently, half slave and half free. I do not expect the house to +fall, I do not expect the Union to dissolve; but I do expect it will +cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. +Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, +and place it where the public mind will rest in the belief that it is +in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it +forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as +well as new, North as well as South." That was my sentiment at that +time. In connection with it, I said: "We are now far into the fifth +year since a policy was inaugurated with the avowed object and +confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the +operation of the policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but +has constantly augmented." I now say to you here that we are +advanced still farther into the sixth year since that policy of Judge +Douglas--that popular sovereignty of his--for quieting the slavery +question was made the national policy. Fifteen months more have been +added since I uttered that sentiment; and I call upon you and all +other right-minded men to say whether that fifteen months have belied +or corroborated my words. + +While I am here upon this subject, I cannot but express gratitude +that this true view of this element of discord among us--as I believe +it is--is attracting more and more attention. I do not believe that +Governor Seward uttered that sentiment because I had done so before, +but because he reflected upon this subject and saw the truth of it. +Nor do I believe because Governor Seward or I uttered it that Mr. +Hickman of Pennsylvania, in, different language, since that time, has +declared his belief in the utter antagonism which exists between the +principles of liberty and slavery. You see we are multiplying. Now, +while I am speaking of Hickman, let me say, I know but little about +him. I have never seen him, and know scarcely anything about the +man; but I will say this much of him: Of all the anti-Lecompton +Democracy that have been brought to my notice, he alone has the true, +genuine ring of the metal. And now, without indorsing anything else +he has said, I will ask this audience to give three cheers for +Hickman. [The audience responded with three rousing cheers for +Hickman.] + +Another point in the copyright essay to which I would ask your +attention is rather a feature to be extracted from the whole thing, +than from any express declaration of it at any point. It is a +general feature of that document, and, indeed, of all of Judge +Douglas's discussions of this question, that the Territories of the +United States and the States of this Union are exactly alike; that +there is no difference between them at all; that the Constitution +applies to the Territories precisely as it does to the States; and +that the United States Government, under the Constitution, may not do +in a State what it may not do in a Territory, and what it must do in +a State it must do in a Territory. Gentlemen, is that a true view of +the case? It is necessary for this squatter sovereignty, but is it +true? + +Let us consider. What does it depend upon? It depends altogether +upon the proposition that the States must, without the interference +of the General Government, do all those things that pertain +exclusively to themselves,--that are local in their nature, that have +no connection with the General Government. After Judge Douglas has +established this proposition, which nobody disputes or ever has +disputed, he proceeds to assume, without proving it, that slavery is +one of those little, unimportant, trivial matters which are of just +about as much consequence as the question would be to me whether my +neighbor should raise horned cattle or plant tobacco; that there is +no moral question about it, but that it is altogether a matter of +dollars and cents; that when a new Territory is opened for +settlement, the first man who goes into it may plant there a thing +which, like the Canada thistle or some other of those pests of the +soil, cannot be dug out by the millions of men who will come +thereafter; that it is one of those little things that is so trivial +in its nature that it has nor effect upon anybody save the few men +who first plant upon the soil; that it is not a thing which in any +way affects the family of communities composing these States, nor any +way endangers the General Government. Judge Douglas ignores +altogether the very well known fact that we have never had a serious +menace to our political existence, except it sprang from this thing, +which he chooses to regard as only upon a par with onions and +potatoes. + +Turn it, and contemplate it in another view. He says that, according +to his popular sovereignty, the General Government may give to the +Territories governors, judges, marshals, secretaries, and all the +other chief men to govern them, but they, must not touch upon this +other question. Why? The question of who shall be governor of a +Territory for a year or two, and pass away, without his track being +left upon the soil, or an act which he did for good or for evil being +left behind, is a question of vast national magnitude; it is so much +opposed in its nature to locality that the nation itself must decide +it: while this other matter of planting slavery upon a soil,--a thing +which, once planted, cannot be eradicated by the succeeding millions +who have as much right there as the first comers, or, if eradicated, +not without infinite difficulty and a long struggle, he considers the +power to prohibit it as one of these little local, trivial things +that the nation ought not to say a word about; that it affects nobody +save the few men who are there. + +Take these two things and consider them together, present the +question of planting a State with the institution of slavery by the +side of a question who shall be Governor of Kansas for a year or two, +and is there a man here, is there a man on earth, who would not say +the governor question is the little one, and the slavery question is +the great one? I ask any honest Democrat if the small, the local, +and the trivial and temporary question is not, Who shall be governor? +while the durable, the important, and the mischievous one is, Shall +this soil be planted with slavery? + +This is an idea, I suppose, which has arisen in Judge Douglas's mind +from his peculiar structure. I suppose the institution of slavery +really looks small to him. He is so put up by nature that a lash +upon his back would hurt him, but a lash upon anybody else's back +does not hurt him. That is the build of the man, and consequently he +looks upon the matter of slavery in this unimportant light. + +Judge Douglas ought to remember, when he is endeavoring to force this +policy upon the American people, that while he is put up in that way, +a good many are not. He ought to remember that there was once in +this country a man by the name of Thomas Jefferson, supposed to be a +Democrat,--a man whose principles and policy are not very prevalent +amongst Democrats to-day, it is true; but that man did not take +exactly this view of the insignificance of the element of slavery +which our friend judge Douglas does. In contemplation of this thing, +we all know he was led to exclaim, "I tremble for my country when I +remember that God is just!" We know how he looked upon it when he +thus expressed himself. There was danger to this country,--danger of +the avenging justice of God, in that little unimportant popular +sovereignty question of judge Douglas. He supposed there was a +question of God's eternal justice wrapped up in the enslaving of any +race of men, or any man, and that those who did so braved the arm of +Jehovah; that when a nation thus dared the Almighty, every friend of +that nation had cause to dread his wrath. Choose ye between +Jefferson and Douglas as to what is the true view of this element +among us. + +There is another little difficulty about this matter of treating the +Territories and States alike in all things, to which I ask your +attention, and I shall leave this branch of the case. If there is no +difference between them, why not make the Territories States at once? +What is the reason that Kansas was not fit to come into the Union +when it was organized into a Territory, in Judge Douglas's view? Can +any of you tell any reason why it should not have come into the Union +at once? They are fit, as he thinks, to decide upon the slavery +question,--the largest and most important with which they could +possibly deal: what could they do by coming into the Union that they +are not fit to do, according to his view, by staying out of it? Oh, +they are not fit to sit in Congress and decide upon the rates of +postage, or questions of ad valorem or specific duties on foreign +goods, or live-oak timber contracts, they are not fit to decide these +vastly important matters, which are national in their import, but +they are fit, "from the jump," to decide this little negro question. +But, gentlemen, the case is too plain; I occupy too much time on this +head, and I pass on. + +Near the close of the copyright essay, the judge, I think, comes very +near kicking his own fat into the fire. I did not think, when I +commenced these remarks, that I would read that article, but I now +believe I will: + +"This exposition of the history of these measures shows conclusively +that the authors of the Compromise measures of 1850 and of the +Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, as well as the members of the +Continental Congress of 1774., and the founders of our system of +government subsequent to the Revolution, regarded the people of the +Territories and Colonies as political communities which were entitled +to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their provisional +legislatures, where their representation could alone be preserved, in +all cases of taxation and internal polity." + +When the judge saw that putting in the word "slavery" would +contradict his own history, he put in what he knew would pass +synonymous with it, "internal polity." Whenever we find that in one +of his speeches, the substitute is used in this manner; and I can +tell you the reason. It would be too bald a contradiction to say +slavery; but "internal polity" is a general phrase, which would pass +in some quarters, and which he hopes will pass with the reading +community for the same thing. + +"This right pertains to the people collectively, as a law-abiding and +peaceful community, and not in the isolated individuals who may +wander upon the public domain in violation of the law. It can only be +exercised where there are inhabitants sufficient to constitute a +government, and capable of performing its various functions and +duties,--a fact to be ascertained and determined by "who do you +think? Judge Douglas says "by Congress!" "Whether the number shall +be fixed at ten, fifteen or twenty thousand inhabitants, does not +affect the principle." + +Now, I have only a few comments to make. Popular sovereignty, by his +own words, does not pertain to the few persons who wander upon the +public domain in violation of law. We have his words for that. When +it does pertain to them, is when they are sufficient to be formed +into an organized political community, and he fixes the minimum for +that at ten thousand, and the maximum at twenty thousand. Now, I +would like to know what is to be done with the nine thousand? Are +they all to be treated, until they are large enough to be organized +into a political community, as wanderers upon the public land, in +violation of law? And if so treated and driven out, at what point of +time would there ever be ten thousand? If they were not driven out, +but remained there as trespassers upon the public land in violation +of the law, can they establish slavery there? No; the judge says +popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. Can they exclude it +then? No; popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then. I would +like to know, in the case covered by the essay, what condition the +people of the Territory are in before they reach the number of ten +thousand? + +But the main point I wish to ask attention to is, that the question +as to when they shall have reached a sufficient number to be formed +into a regular organized community is to be decided "by Congress." +Judge Douglas says so. Well, gentlemen, that is about all we want. +No, that is all the Southerners want. That is what all those who are +for slavery want. They do not want Congress to prohibit slavery from +coming into the new Territories, and they do not want popular +sovereignty to hinder it; and as Congress is to say when they are +ready to be organized, all that the South has to do is to get +Congress to hold off. Let Congress hold off until they are ready to +be admitted as a State, and the South has all it wants in taking +slavery into and planting it in all the Territories that we now have +or hereafter may have. In a word, the whole thing, at a dash of the +pen, is at last put in the power of Congress; for if they do not have +this popular sovereignty until Congress organizes them, I ask if it +at last does not come from Congress? If, at last, it amounts to +anything at all, Congress gives it to them. I submit this rather for +your reflection than for comment. After all that is said, at last, +by a dash of the pen, everything that has gone before is undone, and +he puts the whole question under the control of Congress. After +fighting through more than three hours, if you undertake to read it, +he at last places the whole matter under the control of that power +which he has been contending against, and arrives at a result +directly contrary to what he had been laboring to do. He at last +leaves the whole matter to the control of Congress. + +There are two main objects, as I understand it, of this Harper's +Magazine essay. One was to show, if possible, that the men of our +Revolutionary times were in favor of his popular sovereignty, and the +other was to show that the Dred Scott decision had not entirely +squelched out this popular sovereignty. I do not propose, in regard +to this argument drawn from the history of former times, to enter +into a detailed examination of the historical statements he has made. +I have the impression that they are inaccurate in a great many +instances,--sometimes in positive statement, but very much more +inaccurate by the suppression of statements that really belong to the +history. But I do not propose to affirm that this is so to any very +great extent, or to enter into a very minute examination of his +historical statements. I avoid doing so upon this principle,--that +if it were important for me to pass out of this lot in the least +period of time possible, and I came to that fence, and saw by a +calculation of my known strength and agility that I could clear it at +a bound, it would be folly for me to stop and consider whether I +could or not crawl through a crack. So I say of the whole history +contained in his essay where he endeavored to link the men of the +Revolution to popular sovereignty. It only requires an effort to +leap out of it, a single bound to be entirely successful. If you +read it over, you will find that he quotes here and there from +documents of the Revolutionary times, tending to show that the people +of the colonies were desirous of regulating their own concerns in +their own way, that the British Government should not interfere; that +at one time they struggled with the British Government to be +permitted to exclude the African slave trade,--if not directly, to be +permitted to exclude it indirectly, by taxation sufficient to +discourage and destroy it. From these and many things of this sort, +judge Douglas argues that they were in favor of the people of our own +Territories excluding slavery if they wanted to, or planting it there +if they wanted to, doing just as they pleased from the time they +settled upon the Territory. Now, however his history may apply and +whatever of his argument there may be that is sound and accurate or +unsound and inaccurate, if we can find out what these men did +themselves do upon this very question of slavery in the Territories, +does it not end the whole thing? If, after all this labor and effort +to show that the men of the Revolution were in favor of his popular +sovereignty and his mode of dealing with slavery in the Territories, +we can show that these very men took hold of that subject, and dealt +with it, we can see for ourselves how they dealt with it. It is not +a matter of argument or inference, but we know what they thought +about it. + +It is precisely upon that part of the history of the country that one +important omission is made by Judge Douglas. He selects parts of the +history of the United States upon the subject of slavery, and treats +it as the whole, omitting from his historical sketch the legislation +of Congress in regard to the admission of Missouri, by which the +Missouri Compromise was established and slavery excluded from a +country half as large as the present United States. All this is left +out of his history, and in nowise alluded to by him, so far as I can +remember, save once, when he makes a remark, that upon his principle +the Supreme Court were authorized to pronounce a decision that the +act called the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional. All that +history has been left out. But this part of the history of the +country was not made by the men of the Revolution. + +There was another part of our political history, made by the very men +who were the actors in the Revolution, which has taken the name of +the Ordinance of '87. Let me bring that history to your attention. +In 1784, I believe, this same Mr. Jefferson drew up an ordinance for +the government of the country upon which we now stand, or, rather, a +frame or draft of an ordinance for the government of this country, +here in Ohio, our neighbors in Indiana, us who live in Illinois, our +neighbors in Wisconsin and Michigan. In that ordinance, drawn up not +only for the government of that Territory, but for the Territories +south of the Ohio River, Mr. Jefferson expressly provided for the +prohibition of slavery. Judge Douglas says, and perhaps is right, +that that provision was lost from that ordinance. I believe that is +true. When the vote was taken upon it, a majority of all present in +the Congress of the Confederation voted for it; but there were so +many absentees that those voting for it did not make the clear +majority necessary, and it was lost. But three years after that, the +Congress of the Confederation were together again, and they adopted a +new ordinance for the government of this Northwest Territory, not +contemplating territory south of the river, for the States owning +that territory had hitherto refrained from giving it to the General +Government; hence they made the ordinance to apply only to what the +Government owned. In fact, the provision excluding slavery was +inserted aside, passed unanimously, or at any rate it passed and +became a part of the law of the land. Under that ordinance we live. +First here in Ohio you were a Territory; then an enabling act was +passed, authorizing you to form a constitution and State Government, +provided it was republican and not in conflict with the Ordinance of +'87. When you framed your constitution and presented it for +admission, I think you will find the legislation upon the subject +will show that, whereas you had formed a constitution that was +republican, and not in conflict with the Ordinance of '87, therefore +you were admitted upon equal footing with the original States. The +same process in a few years was gone through with in Indiana, and so +with Illinois, and the same substantially with Michigan and +Wisconsin. + +Not only did that Ordinance prevail, but it was constantly looked to +whenever a step was taken by a new Territory to become a State. +Congress always turned their attention to it, and in all their +movements upon this subject they traced their course by that +Ordinance of '87. When they admitted new States, they advertised +them of this Ordinance, as a part of the legislation of the country. +They did so because they had traced the Ordinance of '87 throughout +the history of this country. Begin with the men of the Revolution, +and go down for sixty entire years, and until the last scrap of that +Territory comes into the Union in the form of the State of Wisconsin, +everything was made to conform with the Ordinance of '87, excluding +slavery from that vast extent of country. + +I omitted to mention in the right place that the Constitution of the +United States was in process of being framed when that Ordinance was +made by the Congress of the Confederation; and one of the first Acts +of Congress itself, under the new Constitution itself, was to give +force to that Ordinance by putting power to carry it out in the hands +of the new officers under the Constitution, in the place of the old +ones, who had been legislated out of existence by the change in the +Government from the Confederation to the Constitution. Not only so, +but I believe Indiana once or twice, if not Ohio, petitioned the +General Government for the privilege of suspending that provision and +allowing them to have slaves. A report made by Mr. Randolph, of +Virginia, himself a slaveholder, was directly against it, and the +action was to refuse them the privilege of violating the Ordinance of +'87. + +This period of history, which I have run over briefly, is, I presume, +as familiar to most of this assembly as any other part of the history +of our country. I suppose that few of my hearers are not as familiar +with that part of history as I am, and I only mention it to recall +your attention to it at this time. And hence I ask how extraordinary +a thing it is that a man who has occupied a position upon the floor +of the Senate of the United States, who is now in his third term, and +who looks to see the government of this whole country fall into his +own hands, pretending to give a truthful and accurate history o the +slavery question in this country, should so entirely ignore the whole +of that portion of our history--the most important of all. Is it not +a most extraordinary spectacle that a man should stand up and ask for +any confidence in his statements who sets out as he does with +portions of history, calling upon the people to believe that it is a +true and fair representation, when the leading part and controlling +feature of the whole history is carefully suppressed? + +But the mere leaving out is not the most remarkable feature of this +most remarkable essay. His proposition is to establish that the +leading men of the Revolution were for his great principle of +nonintervention by the government in the question of slavery in the +Territories, while history shows that they decided, in the cases +actually brought before them, in exactly the contrary way, and he +knows it. Not only did they so decide at that time, but they stuck +to it during sixty years, through thick and thin, as long as there +was one of the Revolutionary heroes upon the stage of political +action. Through their whole course, from first to last, they clung +to freedom. And now he asks the community to believe that the men of +the Revolution were in favor of his great principle, when we have the +naked history that they themselves dealt with this very subject +matter of his principle, and utterly repudiated his principle, acting +upon a precisely contrary ground. It is as impudent and absurd as if +a prosecuting attorney should stand up before a jury and ask them +to convict A as the murderer of B, while B was walking alive before +them. + +I say, again, if judge Douglas asserts that the men of the Revolution +acted upon principles by which, to be consistent with themselves, +they ought to have adopted his popular sovereignty, then, upon a +consideration of his own argument, he had a right to make you +believe that they understood the principles of government, but +misapplied them, that he has arisen to enlighten the world as to the +just application of this principle. He has a right to try to +persuade you that he understands their principles better than they +did, and, therefore, he will apply them now, not as they did, but as +they ought to have done. He has a right to go before the community +and try to convince them of this, but he has no right to attempt to +impose upon any one the belief that these men themselves approved of +his great principle. There are two ways of establishing a +proposition. One is by trying to demonstrate it upon reason, and the +other is, to show that great men in former times have thought so and +so, and thus to pass it by the weight of pure authority. Now, if +Judge Douglas will demonstrate somehow that this is popular +sovereignty,--the right of one man to make a slave of another, +without any right in that other or any one else to object,- +-demonstrate it as Euclid demonstrated propositions,--there is no +objection. But when he comes forward, seeking to carry a principle +by bringing to it the authority of men who themselves utterly +repudiate that principle, I ask that he shall not be permitted to do +it. + +I see, in the judge's speech here, a short sentence in these words: +"Our fathers, when they formed this government under which we live, +understood this question just as well, and even better than, we do +now." That is true; I stick to that. I will stand by Judge Douglas +in that to the bitter end. And now, Judge Douglas, come and stand by +me, and truthfully show how they acted, understanding it better than +we do. All I ask of you, Judge Douglas, is to stick to the +proposition that the men of the Revolution understood this subject +better than we do now, and with that better understanding they acted +better than you are trying to act now. + +I wish to say something now in regard to the Dred Scott decision, as +dealt with by Judge Douglas. In that "memorable debate" between +Judge Douglas and myself, last year, the judge thought fit to +commence a process of catechising me, and at Freeport I answered his +questions, and propounded some to him. Among others propounded to +him was one that I have here now. The substance, as I remember it, +is, "Can the people of a United States Territory, under the Dred +Scott decision, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of +the United States, exclude slavery from its limits, prior to the +formation of a State constitution?" He answered that they could +lawfully exclude slavery from the United States Territories, +notwithstanding the Dred Scot decision. There was something about +that answer that has probably been a trouble to the judge ever since. + +The Dred Scott decision expressly gives every citizen of the United +States a right to carry his slaves into the United States +Territories. And now there was some inconsistency in saying that the +decision was right, and saying, too, that the people of the Territory +could lawfully drive slavery out again. When all the trash, the +words, the collateral matter, was cleared away from it, all the chaff +was fanned out of it, it was a bare absurdity,--no less than that a +thing may be lawfully driven away from where it has a lawful right to +be. Clear it of all the verbiage, and that is the naked truth of his +proposition,--that a thing may be lawfully driven from the place +where it has a lawful right to stay. Well, it was because the judge +could n't help seeing this that he has had so much trouble with it; +and what I want to ask your especial attention to, just now, is to +remind you, if you have not noticed the fact, that the judge does not +any longer say that the people can exclude slavery. He does not say +so in the copyright essay; he did not say so in the speech that he +made here; and, so far as I know, since his re-election to the Senate +he has never said, as he did at Freeport, that the people of the +Territories can exclude slavery. He desires that you, who wish the +Territories to remain free, should believe that he stands by that +position; but he does not say it himself. He escapes to some extent +the absurd position I have stated, by changing his language entirely. +What he says now is something different in language, and we will +consider whether it is not different in sense too. It is now that +the Dred Scott decision, or rather the Constitution under that +decision, does not carry slavery into the Territories beyond the +power of the people of the Territories to control it as other +property. He does not say the people can drive it out, but they can +control it as other property. The language is different; we should +consider whether the sense is different. Driving a horse out of this +lot is too plain a proposition to be mistaken about; it is putting +him on the other side of the fence. Or it might be a sort of +exclusion of him from the lot if you were to kill him and let the +worms devour him; but neither of these things is the same as +"controlling him as other property." That would be to feed him, to +pamper him, to ride him, to use and abuse him, to make the most money +out of him, "as other property"; but, please you, what do the men who +are in favor of slavery want more than this? What do they really +want, other than that slavery, being in the Territories, shall be +controlled as other property? If they want anything else, I do not +comprehend it. I ask your attention to this, first, for the purpose +of pointing out the change of ground the judge has made; and, in the +second place, the importance of the change,--that that change is not +such as to give you gentlemen who want his popular sovereignty the +power to exclude the institution or drive it out at all. I know the +judge sometimes squints at the argument that in controlling it as +other property by unfriendly legislation they may control it to +death; as you might, in the case of a horse, perhaps, feed him so +lightly and ride him so much that he would die. But when you come to +legislative control, there is something more to be attended to. I +have no doubt, myself, that if the Territories should undertake to +control slave property as other property that is, control it in such +a way that it would be the most valuable as property, and make it +bear its just proportion in the way of burdens as property, really +deal with it as property,--the Supreme Court of the United States +will say, "God speed you, and amen." But I undertake to give the +opinion, at least, that if the Territories attempt by any direct +legislation to drive the man with his slave out of the Territory, or +to decide that his slave is free because of his being taken in there, +or to tax him to such an extent that he cannot keep him there, the +Supreme Court will unhesitatingly decide all such legislation +unconstitutional, as long as that Supreme Court is constructed as the +Dred Scott Supreme Court is. The first two things they have already +decided, except that there is a little quibble among lawyers between +the words "dicta" and "decision." They have already decided a negro +cannot be made free by Territorial legislation. + +What is the Dred Scott decision? Judge Douglas labors to show that +it is one thing, while I think it is altogether different. It is a +long opinion, but it is all embodied in this short statement: "The +Constitution of the United States forbids Congress to deprive a man +of his property, without due process of law; the right of property in +slaves is distinctly and expressly affirmed in that Constitution: +therefore, if Congress shall undertake to say that a man's slave is +no longer his slave when he crosses a certain line into a Territory, +that is depriving him of his property without due process of law, and +is unconstitutional." There is the whole Dred Scott decision. They +add that if Congress cannot do so itself, Congress cannot confer any +power to do so; and hence any effort by the Territorial Legislature +to do either of these things is absolutely decided against. It is a +foregone conclusion by that court. + +Now, as to this indirect mode by "unfriendly legislation," all +lawyers here will readily understand that such a proposition cannot +be tolerated for a moment, because a legislature cannot indirectly do +that which it cannot accomplish directly. Then I say any legislation +to control this property, as property, for its benefit as property, +would be hailed by this Dred Scott Supreme Court, and fully +sustained; but any legislation driving slave property out, or +destroying it as property, directly or indirectly, will most +assuredly, by that court, be held unconstitutional. + +Judge Douglas says if the Constitution carries slavery into the +Territories, beyond the power of the people of the Territories to +control it as other property; then it follows logically that every +one who swears to support the Constitution of the United States must +give that support to that property which it needs. And, if the +Constitution carries slavery into the Territories, beyond the power +of the people, to control it as other property, then it also carries +it into the States, because the Constitution is the supreme law of +the land. Now, gentlemen, if it were not for my excessive modesty, I +would say that I told that very thing to Judge Douglas quite a year +ago. This argument is here in print, and if it were not for my +modesty, as I said, I might call your attention to it. If you read +it, you will find that I not only made that argument, but made it +better than he has made it since. + +There is, however, this difference: I say now, and said then, there +is no sort of question that the Supreme Court has decided that it is +the right of the slave holder to take his slave and hold him in the +Territory; and saying this, judge Douglas himself admits the +conclusion. He says if that is so, this consequence will follow; and +because this consequence would follow, his argument is, the decision +cannot, therefore, be that way,--" that would spoil my popular +sovereignty; and it cannot be possible that this great principle has +been squelched out in this extraordinary way. It might be, if it +were not for the extraordinary consequences of spoiling my humbug." + +Another feature of the judge's argument about the Dred Scott case is, +an effort to show that that decision deals altogether in declarations +of negatives; that the Constitution does not affirm anything as +expounded by the Dred Scott decision, but it only declares a want of +power a total absence of power, in reference to the Territories. It +seems to be his purpose to make the whole of that decision to result +in a mere negative declaration of a want of power in Congress to do +anything in relation to this matter in the Territories. I know the +opinion of the Judges states that there is a total absence of power; +but that is, unfortunately; not all it states: for the judges add +that the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly +affirmed in the Constitution. It does not stop at saying that the +right of property in a slave is recognized in the Constitution, is +declared to exist somewhere in the Constitution, but says it is +affirmed in the Constitution. Its language is equivalent to saying +that it is embodied and so woven in that instrument that it cannot be +detached without breaking the Constitution itself. In a word, it is +part of the Constitution. + +Douglas is singularly unfortunate in his effort to make out that +decision to be altogether negative, when the express language at the +vital part is that this is distinctly affirmed in the Constitution. +I think myself, and I repeat it here, that this decision does not +merely carry slavery into the Territories, but by its logical +conclusion it carries it into the States in which we live. One +provision of that Constitution is, that it shall be the supreme law +of the land,--I do not quote the language,--any constitution or law +of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. This Dred Scott +decision says that the right of property in a slave is affirmed in +that Constitution which is the supreme law of the land, any State +constitution or law notwithstanding. Then I say that to destroy a +thing which is distinctly affirmed and supported by the supreme law +of the land, even by a State constitution or law, is a violation of +that supreme law, and there is no escape from it. In my judgment +there is no avoiding that result, save that the American people shall +see that constitutions are better construed than our Constitution is +construed in that decision. They must take care that it is more +faithfully and truly carried out than it is there expounded. + +I must hasten to a conclusion. Near the beginning of my remarks I +said that this insidious Douglas popular sovereignty is the measure +that now threatens the purpose of the Republican party to prevent +slavery from being nationalized in the United States. I propose to +ask your attention for a little while to some propositions in +affirmance of that statement. Take it just as it stands, and apply +it as a principle; extend and apply that principle elsewhere; and +consider where it will lead you. I now put this proposition, that +Judge Douglas's popular sovereignty applied will reopen the African +slave trade; and I will demonstrate it by any variety of ways in +which you can turn the subject or look at it. + +The Judge says that the people of the Territories have the right, by +his principle, to have slaves, if they want them. Then I say that +the people in Georgia have the right to buy slaves in Africa, if they +want them; and I defy any man on earth to show any distinction +between the two things,--to show that the one is either more wicked +or more unlawful; to show, on original principles, that one is better +or worse than the other; or to show, by the Constitution, that one +differs a whit from the other. He will tell me, doubtless, that +there is no constitutional provision against people taking slaves +into the new Territories, and I tell him that there is equally no +constitutional provision against buying slaves in Africa. He will +tell you that a people, in the exercise of popular sovereignty, ought +to do as they please about that thing, and have slaves if they want +them; and I tell you that the people of Georgia are as much entitled +to popular sovereignty and to buy slaves in Africa, if they want +them, as the people of the Territory are to have slaves if they want +them. I ask any man, dealing honestly with himself, to point out a +distinction. + +I have recently seen a letter of Judge Douglas's in which, without +stating that to be the object, he doubtless endeavors to make a +distinction between the two. He says he is unalterably opposed to +the repeal of the laws against the African slave trade. And why? He +then seeks to give a reason that would not apply to his popular +sovereignty in the Territories. What is that reason? "The abolition +of the African slave trade is a compromise of the Constitution!" I +deny it. There is no truth in the proposition that the abolition of +the African slave trade is a compromise of the Constitution. No man +can put his finger on anything in the Constitution, or on the line of +history, which shows it. It is a mere barren assertion, made simply +for the purpose of getting up a distinction between the revival of +the African slave trade and his "great principle." + +At the time the Constitution of the United States was adopted, it was +expected that the slave trade would be abolished. I should assert and +insist upon that, if judge Douglas denied it. But I know that it was +equally expected that slavery would be excluded from the Territories, +and I can show by history that in regard to these two things public +opinion was exactly alike, while in regard to positive action, there +was more done in the Ordinance of '87 to resist the spread of slavery +than was ever done to abolish the foreign slave trade. Lest I be +misunderstood, I say again that at the time of the formation of the +Constitution, public expectation was that the slave trade would be +abolished, but no more so than the spread of slavery in the +Territories should be restrained. They stand alike, except that in +the Ordinance of '87 there was a mark left by public opinion, showing +that it was more committed against the spread of slavery in the +Territories than against the foreign slave trade. + +Compromise! What word of compromise was there about it? Why, the +public sense was then in favor of the abolition of the slave trade; +but there was at the time a very great commercial interest involved +in it, and extensive capital in that branch of trade. There were +doubtless the incipient stages of improvement in the South in the way +of farming, dependent on the slave trade, and they made a proposition +to Congress to abolish the trade after allowing it twenty years,--a +sufficient time for the capital and commerce engaged in it to be +transferred to other channel. They made no provision that it should +be abolished in twenty years; I do not doubt that they expected it +would be, but they made no bargain about it. The public sentiment +left no doubt in the minds of any that it would be done away. I +repeat, there is nothing in the history of those times in favor of +that matter being a compromise of the constitution. It was the +public expectation at the time, manifested in a thousand ways, that +the spread of slavery should also be restricted. + +Then I say, if this principle is established, that there is no wrong +in slavery, and whoever wants it has a right to have it, is a matter +of dollars and cents, a sort of question as to how they shall deal +with brutes, that between us and the negro here there is no sort of +question, but that at the South the question is between the negro and +the crocodile, that is all, it is a mere matter of policy, there is a +perfect right, according to interest, to do just as you please,--when +this is done, where this doctrine prevails, the miners and sappers +will have formed public opinion for the slave trade. They will be +ready for Jeff. Davis and Stephens and other leaders of that company +to sound the bugle for the revival of the slave trade, for the second +Dred Scott decision, for the flood of slavery to be poured over the +free States, while we shall be here tied down and helpless and run +over like sheep. + +It is to be a part and parcel of this same idea to say to men who +want to adhere to the Democratic party, who have always belonged to +that party, and are only looking about for some excuse to stick to +it, but nevertheless hate slavery, that Douglas's popular sovereignty +is as good a way as any to oppose slavery. They allow themselves to +be persuaded easily, in accordance with their previous dispositions, +into this belief, that it is about as good a way of opposing slavery +as any, and we can do that without straining our old party ties or +breaking up old political associations. We can do so without being +called negro-worshipers. We can do that without being subjected to +the jibes and sneers that are so readily thrown out in place of +argument where no arguement can be found. So let us stick to this +popular sovereignty,--this insidious popular sovereignty. + +Now let me call your attention to one thing that has really happened, +which shows this gradual and steady debauching of public opinion, +this course of preparation for the revival of the slave trade, for +the Territorial slave code, and the new Dred Scott decision that is +to carry slavery into the Free States. Did you ever, five years ago, +hear of anybody in the world saying that the negro had no share in +the Declaration of National Independence; that it does not mean +negroes at all; and when "all men" were spoken of, negroes were not +included? + +I am satisfied that five years ago that proposition was not put upon +paper by any living being anywhere. I have been unable at any time +to find a man in an audience who would declare that he had ever known +of anybody saying so five years ago. But last year there was not a +Douglas popular sovereign in Illinois who did not say it. Is there +one in Ohio but declares his firm belief that the Declaration of +Independence did not mean negroes at all? I do not know how this is; +I have not been here much; but I presume you are very much alike +everywhere. Then I suppose that all now express the belief that the +Declaration of Independence never did mean negroes. I call upon one +of them to say that he said it five years ago. + +If you think that now, and did not think it then, the next thing that +strikes me is to remark that there has been a change wrought in you,- +-and a very significant change it is, being no less than changing the +negro, in your estimation, from the rank of a man to that of a brute. +They are taking him down and placing him, when spoken of, among +reptiles and crocodiles, as Judge Douglas himself expresses it. + +Is not this change wrought in your minds a very important change? +Public opinion in this country is everything. In a nation like ours, +this popular sovereignty and squatter sovereignty have already +wrought a change in the public mind to the extent I have stated. +There is no man in this crowd who can contradict it. + +Now, if you are opposed to slavery honestly, as much as anybody, I +ask you to note that fact, and the like of which is to follow, to be +plastered on, layer after layer, until very soon you are prepared to +deal with the negro every where as with the brute. If public +sentiment has not been debauched already to this point, a new turn of +the screw in that direction is all that is wanting; and this is +constantly being done by the teachers of this insidious popular +sovereignty. You need but one or two turns further, until your +minds, now ripening under these teachings, will be ready for all +these things, and you will receive and support, or submit to, the +slave trade, revived with all its horrors, a slave code enforced in +our Territories, and a new Dred Scott decision to bring slavery up +into the very heart of the free North. This, I must say, is but +carrying out those words prophetically spoken by Mr. Clay,--many, +many years ago,--I believe more than thirty years, when he told an +audience that if they would repress all tendencies to liberty and +ultimate emancipation they must go back to the era of our +independence, and muzzle the cannon which thundered its annual joyous +return on the Fourth of July; they must blow out the moral lights +around us; they must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate the love +of liberty: but until they did these things, and others eloquently +enumerated by him, they could not repress all tendencies to ultimate +emancipation. + +I ask attention to the fact that in a pre-eminent degree these +popular sovereigns are at this work: blowing out the moral lights +around us; teaching that the negro is no longer a man, but a brute; +that the Declaration has nothing to do with him; that he ranks with +the crocodile and the reptile; that man, with body and soul, is a +matter of dollars and cents. I suggest to this portion of the Ohio +Republicans, or Democrats, if there be any present, the serious +consideration of this fact that there is now going on among you a +steady process of debauching public opinion on this subject. With +this, my friends, I bid you adieu. + + + + +SPEECH AT CINCINNATI OHIO, SEPTEMBER 17, 1859 + +My Fellow-Citizens of the State of Ohio: This is the first time in +my life that I have appeared before an audience in so great a city as +this: I therefore--though I am no longer a young man--make this +appearance under some degree of embarrassment. But I have found that +when one is embarrassed, usually the shortest way to get through with +it is to quit talking or thinking about it, and go at something else. + +I understand that you have had recently with you my very +distinguished friend Judge Douglas, of Illinois; and I understand, +without having had an opportunity (not greatly sought, to be sure) of +seeing a report of the speech that he made here, that he did me the +honor to mention my humble name. I suppose that he did so for the +purpose of making some objection to some sentiment at some time +expressed by me. I should expect, it is true, that judge Douglas had +reminded you, or informed you, if you had never before heard it, that +I had once in my life declared it as my opinion that this government +cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free; that a house +divided against itself cannot stand, and, as I had expressed it, I +did not expect the house to fall, that I did not expect the Union to +be dissolved, but that I did expect that it would cease to be +divided, that it would become all one thing, or all the other; that +either the opponents of slavery would arrest the further spread of +it, and place it where the public mind would rest in the belief that +it was in the course of ultimate extinction, or the friends of +slavery will push it forward until it becomes alike lawful in all the +States, old or new, free as well as slave. I did, fifteen months ago, +express that opinion, and upon many occasions Judge Douglas has +denounced it, and has greatly, intentionally or unintentionally, +misrepresented my purpose in the expression of that opinion. + +I presume, without having seen a report of his speech, that he did so +here. I presume that he alluded also to that opinion, in different +language, having been expressed at a subsequent time by Governor +Seward of New York, and that he took the two in a lump and denounced +them; that he tried to point out that there was something couched in +this opinion which led to the making of an entire uniformity of the +local institutions of the various States of the Union, in utter +disregard of the different States, which in their nature would seem +to require a variety of institutions and a variety of laws, +conforming to the differences in the nature of the different States. + +Not only so: I presume he insisted that this was a declaration of war +between the free and slave States, that it was the sounding to the +onset of continual war between the different States, the slave and +free States. + +This charge, in this form, was made by Judge Douglas on, I believe, +the 9th of July, 1858, in Chicago, in my hearing. On the next +evening, I made some reply to it. I informed him that many of the +inferences he drew from that expression of mine were altogether +foreign to any purpose entertained by me, and in so far as he should +ascribe these inferences to me, as my purpose, he was entirely +mistaken; and in so far as he might argue that, whatever might be my +purpose, actions conforming to my views would lead to these results, +he might argue and establish if he could; but, so far as purposes +were concerned, he was totally mistaken as to me. + +When I made that reply to him, I told him, on the question of +declaring war between the different States of the Union, that I had +not said that I did not expect any peace upon this question until +slavery was exterminated; that I had only said I expected peace when +that institution was put where the public mind should rest in the +belief that it was in course of ultimate extinction; that I believed, +from the organization of our government until a very recent period of +time, the institution had been placed and continued upon such a +basis; that we had had comparative peace upon that question through a +portion of that period of time, only because the public mind rested +in that belief in regard to it, and that when we returned to that +position in relation to that matter, I supposed we should again have +peace as we previously had. I assured him, as I now, assure you, that +I neither then had, nor have, or ever had, any purpose in any way of +interfering with the institution of slavery, where it exists. I +believe we have no power, under the Constitution of the United +States, or rather under the form of government under which we live, +to interfere with the institution of slavery, or any other of the +institutions of our sister States, be they free or slave States. I +declared then, and I now re-declare, that I have as little +inclination to interfere with the institution of slavery where it now +exists, through the instrumentality of the General Government, or any +other instrumentality, as I believe we have no power to do so. I +accidentally used this expression: I had no purpose of entering into +the slave States to disturb the institution of slavery. So, upon the +first occasion that Judge Douglas got an opportunity to reply to me, +he passed by the whole body of what I had said upon that subject, and +seized upon the particular expression of mine that I had no purpose +of entering into the slave States to disturb the institution of +slavery. "Oh, no," said he, "he [Lincoln] won't enter into the slave +States to disturb the institution of slavery, he is too prudent a man +to do such a thing as that; he only means that he will go on to the +line between the free and slave States, and shoot over at them. This +is all he means to do. He means to do them all the harm he can, to +disturb them all he can, in such a way as to keep his own hide in +perfect safety." + +Well, now, I did not think, at that time, that that was either a very +dignified or very logical argument but so it was, I had to get along +with it as well as I could. + +It has occurred to-me here to-night that if I ever do shoot over the +line at the people on the other side of the line into a slave State, +and purpose to do so, keeping my skin safe, that I have now about the +best chance I shall ever have. I should not wonder if there are some +Kentuckians about this audience--we are close to Kentucky; and +whether that be so or not, we are on elevated ground, and, by +speaking distinctly, I should not wonder if some of the Kentuckians +would hear me on the other side of the river. For that reason I +propose to address a portion of what I have to say to the +Kentuckians. + +I say, then, in the first place, to the Kentuckians, that I am what +they call, as I understand it, a "Black Republican." I think slavery +is wrong, morally and politically. I desire that it should be no +further spread in--these United States, and I should not object if it +should gradually terminate in the whole Union. While I say this for +myself, I say to you Kentuckians that I understand you differ +radically with me upon this proposition; that you believe slavery is +a good thing; that slavery is right; that it ought to be extended and +perpetuated in this Union. Now, there being this broad difference +between us, I do not pretend, in addressing myself to you +Kentuckians, to attempt proselyting you; that would be a vain effort. +I do not enter upon it. I only propose to try to show you that you +ought to nominate for the next Presidency, at Charleston, my +distinguished friend Judge Douglas. In all that there is a +difference between you and him, I understand he is sincerely for you, +and more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. I will try to +demonstrate that proposition. Understand, now, I say that I believe +he is as sincerely for you, and more wisely for you, than you are for +yourselves. + +What do you want more than anything else to make successful your +views of slavery,--to advance the outspread of it, and to secure and +perpetuate the nationality of it? What do you want more than +anything else? What--is needed absolutely? What is indispensable to +you? Why, if I may, be allowed to answer the question, it is to +retain a hold upon the North, it is to retain support and strength +from the free States. If you can get this support and strength from +the free States, you can succeed. If you do not get this support and +this strength from the free States, you are in the minority, and you +are beaten at once. + +If that proposition be admitted,--and it is undeniable,--then the +next thing I say to you is, that Douglas, of all the men in this +nation, is the only man that affords you any hold upon the free +States; that no other man can give you any strength in the free +States. This being so, if you doubt the other branch of the +proposition, whether he is for you--whether he is really for you, as +I have expressed it,--I propose asking your attention for a while to +a few facts. + +The issue between you and me, understand, is, that I think slavery is +wrong, and ought not to be outspread; and you think it is right, and +ought to be extended and perpetuated. [A voice, "Oh, Lord!"] That is +my Kentuckian I am talking to now. + +I now proceed to try to show you that Douglas is as sincerely for you +and more wisely for you than you are for yourselves. + +In the first place, we know that in a government like this, in a +government of the people, where the voice of all the men of the +country, substantially, enters into the execution--or administration, +rather--of the government, in such a government, what lies at the +bottom of all of it is public opinion. I lay down the proposition, +that Judge Douglas is not only the man that promises you in advance a +hold upon the North, and support in the North, but he constantly +moulds public opinion to your ends; that in every possible way he can +he constantly moulds the public opinion of the North to your ends; +and if there are a few things in which he seems to be against you,- +-a, few things which he says that appear to be against you, and a few +that he forbears to say which you would like to have him say you +ought to remember that the saying of the one, or the forbearing to +say the other, would lose his hold upon the North, and, by +consequence, would lose his capacity to serve you. + +Upon this subject of moulding public opinion I call your attention to +the fact--for a well established fact it is--that the Judge never +says your institution of slavery is wrong. There is not a public man +in the United States, I believe, with the exception of Senator +Douglas, who has not, at some time in his life, declared his opinion +whether the thing is right or wrong; but Senator Douglas never +declares it is wrong. He leaves himself at perfect liberty to do all +in your favor which he would be hindered from doing if he were to +declare the thing to be wrong. On the contrary, he takes all the +chances that he has for inveigling the sentiment of the North, +opposed to slavery, into your support, by never saying it is right. +This you ought to set down to his credit: You ought to give him full +credit for this much; little though it be, in comparison to the whole +which he does for you. + +Some other, things I will ask your attention to. He said upon the +floor of the United States Senate, and he has repeated it, as I +understand, a great many times, that he does not care whether slavery +is "voted up or voted down." This again shows you, or ought to show +you, if you would reason upon it, that he does not believe it to be +wrong; for a man may say when he sees nothing wrong in a thing; that +he, dues not care whether it be voted up or voted down but no man can +logically say that he cares not whether a thing goes up or goes down +which to him appears to be wrong. You therefore have a demonstration +in this that to Judge Douglas's mind your favorite institution, which +you would have spread out and made perpetual, is no wrong. + +Another thing he tells you, in a speech made at Memphis in Tennessee, +shortly after the canvass in Illinois, last year. He there +distinctly told the people that there was a "line drawn by the +Almighty across this continent, on the one side of which the soil +must always be cultivated by slaves"; that he did not pretend to know +exactly where that line was, but that there was such a line. I want +to ask your attention to that proposition again; that there is one +portion of this continent where the Almighty has signed the soil +shall always be cultivated by slaves; that its being cultivated by +slaves at that place is right; that it has the direct sympathy and +authority of the Almighty. Whenever you can get these Northern +audiences to adopt the opinion that slavery is right on the other +side of the Ohio, whenever you can get them, in pursuance of +Douglas's views, to adopt that sentiment, they will very readily make +the other argument, which is perfectly logical, that that which is +right on that side of the Ohio cannot be wrong on this, and that if +you have that property on that side of the Ohio, under the seal and +stamp of the Almighty, when by any means it escapes over here it is +wrong to have constitutions and laws "to devil" you about it. So +Douglas is moulding the public opinion of the North, first to say +that the thing is right in your State over the Ohio River, and hence +to say that that which is right there is not wrong here, and that all +laws and constitutions here recognizing it as being wrong are +themselves wrong, and ought to be repealed and abrogated. He will +tell you, men of Ohio, that if you choose here to have laws against +slavery, it is in conformity to the idea that your climate is not +suited to it, that your climate is not suited to slave labor, and +therefore you have constitutions and laws against it. + +Let us attend to that argument for a little while and see if it be +sound. You do not raise sugar-cane (except the new-fashioned +sugar-cane, and you won't raise that long), but they do raise it in +Louisiana. You don't raise it in Ohio, because you can't raise it +profitably, because the climate don't suit it. They do raise it in +Louisiana, because there it is profitable. Now, Douglas will tell +you that is precisely the slavery question: that they do have slaves +there because they are profitable, and you don't have them here +because they are not profitable. If that is so, then it leads to +dealing with the one precisely as with the other. Is there, then, +anything in the constitution or laws of Ohio against raising +sugar-cane? Have you found it necessary to put any such provision in +your law? Surely not! No man desires to raise sugar-cane in Ohio, +but if any man did desire to do so, you would say it was a tyrannical +law that forbids his doing so; and whenever you shall agree with +Douglas, whenever your minds are brought to adopt his argument, as +surely you will have reached the conclusion that although it is not +profitable in Ohio, if any man wants it, is wrong to him not to let +him have it. + +In this matter Judge Douglas is preparing the public mind for you of +Kentucky to make perpetual that good thing in your estimation, about +which you and I differ. + +In this connection, let me ask your attention to another thing. I +believe it is safe to assert that five years ago no living man had +expressed the opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration +of Independence. Let me state that again: five years ago no living +man had expressed the opinion that the negro had no share in the +Declaration of Independence. If there is in this large audience any +man who ever knew of that opinion being put upon paper as much as +five years ago, I will be obliged to him now or at a subsequent time +to show it. + +If that be true I wish you then to note the next fact: that within +the space of five years Senator Douglas, in the argument of this +question, has got his entire party, so far as I know, without +exception, in saying that the negro has no share in the Declaration +of Independence. If there be now in all these United States one +Douglas man that does not say this, I have been unable upon any +occasion to scare him up. Now, if none of you said this five years +ago, and all of you say it now, that is a matter that you Kentuckians +ought to note. That is a vast change in the Northern public +sentiment upon that question. + +Of what tendency is that change? The tendency of that change is to +bring the public mind to the conclusion that when men are spoken of, +the negro is not meant; that when negroes are spoken of, brutes alone +are contemplated. That change in public sentiment has already +degraded the black man in the estimation of Douglas and his followers +from the condition of a man of some sort, and assigned him to the +condition of a brute. Now, you Kentuckians ought to give Douglas +credit for this. That is the largest possible stride that can be +made in regard to the perpetuation of your thing of slavery. + +A voice: Speak to Ohio men, and not to Kentuckians! + +Mr. LINCOLN: I beg permission to speak as I please. + +In Kentucky perhaps, in many of the slave States certainly, you are +trying to establish the rightfulness of slavery by reference to the +Bible. You are trying to show that slavery existed in the Bible +times by divine ordinance. Now, Douglas is wiser than you, for your +own benefit, upon that subject. Douglas knows that whenever you +establish that slavery was--right by the Bible, it will occur that +that slavery was the slavery of the white man, of men without +reference to color; and he knows very well that you may entertain +that idea in Kentucky as much as you please, but you will never win +any Northern support upon it. He makes a wiser argument for you: he +makes the argument that the slavery of the black man; the slavery of +the man who has a skin of a different color from your own, is right. +He thereby brings to your support Northern voters who could not for a +moment be brought by your own argument of the Bible right of slavery. +Will you give him credit for that? Will you not say that in this +matter he is more wisely for you than you are for yourselves? + +Now, having established with his entire party this doctrine, having +been entirely successful in that branch of his efforts in your +behalf, he is ready for another. + +At this same meeting at Memphis he declared that in all contests +between the negro and the white man he was for the white man, but +that in all questions between the negro and the crocodile he was for +the negro. He did not make that declaration accidentally at Memphis. +He made it a great many times in the canvass in Illinois last year +(though I don't know that it was reported in any of his speeches +there, but he frequently made it). I believe he repeated it at +Columbus, and I should not wonder if be repeated it here. It is, +then, a deliberate way of expressing himself upon that subject. It +is a matter of mature deliberation with him thus to express himself +upon that point of his case. It therefore requires deliberate +attention. + +The first inference seems to be that if you do not enslave the negro, +you are wronging the white man in some way or other, and that whoever +is opposed to the negro being enslaved, is, in some way or other, +against the white man. Is not that a falsehood? If there was a +necessary conflict between the white man and the negro, I should be +for the white man as much as Judge Douglas; but I say there is no +such necessary conflict. I say that there is room enough for us all +to be free, and that it not only does not wrong the white man that +the negro should be free, but it positively wrongs the mass of the +white men that the negro should be enslaved; that the mass of white +men are really injured by the effects of slave labor in the vicinity +of the fields of their own labor. + +But I do not desire to dwell upon this branch of the question more +than to say that this assumption of his is false, and I do hope that +that fallacy will not long prevail in the minds of intelligent white +men. At all events, you ought to thank Judge Douglas for it; it is +for your benefit it is made. + +The other branch of it is, that in the struggle between the negro and +the crocodile; he is for the negro. Well, I don't know that there is +any struggle between the negro and the crocodile, either. I suppose +that if a crocodile (or, as we old Ohio River boatmen used to call +them, alligators) should come across a white man, he would kill him +if he could; and so he would a negro. But what, at last, is this +proposition? I believe it is a sort of proposition in proportion, +which may be stated thus: "As the negro is to the white man, so is +the crocodile to the negro; and as the negro may rightfully treat the +crocodile as a beast or reptile, so the white man may rightfully +treat the negro as a beast or a reptile." That is really the "knip" +of all that argument of his. + +Now, my brother Kentuckians, who believe in this, you ought to thank +Judge Douglas for having put that in a much more taking way than any +of yourselves have done. + +Again, Douglas's great principle, "popular sovereignty," as he calls +it, gives you, by natural consequence, the revival of the slave trade +whenever you want it. If you question this, listen awhile, consider +awhile what I shall advance in support of that proposition. + +He says that it is the sacred right of the man who goes into the +Territories to have slavery if he wants it. Grant that for +argument's sake. Is it not the sacred right of the man who don't go +there equally to buy slaves in Africa, if he wants them? Can you +point out the difference? The man who goes into the Territories of +Kansas and Nebraska, or any other new Territory, with the sacred +right of taking a slave there which belongs to him, would certainly +have no more right to take one there than I would, who own no slave, +but who would desire to buy one and take him there. You will not say +you, the friends of Judge Douglas but that the man who does not own a +slave has an equal right to buy one and take him to the Territory as +the other does. + +A voice: I want to ask a question. Don't foreign nations interfere +with the slave trade? + +Mr. LINCOLN: Well! I understand it to be a principle of Democracy to +whip foreign nations whenever, they interfere with us. + +Voice: I only asked for information. I am a Republican myself. + +Mr. LINCOLN: You and I will be on the best terms in the world, but +I do not wish to be diverted from the point I was trying to press. + +I say that Douglas's popular sovereignty, establishing his sacred +right in the people, if you please, if carried to its logical +conclusion gives equally the sacred right to the people of the States +or the Territories themselves to buy slaves wherever they can buy +them cheapest; and if any man can show a distinction, I should like +to hear him try it. If any man can show how the people of Kansas +have a better right to slaves, because they want them, than the +people of Georgia have to buy them in Africa, I want him to do it. +I think it cannot be done. If it is "popular sovereignty" for the +people to have slaves because they want them, it is popular +sovereignty for them to buy them in Africa because they desire to do +so. + +I know that Douglas has recently made a little effort, not seeming to +notice that he had a different theory, has made an effort to get rid +of that. He has written a letter, addressed to somebody, I believe, +who resides in Iowa, declaring his opposition to the repeal of the +laws that prohibit the Africa slave trade. He bases his opposition +to such repeal upon the ground that these laws are themselves one of +the compromises of the Constitution of the United States. Now, it +would be very interesting to see Judge Douglas or any of his friends +turn, to the Constitution of the United States and point out that +compromise, to show where there is any compromise in the +Constitution, or provision in the Constitution; express or implied, +by which the administrators of that Constitution are under any +obligation to repeal the African slave trade. I know, or at least I +think I know, that the framers of that Constitution did expect the +African slave trade would be abolished at the end of twenty years, to +which time their prohibition against its being abolished extended. +there is abundant contemporaneous history to show that the framers of +the Constitution expected it to be abolished. But while they so +expected, they gave nothing for that expectation, and they put no +provision in the Constitution requiring it should be so abolished. +The migration or importation of such persons as the States shall see +fit to admit shall not be prohibited, but a certain tax might be +levied upon such importation. But what was to be done after that +time? The Constitution is as silent about that as it is silent, +personally, about myself. There is absolutely nothing in it about +that subject; there is only the expectation of the framers of the +Constitution that the slave trade would be abolished at the end of +that time; and they expected it would be abolished, owing to public +sentiment, before that time; and the put that provision in, in order +that it should not be abolished before that time, for reasons which I +suppose they thought to be sound ones, but which I will not now try +to enumerate before you. + +But while, they expected the slave trade would be abolished at that +time, they expected that the spread of slavery into the new +Territories should also be restricted. It is as easy to prove that +the framers of the Constitution of the United States expected that +slavery should be prohibited from extending into the new Territories, +as it is to prove that it was expected that the slave trade should be +abolished. Both these things were expected. One was no more +expected than the other, and one was no more a compromise of the +Constitution than the other. There was nothing said in the +Constitution in regard to the spread of slavery into the Territory. +I grant that; but there was something very important said about it by +the same generation of men in the adoption of the old Ordinance of +'87, through the influence of which you here in Ohio, our neighbors +in Indiana, we in Illinois, our neighbors in Michigan and Wisconsin, +are happy, prosperous, teeming millions of free men. That generation +of men, though not to the full extent members of the convention that +framed the Constitution, were to some extent members of that +convention, holding seats at the same time in one body and the other, +so that if there was any compromise on either of these subjects, the +strong evidence is that that compromise was in favor of the +restriction of slavery from the new Territories. + +But Douglas says that he is unalterably opposed to the repeal of +those laws because, in his view, it is a compromise of the +Constitution. You Kentuckians, no doubt, are somewhat offended with +that. You ought not to be! You ought to be patient! You ought to +know that if he said less than that, he would lose the power of +"lugging" the Northern States to your support. Really, what you +would push him to do would take from him his entire power to serve +you. And you ought to remember how long, by precedent, Judge Douglas +holds himself obliged to stick by compromises. You ought to remember +that by the time you yourselves think you are ready to inaugurate +measures for the revival of the African slave trade, that sufficient +time will have arrived, by precedent, for Judge Douglas to break +through, that compromise. He says now nothing more strong than he +said in 1849 when he declared in favor of Missouri Compromise,--and +precisely four years and a quarter after he declared that Compromise +to be a sacred thing, which "no ruthless hand would ever daze to +touch," he himself brought forward the measure ruthlessly to destroy +it. By a mere calculation of time it will only be four years more +until he is ready to take back his profession about the sacredness of +the Compromise abolishing the slave trade. Precisely as soon as you +are ready to have his services in that direction, by fair +calculation, you may be sure of having them. + +But you remember and set down to Judge Douglas's debt, or discredit, +that he, last year, said the people of Territories can, in spite of +the Dred Scott decision, exclude your slaves from those Territories; +that he declared, by "unfriendly legislation" the extension of your +property into the new Territories may be cut off, in the teeth of the +decision of the Supreme Court of the United States. + +He assumed that position at Freeport on the 27th of August, 1858. He +said that the people of the Territories can exclude slavery, in so +many words: You ought, however, to bear in mind that he has never +said it since. You may hunt in every speech that he has since made, +and he has never used that expression once. He has never seemed to +notice that he is stating his views differently from what he did +then; but by some sort of accident, he has always really stated it +differently. He has always since then declared that "the +Constitution does not carry slavery into the Territories of the +United States beyond the power of the people legally to control it, +as other property." Now, there is a difference in the language used +upon that former occasion and in this latter day. There may or may +not be a difference in the meaning, but it is worth while considering +whether there is not also a difference in meaning. + +What is it to exclude? Why, it is to drive it out. It is in some +way to put it out of the Territory. It is to force it across the +line, or change its character so that, as property, it is out of +existence. But what is the controlling of it "as other property"? +Is controlling it as other property the same thing as destroying it, +or driving it away? I should think not. I should think the +controlling of it as other property would be just about what you in +Kentucky should want. I understand the controlling of property means +the controlling of it for the benefit of the owner of it. While I +have no doubt the Supreme Court of the United States would say "God +speed" to any of the Territorial Legislatures that should thus +control slave property, they would sing quite a different tune if, by +the pretence of controlling it, they were to undertake to pass laws +which virtually excluded it,--and that upon a very well known +principle to all lawyers, that what a Legislature cannot directly do, +it cannot do by indirection; that as the Legislature has not the +power to drive slaves out, they have no power, by indirection, by +tax, or by imposing burdens in any way on that property, to effect +the same end, and that any attempt to do so would be held by the Dred +Scott court unconstitutional. + +Douglas is not willing to stand by his first proposition that they +can exclude it, because we have seen that that proposition amounts to +nothing more nor less than the naked absurdity that you may lawfully +drive out that which has a lawful right to remain. He admitted at +first that the slave might be lawfully taken into the Territories +under the Constitution of the United States, and yet asserted that he +might be lawfully driven out. That being the proposition, it is the +absurdity I have stated. He is not willing to stand in the face of +that direct, naked, and impudent absurdity; he has, therefore, +modified his language into that of being "controlled as other +property." + +The Kentuckians don't like this in Douglas! I will tell you where it +will go. He now swears by the court. He was once a leading man in +Illinois to break down a court, because it had made a decision he did +not like. But he now not only swears by the court, the courts having +got to working for you, but he denounces all men that do not swear by +the courts, as unpatriotic, as bad citizens. When one of these acts +of unfriendly legislation shall impose such heavy burdens as to, in +effect, destroy property in slaves in a Territory, and show plainly +enough that there can be no mistake in the purpose of the Legislature +to make them so burdensome, this same Supreme Court will decide that +law to be unconstitutional, and he will be ready to say for your +benefit "I swear by the court; I give it up"; and while that is going +on he has been getting all his men to swear by the courts, and to +give it up with him. In this again he serves you faithfully, and, as +I say, more wisely than you serve yourselves. + +Again: I have alluded in the beginning of these remarks to the fact +that Judge Douglas has made great complaint of my having expressed +the opinion that this government "cannot endure permanently, half +slave and half free." He has complained of Seward for using +different language, and declaring that there is an "irrepressible +conflict" between the principles of free and slave labor. [A voice: +" He says it is not original with Seward. That it is original with +Lincoln."] I will attend to that immediately, sir. Since that time, +Hickman of Pennsylvania expressed the same sentiment. He has never +denounced Mr. Hickman: why? There is a little chance, +notwithstanding that opinion in the mouth of Hickman, that he may yet +be a Douglas man. That is the difference! It is not unpatriotic to +hold that opinion if a man is a Douglas man. + +But neither I, nor Seward, nor Hickman is entitled to the enviable or +unenviable distinction of having first expressed that idea. That +same idea was expressed by the Richmond Enquirer, in Virginia, in +1856,--quite two years before it was expressed by the first of us. +And while Douglas was pluming himself that in his conflict with my +humble self, last year, he had "squelched out" that fatal heresy, as +he delighted to call it, and had suggested that if he only had had a +chance to be in New York and meet Seward he would have "squelched" it +there also, it never occurred to him to breathe a word against Pryor. +I don't think that you can discover that Douglas ever talked of going +to Virginia to "squelch" out that idea there. No. More than that. +That same Roger A. Pryor was brought to Washington City and made the +editor of the par excellence Douglas paper, after making use of that +expression, which, in us, is so unpatriotic and heretical. From all +this, my Kentucky friends may see that this opinion is heretical in +his view only when it is expressed by men suspected of a desire that +the country shall all become free, and not when expressed by those +fairly known to entertain the desire that the whole country shall +become slave. When expressed by that class of men, it is in nowise +offensive to him. In this again, my friends of Kentucky, you have +Judge Douglas with you. + +There is another reason why you Southern people ought to nominate +Douglas at your convention at Charleston. That reason is the +wonderful capacity of the man,--the power he has of doing what would +seem to be impossible. Let me call your attention to one of these +apparently impossible things: + +Douglas had three or four very distinguished men of the most extreme +anti-slavery views of any men in the Republican party expressing +their desire for his re-election to the Senate last year. That +would, of itself, have seemed to be a little wonderful; but that +wonder is heightened when we see that Wise of Virginia, a man exactly +opposed to them, a man who believes in the divine right of slavery, +was also expressing his desire that Douglas should be reelected; that +another man that may be said to be kindred to Wise, Mr. Breckinridge, +the Vice-President, and of your own State, was also agreeing with the +anti-slavery men in the North that Douglas ought to be re-elected. +Still to heighten the wonder, a senator from Kentucky, whom I have +always loved with an affection as tender and endearing as I have ever +loved any man, who was opposed to the anti-slavery men for reasons +which seemed sufficient to him, and equally opposed to Wise and +Breckinridge, was writing letters into Illinois to secure the +reelection of Douglas. Now, that all these conflicting elements +should be brought, while at daggers' points with one another, to +support him, is a feat that is worthy for you to note and consider. +It is quite probable that each of these classes of men thought, by +the re-election of Douglas, their peculiar views would gain +something: it is probable that the anti-slavery men thought their +views would gain something; that Wise and Breckinridge thought so +too, as regards their opinions; that Mr. Crittenden thought that his +views would gain something, although he was opposed to both these +other men. It is probable that each and all of them thought that +they were using Douglas; and it is yet an unsolved problem whether he +was not using them all. If he was, then it is for you to consider +whether that power to perform wonders is one for you lightly to throw +away. + +There is one other thing that I will say to you, in this relation. It +is but my opinion, I give it to you without a fee. It is my opinion +that it is for you to take him or be defeated; and that if you do +take him you may be beaten. You will surely be beaten if you do not +take him. We, the Republicans and others forming the opposition of +the country, intend to "stand by our guns," to be patient and firm, +and in the long run to beat you, whether you take him or not. We +know that before we fairly beat you we have to beat you both +together. We know that you are "all of a feather," and that we have +to beat you all together, and we expect to do it. We don't intend to +be very impatient about it. We mean to be as deliberate and calm +about it as it is possible to be, but as firm and resolved as it is +possible for men to be. When we do as we say,--beat you,--you +perhaps want to know what we will do with you. + +I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the +opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as +near as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison +treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way interfere +with your institution; to abide by all and every compromise of the +Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to the original +proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we have +degenerated) may, according to the examples of those noble fathers, +Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are +as good as we; that there is no difference between us other than the +difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and bear in mind +always that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, +or as we claim to have, and treat you accordingly. We mean to marry +your girls when we have a chance, the white ones I mean; and I have +the honor to inform you that I once did have a chance in that way. + +I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, now, when that +thing takes place, what do you mean to do? I often hear it intimated +that you mean to divide the Union whenever a Republican, or anything +like it, is elected President of the United States. [A voice: "That +is so."] "That is so," one of them says; I wonder if he is a +Kentuckian? [A voice: "He is a Douglas man."] Well, then, I want to +know what you are going to do with your half of it? Are you going to +split the Ohio down through, and push your half off a piece? Or are +you going to keep it right alongside of us outrageous fellows? Or +are you going to build up a wall some way between your country and +ours, by which that movable property of yours can't come over here +any more, to the danger of your losing it? Do you think you can +better yourselves, on that subject, by leaving us here under no +obligation whatever to return those specimens of your movable +property that come hither? You have divided the Union because we +would not do right with you, as you think, upon that subject; when we +cease to be under obligations to do anything for you, how much better +off do you think you will be? Will you make war upon us and kill us +all? Why, gentlemen, I think you are as gallant and as brave men as +live; that you can fight as bravely in a good cause, man for man, as +any other people living; that you have shown yourselves capable of +this upon various occasions: but, man for man, you are not better +than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are of us. You +will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were fewer in +numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were equal, +it would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, you +will make nothing by attempting to master us. + +But perhaps I have addressed myself as long, or longer, to the +Kentuckians than I ought to have done, inasmuch as I have said that +whatever course you take we intend in the end to beat you. I propose +to address a few remarks to our friends, by way of discussing with +them the best means of keeping that promise that I have in good faith +made. + +It may appear a little episodical for me to mention the topic of +which I will speak now. It is a favorite position of Douglas's that +the interference of the General Government, through the Ordinance of +'87, or through any other act of the General Government never has +made or ever can make a free State; the Ordinance of '87 did not make +free States of Ohio, Indiana, or Illinois; that these States are free +upon his "great principle" of popular sovereignty, because the people +of those several States have chosen to make them so. At Columbus, +and probably here, he undertook to compliment the people that they +themselves have made the State of Ohio free, and that the Ordinance +of '87 was not entitled in any degree to divide the honor with them. +I have no doubt that the people of the State of Ohio did make her +free according to their own will and judgment, but let the facts be +remembered. + +In 1802, I believe, it was you who made your first constitution, with +the clause prohibiting slavery, and you did it, I suppose, very +nearly unanimously; but you should bear in mind that you--speaking of +you as one people--that you did so unembarrassed by the actual +presence of the, institution amongst you; that you made it a free +State not with the embarrassment upon you of already having among you +many slaves, which if they had been here, and you had sought to make +a free State, you would not know what to do with. If they had been +among you, embarrassing difficulties, most probably, would have +induced you to tolerate a slave constitution instead of a free one, +as indeed these very difficulties have constrained every people on +this continent who have adopted slavery. + +Pray what was it that made you free? What kept you free? Did you +not find your country free when you came to decide that Ohio should +be a free State? It is important to inquire by what reason you found +it so. Let us take an illustration between the States of Ohio and +Kentucky. Kentucky is separated by this River Ohio, not a mile wide. +A portion of Kentucky, by reason of the course of the Ohio, is +farther north than this portion of Ohio, in which we now stand. +Kentucky is entirely covered with slavery; Ohio is entirely free from +it: What made that difference? Was it climate? No. A portion of +Kentucky was farther north than this portion of Ohio. Was it soil? +No. There is nothing in the soil of the one more favorable to slave +than the other. It was not climate or soil that mused one side of the +line to be entirely covered with slavery, and the other side free of +it. What was it? Study over it. Tell us, if you can, in all the +range of conjecture, if there be anything you can conceive of that +made that difference, other than that there was no law of any sort +keeping it out of Kentucky, while the Ordinance of '87 kept it out of +Ohio. If there is any other reason than this, I confess that it is +wholly beyond my power to conceive of it. This, then, I offer to +combat the idea that that Ordinance has never made any State free. + +I don't stop at this illustration. I come to the State of Indiana; +and what I have said as between Kentucky and Ohio, I repeat as +between Indiana and Kentucky: it is equally applicable. One +additional argument is applicable also to Indiana. In her +Territorial condition she more than once petitioned Congress to +abrogate the Ordinance entirely, or at least so far as to suspend its +operation for a, time, in order that they should exercise the +"popular sovereignty" of having slaves if they wanted them. The men +then controlling the General Government, imitating the men of the +Revolution, refused Indiana that privilege. And so we have the +evidence that Indiana supposed she could have slaves, if it were not +for that Ordinance; that she besought Congress to put that barrier +out of the way; that Congress refused to do so; and it all ended at +last in Indiana being a free State. Tell me not then that the +Ordinance of '87 had nothing to do with making Indiana a free State, +when we find some men chafing against, and only restrained by, that +barrier. + +Come down again to our State of Illinois. The great Northwest +Territory, including Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and +Wisconsin, was acquired first, I believe, by the British Government, +in part at least, from the French. Before the establishment of our +independence it became a part of Virginia, enabling Virginia +afterward to transfer it to the General Government. There were +French settlements in what is now Illinois, and at the same time +there were French settlements in what is now Missouri, in the tract +of country that was not purchased till about 1803. In these French +settlements negro slavery had existed for many years, perhaps more +than a hundred; if not as much as two hundred years,--at Kaskaskia, +in Illinois, and at St. Genevieve, or Cape Girardeau, perhaps, in +Missouri. The number of slaves was not very great, but there was +about the same number in each place. They were there when we +acquired the Territory. There was no effort made to break up the +relation of master and slave, and even the Ordinance of 1787 was not +so enforced as to destroy that slavery in Illinois; nor did the +Ordinance apply to Missouri at all. + +What I want to ask your attention to; at this point, is that Illinois +and Missouri came into the Union about the same time, Illinois in the +latter part of 1818, and Missouri, after a struggle, I believe +sometime in 1820. They had been filling up with American people +about the same period of time; their progress enabling them to come +into the Union about the same time. At the end of that ten years, in +which they had been so preparing (for it was about that period of +time), the number of slaves in Illinois had actually decreased; while +in Missouri, beginning with very few, at the end of that ten years +there were about ten thousand. This being so, and it being +remembered that Missouri and Illinois are, to a certain extent, in +the same parallel of latitude, that the northern half of Missouri and +the southern half of Illinois are in the same parallel of latitude, +so that climate would have the same effect upon one as upon the +other, and that in the soil there is no material difference so far as +bears upon the question of slavery being settled upon one or the +other,--there being none of those natural causes to produce a +difference in filling them, and yet there being a broad difference to +their filling up, we are led again to inquire what was the cause of +that difference. + +It is most natural to say that in Missouri there was no law to keep +that country from filling up with slaves, while in Illinois there was +the Ordinance of The Ordinance being there, slavery decreased during +that ten years; the Ordinance not being in the other, it increased +from a few to ten thousand. Can anybody doubt the reason of the +difference? + +I think all these facts most abundantly prove that my friend Judge +Douglas's proposition, that the Ordinance of '87, or the national +restriction of slavery, never had a tendency to make a free State, is +a fallacy,--a proposition without the shadow or substance of truth +about it. + +Douglas sometimes says that all the States (and it is part of this +same proposition I have been discussing) that have become free have +become so upon his "great principle"; that the State of Illinois +itself came into the Union as a slave State, and that the people, +upon the "great principle" of popular sovereignty, have since made it +a free State. Allow me but a little while to state to you what facts +there are to justify him in saying that Illinois came into the Union +as a slave State. + +I have mentioned to you that there were a few old French slaves +there. They numbered, I think, one or two hundred. Besides that, +there had been a Territorial law for indenturing black persons. +Under that law, in violation of the Ordinance of '87, but without any +enforcement of the Ordinance to overthrow the system, there had been +a small number of slaves introduced as indentured persons. Owing to +this, the clause for the prohibition of slavery was slightly +modified. Instead of running like yours, that neither slavery nor +involuntary servitude, except for crime, of which the party shall +have been duly convicted, should exist in the State, they said that +neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should thereafter be +introduced; and that the children of indentured servants should be +born free; and nothing was said about the few old French slaves. Out +of this fact, that the clause for prohibiting slavery was modified +because of the actual presence of it, Douglas asserts again and again +that Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. How far the +facts sustain the conclusion that he draws, it is for intelligent and +impartial men to decide. I leave it with you, with these remarks, +worthy of being remembered, that that little thing, those few +indentured servants being there, was of itself sufficient to modify a +constitution made by a people ardently desiring to have a free +constitution; showing the power of the actual presence of the +institution of slavery to prevent any people, however anxious to make +a free State, from making it perfectly so. + +I have been detaining you longer, perhaps, than I ought to do. + +I am in some doubt whether to introduce another topic upon which I +could talk a while. [Cries of "Go on," and "Give us it."] It is this, +then: Douglas's Popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply this: +If one man chooses to make a slave of another man, neither that man +nor anybody else has a right to object. Apply it to government, as +he seeks to apply it, and it is this: If, in a new Territory into +which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose of making +their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their limits, +or to establish it there, however one or the other may affect the +persons to be enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons +who are afterward to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of +the family of communities of which they are but an incipient member, +or the general head of the family of States as parent of all, however +their action may affect one or the other of these, there is no power +or right to interfere. That is Douglas's popular sovereignty +applied. Now, I think that there is a real popular sovereignty in +the world. I think the definition of popular sovereignty, in the +abstract, would be about this: that each man shall do precisely as he +pleases with himself, and with all those things which exclusively +concern him. Applied in government, this principle would be that a +general government shall do all those things which pertain to it, and +all the local governments shall do precisely as they please in +respect to those matters which exclusively concern them. + +Douglas looks upon slavery as so insignificant that the people must +decide that question for themselves; and yet they are not fit to +decide who shall be their governor, judge, or secretary, or who shall +be any of their officers. These are vast national matters in his +estimation; but the little matter in his estimation is that of +planting slavery there. That is purely of local interest, which +nobody should be allowed to say a word about. + +Labor is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human +comforts and necessities are drawn. There is a difference in opinion +about the elements of labor in society. Some men assume that there +is necessary connection between capital and labor, and that +connection draws within it the whole of the labor of the community. +They assume that nobody works unless capital excites them to work. +They begin next to consider what is the best way. They say there are +but two ways: one is to hire men, and to allure them to labor by +their consent; the other is to buy the men, and drive them, to it, +and that is slavery. Having assumed that, they proceed to discuss +the question of whether the laborers themselves are better off in the +condition of slaves or of hired laborers, and they usually decide +that they are better off in the condition of slaves. + +In the first place, I say that the whole thing is a mistake. That +there is a certain relation between capital and labor, I admit. That +it does exist, and rightfully exists, I think is true. That men who +are industrious, and sober, and honest in the pursuit of their own +interests should after a while accumulate capital, and after that +should be allowed to enjoy it in peace, and also, if they should +choose, when they have accumulated it, to use it to save themselves +from actual labor, and hire other people to labor for them, is right. +In doing so they do not wrong the man they employ, for they find men +who have not of their own land to work upon, or shops to work in, and +who are benefited by working for others, hired laborers, receiving +their capital for it. Thus a few men, that own capital, hire a few +others, and these establish the relation of capital and labor +rightfully, a relation of which I make no complaint. But I insist +that that relation, after all, does not embrace more than one eighth +of the labor of the country. + +[The speaker proceeded to argue that the hired laborer, with his +ability to become an employer, must have every precedence over him +who labors under the inducement of force. He continued:] + +I have taken upon myself in the name of some of you to say that we +expect upon these principles to ultimately beat them. In order to do +so, I think we want and must have a national policy in regard to the +institution of slavery that acknowledges and deals with that +institution as being wrong. Whoever desires the prevention of the +spread of slavery and the nationalization of that institution yields +all when he yields to any policy that either recognizes slavery as +being right or as being an indifferent thing. Nothing will make you +successful but setting up a policy which shall treat the thing as +being wrong: When I say this, I do not mean to say that this General +Government is charged with the duty of redressing or preventing all +the wrongs in the world, but I do think that it is charged with +preventing and redressing all wrongs which are wrongs to itself. +This Government is expressly charged with the duty of providing for +the general welfare. We believe that the spreading out and +perpetuity of the institution of slavery impairs the general welfare. +We believe--nay, we know--that that is the only thing that has ever +threatened the perpetuity of the Union itself. The only thing which +has ever menaced the destruction of the government under which we +live is this very thing. To repress this thing, we think, is, +Providing for the general welfare. Our friends in Kentucky differ +from us. We need not make our argument for them, but we who think it +is wrong in all its relations, or in some of them at least, must +decide as to our own actions and our own course, upon our own +judgment. + +I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in +the States where it exists, because the Constitution forbids it, and +the general welfare does not require us to do so. We must not +withhold an efficient Fugitive Slave law, because the Constitution +requires us, as I understand it, not to withhold such a law. But we +must prevent the outspreading of the institution, because neither the +Constitution nor general welfare requires us to extend it. We must +prevent the revival of the African slave trade, and the enacting by +Congress of a Territorial slave code. We must prevent each of these +things being done by either Congresses or courts. The people of +these United States are the rightful masters of both Congresses and +courts, not to overthrow the Constitution, but to overthrow the men +who pervert the Constitution. + +To do these things we must employ instrumentalities. We must hold +conventions; we must adopt platforms, if we conform to ordinary +custom; we must nominate candidates; and we must carry elections. In +all these things, I think that we ought to keep in view our real +purpose, and in none do anything that stands adverse to our purpose. +If we shall adopt a platform that fails to recognize or express our +purpose, or elect a man that declares himself inimical to our +purpose, we not only take nothing by our success, but we tacitly +admit that we act upon no other principle than a desire to have "the +loaves and fishes," by which, in the end, our apparent success is +really an injury to us. + +I know that this is very desirable with me, as with everybody else, +that all the elements of the opposition shall unite in the next +Presidential election and in all future time. I am anxious that that +should be; but there are things seriously to be considered in +relation to that matter. If the terms can be arranged, I am in favor +of the union. But suppose we shall take up some man, and put him +upon one end or the other of the ticket, who declares himself against +us in regard to the prevention of the spread of slavery, who turns up +his nose and says he is tired of hearing anything more about it, who +is more against us than against the enemy, what will be the issue? +Why, he will get no slave States, after all,--he has tried that +already until being beat is the rule for him. If we nominate him +upon that ground, he will not carry a slave State; and not only so, +but that portion of our men who are high-strung upon the principle we +really fight for will not go for him, and he won't get a single +electoral vote anywhere, except, perhaps, in the State of Maryland. +There is no use in saying to us that we are stubborn and obstinate +because we won't do some such thing as this. We cannot do it. We +cannot get our men to vote it. I speak by the card, that we cannot +give the State of Illinois in such case by fifty thousand. We would +be flatter down than the "Negro Democracy" themselves have the heart +to wish to see us. + +After saying this much let me say a little on the other side. There +are plenty of men in the slave States that are altogether good enough +for me to be either President or Vice-President, provided they will +profess their sympathy with our purpose, and will place themselves on +the ground that our men, upon principle, can vote for them. There +are scores of them, good men in their character for intelligence and +talent and integrity. If such a one will place himself upon the +right ground, I am for his occupying one place upon the next +Republican or opposition ticket. I will heartily go for him. But +unless he does so place himself, I think it a matter of perfect +nonsense to attempt to bring about a union upon any other basis; that +if a union be made, the elements will scatter so that there can be no +success for such a ticket, nor anything like success. The good old +maxims of the Bible axe applicable, and truly applicable, to human +affairs, and in this, as in other things, we may say here that he who +is not for us is against us; he who gathereth not with us, +scattereth. I should be glad to have some of the many good and able +and noble men of the South to place themselves where we can confer +upon them the high honor of an election upon one or the other end of +our ticket. It would do my soul good to do that thing. It would +enable us to teach them that, inasmuch as we select one of their own +number to carry out our principles, we are free from the charge that +we mean more than we say. + +But, my friends, I have detained you much longer than I expected to +do. I believe I may do myself the compliment to say that you have +stayed and heard me with great patience, for which I return you my +most sincere thanks. + + + + +ON PROTECTIVE TARIFFS + +TO EDWARD WALLACE. + +CLINTON, October 11, 1859 + +Dr. EDWARD WALLACE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am here just now attending court. Yesterday, before +I left Springfield, your brother, Dr. William S. Wallace, showed me a +letter of yours, in which you kindly mention my name, inquiring for +my tariff views, and suggest the propriety of my writing a letter +upon the subject. I was an old Henry-Clay-Tariff Whig. In old times +I made more speeches on that subject than any other. + +I have not since changed my views. I believe yet, if we could have a +moderate, carefully adjusted protective tariff, so far acquiesced in +as not to be a perpetual subject of political strife, squabbles +changes, and uncertainties, it would be better for us. Still it is +my opinion that just now the revival of that question will not +advance the cause itself, or the man who revives it. + +I have not thought much on the subject recently, but my general +impression is that the necessity for a protective tariff will ere +long force its old opponents to take it up; and then its old friends +can join in and establish it on a more firm and durable basis. We, +the Old Whigs, have been entirely beaten out on the tariff question, +and we shall not be able to re-establish the policy until the absence +of it shall have demonstrated the necessity for it in the minds of +men heretofore opposed to it. With this view, I should prefer to not +now write a public letter on the subject. I therefore wish this to +be considered confidential. I shall be very glad to receive a +letter from you. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON MORTGAGES + +TO W. DUNGY. + +SPRINGFIELD, November, 2, 1859. + +WM. DUNGY, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of October 27 is received. When a mortgage is given +to secure two notes, and one of the notes is sold and assigned, if +the mortgaged premises are only sufficient to pay one note, the one +assigned will take it all. Also, an execution from a judgment on the +assigned note may take it all; it being the same thing in substance. +There is redemption on execution sales from the United States Court +just as from any other court. + +You did not mention the name of the plaintiff or defendant in the +suit, and so I can tell nothing about it as to sales, bids, etc. +Write again. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS, +DECEMBER, 1859. + +............. But you Democrats are for the Union; and you greatly +fear the success of the Republicans would destroy the Union. Why? Do +the Republicans declare against the Union? Nothing like it. Your own +statement of it is that if the Black Republicans elect a President, +you "won't stand it." You will break up the Union. If we shall +constitutionally elect a President, it will be our duty to see that +you submit. Old John Brown has been executed for treason against a +State. We cannot object, even though he agreed with us in thinking +slavery wrong. That cannot excuse violence, bloodshed and treason. +It could avail him nothing that he might think himself right. So, if +we constitutionally elect a President, and therefore you undertake to +destroy the Union, it will be our duty to deal with you as old John +Brown has been dealt with. We shall try to do our duty. We hope and +believe that in no section will a majority so act as to render such +extreme measures necessary. + + + + +TO G. W. DOLE, G. S. HUBBARD, AND W. H. BROWN. + +SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 14, 1859 + +MESSRS. DOLE, HUBBARD & BROWN. + +GENT.:--Your favor of the 12th is at hand, and it gives me pleasure +to be able to answer it. It is not my intention to take part in any +of the rivalries for the gubernatorial nomination; but the fear of +being misunderstood upon that subject ought not to deter me from +doing justice to Mr. Judd, and preventing a wrong being done to him +by the use of nay name in connection with alleged wrongs to me. + +In answer to your first question, as to whether Mr. Judd was guilty +of any unfairness to me at the time of Senator Trumbull's election, I +answer unhesitatingly in the negative; Mr. Judd owed no political +allegiance to any party whose candidate I was. He was in the Senate, +holding over, having been elected by a Democratic Constituency. He +never was in any caucus of the friends who sought to make me U. S. +Senator, never gave me any promises or pledges to support me, and +subsequent events have greatly tended to prove the wisdom, +politically, of Mr. Judd's course. The election of Judge Trumbull +strongly tended to sustain and preserve the position of that lion of +the Democrats who condemned the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, +and left them in a position of joining with us in forming the +Republican party, as was done at the Bloomington convention in 1856. + +During the canvass of 1858 for the senatorship my belief was, and +still is, that I had no more sincere and faithful friend than Mr. +Judd--certainly none whom I trusted more. His position as chairman +of the State Central Committee led to my greater intercourse with +him, and to my giving him a larger share of my confidence, than with +or to almost any other friend; and I have never suspected that that +confidence was, to any degree, misplaced. + +My relations with Mr. Judo since the organization of the Republican +party, in, our State, in 1856, and especially since the adjournment +of the Legislature in Feb., 1857, have been so very intimate that I +deem it an impossibility that he could have been dealing +treacherously with me. He has also, at all times, appeared equally +true and faithful to the party. In his position as chairman of the +committee, I believe he did all that any man could have done. The +best of us are liable to commit errors, which become apparent by +subsequent developments; but I do not know of a single error, even, +committed by Mr. Judd, since he and I have acted together +politically. + +I, had occasionally heard these insinuations against Mr. Judd, before +the receipt of your letter; and in no instance have I hesitated to +pronounce them wholly unjust, to the full extent of my knowledge and +belief. I have been, and still am, very anxious to take no part +between the many friends, all good and true, who are mentioned as +candidates for a Republican gubernatorial nomination; but I can not +feel that my own honor is quite clear if I remain silent when I hear +any one of them assailed about matters of which I believe I know more +than his assailants. + +I take pleasure in adding that, of all the avowed friends I had in +the canvass of last year, I do not suspect any of having acted +treacherously to me, or to our cause; and that there is not one of +them in whose honesty, honor, and integrity I, today, have greater +confidence than I have in those of Mr. Judd. + +I dislike to appear before the public in this matter; but you are at +liberty to make such use of this letter as you may think justice +requires. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 19, 1859. + +MESSRS. G. M. PARSONS AND OTHERS, CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, ETC. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your letter of the 7th instant, accompanied by a similar +one from the governor-elect, the Republican State officers, and the +Republican members of the State Board of Equalization of Ohio, both +requesting of me, for publication in permanent form, copies of the +political debates between Senator Douglas and myself last year, has +been received. With my grateful acknowledgments to both you and them +for the very flattering terms in which the request is communicated, I +transmit you the copies. The copies I send you are as reported and +printed by the respective friends of Senator Douglas and myself, at +the time--that is, his by his friends, and mine by mine. It would be +an unwarrantable liberty for us to change a word or a letter in his, +and the changes I have made in mine, you perceive, are verbal only, +and very few in number. I wish the reprint to be precisely as the +copies I send, without any comment whatever. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH + +TO J. W. FELL, + +SPRINGFIELD, December 20, 1859. + +J. W. FELL, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is a little sketch, as you requested. There +is not much of it, for the reason, I suppose, that there is not much +of me. If anything be made out of it, I wish it to be modest, and +not to go beyond the material. If it were thought necessary to +incorporate anything from any of my speeches I suppose there would be +no objection. Of course it must not appear to have been written by +myself. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN + +----------------------- + +I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. My parents +were both born in Virginia, of undistinguished families--second +families, perhaps I should say. My mother, who died in my tenth +year, was of a family of the name of Hanks, some of whom now reside +in Adams, and others in Macon County, Illinois. My paternal +grandfather, Abraham Lincoln, emigrated from Rockingham County, +Virginia, to Kentucky about 1781 or 1782, where a year or two later +he was killed by the Indians, not in battle, but by stealth, when he +was laboring to open a farm in the forest. His ancestors, who were +Quakers, went to Virginia from Berks County, Pennsylvania. An effort +to identify them with the New England family of the same name ended +in nothing more definite than a similarity of Christian names in both +families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, Solomon, Abraham, and the +like. + +My father, at the death of his father, was but six years of age, and +he grew up literally without education. He removed from Kentucky to +what is now Spencer County, Indiana, in my eighth year. We reached +our new home about the time that State came into the Union. It was a +wild region, with many bears and other wild animals still in the +woods. There I grew up. There were some schools, so called, but no +qualification was ever required of a teacher beyond "readin', +writin', and cipherin"' to the Rule of Three. If a straggler +supposed to understand Latin happened to sojourn in the neighborhood +he was looked upon as a wizard. There was absolutely nothing to +excite ambition for education. Of course, when I came of age I did +not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, and cipher to +the Rule of Three, but that was all. I have not been to school +since. The little advance I now have upon this store of education I +have picked up from time to time under the pressure of necessity. + +I was raised to farm work, which I continued till I was twenty-two. +At twenty-one I came to Illinois, Macon County. Then I got to New +Salem, at that time in Sangamon, now in Menard County, where I +remained a year as a sort of clerk in a store. Then came the Black +Hawk war; and I was elected a captain of volunteers, a success which +gave me more pleasure than any I have had since. I went the +campaign, was elected, ran for the Legislature the same year (1832), +and was beaten--the only time I ever have been beaten by the people. +The next and three succeeding biennial elections I was elected to the +Legislature. I was not a candidate afterward. During this +legislative period I had studied law, and removed to Springfield to +practice it. In 1846 I was once elected to the lower House of +Congress. Was not a candidate for re-election. From 1849 to 1854, +both inclusive, practiced law more assiduously than ever before. +Always a Whig in politics; and generally on the Whig electoral +tickets, making active canvasses. I was losing interest in politics +when the repeal of the Missouri Compromise aroused me again. What I +have done since then is pretty well known. + +If any personal description of me is thought desirable, it may be +said I am, in height, six feet four inches, nearly; lean in flesh, +weighing on an average one hundred and eighty pounds; dark +complexion, with coarse black hair and gray eyes. No other marks or +brands recollected. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ON NOMINATION TO THE NATIONAL TICKET + +To N. B. JUDD. + +SPRINGFIELD, FEBRUARY 9, 1859 + +HON. N. B. JUDD. + +DEAR Sir:--I am not in a position where it would hurt much for me to +not be nominated on the national ticket; but I am where it would hurt +some for me to not get the Illinois delegates. What I expected when +I wrote the letter to Messrs. Dole and others is now happening. +Your discomfited assailants are most bitter against me; and they +will, for revenge upon me, lay to the Bates egg in the South, and to +the Seward egg in the North, and go far toward squeezing me out in +the middle with nothing. Can you help me a little in this matter in +your end of the vineyard. I mean this to be private. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + + +1860 + + +SPEECH AT THE COOPER INSTITUTE, NEW YORK +FEBRUARY 27, 1860 + + +MR. PRESIDENT AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW YORK:--The facts with which +I shall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar; nor is there +anything new in the general use I shall make of them. If there shall +be any novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and +the inferences and observations following that presentation. + +In his speech last autumn at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in the New +York Times, Senator Douglas said: + +"Our fathers, when they framed the Government under which we live, +understood this question just as well, and even better than we do +now." + +I fully indorse this, and I adopt it as a text for this discourse. +I so adopt it because it furnishes a precise and an agreed starting- +point for a discussion between Republicans and that wing of the +Democracy headed by Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry: +What was the understanding those fathers had of the question +mentioned? + +What is the frame of Government under which we live? + +The answer must be--the Constitution of the United States. That +Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787 (and under +which the present Government first went into operation), and twelve +subsequently framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed in +1789. + +Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? I suppose the +"thirty-nine" who signed the original instrument may be fairly called +our fathers who framed that part of the present Government. It is +almost exactly true to say they framed it, and it is altogether true +to say they fairly represented the opinion and sentiment of the whole +nation at that time. + +Their names, being familiar to nearly all, and accessible to quite +all, need not now be repeated. + +I take these "thirty-nine," for the present, as being our "fathers +who framed the Government under which we live." + +What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers +understood "just as well, and even better than we do now"? + +It is this: Does the proper division of local from Federal authority, +or anything in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Government to +control as to slavery in our Federal Territories? + +Upon this Senator Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans the +negative. This affirmation and denial form an issue, and this issue- +-this question is precisely what the text declares our fathers +understood "better than we." + +Let us now inquire whether the "thirty-nine," or any of them, acted +upon this question; and if they did, how they acted upon it--how they +expressed that better understanding. + +In 1784, three years before the Constitution--the United States then +owning the Northwestern Territory, and no other--the Congress of the +Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery in +that Territory; and four of the "thirty nine" who afterward framed +the Constitution were in that Congress and voted on that question. +Of these, Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin, and Hugh Williamson voted +for the prohibition, thus showing that, in their understanding, no +line dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything else, +properly forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in +Federal territory. The other of the four--James McHenry voted +against the prohibition, showing that, for some cause, he thought it +improper to vote for it. + +In 1787, still before the Constitution, but while the convention was +in session framing it, and while the Northwestern Territory still was +the only Territory owned by the United States, the same question of +prohibiting slavery in the Territory again came before the Congress +of the Confederation; and two more of the "thirty-nine" who afterward +signed the Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on the +question. They were William Blount and William Few; and they both +voted for the prohibition thus showing that, in their understanding, +no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything else, +properly forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in +Federal territory. This time the prohibition became a law, being part +of what is now well known as the Ordinance of '87. + +The question of Federal control of slavery in the Territories seems +not to have been directly before the convention which framed the +original Constitution; and hence it is not recorded that the +"thirty-nine," or any of them, while engaged on that instrument, +expressed any opinion on that precise question. + +In 1789, by the first Congress which sat under the Constitution, an +act was passed to enforce the Ordinance of '87, including the +prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory. The bill for +this act was reported by one of the "thirty-nine," Thomas +Fitzsimmons, then a member of the House of Representatives from +Pennsylvania. It went through all its stages without a word of +opposition, and finally passed both branches without yeas and nays, +which is equivalent to a unanimous passage. In this Congress there +were sixteen of the thirty-nine fathers who framed the original +Constitution. They were John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman, Wm. S. +Johnnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thos. Fitzsimmons, William +Few, Abraham Baldwin, Rufus King, William Paterson, George Claimer, +Richard Bassett, George Read, Pierce Butler, Daniel Carroll, James +Madison. + +This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from +Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, properly forbade +Congress to prohibit slavery in the Federal territory; else both +their fidelity to correct principles and their oath to support the +Constitution would have constrained them to oppose the prohibition. + +Again: George Washington, another of the "thirty nine," was then +President of the United States, and, as such, approved and signed the +bill; thus completing its validity as a law, and thus showing that, +in his understanding, no line dividing local from Federal authority, +nor anything in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to +control as to slavery in Federal territory. + +No great while after the adoption of the original Constitution, North +Carolina ceded to the Federal Government the country now constituting +the State of Tennessee; and, a few years later, Georgia ceded that +which now constitutes the States of Mississippi and Alabama. In both +deeds of cession it was made a condition by the ceding States that +the Federal Government should not prohibit slavery in the ceded +country. Besides this, slavery was then actually in the ceded +country. Under these circumstances, Congress, on taking charge of +these countries, did not absolutely prohibit slavery within them. +But they did interfere with it--take control of it--even there, to a +certain extent. In 1798, Congress organized the Territory of +Mississippi: In the act of organization they prohibited the bringing +of slaves into the Territory from any place without the United +States, by fine and giving freedom to slaves so brought. This act +passed both branches of Congress without yeas and nays. In that +Congress were three of the "thirty-nine" who framed the original +Constitution. They were John Langdon, George Read, and Abraham +Baldwin. They all, probably, voted for it. Certainly they would have +placed their opposition to it upon record, if, in their +understanding, any line dividing local from Federal authority, or +anything in the Constitution, properly forbade the Federal Government +to control as to slavery in Federal territory. + +In 1803, the Federal Government purchased the Louisiana country. Our +former territorial acquisitions came from certain of our own States; +but this Louisiana country was acquired from a foreign nation. In +1804, Congress gave a territorial organization to that part of it +which now constitutes the State of Lousiana. New Orleans, lying +within that part, was an old and comparatively large city. There +were other considerable towns and settlements, and slavery was +extensively and thoroughly intermingled with the people. Congress +did not, in the Territorial Act, prohibit slavery; but they did +interfere with it take control of it--in a more marked and extensive +way than they did in the case of Mississippi. The substance of the +provision therein made in relation to slaves was: + +First. That no slave should be imported into the Territory from +foreign parts. + +Second. That no slave should be carried into it who had been imported +into the United States since the first day of May, 1798. + +Third. That no slave should be carried into it except by the owner, +and for his own use as a settler; the penalty in all the cases being +a fine upon the violator of the law, and freedom to the slave. + +This act also was passed without yeas and nays. In the Congress which +passed it there were two of the "thirty-nine." They were Abraham +Baldwin and Jonathan Dayton. As stated in the case of Mississippi, +it is probable they both voted for it. They would not have allowed it +to pass without recording their opposition to it, if, in their +understanding, it violated either the line properly dividing local +from Federal authority, or any provision of the Constitution. + +In 1819-20 came and passed the Missouri question. Many votes were +taken, by yeas and nays, in both branches of Congress, upon the +various phases of the general question. Two of the "thirty-nine"- +-Rufus King and Charles Pinckney were members of that Congress. Mr. +King steadily voted for slavery prohibition and against all +compromises, while Mr. Pinckney as steadily voted against slavery +prohibition, and against all compromises. By this, Mr. King showed +that, in his understanding, no line dividing local from Federal +authority, nor anything in the Constitution, was violated by Congress +prohibiting slavery in Federal territory; while Mr. Pinckney, by his +vote, showed that in his understanding there was some sufficient +reason for opposing such prohibition in that case. + +The cases I have mentioned are the only acts of the "thirty-nine," or +of any of them, upon the direct issue, which I have been able to +discover. + +To enumerate the persons who thus acted, as being four in 1784, two +in 1787, seventeen in 1789, three in 1798, two in 1804, and two in +1819-20--there would be thirty of them. But this would be counting, +John Langdon, Roger Sherman, William Few, Rufus King, and George +Read, each twice, and Abraham Baldwin three times. The true number +of those of the "thirty-nine" whom I have shown to have acted upon +the question which, by the text, they understood better than we, is +twenty-three, leaving sixteen not shown to have acted upon it in any +way. + +Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our thirty-nine fathers "who +framed the Government under which we live," who have, upon their +official responsibility and their corporal oaths, acted upon the very +question which the text affirms they "understood just as well, and +even better than we do now"; and twenty-one of them--a clear majority +of the whole "thirty-nine"--so acting upon it as to make them guilty +of gross political impropriety and wilful perjury, if, in their +understanding, any proper division between local and Federal. +authority, or anything in the Constitution they had made themselves, +and sworn to support, forbade the Federal Government to control as to +slavery in the Federal Territories. Thus the twenty-one acted; and, +as actions speak louder than words, so actions under such +responsibilities speak still louder. + +Two of the twenty-three voted against Congressional prohibition of +slavery in the Federal Territories, in the instances in which they +acted upon the question. But for what reasons they so voted is not +known. They may have done so because they thought a proper division +of local from Federal authority, or some provision or principle of +the Constitution, stood in the way; or they may, without any such +question, have voted against the prohibition on what appeared to them +to be sufficient grounds of expediency. No one who has sworn to +support the Constitution can conscientiously vote for what he +understands to be an unconstitutional measure, however expedient he +may think it; but one may and ought to vote against a measure which +he deems constitutional, if, at the same time, he deems it +inexpedient. It therefore would be unsafe to set down even the two +who voted against the prohibition as having done so because, in their +understanding, any proper division of local from Federal authority, +or anything in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to +control as to slavery in Federal territory. + +The remaining sixteen of the "thirty-nine," so far as I have +discovered, have left no record of their understanding upon the +direct question of Federal control on slavery in the Federal +Territories. But there is much reason to believe that their +understanding upon that question would not have appeared different +from that of their twenty-three compeers, had it been manifested at +all. + +For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have purposely +omitted whatever understanding may have been manifested by any +person, however distinguished, other than the thirty-nine fathers who +framed the original Constitution; and, for the same reason, I have +also omitted whatever understanding may have been manifested by any +of the "thirty tine" even on any other phase of the general question +of slavery. If we should look into their acts and declarations on +those other phases, as the foreign slave trade, and the morality and +policy of slavery generally, it would appear to us that on the direct +question of Federal control of slavery in Federal Territories, the +sixteen, if they had acted at all, would probably have acted just as +the twenty-three did. Among that sixteen were several of the most +noted anti-slavery men of those times--as Dr. Franklin, Alexander +Hamilton, and Gouverneur Morris while there was not one now known to +have been otherwise, unless it may be John Rutledge, of South +Carolina. + +The sum of the whole is, that of our thirty-nine fathers who framed +the original Constitution, twenty-one--a clear majority of the +whole--certainly understood that no proper division of local from +Federal authority, nor any part of the Constitution, forbade the +Federal Government to control slavery in the Federal Territories; +whilst all the rest probably had the same understanding. Such, +unquestionably, was the understanding of our fathers who framed the +original Constitution; and the text affirms that they understood the +question "better than we." + +But, so far, I have been considering the understanding of the +question manifested by the framers of the original Constitution. In +and by the original instrument, a mode was provided for amending it; +and, as I have already stated, the present frame of "the Government +under which we live" consists of that original, and twelve amendatory +articles framed and adopted since. Those who now insist that Federal +control of slavery in Federal Territories violates the Constitution, +point us to the provisions which they suppose it thus violates; and, +as I understand, they all fix upon provisions in these amendatory +articles, and not in the original instrument. The Supreme Court, in +the Dred Scott case, plant themselves upon the fifth amendment, which +provides that no person shall be deprived of "life, liberty, or +property without due process of law"; while Senator Douglas and his +peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth amendment, +providing that "the powers not delegated to the United States by the +Constitution" "are reserved to the States respectively, or to the +people." + +Now, it so happens that these amendments were framed by the first +Congress which sat under the Constitution--the identical Congress +which passed the act already mentioned, enforcing the prohibition of +slavery in the Northwestern Territory. Not only was it the same +Congress, but they were the identical same individual men who, at the +same session, and at the same time within the session, had under +consideration, and in progress toward maturity, these Constitutional +amendments, and this act prohibiting slavery in all the territory the +nation then owned. The Constitutional amendments were introduced +before and passed after the act enforcing the Ordinance of '87; so +that, during the whole pendency of the act to enforce the Ordinance, +the Constitutional amendments were also pending. + +The seventy-six members of that Congress, including sixteen of the +framers of the original Constitution, as before stated, were +pre-eminently our fathers who framed that part of "the Government +under which we live," which is now claimed as forbidding the Federal +Government to control slavery in the Federal Territories. + +Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day to affirm that +the two things which that Congress deliberately framed, and carried +to maturity at the same time, are absolutely inconsistent with each +other? And does not such affirmation become impudently absurd when +coupled with the other affirmation from the same mouth, that those +who did the two things alleged to be inconsistent understood whether +they really were inconsistent better than we--better than he who +affirms that they are inconsistent? + +It is surely safe to assume that the thirty-nine framers of the +original Constitution, and the seventy-six members of the Congress +which framed the amendments thereto, taken together, do certainly +include those who may be fairly called "our fathers who framed the +Government under which we live." And, so assuming, I defy any man to +show that any one of them ever, in his whole life, declared that, in +his understanding, any proper division of local from Federal +authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal +Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. I go +a step further. I defy any one to show that any living man in the +world ever did, prior to the beginning of the present century (and I +might almost say prior to the beginning of the last half of the +present century), declare that, in his understanding, any proper +division of local from Federal authority, or any part of the +Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery +in the Federal Territories. To those who now so declare, I give not +only "our fathers who framed the Government under which we live," but +with them all other living men within the century in which it was +framed, among whom to search, and they shall not be able to find the +evidence of a single man agreeing with them. + +Now and here let me guard a little against being misunderstood. I do +not mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our +fathers did. To do so would be to discard all the lights of current +experience to reject all progress, all improvement. What I do say is +that, if we would supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in +any case, we should do so upon evidence so conclusive, and argument +so clear, that even their great authority, fairly considered and +weighed, cannot stand; and most surely not in a case whereof we +ourselves declare they understood the question better than we. + +If any man at this day sincerely believes that proper division of +local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, +forbids the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the +Federal Territories, he is right to say so, and to enforce his +position by all truthful evidence and fair argument which he can. +But he has no right to mislead others who have less access to +history, and less leisure to study it, into the false belief that +"our fathers who framed the Government under which we live" were of +the same opinion thus substituting falsehood and deception for +truthful evidence and fair argument. If any man at this day +sincerely believes "our fathers, who framed the Government under +which we live," used and applied principles, in other cases, which +ought to have led them to understand that a proper division of local +from Federal authority, or some part of the Constitution, forbids the +Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal +Territories, he is right to say so. But he should, at the same time, +brave the responsibility of declaring that, in his opinion, he +understands their principles better than they did themselves; and +especially should he not shirk that responsibility by asserting that +they "understood the question just as well, and even better than we +do now." + +But enough! Let all who believe that "our fathers, who framed the +Government under which we live, understood this question just as +well, and even better than we do now," speak as they spoke, and act +as they acted upon it. This is all Republicans ask--all Republicans +desire--in relation to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let +it be again marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be +tolerated and protected only because of, and so far as, its actual +presence among us makes that toleration and protection a necessity. +Let all the guaranties those fathers gave it be not grudgingly, but +fully and fairly maintained. For this Republicans contend, and with +this, so far as I know or believe, they will be content. + +And now, if they would listen--as I suppose they will not--I would +address a few words to the Southern people. + +I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just +people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and +justice you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you +speak of us Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, +or, at the best, as no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing +to pirates or murderers, but nothing like it to "Black Republicans." +In all your contentions with one another, each of you deems an +unconditional condemnation of "Black Republicanism" as the first +thing to be attended to. Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be +an indispensable prerequisite license, so to speak among you, to be +admitted or permitted to speak at all: Now; can you, or not, be +prevailed upon to pause, and to consider whether this is quite just +to us, or even to yourselves? Bring forward your charges and +specifications, and then be patient long enough to hear us deny or +justify. + +You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the +burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? +Why, that our party has no existence in your section--gets no votes +in your section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove +the issue? If it does, then in case we should, without change of +principle, begin to get votes in your section, we should thereby +cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, +are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon +find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in +your section this very year. You will then begin to discover, as the +truth plainly is, that your proof, does not touch the issue. The fact +that we get no votes in your section is a fact of your making, and +not of ours. And if there be fault in that fact, that fault is +primarily yours, and remains so until you show that we repel you by, +some wrong principle or practice. If we do repel you by any wrong +principle or practice, the fault is ours; but this brings you to +where you ought to have started to a discussion of the right or wrong +of our principle. If our principle, put in practice, would wrong +your section for the benefit of ours, or for any other object, then +our principle, and we with it, are sectional, and are justly opposed +and denounced as such. Meet us, then, on the question of whether our +principle, put in practice, would wrong your section; and so meet us +as if it were possible that something may be said on our side. Do +you accept the challenge? No! Then you really believe that the +principle which "our fathers who framed the Government under which we +live" thought so clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse it again +and again, upon their official oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as +to demand your condemnation without a moment's consideration. + +Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against +sectional parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less +than eight years before Washington gave that warning, he had, as +President of the United States, approved and signed an act of +Congress enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern +Territory, which act embodied the policy of the Government upon that +subject up to, and at, the very moment he penned that warning; and +about one year after he penned it, he wrote La Fayette that he +considered that prohibition a wise measure, expressing in the same +connection his hope that we should at some time have a confederacy of +free States. + +Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen +upon this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands +against us, or in our hands against you? Could Washington himself +speak, would he cast the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who +sustain his policy, or upon you, who repudiate it? We respect that +warning of Washington, and we commend it to you, together with his +example pointing to the right application of it. + +But you say you are conservative--eminently conservative--while we +are revolutionary, destructive, or something, of the sort. What is +conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against a +new and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy +on the point in controversy which was adopted by "our fathers who +framed the Government under which we live"; while you with one accord +reject, and scout, and spit upon that old policy and insist upon +substituting something new. True, you disagree among yourselves as +to what that substitute shall be. You are divided on new +propositions and plans, but you are unanimous in rejecting and +denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some of you are for +reviving the foreign slave trade; some for a Congressional slave code +for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the Territories to +prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining slavery in +the Territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reat +pur-rinciple" that "if one man would enslave another, no third man +should object," fantastically called "popular sovereignty"; but never +a man among you in favor of Federal prohibition of slavery in Federal +Territories, according to the practice of "our fathers who framed the +Government under which we live." Not one of all your various plans +can show a precedent or an advocate in the century within which our +Government originated. Consider, then, whether your claim of +conservatism for yourselves, and your charge of destructiveness +against us, are based on the most clear and stable foundations. + +Again: You say we have made the slavery question more prominent than +it formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, +but we deny that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who +discarded the old policy of the fathers. We resisted and still +resist your innovation; and thence comes the greater prominence of +the question. Would you have that question reduced to its former +proportions? Go back to that old policy. What has been will be +again, under the same conditions. If you would have the peace of the +old times, readopt the precepts and policy of the old times. + +You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We deny +it; and what is your proof'? Harper's Ferry! John Brown!! John +Brown was no Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single +Republican in his Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our +party is guilty in that matter you know it or you do not know it. If +you do know it, you are inexcusable for not designating the man and +proving the fact. If you do not know it, you are inexcusable for +asserting it, and especially for persisting in the assertion after +you have tried and failed to make the proof. You need not be told +that persisting in a charge which one does not know to be true is +simply malicious slander. + +Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged +the Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that our doctrines and +declarations necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. +We know we hold to no doctrine, and make no declaration, which were +not held to and made by our fathers who framed the Government under +which we live. You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this +affair. When it occurred, some important State elections were near +at hand, and you were in evident glee with the belief that, by +charging the blame upon us, you could get an advantage of us in those +elections. The elections came, and your expectations were not quite +fulfilled. Every Republican man knew that, as to himself at least, +your charge was a slander, and he was not much inclined by it to cast +his vote in your favor. Republican doctrines and declarations are +accompanied with a continued protest against any interference +whatever with your slaves, or with you about your slaves. Surely, +this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, in common with +"our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live," declare +our belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not hear us +declare even this. For any thing we say or do, the slaves would +scarcely know there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, +in fact, generally know it but for your misrepresentations of us in +their hearing. In your political contests among yourselves, each +faction charges the other with sympathy with Black Republicanism; and +then, to give point to the charge, defines Black Republicanism to +simply be insurrection, blood, and thunder among the slaves. + +Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the +Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton +insurrection, twenty-eight years ago, in which, at least, three times +as many lives were lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely +stretch your very elastic fancy to the conclusion that Southampton +was "got up by Black Republicanism." In the present state of things +in the United States, I do not think a general or even a very +extensive slave insurrection is possible. The indispensable concert +of action cannot be attained. The slaves have no means of rapid +communication; nor can incendiary freemen, black or white, supply it. +The explosive materials are everywhere in parcels; but there neither +are, nor can be supplied the indispensable connecting trains. + +Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for +their masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true. A +plot for an uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to +twenty individuals before some one of them, to save the life of a +favorite master or mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and +the slave revolution in Hayti was not an exception to it, but a case +occurring under peculiar circumstances. The gunpowder plot of +British history, though not connected with slaves, was more in point. +In that case, only about twenty were admitted to the secret; and yet +one of them, in his anxiety to save a friend, betrayed the plot to +that friend, and, by consequence, averted the calamity. Occasional +poisonings from the kitchen, and open or stealthy assassinations in +the field, and local revolts, extending to a score or so, will +continue to occur as the natural results of slavery; but no general +insurrection of slaves, as I think, can happen in this country for a +long time. Whoever much fears or much hopes for such an event will +be alike disappointed. + +In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, "It is +still in our power to direct the process of emancipation and +deportation peaceably, and in such slow degrees as that the evil will +wear off insensibly, and their places be, pari passu, filled up by +free white laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself +on, human nature must shudder at the prospect held up." + +Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of +emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia; +and, as to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slave holding +States only. The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the +power of restraining the extension of the institution--the power to +insure that a slave insurrection shall never occur on any American +soil which is now free from slavery. + +John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. +It was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in +which the slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd +that the slaves, with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it +could not succeed. That affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with +the many attempts related in history at the assassination of kings +and emperors. An enthusiast broods over the oppression of a people +till he fancies himself commissioned by Heaven to liberate them. He +ventures the attempt, which ends in little else than his own +execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon and John Brown's +attempt at Harper's Ferry were, in their philosophy, precisely the +same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one case, +and on New England in the other, does not disprove the sameness of +the two things. + +And how much would it avail you, if you could, by the use of John +Brown, Helper's Book, and the like, break up the Republican +organization? Human action can be modified to some extent, but human +nature cannot be changed. There is a judgment and a feeling against +slavery in this nation, which cast at least a million and a half of +votes. You cannot destroy that judgment and feeling--that sentiment- +-by breaking up the political organization which rallies around it. +You can scarcely scatter and disperse an army which has been formed +into order in the face of your heaviest fire; but if you could, how +much would you gain by forcing the sentiment which created it out of +the peaceful channel of the ballot-box, into some other channel? +What would that other channel probably be? Would the number of John +Browns be lessened or enlarged by the operation? + +But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of +your constitutional rights. + +That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated, if not +fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to +deprive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. +But we are proposing no such thing. + +When you make these declarations, you have a specific and well- +understood allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to +take slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as +property. But no such right is specifically written in the +Constitution. That instrument is literally silent about any such +right. We, on the contrary, deny that such a right has any existence +in the Constitution, even by implication. + +Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is that you will destroy the +Government unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the +Constitution as you please on all points in dispute between you and +us. You will rule or ruin, in all events. + +This, plainly stated, is your language. Perhaps you will say the +Supreme Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in +your favor. Not quite so. But, waiving the lawyer's distinction +between dictum and decision, the court have decided the question for +you in a sort of way. The court have substantially said it is your +constitutional right to take slaves into the Federal Territories, and +to hold them there as property. When I say, the decision was made in +a sort of way, I mean it was made in a divided court, by a bare +majority of the judges, and they not quite agreeing with one another +in the reasons for making it; that it is so made as that its avowed +supporters disagree with one another about its meaning, and that it +was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of fact--the statement in +the opinion that "the right of property in a slave is distinctly and +expressly affirmed in the Constitution." + +An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of +property in a slave is not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it. +Bear in mind, the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that +such right is impliedly affirmed in the Constitution; but they pledge +their veracity that it is "distinctly and expressly" affirmed there- +-"distinctly," that is, not mingled with anything else; "expressly," +that is, in words meaning just that, without the aid of any +inference, and susceptible of no other meaning. + +If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right is +affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others +to show that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in +the Constitution, nor the word "property" even, in any connection +with language alluding to the things slave or slavery; and that +wherever in that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a +"person"; and wherever his master's legal right in relation to him is +alluded to, it is spoken of as "service or labor which may be due," +as a debt payable in service or labor. Also, it would be open to +show, by contemporaneous history, that this mode of alluding to +slaves and slavery, instead of speaking of them, was employed on +purpose to exclude from the Constitution the idea that there could be +property in man. + +To show all this, is easy and certain. + +When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their +notice, is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the +mistaken statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it? + +And then it is to be remembered that "our fathers; who framed the +Government under which we live",--the men who made the Constitution-- +decided this same constitutional question in our favor, long ago; +decided it without division among themselves, when making the +decision, without division among themselves about the meaning of it +after it was made, and, so far as any evidence is left, without +basing it upon any mistaken statement of facts. + +Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves +justified to break up this Government unless such a court decision as +yours is shall be at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule +of political action? But you will not abide the election of a +Republican President! In that supposed event, you say, you will +destroy the Union; and then, you say, the great crime of having +destroyed it will be upon us! That is cool. A highwayman holds a +pistol to my ear, and mutters through his teeth, "stand and deliver, +or I shall kill you, and then you'll be a murderer!" + +To be sure, what the robber demanded of me-my money was my own, and I +had a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my vote +is my own; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the +threat of destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely +be distinguished in principle. + +A few words now to Republicans: It is exceedingly desirable that all +parts of this great confederacy shall be at peace and in harmony one +with another. Let us Republicans do our part to have it so. Even +though much provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill +temper. Even though the Southern people will not so much as listen +to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and yield to them if, in +our deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all +they say and do, and by the subject and nature of their controversy +with us, let us determine, if we can, what will satisfy them. + +Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally +surrendered to them? We know they will not. In all their present +complaints against us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. +Invasions and insurrections are the rage now. Will it satisfy them +if, in the future, we have nothing to do with invasions and, +insurrections? We know it will not. We so know because we know we +never had anything to do with invasions and insurrections; and yet +this total abstaining does not exempt us from the charge and the +denunciation. + +The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: We must +not only let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we +do let them alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. +We have been so trying to convince them from the very beginning of +our organization, but with no success. In all our platforms and +speeches we have constantly protested our purpose to let them alone; +but this has had no tendency to convince them. Alike unavailing to +convince them is the fact that they have never detected a man of us +in any attempt to disturb them. + +These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will +convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and +join them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly-- +done in acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated--we +must place ourselves avowedly with them. Senator Douglas's new +sedition law must be enacted and enforced, suppressing all +declarations that slavery is wrong, whether made in politics, in +presses, in pulpits; or in private. We must arrest and return their +fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must pull down our free +State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be disinfected from +all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will cease to believe +that all their troubles proceed from us. + +I am quite aware they do not state their case precisely in this way. +Most of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to +us, and say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone +have never disturbed them--so that after all it is what we say which +dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until +we cease saying. + +I am also aware they have not as yet, in terms, demanded the +overthrow of our free State constitutions. Yet those constitutions +declare the wrong of slavery, with more solemn emphasis than do all +other sayings against it; and when all these other sayings shall have +been silenced, the overthrow of these constitutions will be demanded, +and nothing be left to resist the demand. It is nothing to the +contrary, that they do not demand the whole of this just now. +Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, they can +voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. Holding, as +they do, that slavery is morally right, and socially elevating, they +cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of it, as a legal +right and a social blessing. + +Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our +conviction that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, +acts, laws, and constitutions against it are themselves wrong, and +should be silenced and swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly +object to its nationality its universality; if it is wrong, they +cannot justly insist upon its extension--its enlargement. All they +ask we could readily grant if we thought slavery right; all we ask +they could as readily grant, if they thought it wrong. Their +thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the precise fact upon +which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right, as they do, +they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition, as being +right; but thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? Can we +cast our votes with their view, and against our own? In view of our +moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we do this? Wrong +as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it +is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual +presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, +allow it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us +here in these free States? If our sense of duty forbids this, then +let us stand by our duty, fearlessly and effectively. Let us be +diverted by none of those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are +so industriously plied and belabored-contrivances such as groping for +some middle ground between the right and the wrong, vain as the +search for a man who should be neither a living man nor a dead +man-such as a policy of "don't care" on a question about which all +true men do care--such as Union appeals beseeching true Union men to +yield to Disunionists, reversing the divine rule, and calling, not +the sinners, but the righteous to repentance--such as invocations to +Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington said, and undo +what Washington did. + +Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations +against us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the +Government nor of dungeons to ourselves. LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT +MAKES MIGHT, AND IN THAT FAITH LET US, TO THE END, DARE TO DO OUR +DUTY AS WE UNDERSTAND IT. + + + + +SPEECH AT NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, MARCH 6, 1860 + +MR. PRESIDENT, AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEW HAVEN:--If the Republican +party of this nation shall ever have the national House entrusted to +its keeping, it will be the duty of that party to attend to all the +affairs of national housekeeping. Whatever matters of importance may +come up, whatever difficulties may arise in its way of administration +of the Government, that party will then have to attend to. It will +then be compelled to attend to other questions, besides this question +which now assumes an overwhelming importance--the question of +slavery. It is true that in the organization of the Republican party +this question of slavery was more important than any other: indeed, +so much more important has it become that no more national question +can even get a hearing just at present. The old question of tariff- +-a matter that will remain one of the chief affairs of national +house-keeping to all time; the question of the management of +financial affairs; the question of the disposition of the public +domain how shall it be managed for the purpose of getting it well +settled, and of making there the homes of a free and happy people? +these will remain open and require attention for a great while yet, +and these questions will have to be attended to by whatever party has +the control of the Government. Yet, just now, they cannot even +obtain a hearing, and I do not propose to detain you upon these +topics or what sort of hearing they should have when opportunity +shall come. + +For, whether we will or not, the question of slavery is the question, +the all-absorbing topic of the day. It is true that all of us--and by +that I mean, not the Republican party alone, but the whole American +people, here and elsewhere--all of us wish this question settled, +wish it out of the way. It stands in the way, and prevents the +adjustment, and the giving of necessary attention to other questions +of national house-keeping. The people of the whole nation agree that +this question ought to be settled, and yet it is not settled. And +the reason is that they are not yet agreed how it shall be settled. +All wish it done, but some wish one way and some another, and some a +third, or fourth, or fifth; different bodies are pulling in different +directions, and none of them, having a decided majority, are able to +accomplish the common object. + +In the beginning of the year 1854, a new policy was inaugurated with +the avowed object and confident promise that it would entirely and +forever put an end to the slavery agitation. It was again and again +declared that under this policy, when once successfully established, +the country would be forever rid of this whole question. Yet under +the operation of that policy this agitation has not only not ceased, +but it has been constantly augmented. And this too, although, from +the day of its introduction, its friends, who promised that it would +wholly end all agitation, constantly insisted, down to the time that +the Lecompton Bill was introduced, that it was working admirably, and +that its inevitable tendency was to remove the question forever from +the politics of the country. Can you call to mind any Democratic +speech, made after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, down to the +time of the Lecompton Bill, in which it was not predicted that the +slavery agitation was just at an end, that "the abolition excitement +was played out," "the Kansas question was dead," "they have made the +most they can out of this question and it is now forever settled"? +But since the Lecompton Bill no Democrat, within my experience, has +ever pretended that he could see the end. That cry has been dropped. +They themselves do not pretend, now, that the agitation of this +subject has come to an end yet. + +The truth is that this question is one of national importance, and we +cannot help dealing with it; we must do something about it, whether +we will or not. We cannot avoid it; the subject is one we cannot +avoid considering; we can no more avoid it than a man can live +without eating. It is upon us; it attaches to the body politic as +much and closely as the natural wants attach to our natural bodies. +Now I think it important that this matter should be taken up in +earnest, and really settled: And one way to bring about a true +settlement of the question is to understand its true magnitude. + +There have been many efforts made to settle it. Again and again it +has been fondly hoped that it was settled; but every time it breaks +out afresh, and more violently than ever. It was settled, our +fathers hoped, by the Missouri Compromise, but it did not stay +settled. Then the compromises of 1850 were declared to be a full and +final settlement of the question. The two great parties, each in +national convention, adopted resolutions declaring that the +settlement made by the Compromise of 1850 was a finality that it +would last forever. Yet how long before it was unsettled again? +It broke out again in 1854, and blazed higher and raged more +furiously than ever before, and the agitation has not rested since. + +These repeated settlements must have some faults about them. There +must be some inadequacy in their very nature to the purpose to which +they were designed. We can only speculate as to where that fault, +that inadequacy, is, but we may perhaps profit by past experiences. + +I think that one of the causes of these repeated failures is that our +best and greatest men have greatly underestimated the size of this +question. They have constantly brought forward small cures for great +sores--plasters too small to cover the wound. That is one reason +that all settlements have proved temporary--so evanescent. + +Look at the magnitude of this subject: One sixth of our population, +in round numbers--not quite one sixth, and yet more than a seventh,-- +about one sixth of the whole population of the United States are +slaves. The owners of these slaves consider them property. The +effect upon the minds of the owners is that of property, and nothing +else it induces them to insist upon all that will favorably affect +its value as property, to demand laws and institutions and a public +policy that shall increase and secure its value, and make it durable, +lasting, and universal. The effect on the minds of the owners is to +persuade them that there is no wrong in it. The slaveholder does not +like to be considered a mean fellow for holding that species of +property, and hence, he has to struggle within himself and sets about +arguing himself into the belief that slavery is right. The property +influences his mind. The dissenting minister who argued some +theological point with one of the established church was always met +with the reply, "I can't see it so." He opened a Bible and pointed +him a passage, but the orthodox minister replied, "I can't see it +so." Then he showed him a single word--"Can you see that?" "Yes, I +see it," was the reply. The dissenter laid a guinea over the word +and asked, "Do you see it now?" So here. Whether the owners of this +species of property do really see it as it is, it is not for me to +say, but if they do, they see it as it is through two thousand +millions of dollars, and that is a pretty thick coating. Certain it +is that they do not see it as we see it. Certain it is that this two +thousand millions of dollars, invested in this species of property, +all so concentrated that the mind can grasp it at once--this immense +pecuniary interest--has its influence upon their minds. + +But here in Connecticut and at the North slavery does not exist, and +we see it through no such medium. + +To us it appears natural to think that slaves are human beings; men, +not property; that some of the things, at least, stated about men in +the Declaration of Independence apply to them as well as to us. +I say we think, most of us, that this charter of freedom applies to +the slaves as well as to ourselves; that the class of arguments put +forward to batter down that idea are also calculated to break down +the very idea of a free government, even for white men, and to +undermine the very foundations of free society. We think slavery a +great moral wrong, and, while we do not claim the right to touch it +where it exists, we wish to treat it as a wrong in the Territories, +where our votes will reach it. We think that a respect for +ourselves, a regard for future generations and for the God that made +us, require that we put down this wrong where our votes will properly +reach it. We think that species of labor an injury to free white men +--in short, we think slavery a great moral, social, and political +evil, tolerable only because, and so far as, its actual existence +makes it necessary to tolerate it, and that beyond that it ought to +be treated as a wrong. + +Now these two ideas, the property idea that slavery is right, and the +idea that it is wrong, come into collision, and do actually produce +that irrepressible conflict which Mr. Seward has been so roundly +abused for mentioning. The two ideas conflict, and must conflict. + +Again, in its political aspect, does anything in any way endanger the +perpetuity of this Union but that single thing, slavery? Many of our +adversaries are anxious to claim that they are specially devoted to +the Union, and take pains to charge upon us hostility to the Union. +Now we claim that we are the only true Union men, and we put to them +this one proposition: Whatever endangers this Union, save and except +slavery? Did any other thing ever cause a moment's fear? All men +must agree that this thing alone has ever endangered the perpetuity +of the Union. But if it was threatened by any other influence, would +not all men say that the best thing that could be done, if we could +not or ought not to destroy it, would be at least to keep it from +growing any larger? Can any man believe, that the way to save the +Union is to extend and increase the only thing that threatens the +Union, and to suffer it to grow bigger and bigger? + +Whenever this question shall be settled, it must be settled on some +philosophical basis. No policy that does not rest upon some +philosophical opinion can be permanently maintained. And hence there +are but two policies in regard to slavery that can be at all +maintained. The first, based on the property view that slavery is +right, conforms to that idea throughout, and demands that we shall do +everything for it that we ought to do if it were right. We must +sweep away all opposition, for opposition to the right is wrong; we +must agree that slavery is right, and we must adopt the idea that +property has persuaded the owner to believe that slavery is morally +right and socially elevating. This gives a philosophical basis for a +permanent policy of encouragement. + +The other policy is one that squares with the idea that slavery is +wrong, and it consists in doing everything that we ought to do if it +is wrong. Now, I don't wish to be misunderstood, nor to leave a gap +down to be misrepresented, even. I don't mean that we ought to +attack it where it exists. To me it seems that if we were to form a +government anew, in view of the actual presence of slavery we should +find it necessary to frame just such a government as our fathers did- +-giving to the slaveholder the entire control where the system was +established, while we possessed the power to restrain it from going +outside those limits. From the necessities of the case we should be +compelled to form just such a government as our blessed fathers gave +us; and, surely, if they have so made it, that adds another reason +why we should let slavery alone where it exists. + +If I saw a venomous snake crawling in the road, any man would say I +might seize the nearest stick and kill it; but if I found that snake +in bed with my children, that would be another question. I might +hurt the children more than the snake, and it might bite them. Much +more if I found it in bed with my neighbor's children, and I had +bound myself by a solemn compact not to meddle with his children +under any circumstances, it would become me to let that particular +mode of getting rid of the gentleman alone. But if there was a bed +newly made up, to which the children were to be taken, and it was +proposed to take a batch of young snakes and put them there with +them, I take it no man would say there was any question how I ought +to decide! + +That is just the case. The new Territories are the newly made bed to +which our children are to go, and it lies with the nation to say +whether they shall have snakes mixed up with them or not. It does +not seem as if there could be much hesitation what our policy should +be! + +Now I have spoken of a policy based on the idea that slavery is +wrong, and a policy based on the idea that it is right. But an +effort has been made for a policy that shall treat it as neither +right nor wrong. It is based upon utter indifference. Its leading +advocate [Douglas] has said, "I don't care whether it be voted up or +down." "It is merely a matter of dollars and cents." "The Almighty +has drawn a line across this continent, on one side of which all soil +must forever be cultivated by slave labor, and on the other by free." +"When the struggle is between the white man and the negro, I am for +the white man; when it is between the negro and the crocodile, I am +for the negro." Its central idea is indifference. It holds that it +makes no more difference to us whether the Territories become free or +slave States than whether my neighbor stocks his farm with horned +cattle or puts in tobacco. All recognize this policy, the plausible +sugar-coated name of which is "popular sovereignty." + +This policy chiefly stands in the way of a permanent settlement of +the question. I believe there is no danger of its becoming the +permanent policy of the country, for it is based on a public +indifference. There is nobody that "don't care." All the people do +care one way or the other! I do not charge that its author, when he +says he "don't care," states his individual opinion; he only +expresses his policy for the government. I understand that he has +never said as an individual whether he thought slavery right or +wrong--and he is the only man in the nation that has not! Now such a +policy may have a temporary run; it may spring up as necessary to the +political prospects of some gentleman; but it is utterly baseless: +the people are not indifferent, and it can therefore have no +durability or permanence. + +But suppose it could: Then it could be maintained only by a public +opinion that shall say, "We don't care." There must be a change in +public opinion; the public mind must be so far debauched as to square +with this policy of caring not at all. The people must come to +consider this as "merely a question of dollars and cents," and to +believe that in some places the Almighty has made slavery necessarily +eternal. This policy can be brought to prevail if the people can be +brought round to say honestly, "We don't care"; if not, it can never +be maintained. It is for you to say whether that can be done. + +You are ready to say it cannot, but be not too fast! Remember what a +long stride has been taken since the repeal of the Missouri +Compromise! Do you know of any Democrat, of either branch of the +party--do you know one who declares that he believes that the +Declaration of Independence has any application to the negro? Judge +Taney declares that it has not, and Judge Douglas even vilifies me +personally and scolds me roundly for saying that the Declaration +applies to all men, and that negroes are men. Is there a Democrat +here who does not deny that the Declaration applies to the negro? Do +any of you know of one? Well, I have tried before perhaps fifty +audiences, some larger and some smaller than this, to find one such +Democrat, and never yet have I found one who said I did not place him +right in that. I must assume that Democrats hold that, and now, not +one of these Democrats can show that he said that five years ago! I +venture to defy the whole party to produce one man that ever uttered +the belief that the Declaration did not apply to negroes, before the +repeal of the Missouri Compromise! Four or five years ago we all +thought negroes were men, and that when "all men" were named, negroes +were included. But the whole Democratic party has deliberately taken +negroes from the class of men and put them in the class of brutes. +Turn it as you will it is simply the truth! Don't be too hasty, then, +in saying that the people cannot be brought to this new doctrine, but +note that long stride. One more as long completes the journey from +where negroes are estimated as men to where they are estimated as +mere brutes--as rightful property! + +That saying "In the struggle between white men and the negro," etc., +which I know came from the same source as this policy--that saying +marks another step. There is a falsehood wrapped up in that +statement. "In the struggle between the white man and the negro" +assumes that there is a struggle, in which either the white man must +enslave the negro or the negro must enslave the white. There is no +such struggle! It is merely the ingenious falsehood to degrade and +brutalize the negro. Let each let the other alone, and there is no +struggle about it. If it was like two wrecked seamen on a narrow +plank, when each must push the other off or drown himself, I would +push the negro off or a white man either, but it is not; the plank is +large enough for both. This good earth is plenty broad enough for +white man and negro both, and there is no need of either pushing the +other off. + +So that saying, "In the struggle between the negro and the +crocodile," etc., is made up from the idea that down where the +crocodile inhabits, a white man can't labor; it must be nothing else +but crocodile or negro; if the negro does not the crocodile must +possess the earth; in that case he declares for the negro. The +meaning of the whole is just this: As a white man is to a negro, so +is a negro to a crocodile; and as the negro may rightfully treat the +crocodile, so may the white man rightfully treat the negro. This +very dear phrase coined by its author, and so dear that he +deliberately repeats it in many speeches, has a tendency to still +further brutalize the negro, and to bring public opinion to the point +of utter indifference whether men so brutalized are enslaved or not. +When that time shall come, if ever, I think that policy to which I +refer may prevail. But I hope the good freemen of this country will +never allow it to come, and until then the policy can never be +maintained. + +Now consider the effect of this policy. We in the States are not to +care whether freedom or slavery gets the better, but the people in +the Territories may care. They are to decide, and they may think +what they please; it is a matter of dollars and cents! But are not +the people of the Territories detailed from the States? If this +feeling of indifference this absence of moral sense about the +question prevails in the States, will it not be carried into the +Territories? Will not every man say, "I don't care, it is nothing to +me"? If any one comes that wants slavery, must they not say, "I don't +care whether freedom or slavery be voted up or voted down"? It +results at last in nationalizing the institution of slavery. Even if +fairly carried out, that policy is just as certain to nationalize +slavery as the doctrine of Jeff Davis himself. These are only two +roads to the same goal, and "popular sovereignty" is just as sure and +almost as short as the other. + +What we want, and all we want, is to have with us the men who think +slavery wrong. But those who say they hate slavery, and are opposed +to it, but yet act with the Democratic party--where are they? Let us +apply a few tests. You say that you think slavery is wrong, but you +denounce all attempts to restrain it. Is there anything else that +you think wrong that you are not willing to deal with as wrong? Why +are you so careful, so tender, of this one wrong and no other? You +will not let us do a single thing as if it was wrong; there is no +place where you will even allow it to be called wrong! We must not +call it wrong in the free States, because it is not there, and we +must not call it wrong in the slave States, because it is there; we +must not call it wrong in politics because that is bringing morality +into politics, and we must not call it wrong in the pulpit because +that is bringing politics into religion; we must not bring it into +the Tract Society or the other societies, because those are such +unsuitable places--and there is no single place, according to you, +where this wrong thing can properly be called wrong! + +Perhaps you will plead that if the people of the slave States should +themselves set on foot an effort for emancipation, you would wish +them success, and bid them God-speed. Let us test that: In 1858 the +emancipation party of Missouri, with Frank Blair at their head, tried +to get up a movement for that purpose, and having started a party +contested the State. Blair was beaten, apparently if not truly, and +when the news came to Connecticut, you, who knew that Frank Blair was +taking hold of this thing by the right end, and doing the only thing +that you say can properly be done to remove this wrong--did you bow +your heads in sorrow because of that defeat? Do you, any of you, know +one single Democrat that showed sorrow over that result? Not one! On +the contrary every man threw up his hat, and hallooed at the top of +his lungs, "Hooray for Democracy!" + +Now, gentlemen, the Republicans desire to place this great question +of slavery on the very basis on which our fathers placed it, and no +other. It is easy to demonstrate that "our fathers, who framed this +Government under which we live," looked on slavery as wrong, and so +framed it and everything about it as to square with the idea that it +was wrong, so far as the necessities arising from its existence +permitted. In forming the Constitution they found the slave trade +existing, capital invested in it, fields depending upon it for labor, +and the whole system resting upon the importation of slave labor. +They therefore did not prohibit the slave trade at once, but they +gave the power to prohibit it after twenty years. Why was this? What +other foreign trade did they treat in that way? Would they have done +this if they had not thought slavery wrong? + +Another thing was done by some of the same men who framed the +Constitution, and afterwards adopted as their own the act by the +first Congress held under that Constitution, of which many of the +framers were members, that prohibited the spread of slavery into +Territories. Thus the same men, the framers of the Constitution, cut +off the supply and prohibited the spread of slavery, and both acts +show conclusively that they considered that the thing was wrong. + +If additional proof is wanted it can be found in the phraseology of +the Constitution. When men are framing a supreme law and chart of +government, to secure blessings and prosperity to untold generations +yet to come, they use language as short and direct and plain as can +be found, to express their meaning In all matters but this of +slavery the framers of the Constitution used the very clearest, +shortest, and most direct language. But the Constitution alludes to +slavery three times without mentioning it once The language used +becomes ambiguous, roundabout, and mystical. They speak of the +"immigration of persons," and mean the importation of slaves, but do +not say so. In establishing a basis of representation they say "all +other persons," when they mean to say slaves--why did they not use +the shortest phrase? In providing for the return of fugitives they +say "persons held to service or labor." If they had said slaves it +would have been plainer, and less liable to misconstruction. Why did +n't they do it? We cannot doubt that it was done on purpose. Only +one reason is possible, and that is supplied us by one of the framers +of the Constitution--and it is not possible for man to conceive of +any other--they expected and desired that the system would come to an +end, and meant that when it did, the Constitution should not show +that there ever had been a slave in this good free country of ours. + +I will dwell on that no longer. I see the signs of approaching +triumph of the Republicans in the bearing of their political +adversaries. A great deal of their war with us nowadays is mere +bushwhacking. At the battle of Waterloo, when Napoleon's cavalry had +charged again and again upon the unbroken squares of British +infantry, at last they were giving up the attempt, and going off in +disorder, when some of the officers in mere vexation and complete +despair fired their pistols at those solid squares. The Democrats +are in that sort of extreme desperation; it is nothing else. I will +take up a few of these arguments. + +There is "the irrepressible conflict." How they rail at Seward for +that saying! They repeat it constantly; and, although the proof has +been thrust under their noses again and again that almost every good +man since the formation of our Government has uttered that same +sentiment, from General Washington, who "trusted that we should yet +have a confederacy of free States," with Jefferson, Jay, Monroe, down +to the latest days, yet they refuse to notice that at all, and +persist in railing at Seward for saying it. Even Roger A. Pryor, +editor of the Richmond Enquirer, uttered the same sentiment in almost +the same language, and yet so little offence did it give the +Democrats that he was sent for to Washington to edit the States--the +Douglas organ there--while Douglas goes into hydrophobia and spasms +of rage because Seward dared to repeat it. This is what I call +bushwhacking, a sort of argument that they must know any child can +see through. + +Another is John Brown: "You stir up insurrections, you invade the +South; John Brown! Harper's Ferry!" Why, John Brown was not a +Republican! You have never implicated a single Republican in that +Harper's Ferry enterprise. We tell you that if any member of the +Republican party is guilty in that matter, you know it or you do not +know it. If you do know it, you are inexcusable not to designate the +man and prove the fact. If you do not know it, you are inexcusable +to assert it, and especially to persist in the assertion after you +have tried and failed to make the proof. You need not be told that +persisting in a charge which one does not know to be true is simply +malicious slander. Some of you admit that no Republican designedly +aided or encouraged the Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that +our doctrines and declarations necessarily lead to such results. We +do not believe it. We know we hold to no doctrines, and make no +declarations, which were not held to and made by our fathers who +framed the Government 'under which we live, and we cannot see how +declarations that were patriotic when they made them are villainous +when we make them. You never dealt fairly by us in relation to that +affair--and I will say frankly that I know of nothing in your +character that should lead us to suppose that you would. You had +just been soundly thrashed in elections in several States, and others +were soon to come. You rejoiced at the occasion, and only were +troubled that there were not three times as many killed in the +affair. You were in evident glee; there was no sorrow for the killed +nor for the peace of Virginia disturbed; you were rejoicing that by +charging Republicans with this thing you might get an advantage of us +in New York, and the other States. You pulled that string as tightly +as you could, but your very generous and worthy expectations were not +quite fulfilled. Each Republican knew that the charge was a slander +as to himself at least, and was not inclined by it to cast his vote +in your favor. It was mere bushwhacking, because you had nothing +else to do. You are still on that track, and I say, go on! If you +think you can slander a woman into loving you or a man into voting +for you, try it till you are satisfied! + +Another specimen of this bushwhacking, that "shoe strike." Now be it +understood that I do not pretend to know all about the matter. I am +merely going to speculate a little about some of its phases. And at +the outset, I am glad to see that a system of labor prevails in New +England under which laborers can strike when they want to, where they +are not obliged to work under all circumstances, and are not tied +down and obliged to labor whether you pay them or not! I like the +system which lets a man quit when he wants to, and wish it might +prevail everywhere. One of the reasons why I am opposed to slavery +is just here. What is the true condition of the laborer? I take it +that it is best for all to leave each man free to acquire property as +fast as he can. Some will get wealthy. I don't believe in a law to +prevent a man from getting rich; it would do more harm than good. +So, while we do not propose any war upon capital, we do wish to allow +the humblest man an equal chance to get rich with everybody else. +When one starts poor, as most do in the race of life, free society is +such that he knows he can better his condition; he knows that there +is no fixed condition of labor for his whole life. I am not ashamed +to confess that twenty-five years ago I was a hired laborer, mauling +rails, at work on a flatboat--just what might happen to any poor +man's son! I want every man to have a chance--and I believe a Black +man is entitled to it--in which he can better his condition; when he +may look forward and hope to be a hired laborer this year and the +next, work for himself afterward, and finally to hire men to work for +him! That is the system. Up here in New England, you have a soil +that scarcely sprouts black-eyed beans, and yet where will you find +wealthy men so wealthy, and poverty so rarely in extremity? There is +not another such place on earth! I desire that if you get too thick +here, and find it hard to better your condition on this soil, you may +have a chance to strike and go somewhere else, where you may not be +degraded, nor have your families corrupted, by forced rivalry with +negro slaves. I want you to have a clean bed and no snakes in it! +Then you can better your condition, and so it may go on and on in one +endless round so long as man exists on the face of the earth! + +Now, to come back to this shoe strike,--if, as the senator from +Illinois asserts, this is caused by withdrawal of Southern votes, +consider briefly how you will meet the difficulty. You have done +nothing, and have protested that you have done nothing, to injure the +South. And yet, to get back the shoe trade, you must leave off doing +something which you are now doing. What is it? You must stop +thinking slavery wrong! Let your institutions be wholly changed; let +your State constitutions be subverted; glorify slavery, and so you +will get back the shoe trade--for what? You have brought owned labor +with it, to compete with your own labor, to underwork you, and to +degrade you! Are you ready to get back the trade on those terms? + +But the statement is not correct. You have not lost that trade; +orders were never better than now! Senator Mason, a Democrat, comes +into the Senate in homespun, a proof that the dissolution of the +Union has actually begun! but orders are the same. Your factories +have not struck work, neither those where they make anything for +coats, nor for pants nor for shirts, nor for ladies' dresses. Mr. +Mason has not reached the manufacturers who ought to have made him a +coat and pants! To make his proof good for anything he should have +come into the Senate barefoot! + +Another bushwhacking contrivance; simply that, nothing else! I find a +good many people who are very much concerned about the loss of +Southern trade. Now either these people are sincere or they are not. +I will speculate a little about that. If they are sincere, and are +moved by any real danger of the loss of Southern trade, they will +simply get their names on the white list, and then, instead of +persuading Republicans to do likewise, they will be glad to keep you +away! Don't you see that they cut off competition? They would not be +whispering around to Republicans to come in and share the profits +with them. But if they are not sincere, and are merely trying to +fool Republicans out of their votes, they will grow very anxious +about your pecuniary prospects; they are afraid you are going to get +broken up and ruined; they do not care about Democratic votes, oh, +no, no, no! You must judge which class those belong to whom you meet: +I leave it to you to determine from the facts. + +Let us notice some more of the stale charges against Republicans. +You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the +burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? +Why, that our party has no existence in your section--gets no votes +in your section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove +the issue? If it does, then in case we should, without change of +principle, begin to get votes in your section, we should thereby +cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, +are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon +find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in +your section this very year. The fact that we get no votes in your +section is a fact of your making and not of ours. And if there be +fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains so +until you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or practice. + If we do repel you by any wrong principle or practice, the fault is +ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have started--to a +discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our principle, +put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of ours, or +for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are +sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, +then, on the question of whether our principle put in practice would +wrong your section; and so meet it as if it were possible that +something may be said on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No? +Then you really believe that the principle which our fathers who +framed the Government under which we live thought so clearly right as +to adopt it, and indorse it again and again, upon their official +oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand our condemnation +without a moment's consideration. Some of you delight to flaunt in +our faces the warning against sectional parties given by Washington +in his Farewell Address. Less than eight years before Washington +gave that warning, he had, as President of the United States, +approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the prohibition of +slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied the policy +of government upon that subject, up to and at the very moment he +penned that warning; and about one year after he penned it he wrote +La Fayette that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, +expressing in the same connection his hope that we should sometime +have a confederacy of free States. + +Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen +upon this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands +against us, or in our hands against you? Could Washington himself +speak, would he cast the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who +sustain his policy, or upon you, who repudiate it? We respect that +warning of Washington, and we commend it to you, together with his +example pointing to the right application of it. + +But you say you are conservative--eminently conservative--while we +are revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort. What is +conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against the +new and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy +on the point in controversy which was adopted by our fathers who +framed the Government under which we live; while you with one accord +reject and scout and spit upon that old policy, and insist upon +substituting something new. + +True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall +be. You have considerable variety of new propositions and plans, but +you are unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the +fathers. Some of you are for reviving the foreign slave-trade; some +for a congressional slave code for the Territories; some for Congress +forbidding the Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; +some for maintaining slavery in the Territories through the +judiciary; some for the "gur-reat pur-rinciple" that if one man would +enslave another, no third man should object--fantastically called +"popular sovereignty." But never a man among you in favor of +prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, according to the +practice of our fathers who framed the Government under which we +live. Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an +advocate in the century within which our Government originated. And +yet you draw yourselves up and say, "We are eminently conservative." + +It is exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great confederacy +shall be at peace, and in harmony one with another. Let us +Republicans do our part to have it so. Even though much provoked, +let us do nothing through passion and ill-temper. Even though the +Southern people will not so much as listen to us, let us calmly +consider their demands, and yield to them if, in our deliberate view +of our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all they say and do, and by +the subject and nature of their controversy with us, let us +determine, if we can, what will satisfy them. + +Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally +surrendered to them? We know they will not. In all their present +complaints against us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. +Invasions and insurrections are the rage now. Will it satisfy them, +in the future, if we have nothing to do with invasions and +insurrections? We know it will not. We so know because we know we +never had anything to do with invasions and insurrections; and yet +this total abstaining does not exempt us from the charge and the +denunciation. + +The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: we must not +only let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do +let them alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We +have been so trying to convince them, from the very beginning of our +organization, but with no success. In all our platforms and +speeches, we have constantly protested our purpose to let them alone; +but this had no tendency to convince them. Alike unavailing to +convince them is the fact that they have never detected a man of us +in any attempt to disturb them. + +These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will +convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and +join them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly-- +done in acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated--we +must place ourselves avowedly with them. Douglas's new sedition law +must be enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that +slavery is wrong, whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits, +or in private. We must arrest and return their fugitive slaves with +greedy pleasure. We must pull down our free State constitutions. +The whole atmosphere must be disinfected of all taint of opposition +to slavery, before they will cease to believe that all their troubles +proceed from us. So long as we call slavery wrong, whenever a slave +runs away they will overlook the obvious fact that be ran away +because he was oppressed, and declare he was stolen off. Whenever a +master cuts his slaves with a lash, and they cry out under it, he +will overlook the obvious fact that the negroes cry out because they +are hurt, and insist that they were put up to it by some rascally +abolitionist. + +I am quite aware that they do not state their case precisely in this +way. Most of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do +nothing to us, and say what you please about slavery." But we do let +them alone--have never disturbed them--so that, after all, it is what +we say which dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of +doing, until we cease saying. + +I am also aware that they have not as yet in terms demanded the +overthrow of our free-State constitutions. Yet those constitutions +declare the wrong of slavery with more solemn emphasis than do all +other sayings against it; and when all these other sayings shall have +been silenced, the overthrow of these constitutions will be demanded. +It is nothing to the contrary that they do not demand the whole of +this just now. Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, +they can voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. +Holding as they do that slavery is morally right, and socially +elevating, they cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of +it, as a legal right, and a social blessing. + +Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our +conviction that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, +acts, laws, and constitutions against it are themselves wrong and +should be silenced and swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly +object to its nationality--its universality: if it is wrong, they +cannot justly insist upon its extension--its enlargement. All they +ask, we could readily grant, if we thought slavery right; all we ask, +they could as readily grant, if they thought it wrong. Their +thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the precise fact on +which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right as they do, +they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition, as being +right; but, thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? Can we +cast our votes with their view, and against our own? In view of our +moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we do this? + +Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where +it is because that much is due to the necessity arising from its +actual presence m the nation; but can we, while our votes will +prevent it, allow it to spread into the national Territories, and to +overrun us here in these free States? + +If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty, +fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those +sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and +belabored--contrivances such as groping for some middle ground +between the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who +would be neither a living man nor a dead man--such as a policy of +"don't care" on a question about which all free men do care--such as +Union appeals beseeching true Union men to yield to Disunionists, +reversing the divine rule, and caning, not the sinners, but the +righteous to repentance--such as invocations of Washington, imploring +men to unsay what Washington did. + +Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations +against us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the +Government, nor of dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that +right makes might; and in that faith, let us, to the end, dare to do +our duty as we understand it. + +[As Mr. Lincoln concluded his address, there was witnessed the +wildest scene of enthusiasm and excitement that has been in New Haven +for years. The Palladium editorially says: "We give up most of our +space to-day to a very full report of the eloquent speech of the HON. +Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, delivered last night at Union Hall."] + + + + +RESPONSE TO AN ELECTOR'S REQUEST FOR MONEY + +TO ________________ +March 16, 1860 + +As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I cannot enter the +ring on the money basis--first, because in the main it is wrong; and +secondly, I have not and cannot get the money. + +I say, in the main, the use of money is wrong; but for certain +objects in a political contest, the use of some is both right and +indispensable. With me, as with yourself, the long struggle has been +one of great pecuniary loss. + +I now distinctly say this--if you shall be appointed a delegate to +Chicago, I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expenses of +the trip. + +Your friend as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Extract from a letter to a Kansas delegate.] + + + + +TO J. W. SOMERS. + +SPRINGFIELD, March 17, 1860 + +JAMES W. SOMERS, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Reaching home three days ago, I found your letter of +February 26th. Considering your difficulty of hearing, I think you +had better settle in Chicago, if, as you say, a good man already in +fair practice there will take you into partnership. If you had not +that difficulty, I still should think it an even balance whether you +would not better remain in Chicago, with such a chance for +copartnership. + +If I went west, I think I would go to Kansas, to Leavenworth or +Atchison. Both of them are and will continue to be fine growing +places. + +I believe I have said all I can, and I have said it with the deepest +interest for your welfare. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ACCUSATION OF HAVING BEEN PAID FOR A +POLITICAL SPEECH + +TO C. F. McNEIL. + +SPRINGFIELD, April 6, 1860 + +C. F. MCNEIL, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Reaching home yesterday, I found yours of the 23d March, +inclosing a slip from The Middleport Press. It is not true that I +ever charged anything for a political speech in my life; but this +much is true: Last October I was requested by letter to deliver some +sort of speech in Mr. Beecher's church, in Brooklyn--two hundred +dollars being offered in the first letter. I wrote that I could do +it in February, provided they would take a political speech if I +could find time to get up no other. They agreed; and subsequently I +informed them the speech would have to be a political one. When I +reached New York, I for the first time learned that the place was +changed to "Cooper Institute." I made the speech, and left for New +Hampshire, where I have a son at school, neither asking for pay nor +having any offered me. Three days after a check for two hundred +dollars was sent to me at New Hampshire; and I took it, and did not +know it was wrong. My understanding now is--though I knew nothing of +it at the time--that they did charge for admittance to the Cooper +Institute, and that they took in more than twice two hundred dollars. + +I have made this explanation to you as a friend; but I wish no +explanation made to our enemies. What they want is a squabble and a +fuss, and that they can have if we explain; and they cannot have it +if we don't. + +When I returned through New York from New England, I was told by the +gentlemen who sent me the Check that a drunken vagabond in the club, +having learned something about the two hundred dollars, made the +exhibition out of which The Herald manufactured the article quoted by +The Press of your town. + +My judgment is, and therefore my request is, that you give no denial +and no explanation. + +Thanking you for your kind interest in the matter, I remain, +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO H. TAYLOR. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., April 21, 1860. + +HAWKINS TAYLOR, Esq. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th is just received. It surprises me that +you have written twice, without receiving an answer. I have answered +all I ever received from you; and certainly one since my return from +the East. + +Opinions here, as to the prospect of Douglas being nominated, are +quite conflicting--some very confident he will, and others that he +will not be. I think his nomination possible, but that the chances +are against him. + +I am glad there is a prospect of your party passing this way to +Chicago. Wishing to make your visit here as pleasant as we can, we +wish you to notify us as soon as possible whether you come this way, +how many, and when you will arrive. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TELEGRAM TO A MEMBER OF THE ILLINOIS DELEGATION +AT THE CHICAGO CONVENTION. +SPRINGFIELD, May 17? 1860. + +I authorize no bargains and will be bound by none. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE COMMITTEE SENT BY THE CHICAGO CONVENTION TO INFORM +LINCOLN OF HIS +NOMINATION, + +MAY 19, 1860. + + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:--I tender to you, and +through you to the Republican National Convention, and all the people +represented in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done me, +which you now formally announce. Deeply and even painfully sensible +of the great responsibility which is inseparable from this high +honor--a responsibility which I could almost wish had fallen upon +some one of the far more eminent men and experienced statesmen whose +distinguished names were before the convention--I shall, by your +leave, consider more fully the resolutions of the convention, +denominated their platform, and without any unnecessary or +unreasonable delay respond to you, Mr. Chairman, in writing--not +doubting that the platform will be found satisfactory, and the +nomination gratefully accepted. + +And now I will not longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each +of you, by the hand. + + + + +ACCEPTANCE OF NOMINATION AS REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE + FOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES + +TO GEORGE ASHMUN AND OTHERS. + +SPRINGFIELD ILLINOIS, May 23, 1860 + +HON. GEORGE ASHMUN, +President of Republican National Convention. + +SIR:--I accept the nomination tendered me by the convention over +which you presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter +of yourself and others, acting as a committee of the convention for +that purpose. + +The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your +letter meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or +disregard it in any part. + +Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to +the views and feelings of all who were represented in the convention, +to the rights of all the States and Territories and people of the +nation, to the inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual +union, harmony, and prosperity of all--I am most happy to co-operate +for the practical success of the principles declared by the +convention. + +Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +To C. B. SMITH. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., May 26, 1860. + +HON. C. B. SMITH. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Yours of the 21st was duly received, but have found no +time until now to say a word in the way of answer. I am indeed much +indebted to Indiana; and, as my home friends tell me, much to you +personally. Your saying, you no longer consider Ia. a doubtful State +is very gratifying. The thing starts well everywhere--too well, I +almost fear, to last. But we are in, and stick or go through must be +the word. + +Let me hear from Indiana occasionally. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FORM OF REPLY PREPARED BY MR. LINCOLN, WITH WHICH HIS PRIVATE +SECRETARY WAS INSTRUCTED TO ANSWER A NUMEROUS CLASS OF LETTERS IN +THE CAMPAIGN OF 1860. + +(Doctrine.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, _______, 1860 + +DEAR SIR:--Your letter to Mr. Lincoln of and by which you seek to +obtain his opinions on certain political points, has been received by +him. He has received others of a similar character, but he also has +a greater number of the exactly opposite character. The latter class +beseech him to write nothing whatever upon any point of political +doctrine. They say his positions were well known when he was +nominated, and that he must not now embarrass the canvass by +undertaking to shift or modify them. He regrets that he cannot +oblige all, but you perceive it is impossible for him to do so. + +Yours, etc., + +JNO. J. NICOLAY. + + + + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, +MAY 26, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have several letters from you written since the +nomination, but till now have found no moment to say a word by way of +answer. Of course I am glad that the nomination is well received by +our friends, and I sincerely thank you for so informing me. So far +as I can learn, the nominations start well everywhere; and, if they +get no back-set, it would seem as if they are going through. I hope +you will write often; and as you write more rapidly than I do, don't +make your letters so short as mine. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO S. HAYCRAFT. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 4, 1860. + +HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Like yourself I belonged to the old Whig party from its +origin to its close. I never belonged to the American party +organization, nor ever to a party called a Union party; though I hope +I neither am or ever have been less devoted to the Union than +yourself or any other patriotic man. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ABRAHAM OR "ABRAM" + +TO G. ASHMUN. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. June 4, 1860 + +HON. GEORGE ASHMUN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--It seems as if the question whether my first name is +"Abraham" or "Abram" will never be settled. It is "Abraham," and if +the letter of acceptance is not yet in print, you may, if you think +fit, have my signature thereto printed "Abraham Lincoln." Exercise +your judgment about this. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +UNAUTHORIZED BIOGRAPHY + +TO S. GALLOWAY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 19, 1860 + +HON. SAM'L GALLOWAY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 15th is received. Messrs. +Follett, Foster, & Co.'s Life of me is not by my authority; and I +have scarcely been so much astounded by anything, as by their public +announcement that it is authorized by me. They have fallen into some +strange misunderstanding. I certainly knew they contemplated +publishing a biography, and I certainly did not object to their doing +so, upon their own responsibility. I even took pains to facilitate +them. But, at the same time, I made myself tiresome, if not hoarse, +with repeating to Mr. Howard, their only agent seen by me, my protest +that I authorized nothing--would be responsible for nothing. How +they could so misunderstand me, passes comprehension. As a matter +wholly my own, I would authorize no biography, without time and +opportunity [sic] to carefully examine and consider every word of it +and, in this case, in the nature of things, I can have no such time +and Opportunity [sic]. But, in my present position, when, by the +lessons of the past, and the united voice of all discreet friends, I +can neither write nor speak a word for the public, how dare I to send +forth, by my authority, a volume of hundreds of pages, for +adversaries to make points upon without end? Were I to do so, the +convention would have a right to re-assemble and substitute another +name for mine. + +For these reasons, I would not look at the proof sheets--I am +determined to maintain the position of [sic] truly saying I never saw +the proof sheets, or any part of their work, before its publication. + +Now, do not mistake me--I feel great kindness for Messrs. F., F., & +Co.--do not think they have intentionally done wrong. There may be +nothing wrong in their proposed book--I sincerely hope there will +not. I barely suggest that you, or any of the friends there, on the +party account, look it over, and exclude what you may think would +embarrass the party bearing in mind, at all times, that I authorize +nothing--will be responsible for nothing. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[The custom then, and it may be a good one, was for the Presidential +candidate to do no personal canvassing or speaking--or as we have it +now "running for election." He stayed at home and kept his mouth +shut. D.W.] + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, July 18, 1860. + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. +MY DEAR SIR:--It appears to me that you and I ought to be acquainted, +and accordingly I write this as a sort of introduction of myself to +you. You first entered the Senate during the single term I was a +member of the House of Representatives, but I have no recollection +that we were introduced. I shall be pleased to receive a line from +you. + +The prospect of Republican success now appears very flattering, so +far as I can perceive. Do you see anything to the contrary? + +Yours truly, A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. JONAS. + +(Confidential.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, JULY 21, 1860. + +HON. A. JONAS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 20th is received. I suppose as good or +even better men than I may have been in American or Know-Nothing +lodges; but in point of fact, I never was in one at Quincy or +elsewhere. I was never in Quincy but one day and two nights while +Know-Nothing lodges were in existence, and you were with me that day +and both those nights. I had never been there before in my life, and +never afterward, till the joint debate with Douglas in 1858. It was +in 1854 when I spoke in some hall there, and after the speaking, you, +with others, took me to an oyster-saloon, passed an hour there, and +you walked with me to, and parted with me at, the Quincy House, quite +late at night. I left by stage for Naples before daylight in the +morning, having come in by the same route after dark the evening, +previous to the speaking, when I found you waiting at the Quincy +House to meet me. A few days after I was there, Richardson, as I +understood, started this same story about my having been in a +Know-Nothing lodge. When I heard of the charge, as I did soon after; +I taxed my recollection for some incident which could have suggested +it; and I remembered that on parting with you the last night I went +to the office of the hotel to take my stage-passage for the morning, +was told that no stage-office for that line was kept there, and that +I must see the driver before retiring, to insure his calling for me +in the morning; and a servant was sent with me to find the driver, +who, after taking me a square or two, stopped me, and stepped perhaps +a dozen steps farther, and in my hearing called to some one, who +answered him, apparently from the upper part of a building, and +promised to call with the stage for me at the Quincy House. +I returned, and went to bed, and before day the stage called and took +me. This is all. + +That I never was in a Know-Nothing lodge in Quincy, I should expect +could be easily proved by respectable men who were always in the +lodges and never saw me there. An affidavit of one or two such would +put the matter at rest. + +And now a word of caution. Our adversaries think they can gain a +point if they could force me to openly deny the charge, by which some +degree of offence would be given to the Americans. For this reason +it must not publicly appear that I am paying any attention to the +charge. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOHN B. FRY. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, August 15, 1860. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th, inclosing the letter of HON. John +Minor Botts, was duly received. The latter is herewith returned +according to your request. It contains one of the many assurances I +receive from the South, that in no probable event will there be any +very formidable effort to break up the Union. The people of the +South have too much of good sense and good temper to attempt the ruin +of the government rather than see it administered as it was +administered by the men who made it. At least so I hope and believe. +I thank you both for your own letter and a sight of that of Mr. +Botts. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. August 17 1860. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 13th was received this morning. Douglas +is managing the Bell element with great adroitness. He had his men +in Kentucky to vote for the Bell candidate, producing a result which +has badly alarmed and damaged Breckenridge, and at the same time has +induced the Bell men to suppose that Bell will certainly be +President, if they can keep a few of the Northern States away from us +by throwing them to Douglas. But you, better than I, understand all +this. + +I think there will be the most extraordinary effort ever made to +carry New York for Douglas. You and all others who write me from +your State think the effort cannot succeed, and I hope you are right. +Still, it will require close watching and great efforts on the other +side. + +Herewith I send you a copy of a letter written at New York, which +sufficiently explains itself, and which may or may not give you a +valuable hint. You have seen that Bell tickets have been put on the +track both here and in Indiana. In both cases the object has been, I +think, the same as the Hunt movement in New York--to throw States to +Douglas. In our State, we know the thing is engineered by Douglas +men, and we do not believe they can make a great deal out of it. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SLOW TO LISTEN TO CRIMINATIONS + +TO HON. JOHN ______________ + +(Private.) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Aug. 31, 1860 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 27th is duly received. It consists almost +exclusively of a historical detail of some local troubles, among some +of our friends in Pennsylvania; and I suppose its object is to guard +me against forming a prejudice against Mr. McC___________, I have not +heard near so much upon that subject as you probably suppose; and I +am slow to listen to criminations among friends, and never expose +their quarrels on either side. My sincere wish is that both sides +will allow bygones to be bygones, and look to the present and future +only. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 4, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am annoyed some by a letter from a friend in Chicago, +in which the following passage occurs: "Hamlin has written Colfax +that two members of Congress will, he fears, be lost in Maine, the +first and sixth districts; and that Washburne's majority for governor +will not exceed six thousand." + +I had heard something like this six weeks ago, but had been assured +since that it was not so. Your secretary of state,--Mr. Smith, I +think,--whom you introduced to me by letter, gave this assurance; +more recently, Mr. Fessenden, our candidate for Congress in one of +those districts, wrote a relative here that his election was sure by +at least five thousand, and that Washburne's majority would be from +14,000 to 17,000; and still later, Mr. Fogg, of New Hampshire, now at +New York serving on a national committee, wrote me that we were +having a desperate fight in Maine, which would end in a splendid +victory for us. + +Such a result as you seem to have predicted in Maine, in your letter +to Colfax, would, I fear, put us on the down-hill track, lose us the +State elections in Pennsylvania and Indiana, and probably ruin us on +the main turn in November. + +You must not allow it. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, +September 9, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR: Yours of the 5th was received last evening. I was right +glad to see it. It contains the freshest "posting" which I now have. +It relieved me some from a little anxiety I had about Maine. Jo +Medill, on August 3oth, wrote me that Colfax had a letter from Mr. +Hamlin saying we were in great danger of losing two members of +Congress in Maine, and that your brother would not have exceeding six +thousand majority for Governor. I addressed you at once, at Galena, +asking for your latest information. As you are at Washington, that +letter you will receive some time after the Maine election. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. H. HERNDON. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., OCTOBER 10, 1860 + +DEAR WILLIAM:--I cannot give you details, but it is entirely certain +that Pennsylvania and Indiana have gone Republican very largely. +Pennsylvania 25,000, and Indiana 5000 to 10,000. Ohio of course is +safe. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO L. M. BOND. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 15, 1860 + +L. MONTGOMERY BOND, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR: I certainly am in no temper and have no purpose to +embitter the feelings of the South, but whether I am inclined to such +a course as would in fact embitter their feelings you can better +judge by my published speeches than by anything I would say in a +short letter if I were inclined now, as I am not, to define my +position anew. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER SUGGESTING A BEARD + +TO MISS GRACE BEDELL, RIPLEY N.Y. + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 19, 1860 + +MISS GRACE BEDELL. + +MY DEAR LITTLE MISS:--Your very agreeable letter of the 15th is +received. I regret the necessity of saying I have no daughter. I +have three sons--one seventeen, one nine, and one seven. They with +their mother constitute my whole family. As to the whiskers, as I +have never worn any, do you not think that people would call it a +piece of silly affectation were I to begin wearing them now? + +I am your true friend and sincere well-wisher, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EARLY INFORMATION ON ARMY DEFECTION IN SOUTH + +TO D. HUNTER. + +(Private and Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, October 26, 1860 + +MAJOR DAVID HUNTER + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 20th was duly received, +for which please accept my thanks. I have another letter, from a +writer unknown to me, saying the officers of the army at Fort Kearny +have determined in case of Republican success at the approaching +Presidential election, to take themselves, and the arms at that +point, south, for the purpose of resistance to the government. While +I think there are many chances to one that this is a humbug, it +occurs to me that any real movement of this sort in the Army would +leak out and become known to you. In such case, if it would not be +unprofessional or dishonorable (of which you are to be judge), I +shall be much obliged if you will apprise me of it. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD. ILLINOIS, November 8, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am anxious for a personal interview with you at as +early a day as possible. Can you, without much inconvenience, meet +me at Chicago? If you can, please name as early a day as you +conveniently can, and telegraph me, unless there be sufficient time +before the day named to communicate by mail. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +(Private and Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Nov.13, 1860 + +HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th is just received. I can only answer +briefly. Rest fully assured that the good people of the South who +will put themselves in the same temper and mood towards me which you +do will find no cause to complain of me. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REMARKS AT THE MEETING AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS +TO CELEBRATE LINCOLN'S ELECTION, + +NOVEMBER 20, 1860 + +FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:--Please excuse me on this occasion from +making a speech. I thank you in common with all those who have +thought fit by their votes to indorse the Republican cause. I +rejoice with you in the success which has thus far attended that +cause. Yet in all our rejoicings let us neither express nor cherish +any hard feelings toward any citizen who by his vote has differed +with us. Let us at all times remember that all American citizens are +brothers of a common country, and should dwell together in the bonds +of fraternal feeling. Let me again beg you to accept my thanks, and +to excuse me from further speaking at this time. + + + + +TO ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. NOV. 30, 1860 + +HON. A. H. STEPHENS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have read in the newspapers your speech recently +delivered (I think) before the Georgia Legislature, or its assembled +members. If you have revised it, as is probable, I shall be much +obliged if you will send me a copy. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +(Private) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 8, 1860 + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 4th was duly received. The inclosed to +Governor Seward covers two notes to him, copies of which you find +open for your inspection. Consult with Judge Trumbull; and if you +and he see no reason to the contrary, deliver the letter to Governor +Seward at once. If you see reason to the contrary write me at once. + +I have an intimation that Governor Banks would yet accept a place in +the Cabinet. Please ascertain and write me how this is, + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +BLOCKING "COMPROMISE" ON SLAVERY ISSUE + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE + +(Private and Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., December 13, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your long letter received. Prevent, as far as +possible, any of our friends from demoralizing themselves and our +cause by entertaining propositions for compromise of any sort on +"slavery extension." There is no possible compromise upon it but +which puts us under again, and leaves all our work to do over again. +Whether it be a Missouri line or Eli Thayer's popular sovereignty, it +is all the same. Let either be done, and immediately filibustering +and extending slavery recommences. On that point hold firm, as with +a chain of steel. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +OPINION ON SECESSION + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 17, 1860 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 11th was received two days ago. Should +the convocation of governors of which you speak seem desirous to know +my views on the present aspect of things, tell them you judge from my +speeches that I will be inflexible on the territorial question; but I +probably think either the Missouri line extended, or Douglas's and +Eli Thayer's popular sovereignty would lose us everything we gain by +the election; that filibustering for all south of us and making slave +States of it would follow in spite of us, in either case; also that I +probably think all opposition, real and apparent, to the fugitive +slave clause of the Constitution ought to be withdrawn. + +I believe you can pretend to find but little, if anything, in my +speeches, about secession. But my opinion is that no State can in +any way lawfully get out of the Union without the consent of the +others; and that it is the duty of the President and other government +functionaries to run the machine as it is. + +Truly yours, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SOME FORTS SURRENDERED TO THE SOUTH + +TO E. B. WASHBURNE + +(Confidential) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 21, 1860 + +HON. E. B. WASHBURNE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Last night I received your letter giving an account of +your interview with General Scott, and for which I thank you. Please +present my respects to the General, and tell him, confidentially, I +shall be obliged to him to be as well prepared as he can to either +hold or retake the forts, as the case may require, at and after the +inauguration. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO A. H. STEPHENS. + +(For your own eye only) + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 22, 1860 + +HON. ALEXANDER STEVENS + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your obliging answer to my short note is just received, +and for which please accept my thanks. I fully appreciate the +present peril the country is in, and the weight of responsibility on +me. Do the people of the South really entertain fear that a +Republican administration would, directly or indirectly, interfere +with the slaves, or with them about the slaves? If they do, I wish to +assure you, as once a friend, and still, I hope, not an enemy, that +there is no cause for such fears. The South would be in no more +danger in this respect than it was in the days of Washington. I +suppose, however, this does not meet the case. You think slavery is +right and ought to be extended, while we think it is wrong and ought +to be restricted. That, I suppose, is the rub. It certainly is the +only substantial difference between us. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +SUPPORT OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE CLAUSE + +MEMORANDUM + +December [22?], 1860 + +Resolved: +That the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution ought to be +enforced by a law of Congress, with efficient provisions for that +object, not obliging private persons to assist in its execution, but +punishing all who resist it, and with the usual safeguards to +liberty, securing free men against being surrendered as slaves. + +That all State laws, if there be such, really or apparently in +conflict with such law of Congress, ought to be repealed; and no +opposition to the execution of such law of Congress ought to be made. + +That the Federal Union must be preserved. + + +Prepared for the consideration of the Republican members of the +Senate Committee of Thirteen. + + + + +TO D. HUNTER. + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS December 22, 1860 + +MAJOR DAVID HUNTER. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I am much obliged by the receipt of yours of the 18th. +The most we can do now is to watch events, and be as well prepared as +possible for any turn things may take. If the forts fall, my +judgment is that they are to be retaken. When I shall determine +definitely my time of starting to Washington, I will notify you. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO I. N. MORRIS + +(Confidential.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Dec 24, 1860 + +HON. I. N. MORRIS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Without supposing that you and I are any nearer +together, politically, than heretofore, allow me to tender you my +sincere thanks for your Union resolution, expressive of views upon +which we never were, and, I trust, never will be at variance. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ATTEMPT TO FORM A COALITION CABINET + +TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 14, 1860. + +HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I need a man of Democratic antecedents from New +England. I cannot get a fair share of that element in without. This +stands in the way of Mr. Adams. I think of Governor Banks, Mr. +Welles, and Mr. Tuck. Which of them do the New England delegation +prefer? Or shall I decide for myself? + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + + + +1861 + + +TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + +(Private.) +SPRINGFIELD. ILL., January 3, 1861. + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours without signature was received last night. I have +been considering your suggestions as to my reaching Washington +somewhat earlier than is usual. It seems to me the inauguration is +not the most dangerous point for us. Our adversaries have us now +clearly at disadvantage on the second Wednesday of February, when the +votes should be officially counted. If the two houses refuse to meet +at all, or meet without a quorum of each, where shall we be? I do +not think that this counting is constitutionally essential to the +election, but how are we to proceed in the absence of it? In view of +this, I think it is best for me not to attempt appearing in +Washington till the result of that ceremony is known. + +It certainly would be of some advantage if you could know who are to +be at the heads of the War and Navy departments, but until I can +ascertain definitely whether I can get any suitable men from the +South, and who, and how many, I can not well decide. As yet, I have +no word from Mr. Gilmer in answer to my request for an interview with +him. I look for something on the subject, through you, before long. +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO W. H. SEWARD. +(Private.) +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., January 12, 1861 + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 8th received. I still hope Mr. Gilmer +will, on a fair understanding with us, consent to take a place in the +Cabinet. The preference for him over Mr. Hunt or Mr. Gentry is that, +up to date--he has a living position in the South, while they have +not. He is only better than Winter Davis in that he is farther +south. I fear, if we could get, we could not safely take more than +one such man--that is, not more than one who opposed us in the +election--the danger being to lose the confidence of our own friends. +Your selection for the State Department having become public, I am +happy to find scarcely any objection to it. I shall have trouble +with every other Northern Cabinet appointment--so much so that I +shall have to defer them as long as possible to avoid being teased +into insanity, to make changes. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO E. D. MORGAN + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL. FEB. 4, 1861 + +SIR:--Your letter of the 30th ult. inviting me, on behalf of the +Legislature of New York, to pass through that State on my way to +Washington, and tendering me the hospitalities of her authorities and +people, has been duly received. With the feelings of deep gratitude +to you and them for this testimonial of regard and esteem I beg you +to notify them that I accept the invitation so kindly tendered. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN + +P.S.--Please let the ceremonies be only such as to take the least +time possible. A. L. + + + + +PATRONAGE CLAIMS + +TO THURLOW WEED + +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., February 4, 1861 + +DEAR SIR:--I have both your letter to myself and that to Judge Davis, +in relation to a certain gentleman in your State claiming to dispense +patronage in my name, and also to be authorized to use my name to +advance the chances of Mr. Greeley for an election to the United +States Senate. + +It is very strange that such things should be said by any one. The +gentleman you mention did speak to me of Mr. Greeley in connection +with the senatorial election, and I replied in terms of kindness +toward Mr. Greeley, which I really feel, but always with an expressed +protest that my name must not be used in the senatorial election in +favor of or against any one. Any other representation of me is a +misrepresentation. + +As to the matter of dispensing patronage, it perhaps will surprise +you to learn that I have information that you claim to have my +authority to arrange that matter in New York. I do not believe you +have so claimed; but still so some men say. On that subject you know +all I have said to you is "justice to all," and I have said nothing +more particular to any one. I say this to reassure you that I have +not changed my position. + +In the hope, however, that you will not use my name in the matter, I +am, + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FAREWELL ADDRESS AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, +FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +MY FRIENDS:--One who has never been placed in a like position cannot +understand my feelings at this hour, nor the oppressive sadness I +feel at this parting. For more than twenty-five years I have lived +among you, and during all that time I have received nothing but +kindness at your hands. Here the most cherished ties of earth were +assumed. Here my children were born, and here one of them lies +buried. To you, my friends, I owe all that I have, all that I am. +All the strange checkered past seems to crowd upon my mind. To-day I +leave you. I go to assume a task more difficult than that which +devolved upon General Washington. Unless the great God who assisted +him shall be with and aid me I cannot prevail; but if the same +almighty arm that directed and protected him shall guide and support +me I shall not fail; I shall succeed. Let us pray that the God of +our fathers may not forsake us now. To Him I commend you all. +Permit me to ask that with equal sincerity and faith you will all +invoke His wisdom and goodness for me. + +With these words I must leave you; for how long I know not. Friends, +one and all, I must now wish you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +REMARKS AT TOLONO, ILLINOIS, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +I am leaving you on an errand of national importance, attended, as +you are aware, with considerable difficulties. Let us believe, as +some poet has expressed it, "Behind the cloud the sun is still +shining." I bid you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +REPLY TO ADDRESS OF WELCOME, INDIANAPOLIS, + +INDIANA, FEBRUARY 11, 1861 + +GOVERNOR MORTON AND FELLOW CITIZENS +OF THE STATE OF INDIANA: + +Most heartily do I thank you for this magnificent reception, and +while I cannot take to myself any share of the compliment thus paid, +more than that which pertains to a mere instrument, an accidental +instrument, perhaps I should say, of a great cause, I yet must look +upon it as a most magnificent reception, and as such most heartily do +thank you for it. You have been pleased to address yourself to me +chiefly in behalf of this glorious Union in which we live, in all of +which you have my hearty sympathy, and, as far as may be within my +power, will have, one and inseparable, my hearty consideration. +While I do not expect, upon this occasion, or until I get to +Washington, to attempt any lengthy speech, I will only say to the +salvation of the Union there needs but one single thing--the hearts +of a people like yours. + +The people--when they rise in mass in behalf of the Union and the +liberties of their country, truly may it be said, "The gates of hell +cannot prevail against them." In all trying positions in which I +shall be +placed--and, doubtless, I shall be placed in many such--my reliance +will be placed upon you and the people of the United States; and I +wish you to remember, now and forever, that it is your business, and +not mine; that if the union of these States and the liberties of this +people shall be lost, it is but little to any one man of fifty-two +years of age, but a great deal to the thirty millions of people who +inhabit these United States, and to their posterity in all coming +time. It is your business to rise up and preserve the Union and +liberty for yourselves, and not for me. + +I desire they should be constitutionally performed. I, as already +intimated, am but an accidental instrument, temporary, and to serve +but for a limited time; and I appeal to you again to constantly bear +in mind that with you, and not with politicians, not with Presidents, +not with office-seekers, but with you is the question, Shall the +Union and shall the liberties of this country be preserved to the +latest generations? + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF INDIANA, AT INDIANAPOLIS, + +FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA:--I am here to thank you much +for this magnificent welcome, and still more for the generous support +given by your State to that political cause which I think is the true +and just cause of the whole country and the whole world. + +Solomon says there is "a time to keep silence," and when men wrangle +by the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing while +using the same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep +silence. + +The words "coercion" and "invasion" are much used in these days, and +often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, +the meaning of those who use them. Let us get the exact definitions +of these words, not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, +who certainly deprecate the things they would represent by the use of +the words. + +What, then, is coercion? What is invasion? Would the marching of an +army into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and with +hostile intent toward them, be invasion? I certainly think it would, +and it would be coercion also, if the South Carolinians were forced +to submit. But if the United States should merely hold and retake +its own forts and other property, and collect the duties on foreign +importations, or even withhold the mails from places where they were +habitually violated, would any or all of these things be invasion or +coercion? Do our professed lovers of the Union, who spitefully +resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion, understand that +such things as these, on the part of the United States, would be +coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of means to +preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be +exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the +homoeopathist would be much too large for it to swallow. In their +view, the Union, as a family relation, would seem to be no regular +marriage, but rather a sort of "free-love" arrangement, to be +maintained on passional attraction. + +By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I +speak not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the +Constitution, for that is a bond we all recognize. That position, +however, a State cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of +that assumed primary right of a State to rule all which is less than +itself, and to ruin all which is larger than itself. If a State and +a county, in a given case, should be equal in number of inhabitants, +in what, as a matter of principle, is the State better than the +county? Would an exchange of name be an exchange of rights? Upon what +principle, upon what rightful principle, may a State, being no more +than one fiftieth part of the nation in soil and population, break up +the nation, and then coerce a proportionably large subdivision of +itself in the most arbitrary way? What mysterious right to play +tyrant is conferred on a district of country, with its people, by +merely calling it a State? Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting +anything. I am merely asking questions for you to consider. And now +allow me to bid you farewell. + + + + +INTENTIONS TOWARD THE SOUTH + +ADDRESS TO THE MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF + +CINCINNATI, OHIO, FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR, AND GENTLEMEN:--Twenty-four hours ago, at the capital of +Indiana, I said to myself, "I have never seen so many people +assembled together in winter weather." I am no longer able to say +that. But it is what might reasonably have been expected--that this +great city of Cincinnati would thus acquit herself on such an +occasion. My friends, I am entirely overwhelmed by the magnificence +of the reception which has been given, I will not say to me, but to +the President-elect of the United States of America. Most heartily +do I thank you, one and all, for it. + +I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati. That was a year +previous to the late Presidential election. On that occasion, in a +playful manner, but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I +said to the Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we, as Republicans, +would ultimately beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone +that result longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the Presidency +than they could by any other way. They did not, in any true sense of +the word, nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result has come certainly as +soon as ever I expected. I also told them how I expected they would +be treated after they should have been beaten, and I now wish to call +their attention to what I then said upon that subject. I then said: + +"When we do as we say, beat you, you perhaps want to know what we +will do with you. I will tell you, as far as I am authorized to +speak for the Opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to +treat you, as near as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and +Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way to +interfere with your institutions; to abide by all and every +compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to the +original proposition, to treat you so far as degenerate men, if we +have degenerated, may, according to the example of those noble +fathers, Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. + +"We mean to remember that you are as good as we; that there is no +difference between us other than the difference of circumstances. We +mean to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good +hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and +treat you accordingly." + +Fellow-citizens of Kentucky--friends and brethren, may I call you in +my new position?--I see no occasion and feel no inclination to +retract a word of this. If it shall not be made good, be assured the +fault shall not be mine. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN CLUB OF CINCINNATI, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 12, 1861 + + +Mr. CHAIRMAN:--I thank you and those whom you represent for the +compliment you have paid me by tendering me this address. In so far +as there is an allusion to our present national difficulties, which +expresses, as you have said, the views of the gentlemen present, I +shall have to beg pardon for not entering fully upon the questions +which the address you have now read suggests. + +I deem it my duty--a duty which I owe to my constituents--to you, +gentlemen, that I should wait until the last moment for a development +of the present national difficulties before I express myself +decidedly as to what course I shall pursue. I hope, then, not to be +false to anything that you have expected of me. + +I agree with you, Mr. Chairman, that the working men are the basis of +all governments, for the plain reason that they are all the more +numerous, and as you added that those were the sentiments of the +gentlemen present, representing not only the working class, but +citizens of other callings than those of the mechanic, I am happy to +concur with you in these sentiments, not only of the native-born +citizens, but also of the Germans and foreigners from other +countries. + +Mr. Chairman, I hold that while man exists it is his duty to improve +not only his own condition, but to assist in ameliorating the +condition of mankind; and therefore, without entering upon the +details of the question, I will simply say that I am for those means +which will give the greatest good to the greatest number. + +In regard to the Homestead law, I have to say that, in so far as the +government lands can be disposed of, I am in favor of cutting up the +wild lands into parcels, so that every poor man may have a home. + +In regard to the Germans and foreigners, I esteem them no better than +other people, nor any worse. It is not my nature, when I see a +people borne down by the weight of their shackles--the oppression of +tyranny--to make their life more bitter by heaping upon them greater +burdens; but rather would I do all in my power to raise the yoke than +to add anything that would tend to crush them. + +Inasmuch as our own country is extensive and new, and the countries +of Europe are densely populated, if there are any abroad who desire +to make this the land of their adoption, it is not in my heart to +throw aught in their way to prevent them from coming to the United +States. + +Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I will bid you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF OHIO AT COLUMBUS +FEBRUARY 13, 1861 + +Mr. PRESIDENT AND Mr. SPEAKER, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY +OF OHIO:--It is true, as has been said by the president of the +Senate, that very great responsibility rests upon me in the position +to which the votes of the American people have called me. I am +deeply sensible of that weighty responsibility. I cannot but know +what you all know, that without a name, perhaps without a reason why +I should have a name, there has fallen upon me a task such as did not +rest even upon the Father of his Country; and so feeling, I can turn +and look for that support without which it will be impossible for me +to perform that great task. I turn, then, and look to the American +people and to that God who has never forsaken them. Allusion has +been made to the interest felt in relation to the policy of the new +administration. In this I have received from some a degree of credit +for having kept silence, and from others some deprecation. I still +think that I was right. + +In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, and +without a precedent which could enable me to judge by the past, it +has seemed fitting that before speaking upon the difficulties of the +country I should have gained a view of the whole field, being at +liberty to modify and change the course of policy as future events +may make a change necessary. + +I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a +good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing +going wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we look out +there is nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different +views upon political questions, but nobody is suffering anything. +This is a most consoling circumstance, and from it we may conclude +that all we want is time, patience, and a reliance on that God who +has never forsaken this people. + +Fellow-citizens, what I have said I have said altogether +extemporaneously, and I will now come to a close. + + + + +ADDRESS AT STEUBENVILLE, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 14, 1861 + +I fear that the great confidence placed in my ability is unfounded. +Indeed, I am sure it is. Encompassed by vast difficulties as I am, +nothing shall be wanting on my part, if sustained by God and the +American people. I believe the devotion to the Constitution is +equally great on both sides of the river. It is only the different +understanding of that instrument that causes difficulty. The only +dispute on both sides is, "What are their rights?" If the majority +should not rule, who would be the judge? Where is such a judge to be +found? We should all be bound by the majority of the American people; +if not, then the minority must control. Would that be right? Would +it be just or generous? Assuredly not. I reiterate that the majority +should rule. If I adopt a wrong policy, the opportunity for +condemnation will occur in four years' time. Then I can be turned +out, and a better man with better views put in my place. + + + + +ADDRESS AT PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA +FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + +I most cordially thank his Honor Mayor Wilson, and the citizens of +Pittsburg generally, for their flattering reception. I am the more +grateful because I know that it is not given to me alone, but to the +cause I represent, which clearly proves to me their good-will, and +that sincere feeling is at the bottom of it. And here I may remark +that in every short address I have made to the people, in every crowd +through which I have passed of late, some allusion has been made to +the present distracted condition of the country. It is natural to +expect that I should say something on this subject; but to touch upon +it at all would involve an elaborate discussion of a great many +questions and circumstances, requiring more time than I can at +present command, and would, perhaps, unnecessarily commit me upon +matters which have not yet fully developed themselves. The condition +of the country is an extraordinary one, and fills the mind of every +patriot with anxiety. It is my intention to give this subject all +the consideration I possibly can before specially deciding in regard +to it, so that when I do speak it may be as nearly right as possible. +When I do speak I hope I may say nothing in opposition to the spirit +of the Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, or which +will prove inimical to the liberties of the people, or to the peace +of the whole country. And furthermore, when the time arrives for me +to speak on this great subject, I hope I may say nothing to +disappoint the people generally throughout the country, especially if +the expectation has been based upon anything which I may have +heretofore said. Notwithstanding the troubles across the river [the +speaker pointing southwardly across the Monongahela, and smiling], +there is no crisis but an artificial one. What is there now to +warrant the condition of affairs presented by our friends over the +river? Take even their own view of the questions involved, and there +is nothing to justify the course they are pursuing. I repeat, then, +there is no crisis, excepting such a one as may be gotten up at any +time by turbulent men aided by designing politicians, My advice to +them, under such circumstances, is to keep cool. If the great +American people only keep their temper on both sides of the line, the +troubles will come to an end, and the question which now distracts +the country will be settled, just as surely as all other difficulties +of a like character which have originated in this government have +been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep their +self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared away in due +time, so will this great nation continue to prosper as heretofore. +But, fellow-citizens, I have spoken longer on this subject than I +intended at the outset. + +It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of Pennsylvania. +Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adopted, the tariff +question must be as durable as the government itself. It is a +question of national housekeeping. It is to the government what +replenishing the meal-tub is to the family. Every varying +circumstances will require frequent modifications as to the amount +needed and the sources of supply. So far there is little difference +of opinion among the people. It is as to whether, and how far, +duties on imports shall be adjusted to favor home production in the +home market, that controversy begins. One party insists that such +adjustment oppresses one class for the advantage of another; while +the other party argues that, with all its incidents, in the long run +all classes are benefited. In the Chicago platform there is a plank +upon this subject which should be a general law to the incoming +administration. We should do neither more nor less than we gave the +people reason to believe we would when they gave us their votes. +Permit me, fellow-citizens, to read the tariff plank of the Chicago +platform, or rather have it read in your hearing by one who has +younger eyes. + +[Mr. Lincoln's private secretary then read Section 12 of the Chicago +platform, as follows:] + +"That, while providing revenue for the support of the General +Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an +adjustment of these imposts as will encourage the development of the +industrial interest of the whole country; and we commend that policy +of national exchanges which secures to working-men liberal wages, to +agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers +adequate return for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the +nation commercial prosperity and independence." + +As with all general propositions, doubtless, there will be shades of +difference in construing this. I have by no means a thoroughly +matured judgment upon this subject, especially as to details; some +general ideas are about all. I have long thought it would be to our +advantage to produce any necessary article at home which can be made +of as good quality and with as little labor at home as abroad, at +least by the difference of the carrying from abroad. In such case +the carrying is demonstrably a dead loss of labor. For instance, +labor being the true standard of value, is it not plain that if equal +labor get a bar of railroad iron out of a mine in England and another +out of a mine in Pennsylvania, each can be laid down in a track at +home cheaper than they could exchange countries, at least by the +carriage? If there be a present cause why one can be both made and +carried cheaper in money price than the other can be made without +carrying, that cause is an unnatural and injurious one, and ought +gradually, if not rapidly, to be removed. The condition of the +treasury at this time would seem to render an early revision of the +tariff indispensable. The Morrill [tariff] bill, now pending before +Congress, may or may not become a law. I am not posted as to its +particular provisions, but if they are generally satisfactory, and +the bill shall now pass, there will be an end for the present. If, +however, it shall not pass, I suppose the whole subject will be one +of the most pressing and important for the next Congress. By the +Constitution, the executive may recommend measures which he may think +proper, and he may veto those he thinks improper, and it is supposed +that he may add to these certain indirect influences to affect the +action of Congress. My political education strongly inclines me +against a very free use of any of these means by the executive to +control the legislation of the country. As a rule, I think it better +that Congress should originate as well as perfect its measures +without external bias. I therefore would rather recommend to every +gentleman who knows he is to be a member of the next Congress to take +an enlarged view, and post himself thoroughly, so as to contribute +his part to such an adjustment of the tariff as shall produce a +sufficient revenue, and in its other bearings, so far as possible, be +just and equal to all sections of the country and classes of the +people. + + + + +ADDRESS AT CLEVELAND, OHIO, + +FEBRUARY 15, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF CLEVELAND:--We have been marching +about two miles through snow, rain, and deep mud. The large numbers +that have turned out under these circumstances testify that you are +in earnest about something or other. But do I think so meanly of you +as to suppose that that earnestness is about me personally? I would +be doing you an injustice to suppose you did. You have assembled to +testify your respect for the Union, the Constitution, and the laws; +and here let me say that it is with you, the people, to advance the +great cause of the Union and the Constitution, and not with any one +man. It rests with you alone. This fact is strongly impressed upon +my mind at present. In a community like this, whose appearance +testifies to their intelligence, I am convinced that the cause of +liberty and the Union can never be in danger. Frequent allusion is +made to the excitement at present existing in our national politics, +and it is as well that I should also allude to it here. I think that +there is no occasion for any excitement. 'The crisis, as it is +called, is altogether an artificial crisis. In all parts of the +nation there are differences of opinion on politics. There are +differences of opinion even here. You did not all vote for the +person who now addresses you. What is happening now will not hurt +those who are farther away from here. Have they not all their rights +now as they ever have had? Do they not have their fugitive slaves +returned now as ever? Have they not the same Constitution that they +have lived under for seventy-odd years? Have they not a position as +citizens of this common country, and have we any power to change that +position? What, then, is the matter with them? Why all this +excitement? Why all these complaints? + +As I said before, this crisis is all artificial! It has no foundation +in facts. It is not argued up, as the saying is, and cannot, +therefore, be argued down. Let it alone and it will go down of +itself. + +[Mr. Lincoln then said that they must be content with a few words +from him, as he was tired, etc. Having been given to understand that +the crowd was not all Republican, but consisted of men of all +parties, he continued:] + +This is as it should be. If Judge Douglas had been elected and had +been here on his way to Washington, as I am to-night, the Republicans +should have joined his supporters in welcoming him, just as his +friends have joined with mine tonight. If all do not join now to +save the good old ship of the Union this voyage, nobody will have a +chance to pilot her on another voyage. + + + + +ADDRESS AT BUFFALO, NEW YORK, +FEBRUARY 16, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF BUFFALO AND THE STATE OF NEW YORK:-- +I am here to thank you briefly for this grand reception given to me, +not personally, but as the representative of our great and beloved +country. Your worthy mayor has been pleased to mention, in his +address to me, the fortunate and agreeable journey which I have had +from home, on my rather circuitous route to the Federal capital. I +am very happy that he was enabled in truth to congratulate myself and +company on that fact. It is true we have had nothing thus far. to +mar the pleasure of the trip. We have not been met alone by those +who assisted in giving the election to me--I say not alone by them, +but by the whole population of the country through which we have +passed. This is as it should be. Had the election fallen to any +other of the distinguished candidates instead of myself, under the +peculiar circumstances, to say the least, it would have been proper +for all citizens to have greeted him as you now greet me. It is an +evidence of the devotion of the whole people to the Constitution, the +Union, and the perpetuity of the liberties of this country. I am +unwilling on any occasion that I should be so meanly thought of as to +have it supposed for a moment that these demonstrations are tendered +to me personally. They are tendered to the country, to the +institutions of the country, and to the perpetuity of the liberties +of the country, for which these institutions were made and created. + +Your worthy mayor has thought fit to express the hope that I may be +able to relieve the country from the present, or, I should say, the +threatened difficulties. I am sure I bring a heart true to the work. +For the ability to perform it, I must trust in that Supreme Being who +has never forsaken this favored land, through the instrumentality of +this great and intelligent people. Without that assistance I shall +surely fail; with it, I cannot fail. When we speak of threatened +difficulties to the Country, it is natural that it should be expected +that something should be said by myself with regard to particular +measures. Upon more mature reflection, however, others will agree +with me that, when it is considered that these difficulties are +without precedent, and have never been acted upon by any individual +situated as I am, it is most proper I should wait and see the +developments, and get all the light possible, so that when I do speak +authoritatively, I may be as near right as possible. When I shall +speak authoritatively, I hope to say nothing inconsistent with the +Constitution, the Union, the rights of all the States, of each State, +and of each section of the country, and not to disappoint the +reasonable expectations of those who have confided to me their votes. +In this connection allow me to say that you, as a portion of the +great American people, need only to maintain your composure, stand up +to your sober convictions of right, to your obligations to the +Constitution, and act in accordance with those sober convictions, and +the clouds now on the horizon will be dispelled, and we shall have a +bright and glorious future; and when this generation has passed away, +tens of thousands will inhabit this country where only thousands +inhabit it now. I do not propose to address you at length; I have no +voice for it. Allow me again to thank you for this magnificent +reception, and bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT ROCHESTER, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861 + +I confess myself, after having seen many large audiences since +leaving home, overwhelmed with this vast number of faces at this hour +of the morning. I am not vain enough to believe that you are here +from any wish to see me as an individual, but because I am for the +time being the representative of the American people. I could not, +if I would, address you at any length. I have not the strength, even +if I had the time, for a speech at each of these many interviews that +are afforded me on my way to Washington. I appear merely to see you, +and to let you see me, and to bid you. farewell. I hope it will be +understood that it is from no disinclination to oblige anybody that I +do not address you at greater length. + + + + +ADDRESS AT SYRACUSE, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I See you have erected a very fine and +handsome platform here for me, and I presume you expected me to speak +from it. If I should go upon it, you would imagine that I was about +to deliver you a much longer speech than I am. I wish you to +understand that I mean no discourtesy to you by thus declining. I +intend discourtesy to no one. But I wish you to understand that, +though I am unwilling to go upon this platform, you are not at +liberty to draw inferences concerning any other platform with which +my name has been or is connected. I wish you long life and +prosperity individually, and pray that with the perpetuity of those +institutions under which we have all so long lived and prospered, our +happiness may be secured, our future made brilliant, and the glorious +destiny of our country established forever. I bid you a kind +farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT UTICA, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1860 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I have no speech to make to you; and no time +to speak in. I appear before you that I may see you, and that you +may see me; and I am willing to admit that so far as the ladies are +concerned I have the best of the bargain, though I wish it to be +understood that I do not make the same acknowledgment concerning the +men. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF ALBANY, NEW YORK + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +MR. MAYOR:--I can hardly appropriate to myself the flattering terms +in which you communicate the tender of this reception, as personal to +myself. I most gratefully accept the hospitalities tendered to me, +and will not detain you or the audience with any extended remarks at +this time. I presume that in the two or three courses through which +I shall have to go, I shall have to repeat somewhat, and I will +therefore only express to you my thanks for this kind reception. + + + + +REPLY TO GOVERNOR MORGAN OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +GOVERNOR MORGAN:--I was pleased to receive an invitation to visit the +capital of the great Empire State of this nation while on my way to +the Federal capital. I now thank you, Mr. Governor, and you, the +people of the capital of the State of New York, for this most hearty +and magnificent welcome. If I am not at fault, the great Empire +State at this time contains a larger population than did the whole of +the United States of America at the time they achieved their national +independence, and I was proud--to be invited to visit its capital, to +meet its citizens, as I now have the honor to do. I am notified by +your governor that this reception is tendered by citizens without +distinction of party. Because of this I accept it the more gladly. +In this country, and in any country where freedom of thought is +tolerated, citizens attach themselves to political parties. It is +but an ordinary degree of charity to attribute this act to the +supposition that, in thus attaching themselves to the various +parties, each man in his own judgment supposes he thereby best +advances the interests of the whole country. And when an election is +past it is altogether befitting a free people, as I suppose, that, +until the next election, they should be one people. The reception +you have extended me to-day is not given to me personally,--it should +not be so,--but as the representative, for the time being, of the +majority of the nation. If the election had fallen to any of the +more distinguished citizens who received the support of the people, +this same honor should have greeted him that greets me this day, in +testimony of the universal, unanimous devotion of the whole people to +the Constitution, the Union, and to the perpetual liberties of +succeeding generations in this country. + +I have neither the voice nor the strength to address you at any +greater length. I beg you will therefore accept my most grateful +thanks for this manifest devotion--not to me, but the institutions of +this great and glorious country. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK, AT ALBANY, + +FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + +MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF +NEW YORK:--It is with feelings of great diffidence, and, I may say, +with feelings of awe, perhaps greater than I have recently +experienced, that I meet you here in this place. The history of this +great State, the renown of those great men who have stood here, and +have spoken here, and have been heard here, all crowd around my +fancy, and incline me to shrink from any attempt to address you. Yet +I have some confidence given me by the generous manner in which you +have invited me, and by the still more generous manner in which you +have received me, to speak further. You have invited and received me +without distinction of party. I cannot for a moment suppose that +this has been done in any considerable degree with reference to my +personal services, but that it is done in so far as I am regarded, at +this time, as the representative of the majesty of this great nation. +I doubt not this is the truth, and the whole truth of the case, and +this is as it should be. It is much more gratifying to me that this +reception has been given to me as the elected representative of a +free people, than it could possibly be if tendered merely as an +evidence of devotion to me, or to any one man personally. + +And now I think it were more fitting that I should close these hasty +remarks. It is true that, while I hold myself, without mock modesty, +the humblest of all individuals that have ever been elevated to the +Presidency, I have a more difficult task to perform than any one of +them. + +You have generously tendered me the support--the united support--of +the great Empire State. For this, in behalf of the nation--in behalf +of the present and future of the nation--in behalf of civil and +religious liberty for all time to come, most gratefully do I thank +you. I do not propose to enter into an explanation of any particular +line of policy, as to our present difficulties, to be adopted by the +incoming administration. I deem it just to you, to myself, to all, +that I should see everything, that I should hear everything, that I +should have every light that can be brought within my reach, in order +that, when I do so speak, I shall have enjoyed every opportunity to +take correct and true ground; and for this reason I do not propose to +speak at this time of the policy of the Government. But when the +time comes, I shall speak, as well as I am able, for the good of the +present and future of this country for the good both of the North and +of the South--for the good of the one and the other, and of all +sections of the country. In the meantime, if we have patience, if we +restrain ourselves, if we allow ourselves not to run off in a +passion, I still have confidence that the Almighty, the Maker of the +universe, will, through the instrumentality of this great and +intelligent people, bring us through this as He has through all the +other difficulties of our country. Relying on this, I again thank you +for this generous reception. + + + + +ADDRESS AT TROY, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +MR. MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF TROY:--I thank you very kindly for this +great reception. Since I left my home it has not been my fortune to +meet an assemblage more numerous and more orderly than this. I am +the more gratified at this mark of your regard since you assure me it +is tendered, not to the individual but to the high office you have +called me to fill. I have neither strength nor time to make any +extended remarks on this occasion, and I can only repeat to you my +sincere thanks for the kind reception you have thought proper to +extend to me. + + + + +ADDRESS AT POUGHKEEPSIE, NEW YORK, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--It is altogether impossible I should make myself +heard by any considerable portion of this vast assemblage; but, +although I appear before you mainly for the purpose of seeing you, +and to let you see rather than hear me, I cannot refrain from saying +that I am highly gratified--as much here, indeed, under the +circumstances, as I have been anywhere on my route--to witness this +noble demonstration--made, not in honor of an individual, but of the +man who at this time humbly, but earnestly, represents the majesty of +the nation. + +This reception, like all the others that have been tendered to me, +doubtless emanates from all the political parties, and not from one +alone. As such I accept it the more gratefully, since it indicates +an earnest desire on the part of the whole people, with out regard to +political differences, to save--not the country, because the country +will save itself but to save the institutions of the country, those +institutions under which, in the last three quarters of a century, we +have grown to a great, and intelligent, and a happy people--the +greatest, the most intelligent, and the happiest people in the world. +These noble manifestations indicate, with unerring certainty, that +the whole people are willing to make common cause for this object; +that if, as it ever must be, some have been successful in the recent +election and some have been beaten, if some are satisfied and some +are dissatisfied, the defeated party are not in favor of sinking the +ship, but are desirous of running it through the tempest in safety, +and willing, if they think the people have committed an error in +their verdict now, to wait in the hope of reversing it and setting it +right next time. I do not say that in the recent election the people +did the wisest thing, that could have been done--indeed, I do not +think they did; but I do say that in accepting the great trust +committed to me, which I do with a determination to endeavor to prove +worthy of it, I must rely upon you, upon the people of the whole +country, for support; and with their sustaining aid, even I, humble +as I am, cannot fail to carry the ship of state safely through the +storm. + +I have now only to thank you warmly for your kind attendance, and bid +you all an affectionate farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT HUDSON, NEW YORK,. + +FEBRUARY 19, 1860 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I see that you are providing a platform for me. I +shall have to decline standing upon it, because the president of the +company tells me that I shall not have time to wait until it is +brought to me. As I said yesterday, under similar circumstances at +another gathering, you must not draw the inference that I have any +intention of deserting any platform with which I have a legitimate +connection because I do not stand on yours. Allow me to thank you +for this splendid reception, and I now bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS AT PEEKSKILL, NEW YORK, +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I have but a moment to stand before you to +listen to and return your kind greeting. I thank you for this +reception, and for the pleasant manner in which it is tendered to me +by our mutual friends. I will say in a single sentence, in regard to +the difficulties that lie before me and our beloved country, that if +I can only be as generously and unanimously sustained as the +demonstrations I have witnessed indicate I shall be, I shall not +fail; but without your sustaining hands I am sure that neither I nor +any other man can hope to surmount these difficulties. I trust that +in the course I shall pursue I shall be sustained not only by the +party that elected me, but by the patriotic people of the whole +country. + + + + +ADDRESS AT FISHKILL LANDING + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I appear before you not to make a speech. I +have not sufficient time, if I had the strength, to repeat speeches +at every station where the people kindly gather to welcome me as we +go along. If I had the strength, and should take the time, I should +not get to Washington until after the inauguration, which you must be +aware would not fit exactly. That such an untoward event might not +transpire, I know you will readily forego any further remarks; and I +close by bidding you farewell. + + + + +REMARKS AT THE ASTOR HOUSE, NEW YORK CITY, FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I have stepped before you merely in compliance with +what appears to be your wish, and not with the purpose of making a +speech. I do not propose making a speech this afternoon. I could +not be heard by any but a small fraction of you, at best; but, what +is still worse than that, I have nothing just now to say that is +worthy of your hearing. I beg you to believe that I do not now +refuse to address you from any disposition to disoblige you, but to +the contrary. But, at the same time, I beg of you to excuse me for +the present. + + + + +ADDRESS AT NEW YORK CITY, + +FEBRUARY 19, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN:--I am rather an old man to avail myself +of such an excuse as I am now about to do. Yet the truth is so +distinct, and presses itself so distinctly upon me, that I cannot +well avoid it--and that is, that I did not understand when I was +brought into this room that I was to be brought here to make a +speech. It was not intimated to me that I was brought into the room +where Daniel Webster and Henry Clay had made speeches, and where one +in my position might be expected to do something like those men or +say something worthy of myself or my audience. I therefore beg you +to make allowance for the circumstances in which I have been by +surprise brought before you. Now I have been in the habit of +thinking and sometimes speaking upon political questions that have +for some years past agitated the country; and, if I were disposed to +do so, and we could take up some one of the issues, as the lawyers +call them, and I were called upon to make an argument about it to the +best of my ability, I could do so without much preparation. But that +is not what you desire to have done here to-night. + +I have been occupying a position, since the Presidential election, of +silence--of avoiding public speaking, of avoiding public writing. I +have been doing so because I thought, upon full consideration, that +was the proper course for me to take. I am brought before you now, +and required to make a speech, when you all approve more than +anything else of the fact that I have been keeping silence. And now +it seems to me that the response you give to that remark ought to +justify me in closing just here. I have not kept silence since the +Presidential election from any party wantonness, or from any +indifference to the anxiety that pervades the minds of men about the +aspect of the political affairs of this country. I have kept silence +for the reason that I supposed it was peculiarly proper that I should +do so until the time came when, according to the custom of the +country, I could speak officially. + +I still suppose that, while the political drama being enacted in this +country at this time is rapidly shifting its scenes--forbidding an +anticipation with any degree of certainty to-day of what we shall see +to-morrow--it is peculiarly fitting that I should see it all, up to +the last minute, before I should take ground that I might be +disposed, by the shifting of the scenes afterward, also to shift. I +have said several times upon this journey, and I now repeat it to +you, that when the time does come, I shall then take the ground that +I think is right--right for the North, for the South, for the East, +for the West, for the whole country. And in doing so I hope to feel +no necessity pressing upon me to say anything in conflict with the +Constitution, in conflict with the continued union of these States, +in conflict with the perpetuation of the liberties of this people, or +anything in conflict with anything whatever that I have ever given +you reason to expect from me. And now, my friends, have I said +enough? [Loud cries of "No, no!" and, "Three cheers for LINCOLN!"] +Now, my friends, there appears to be a difference of opinion between +you and me, and I really feel called upon to decide the question +myself. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEW YORK CITY, +FEBRUARY 20, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR:--It is with feelings of deep gratitude that I make my +acknowledgments for the reception that has been given me in the great +commercial city of New York. I cannot but remember that it is done +by the people who do not, by a large majority, agree with me in +political sentiment. It is the more grateful to me because in this I +see that for the great principles of our Government the people are +pretty nearly or quite unanimous. In regard to the difficulties that +confront us at this time, and of which you have seen fit to speak so +becomingly and so justly, I can only say I agree with the sentiments +expressed. In my devotion to the Union I hope I am behind no man in +the nation. As to my wisdom in conducting affairs so as to tend to +the preservation of the Union, I fear too great confidence may have +been placed in me. I am sure I bring a heart devoted to the work. +There is nothing that could ever bring me to consent--willingly to +consent--to the destruction of this Union (in which not only the +great city of New York, but the whole country, has acquired its +greatness), unless it would be that thing for which the Union itself +was made. I understand that the ship is made for the carrying and +preservation of the cargo; and so long as the ship is safe with the +cargo, it shall not be abandoned. This Union shall never be +abandoned, unless the possibility of its existence shall cease to +exist without the necessity of throwing passengers and cargo +overboard. So long, then, as it is possible that the prosperity and +liberties of this people can be preserved within this Union, it shall +be my purpose at all tunes to preserve it. And now, Mr. Mayor, +renewing my thanks for this cordial reception, allow me to come to a +close. + + + + +ADDRESS AT JERSEY CITY, NEW JERSEY + +FEBRUARY 21, 1860 + +MR. DAYTON AND GENTLEMEN OF THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY:--I shall only +thank you briefly for this very kind reception given me, not +personally, but as the temporary representative of the majesty of the +nation. To the kindness of your hearts, and of the hearts of your +brethren in your State, I should be very proud to respond, but I +shall not have strength to address you or other assemblages at +length, even if I had the time to do so. I appear before you, +therefore, for little else than to greet you, and to briefly say +farewell. You have done me the very high honor to present your +reception courtesies to me through your great man a man with whom it +is an honor to be associated anywhere, and in owning whom no State +can be poor. He has said enough, and by the saying of it suggested +enough, to require a response of an hour, well considered. I could +not in an hour make a worthy response to it. I therefore, ladies and +gentlemen of New Jersey, content myself with saying, most heartily do +I indorse all the sentiments he has expressed. Allow me, most +gratefully, to bid you farewell. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF NEWARK, NEW JERSEY, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861. + +MR. MAYOR:--I thank you for this reception at the city of Newark. +With regard to the great work of which you speak, I will say that I +bring to it a heart filled with love for my country, and an honest +desire to do what is right. I am sure, however, that I have not the +ability to do anything unaided of God, and that without His support +and that of this free, happy, prosperous, and intelligent people, no +man can succeed in doing that the importance of which we all +comprehend. Again thanking you for the reception you have given me, +I will now bid you farewell, and proceed upon my journey. + + + + +ADDRESS IN TRENTON AT THE TRENTON HOUSE, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +I have been invited by your representatives to the Legislature to +visit this the capital of your honored State, and in acknowledging +their kind invitation, compelled to respond to the welcome of the +presiding officers of each body, and I suppose they intended I should +speak to you through them, as they are the representatives of all of +you; and if I were to speak again here, I should only have to repeat +in a great measure much that I have said, which would be disgusting +to my friends around me who have met here. I have no speech to make, +but merely appear to see you and let you look at me; and as to the +latter I think I have greatly the best of the bargain. My friends, +allow me to bid you farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE SENATE OF NEW JERSEY + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE OF THE STATE OF NEW +JERSEY:--I am very grateful to you for the honorable reception of +which I have been the object. I cannot but remember the place that +New Jersey holds in our early history. In the Revolutionary struggle +few of the States among the Old Thirteen had more of the battle- +fields of the country within their limits than New Jersey. May I be +pardoned if, upon this occasion, I mention that away back in my +childhood, the earliest days of my being able to read, I got hold of +a small book, such a one as few of the younger members have ever seen +Weems's Life of Washington. I remember all the accounts there given +of the battle-fields and struggles for the liberties of the country; +and none fixed themselves upon my imagination so deeply as the +struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The crossing of the river, the +contest with the Hessians, the great hardships endured at that time, +all fixed themselves on my memory more than any single Revolutionary +event; and you all know, for you have all been boys, how these early +impressions last longer than any others. I recollect thinking then, +boy even though I was, that there must have been something more than +common that these men struggled for. I am exceedingly anxious that +that thing that something even more than national independence, that +something that held out a great promise to all the people of the +world to all time to come--I am exceedingly anxious that this Union, +the Constitution, and the liberties of the people shall be +perpetuated in accordance with the original idea for which that +struggle was made; and I shall be most happy indeed if I shall be a +humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and of this his +almost chosen people, for perpetuating the object of that great +struggle. You give me this reception, as I understand, without +distinction of party. I learn that this body is composed of a +majority of gentlemen who, in the exercise of their best judgment in +the choice of a chief magistrate, did not think I was the man. I +understand, nevertheless, that they come forward here to greet me as +the constitutionally elected President of the United States--as +citizens of the United States to meet the man who, for the time +being, is the representative of the majesty of the nation--united by +the single purpose to perpetuate the Constitution, the union, and the +liberties of the people. As such, I accept this reception more +gratefully than I could do did I believe it were tendered to me as an +individual. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE ASSEMBLY OF NEW JERSEY, + +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. SPEAKER AND GENTLEMEN: I have just enjoyed the honor of a +reception by the other branch of this Legislature, and I return to +you and them my thanks for the reception which the people of New +Jersey have given through their chosen representatives to me as the +representative, for the time being, of the majesty of the people of +the United States. I appropriate to myself very little of the +demonstrations of respect with which I have been greeted. I think +little should be given to any man, but that it should be a +manifestation of adherence to the Union and the Constitution. +I understand myself to be received here by the representatives of the +people of New Jersey, a majority of whom differ in opinion from those +with whom I have acted. This manifestation is therefore to be +regarded by me as expressing their devotion to the Union, the +Constitution, and the liberties of the people. + +You, Mr. Speaker, have well said that this is a time when the bravest +and wisest look with doubt and awe upon the aspect presented by our +national affairs. Under these circumstances you will readily see why +I should not speak in detail of the course I shall deem it best to +pursue. It is proper that I should avail myself of all the +information and all the time at my command, in order that when the +time arrives in which I must speak officially, I shall be able to +take the ground which I deem best and safest, and from which I may +have no occasion to swerve. I shall endeavor to take the ground I +deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the South, and the +whole country. I shall take it, I hope, in good temper, certainly +with no malice toward, any section. I shall do all that may be in my +power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficulties. The +man does not live who is more devoted to peace than I am, none who +would do more to preserve it, but it may be necessary to put the foot +down firmly. And if I do my duty and do right, you will sustain me, +will you not? [Loud cheers, and cries of "Yes, yes; we will."] +Received as I am by the members of a Legislature the majority of whom +do not agree with me in political sentiments, I trust that I may have +their assistance in piloting the ship of state through this voyage, +surrounded by perils as it is; for if it should suffer wreck now, +there will be no pilot ever needed for another voyage. + +Gentlemen, I have already spoken longer than I intended, and must beg +leave to stop here. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA, +FEBRUARY 21, 1861 + +MR. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA:--I appear before you +to make no lengthy speech, but to thank you for this reception. The +reception you have given me to-night is not to me, the man, the +individual, but to the man who temporarily represents, or should +represent, the majesty of the nation. It is true, as your worthy +mayor has said, that there is great anxiety amongst the citizens of +the United States at this time. I deem it a happy circumstance that +this dissatisfied portion of our fellow-citizens does not point us to +anything in which they are being injured or about to be injured; for +which reason I have felt all the while justified in concluding that +the crisis, the panic, the anxiety of the country at this time is +artificial. If there be those who differ with me upon this subject, +they have not pointed out the substantial difficulty that exists. +I do not mean to say that an artificial panic may not do considerable +harm; that it has done such I do not deny. The hope that has been +expressed by your mayor, that I may be able to restore peace, +harmony, and prosperity to the country, is most worthy of him; and +most happy, indeed, will I be if I shall be able to verify and fulfil +that hope. I promise you that I bring to the work a sincere heart. +Whether I will bring a head equal to that heart will be for future +times to determine. It were useless for me to speak of details of +plans now; I shall speak officially next Monday week, if ever. If I +should not speak then, it were useless for me to do so now. If I do +speak then, it is useless for me to do so now. When I do speak, I +shall take such ground as I deem best calculated to restore peace, +harmony, and prosperity to the country, and tend to the perpetuity of +the nation and the liberty of these States and these people. Your +worthy mayor has expressed the wish, in which I join with him, that +it were convenient for me to remain in your city long enough to +consult your merchants and manufacturers; or, as it were, to listen +to those breathings rising within the consecrated walls wherein the +Constitution of the United States and, I will add, the Declaration of +Independence, were originally framed and adopted. I assure you and +your mayor that I had hoped on this occasion, and upon all occasions +during my life, that I shall do nothing inconsistent with the +teachings of these holy and most sacred walls. I have never asked +anything that does not breathe from those walls. All my political +warfare has been in favor of the teachings that come forth from these +sacred walls. May my right hand forget its cunning and my tongue +cleave to the roof of my mouth if ever I prove false to those +teachings. Fellow-citizens, I have addressed you longer than I +expected to do, and now allow me to bid you goodnight. + + + + +ADDRESS IN THE HALL OF INDEPENDENCE, PHILADELPHIA, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. CUYLER:--I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing +here, in this place, where were collected together the wisdom, the +devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which +we live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task +of restoring peace to the present distracted condition of the +country. I can say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments +I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, +from the sentiments which originated and were given to the world from +this hall. I have never had a feeling politically that did not +spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of +Independence. I have often pondered over the dangers which were +incurred by the men who assembled here and framed and adopted that +Declaration of Independence. I have pondered over the toils that +were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved +that independence. I have often inquired of myself what great +principle or idea it was that kept the confederacy so long together. +It was not the mere matter of separation of the colonies from the +motherland, but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence +which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but, I +hope, to the world for all future time. It was that which gave +promise that in due time the weight would be lifted from the +shoulders of all men. This is the sentiment embodied in the +Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, can the country be +saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the +happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it cannot be +saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. But if this +country cannot be saved without giving up that principle, I was about +to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. +Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no +bloodshed or war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor +of such a course, and I may say, in advance, that there will be no +bloodshed unless it is forced upon the Government, and then it will +be compelled to act in self-defence. + +My friends; this is wholly an unexpected speech, and I did not expect +to be called upon to say a word when I came here. I supposed it was +merely to do something toward raising the flag. I may, therefore, +have said something indiscreet. I have said nothing but what I am +willing to live by and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, die +by. + + + + +REPLY TO THE WILMINGTON DELEGATION, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. CHAIRMAN:--I feel highly flattered by the encomiums you have seen +fit to bestow upon me. Soon after the nomination of General Taylor, +I attended a political meeting in the city of Wilmington, and have +since carried with me a fond remembrance of the hospitalities of the +city on that occasion. The programme established provides for my +presence in Harrisburg in twenty-four hours from this time. I expect +to be in Washington on Saturday. It is, therefore, an impossibility +that I should accept your kind invitation. There are no people whom +I would more gladly accommodate than those of Delaware; but +circumstances forbid, gentlemen. With many regrets for the character +of the reply I am compelled to give you, I bid you adieu. + + + + +ADDRESS AT LANCASTER, PENNSYLVANIA, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1860 + +LADIES AND GENTLEMEN OF OLD LANCASTER:--I appear not to make a +speech. I have not time to make a speech at length, and not strength +to make them on every occasion; and, worse than all, I have none to +make. There is plenty of matter to speak about in these times, but +it is well known that the more a man speaks the less he is +understood--the more he says one thing, the more his adversaries +contend he meant something else. I shall soon have occasion to speak +officially, and then I will endeavor to put my thoughts just as plain +as I can express myself--true to the Constitution and Union of all +the States, and to the perpetual liberty of all the people. Until I +so speak, there is no need to enter upon details. In conclusion, I +greet you most heartily, and bid you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA, AT HARRISBURG, + +FEBRUARY 22, 1861 + +MR. SPEAKER OF THE SENATE, AND ALSO MR. SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF +REPRESENTATIVES, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE +OF PENNSYLVANIA:--I appear before you only for a very few brief +remarks in response to what has been said to me. I thank you most +sincerely for this reception, and the generous words in which support +has been promised me upon this occasion. I thank your great +commonwealth for the overwhelming support it recently gave, not me +personally, but the cause which I think a just one, in the late +election. + +Allusion has been made to the fact--the interesting fact perhaps we +should say--that I for the first time appear at the capital of the +great commonwealth of Pennsylvania upon the birthday of the Father of +his Country. In connection with that beloved anniversary connected +with the history of this country, I have already gone through one +exceedingly interesting scene this morning in the ceremonies at +Philadelphia. Under the kind conduct of gentlemen there, I was for +the first time allowed the privilege of standing in old Independence +Hall to have a few words addressed to me there, and opening up to me +an opportunity of manifesting my deep regret that I had not more time +to express something of my own feelings excited by the occasion, that +had been really the feelings of my whole life. + +Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent flag of +the country. They had arranged it so that I was given the honor of +raising it to the head of its staff, and when it went up I was +pleased that it went to its place by the strength of my own feeble +arm. When, according to the arrangement, the cord was pulled, and it +floated gloriously to the wind, without an accident, in the bright, +glowing sunshine of the morning, I could not help hoping that there +was in the entire success of that beautiful ceremony at least +something of an omen of what is to come. Nor could I help feeling +then, as I have often felt, that in the whole of that proceeding I +was a very humbled instrument. I had not provided the flag; I had +not made the arrangements for elevating it to its place; I had +applied but a very small portion of even my feeble strength in +raising it. In the whole transaction I was in the hands of the +people who had arranged it, and if I can have the same generous +co-operation of the people of this nation, I think the flag of our +country may yet be kept flaunting gloriously. + +I recur for a moment but to repeat some words uttered at the hotel in +regard to what has been said about the military support which the +General Government may expect from the commonwealth of Pennsylvania +in a proper emergency. To guard against any possible mistake do I +recur to this. It is not with any pleasure that I contemplate the +possibility that a necessity may arise in this country for the use of +the military arm. While I am exceedingly gratified to see the +manifestation upon your streets of your military force here, and +exceedingly gratified at your promise to use that force upon a proper +emergency--while I make these acknowledgments I desire to repeat, in +order to preclude any possible misconstruction, that I do most +sincerely hope that we shall have no use for them; that it will never +become their duty to shed blood, and most especially never to shed +fraternal blood. I promise that so far as I may have wisdom to +direct, if so painful a result shall in any wise be brought about, it +shall he through no fault of mine. + +Allusion has also been made by one of your honored speakers to some +remarks recently made by myself at Pittsburg in regard to what is +supposed to be the especial interest of this great commonwealth of +Pennsylvania. I now wish only to say in regard to that matter, that +the few remarks which I uttered on that occasion were rather +carefully worded. I took pains that they should be so. I have seen +no occasion since to add to them or subtract from them. I leave them +precisely as they stand, adding only now that I am pleased to have an +expression from you, gentlemen of Pennsylvania, signifying that they +are satisfactory to you. + +And now, gentlemen of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of +Pennsylvania, allow me again to return to you my most sincere thanks. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MAYOR OF WASHINGTON, D.C., + +FEBRUARY 27, 1861 + +Mr. MAYOR:--I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities of +this city who accompany you, for this welcome. And as it is the +first time in my life, since the present phase of politics has +presented itself in this country, that I have said anything publicly +within a region of country where the institution of slavery exists, I +will take this occasion to say that I think very much of the ill +feeling that has existed and still exists between the people in the +section from which I came and the people here, is dependent upon a +misunderstanding of one another. I therefore avail myself of this +opportunity to assure you, Mr. Mayor, and all the gentlemen present, +that I have not now, and never have had, any other than as kindly +feelings toward you as to the people of my own section. I have not +now, and never have had, any disposition to treat you in any respect +otherwise than as my own neighbors. I have not now any purpose to +withhold from you any of the benefits of the Constitution, under any +circumstances, that I would not feel myself constrained to withhold +from my own neighbors; and I hope, in a word, that when we shall +become better acquainted--and I say it with great confidence--we +shall like each other better. I thank you for the kindness of this +reception. + + + + +REPLY TO A SERENADE AT WASHINGTON, D.C., +FEBRUARY 28, 1861 + +MY FRIENDS:--I suppose that I may take this as a compliment paid to +me, and as such please accept my thanks for it. I have reached this +city of Washington under circumstances considerably differing from +those under which any other man has ever reached it. I am here for +the purpose of taking an official position amongst the people, almost +all of whom were politically opposed to me, and are yet opposed to +me, as I suppose. + +I propose no lengthy address to you. I only propose to say, as I did +on yesterday, when your worthy mayor and board of aldermen called +upon me, that I thought much of the ill feeling that has existed +between you and the people of your surroundings and that people from +among whom I came, has depended, and now depends, upon a +misunderstanding. + +I hope that, if things shall go along as prosperously as I believe we +all desire they may, I may have it in my power to remove something of +this misunderstanding; that I may be enabled to convince you, and the +people of your section of the country, that we regard you as in all +things our equals, and in all things entitled to the same respect and +the same treatment that we claim for ourselves; that we are in no +wise disposed, if it were in our power, to oppress you, to deprive +you of any of your rights under the Constitution of the United +States, or even narrowly to split hairs with you in regard to these +rights, but are determined to give you, as far as lies in our hands, +all your rights under the Constitution--not grudgingly, but fully and +fairly. I hope that, by thus dealing with you, we will become better +acquainted, and be better friends. + +And now, my friends, with these few remarks, and again returning my +thanks for this compliment, and expressing my desire to hear a little +more of your good music, I bid you good-night. + + + + +WASHINGTON, SUNDAY, MARCH 3, 1861 + +[During the struggle over the appointments of LINCOLN's Cabinet, the +President-elect spoke as follows:] + +Gentlemen, it is evident that some one must take the responsibility +of these appointments, and I will do it. My Cabinet is completed. +The positions are not definitely assigned, and will not be until I +announce them privately to the gentlemen whom I have selected as my +Constitutional advisers. + + + + +FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS, +MARCH 4, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES:--In compliance with a custom as +old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you +briefly, and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the +Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President +"before he enters on the execution of his office." + +I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those +matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or +excitement. + +Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States +that by the accession of a Republican administration their property +and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There +has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, +the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and +been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the +published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from +one of those speeches when I declare that + +"I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the +institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I +have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." + +Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I +had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted +them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my +acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and +emphatic resolution which I now read: + +"Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the +States, and especially the right of each State to order and control +its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment +exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the +perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we +denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State +or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as amongst the gravest of +crimes." + +I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon +the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case +is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section +are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. +I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the +Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to +all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as +cheerfully to one section as to another. + +There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from +service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the +Constitution as any other of its provisions: + +"No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws +thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or +regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but +shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or +labor may be due." + +It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those +who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and +the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress +swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as +much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose +cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up," +their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in +good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and +pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? + +There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be +enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that +difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be +surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others +by which authority it is done. And should any one in any case be +content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial +controversy as to how it shall be kept? + +Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of +liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, +so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And +might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the +enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that +"the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and +immunities of citizens in the several States"? + +I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with +no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical +rules. And, while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of +Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much +safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to +and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate +any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be +unconstitutional. + +It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President +under our national Constitution. During that period fifteen +different and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, +administered the executive branch of the Government. They have +conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. +Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task +for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and +peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore +only menaced, is now formidably attempted. + +I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the +Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is +implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national +governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had +a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to +execute all the express provisions of our national Constitution, and +the Union will endure forever--it being impossible to destroy it +except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. + +Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an +association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it as a +contract be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made +it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak; +but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? + +Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition +that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the +history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the +Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association +in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of +Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all +the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it +should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And, +finally, in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining and +establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union." + +But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the +States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before +the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. + +It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion +can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to +that effect are legally void; and that acts of violence, within any +State or States, against the authority of the United States, are +insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances. + +I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, +the Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take +care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the +laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing +this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform +it so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American +people, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative +manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a +menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will +constitutionally defend and maintain itself. + +In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there +shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The +power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the +property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the +duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these +objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or +among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States, in +any interior locality, shall be so great and universal as to prevent +competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there +will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for +that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the +government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to +do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, +that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such +offices. + +The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all +parts of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall +have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm +thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed +unless current events and experience shall show a modification or +change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best +discretion will be exercised according to circumstances actually +existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the +national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and +affections. + +That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy +the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will +neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word +to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not +speak? + +Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our +national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, +would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you +hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any +portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, +while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones +you fly from--will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? + +All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights +can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written +in the Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human +mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of +doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a +plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. +If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority +of any clearly written constitutional right, it might, in a moral +point of view, justify revolution--certainly would if such a right +were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of +minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by +affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the +Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no +organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically +applicable to every question which may occur in practical +administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of +reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible +questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or +by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May +Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does +not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? +The Constitution does not expressly say. + +From questions of this class spring all our constitutional +controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and +minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, +or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative; for +continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. + +If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they +make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; for a +minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority +refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not +any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily +secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to +secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being +educated to the exact temper of doing this. + +Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to +compose a new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed +secession? + +Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A +majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, +and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular +opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. +Whoever rejects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to +despotism. Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority, as a +permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the +majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is +left. + +I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional +questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that +such decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a +suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to +very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all +other departments of the government. And, while it is obviously +possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still +the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, +with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent +for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a +different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must +confess that if the policy of the government, upon vital questions +affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions +of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary +litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have +ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically +resigned the government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor +is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It +is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly +brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to +turn their decisions to political purposes. + +One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be +extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be +extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave +clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the +foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law +can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people +imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people +abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over +in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured; and it would be +worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. +The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be +ultimately revived, without restriction, in one section, while +fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be +surrendered at all by the other. + +Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our +respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall +between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the +presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts +of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face, +and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between +them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more +advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can +aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties +be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among +friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, +after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease +fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are +again upon you. + +This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who +inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing +government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending +it, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I +cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic +citizens are desirous of having the national Constitution amended. +While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the +rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be +exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself, +and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose +a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will +venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in +that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, +instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions +originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which +might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or +refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution which +amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the +effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the +domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held +to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart +from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to +say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional +law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable. + +The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and +they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of +the States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; +but the executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is +to administer the present government, as it came to his hands, and to +transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successors. + +Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice +of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our +present differences is either party without faith of being in the +right? If the Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and +justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that +truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this +great tribunal of the American people. + +By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people +have wisely given their public servants but little power for +mischief; and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of +that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the +people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any +extreme of wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the +government in the short space of four years. + +My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole +subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be +an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would +never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking +time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are +now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on +the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the +new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to +change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied +hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good +reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, +Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken +this favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best way all +our present difficulty. + +In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is +the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail +you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the +aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the +government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, +protect, and defend" it. + +I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not +be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break, our +bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from +every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and +hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of +the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better +angels of our nature. + + + + +REFUSAL OF SEWARD RESIGNATION + +TO WM. H. SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 4, 1861. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your note of the 2d instant, asking to withdraw your +acceptance of my invitation to take charge of the State Department, +was duly received. It is the subject of the most painful solicitude +with me, and I feel constrained to beg that you will countermand the +withdrawal. The public interest, I think, demands that you should; +and my personal feelings are deeply enlisted in the same direction. +Please consider and answer by 9 A.M. to-morrow. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION, + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + +Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE PENNSYLVANIAN DELEGATION:--As I +have so frequently said heretofore, when I have had occasion to +address the people of the Keystone, in my visits to that State, I can +now but repeat the assurance of my gratification at the support you +gave me at the election, and at the promise of a continuation of that +support which is now tendered to me. + +Allusion has been made to the hope that you entertain that you have a +President and a government. In respect to that I wish to say to you +that in the position I have assumed I wish to do more than I have +ever given reason to believe I would do. I do not wish you to +believe that I assume to be any better than others who have gone +before me. I prefer rather to have it understood that if we ever +have a government on the principles we profess, we should remember, +while we exercise our opinion, that others have also rights to the +exercise of their opinions, and that we should endeavor to allow +these rights, and act in such a manner as to create no bad feeling. +I hope we have a government and a President. I hope, and wish it to +be understood, that there may he no allusion to unpleasant +differences. + +We must remember that the people of all the States are entitled to +all the privileges and immunities of the citizens of the several +States. We should bear this in mind, and act in such a way as to say +nothing insulting or irritating. I would inculcate this idea, so +that we may not, like Pharisees, set ourselves up to be better than +other people. + +Now, my friends, my public duties are pressing to-day, and will +prevent my giving more time to you. Indeed, I should not have left +them now, but I could not well deny myself to so large and +respectable a body. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION, + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 5, 1861 + +I am thankful for this renewed assurance of kind feeling and +confidence, and the support of the old Bay State, in so far as you, +Mr. Chairman, have expressed, in behalf of those whom you represent, +your sanction of what I have enunciated in my inaugural address. +This is very grateful to my feelings. The object was one of great +delicacy, in presenting views at the opening of an administration +under the peculiar circumstances attending my entrance upon the +official duties connected with the Government. I studied all the +points with great anxiety, and presented them with whatever of +ability and sense of justice I could bring to bear. If it met the +approbation of our good friends in Massachusetts, I shall be +exceedingly gratified, while I hope it will meet the approbation of +friends everywhere. I am thankful for the expressions of those who +have voted with us; and like every other man of you, I like them as +certainly as I do others. As the President in the administration of +the Government, I hope to be man enough not to know one citizen of +the United States from another, nor one section from another. I +shall be gratified to have good friends of Massachusetts and others +who have thus far supported me in these national views still to +support me in carrying them out. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD + +EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, MARCH 7, 1861 + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is the diplomatic address and my reply. To +whom the reply should be addressed--that is, by what title or style-- +I do not quite understand, and therefore I have left it blank. + +Will you please bring with you to-day the message from the War +Department, with General Scott's note upon it, which we had here +yesterday? I wish to examine the General's opinion, which I have not +yet done. + +Yours very truly +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS + +WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, MARCH 7, 1861 + +Mr. FIGANIERE AND GENTLEMEN OF THE DIPLOMATIC BODY:--Please accept my +sincere thanks for your kind congratulations. It affords me pleasure +to confirm the confidence you so generously express in the friendly +disposition of the United States, through me, towards the sovereigns +and governments you respectively represent. With equal satisfaction +I accept the assurance you are pleased to give, that the same +disposition is reciprocated by your sovereigns, your governments, and +yourselves. + +Allow me to express the hope that these friendly relations may remain +undisturbed, arid also my fervent wishes for the health and happiness +of yourselves personally. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 11,1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. +DEAR SIR:--What think you of sending ministers at once as follows: +Dayton to England; Fremont to France; Clay to Spain; Corwin to +Mexico? + +We need to have these points guarded as strongly and quickly as +possible. This is suggestion merely, and not dictation. + +Your obedient servant, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO J. COLLAMER + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 12, 1861 + +HON. JACOB COLLAMER. +MY DEAR SIR:--God help me. It is said I have offended you. I hope +you will tell me how. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + +March 14, 1861. +DEAR SIR:--I am entirely unconscious that you have any way offended +me. I cherish no sentiment towards you but that of kindness and +confidence. +Your humble servant, +J. COLLAMER + + [Returned with indorsement:] + +Very glad to know that I have n't. +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 13, 1861 + +HON. P. M. G. + +DEAR SIR:--The bearer of this, Mr. C. T. Hempstow, is a Virginian who +wishes to get, for his son, a small place in your Dept. I think +Virginia should be heard, in such cases. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +NOTE ASKING CABINET OPINIONS ON FORT SUMTER. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 15, 1861 + +THE HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort +Sumter, under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it? Please +give me your opinion in writing on this question. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Same to other members of the Cabinet.] + + + + +ON ROYAL ARBITRATION OF AMERICAN BOUNDARY LINE + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES + +The Senate has transmitted to me a copy of the message sent by my +predecessor to that body on the 21st of February last, proposing to +take its advice on the subject of a proposition made by the British +Government through its minister here to refer the matter in +controversy between that government and the Government of the United +States to the arbitrament of the King of Sweden and Norway, the King +of the Netherlands, or the Republic of the Swiss Confederation. + +In that message my predecessor stated that he wished to present to +the Senate the precise questions following, namely: + +"Will the Senate approve a treaty referring to either of the +sovereign powers above named the dispute now existing between the +governments of the United States and Great Britain concerning the +boundary line between Vancouver's Island and the American continent? +In case the referee shall find himself unable to decide where the +line is by the description of it in the treaty of June 15, 1846, +shall he be authorized to establish a line according to the treaty as +nearly as possible? Which of the three powers named by Great Britain +as an arbiter shall be chosen by the United States?" + +I find no reason to disapprove of the course of my predecessor in +this important matter; but, on the contrary, I not only shall receive +the advice of the Senate thereon cheerfully, but I respectfully ask +the Senate for their advice on the three questions before recited + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. +WASHINGTON, March 16, 1861 + + + + +AMBASSADORIAL APPOINTMENTS + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 18, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I believe it is a necessity with us to make the +appointments I mentioned last night--that is, Charles F. Adams to +England, William L. Dayton to France, George P. Marsh to Sardinia, +and Anson Burlingame to Austria. These gentlemen all have my highest +esteem, but no one of them is originally suggested by me except Mr. +Dayton. Mr. Adams I take because you suggested him, coupled with his +eminent fitness for the place. Mr. Marsh and Mr. Burlingame I take +because of the intense pressure of their respective States, and their +fitness also. + +The objection to this card is that locally they are so huddled up-- +three being in New England and two from a single State. I have +considered this, and will not shrink from the responsibility. This, +being done, leaves but five full missions undisposed of--Rome, China, +Brazil, Peru, and Chili. And then what about Carl Schurz; or, in +other words, what about our German friends? + +Shall we put the card through, and arrange the rest afterward? What +say you? + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO G. E. PATTEN. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 19, 1861. + +TO MASTER GEO. EVANS PATTEN. + +WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:--I did see and talk with Master Geo. Evans +Patten last May at Springfield, Ill. + +Respectfully, +A. LINCOLN. + +[Written because of a denial that any interview with young Patten, +then a schoolboy, had ever taken place.] + + + + +RESPONSE TO SENATE INQUIRY RE. FORT SUMTER + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:--I have received a copy of the +resolution of the Senate, passed on the 25th instant, requesting me, +if in my opinion not incompatible with the public interest, to +communicate to the Senate the despatches of Major Robert Anderson to +the War Department during the time he has been in command of Fort +Sumter. On examination of the correspondence thus called for, I +have, with the highest respect for the Senate, come to the conclusion +that at the present moment the publication of it would be +inexpedient. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN +WASHINGTON, MARCH 16, 1861 + + + + +PREPARATION OF FIRST NAVAL ACTION + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, MARCH 29, 1861 + +HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +SIR:--I desire that an expedition to move by sea be got ready to sail +as early as the 6th of April next, the whole according to memorandum +attached, and that you cooperate with the Secretary of the Navy for +that object. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + +[Inclosure.] + +Steamers Pocahontas at Norfolk, Paunee at Washington, Harriet Lane at +New York, to be under sailing orders for sea, with stores, etc., for +one month. Three hundred men to be kept ready for departure from on +board the receiving-ships at New York. Two hundred men to be ready to +leave Governor's Island in New York. Supplies for twelve months for +one hundred men to be put in portable shape, ready for instant +shipping. A large steamer and three tugs conditionally engaged. + + + + +TO ______ STUART. + +WASHINGTON, March 30, 1861 + +DEAR STUART: + +Cousin Lizzie shows me your letter of the 27th. The question of +giving her the Springfield post-office troubles me. You see I have +already appointed William Jayne a Territorial governor and Judge +Trumbull's brother to a land-office. Will it do for me to go on and +justify the declaration that Trumbull and I have divided out all the +offices among our relatives? Dr. Wallace, you know, is needy, and +looks to me; and I personally owe him much. + +I see by the papers, a vote is to be taken as to the post-office. +Could you not set up Lizzie and beat them all? She, being here, need +know nothing of it, so therefore there would be no indelicacy on her +part. Yours as ever, + + + + +TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NEW YORK NAVY-YARD. + +NAVY DEPT., WASHINGTON, April 1, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE NAVY-YARD, +Brooklyn, N. Y. + +Fit out the Powhatan to go to sea at the earnest possible moment +under sealed orders. Orders by a confidential messenger go forward +to-morrow. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861 + +LIEUTENANT D. D. PORTER, United States Navy. + + +SIR:--You will proceed to New York, and with the least possible +delay, assuming command of any naval steamer available, proceed to +Pensacola Harbor, and at any cost or risk prevent any expedition from +the mainland reaching Fort Pickens or Santa Rosa Island. + +You will exhibit this order to any naval officer at Pensacola, if you +deem it necessary, after you have established yourself within the +harbor, and will request co-operation by the entrance of at least one +other steamer. + +This order, its object, and your destination will be communicated to +no person whatever until you reach the harbor of Pensacola. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +Recommended, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + + + + +RELIEF EXPEDITION FOR FORT SUMTER + +ORDER TO OFFICERS OF THE ARMY AND NAVY. + +WASHINGTON, EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861. + +All officers of the army and navy to whom this order may be exhibited +will aid by every means in their power the expedition under the +command of Colonel Harvey Brown, supplying him with men and material, +and co-operating with him as he may desire. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO CAPTAIN SAMUEL MERCER. +(Confidential.) + +WASHINGTON CITY, +April 1, 1861 + +SIR:--Circumstances render it necessary to place in command of your +ship (and for a special purpose) an officer who is fully informed and +instructed in relation to the wishes of the Government, and you will +therefore consider yourself detached. But in taking this step the +Government does not in the least reflect upon your efficiency or +patriotism; on the contrary, have the fullest confidence in your +ability to perform any duty required of you. Hoping soon to be able +to give you a better command than the one you now enjoy, and trusting +that you will have full confidence in the disposition of the +Government toward you, +I remain, etc., + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +SECRETARY SEWARD'S BID FOR POWER + +MEMORANDUM FROM SECRETARY SEWARD, +APRIL 1, 1861 + +Some thoughts for the President's Consideration, + +First. We are at the end of a month's administration, and yet +without a policy either domestic or foreign. + +Second. This, however, is not culpable, and it has even been +unavoidable. The presence of the Senate, with the need to meet +applications for patronage, have prevented attention to other and +more grave matters. + +Third. But further delay to adopt and prosecute our policies for +both domestic and foreign affairs would not only bring scandal on the +administration, but danger upon the country. + +Fourth. To do this we must dismiss the applicants for office. But +how? I suggest that we make the local appointments forthwith, leaving +foreign or general ones for ulterior and occasional action. + +Fifth. The policy at home. I am aware that my views are singular, +and perhaps not sufficiently explained. My system is built upon this +idea as a ruling one, namely, that we must +CHANGE THE QUESTION BEFORE THE PUBLIC FROM ONE UPON SLAVERY, OR ABOUT +SLAVERY, for a question upon UNION OR DISUNION: +In other words, from what would be regarded as a party question, to +one of patriotism or union. + +The occupation or evacuation of Fort Sumter, although not in fact a +slavery or a party question, is so regarded. Witness the temper +manifested by the Republicans in the free States, and even by the +Union men in the South. + +I would therefore terminate it as a safe means for changing the +issue. I deem it fortunate that the last administration created the +necessity. + +For the rest, I would simultaneously defend and reinforce all the +ports in the gulf, and have the navy recalled from foreign stations +to be prepared for a blockade. Put the island of Key West under +martial law. + +This will raise distinctly the question of union or disunion. I +would maintain every fort and possession in the South. + + +FOR FOREIGN NATIONS, + +I would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at +once. + +I would seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia, and send +agents into Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous +continental spirit of independence on this continent against European +intervention. + +And, if satisfactory explanations are not received from Spain and +France, + +Would convene Congress and declare war against them. + +But whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution +of it. + +For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct +it incessantly. + +Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active +in it, or Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, +debates on it must end, and all agree and abide. + +It is not in my especial province; But I neither seek to evade nor +assume responsibility. + + + + +REPLY TO SECRETARY SEWARD'S MEMORANDUM + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, APRIL 1, 1861 + +HON. W. H. SEWARD. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Since parting with you I have been considering your +paper dated this day, and entitled "Some Thoughts for the President's +Consideration." The first proposition in it is, "First, We are at +the end of a month's administration, and yet without a policy either +domestic or foreign." + +At the beginning of that month, in the inaugural, I said: "The power +confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property +and places belonging to the Government, and to Collect the duties and +imposts." This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken in +connection with the order I immediately gave General Scott, directing +him to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold the +forts, comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with the +single exception that it does not propose to abandon Fort Sumter. + +Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement of Fort Sumter would +be done on a slavery or a party issue, while that of Fort Pickens +would be on a more national and patriotic one. + +The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly brings +a new item within the range of our foreign policy; but up to that +time we have been preparing circulars and instructions to ministers +and the like, all in perfect harmony, without even a suggestion that +we had no foreign policy. + +Upon your Closing propositions--that, + +"Whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of +it. + +"For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct +it incessantly. + +"Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active +in it, or, + +"Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on +it must end, and all agree and abide"-- + +I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general +line of policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its +being changed without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of +unnecessary debate; still, upon points arising in its progress I +wish, and suppose I am entitled to have, the advice of all the +Cabinet. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO A COMMITTEE FROM THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION, APRIL 13, 1861 + +HON. WILLIAM BALLARD PRESTON, ALEXANDER H. +H. STUART, GEORGE W. RANDOLPH, Esq. + +GENTLEMEN:--As a committee of the Virginia Convention now in Session, +you present me a preamble and resolution in these words: + +"Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which +prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal +Executive intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely +injurious to the industrial and commercial interests of the country, +tends to keep up an excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment +of pending difficulties, and threatens a disturbance of the public +peace: therefore + +"Resolved, that a committee of three delegates be appointed by this +Convention to wait upon the President of the United States, present +to him this preamble and resolution, and respectfully ask him to +communicate to this Convention the policy which the Federal Executive +intends to pursue in regard to the Confederate States. + +"Adopted by the Convention of the State of Virginia, Richmond, April +8, 1861." + +In answer I have to say that, having at the beginning of my official +term expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is +with deep regret and some mortification I now learn that there is +great and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that +policy is, and what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet +seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue the course +marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful +consideration of the whole document as the best expression I can give +of my purposes. + +As I then and therein said, I now repeat: "The power confided to me +will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places +belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; +but beyond what is necessary for these objects, there will be no +invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere." By +the words "property and places belonging to the Government," I +chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in the +possession of the Government when it came to my hands. + +But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive +the United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault +has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to +repossess, if I can, like places which had been seized before the +Government was devolved upon me. And in every event I shall, to the +extent of my ability, repel force by force. In case it proves true +that Fort Sumter has been assaulted, as is reported, I shall perhaps +cause the United States mails to be withdrawn from all the States +which claim to have seceded, believing that the commencement of +actual war against the Government justifies and possibly demands +this. + +I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and +property situated within the States which claim to have seceded as +yet belonging to the Government of the United States as much as they +did before the supposed secession. + +Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to +collect the duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of +the country; not meaning by this, however, that I may not land a +force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon a border of the +country. + +From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it +must not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of +which I reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be +regarded as a modification. + + + + +PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 75,000 MILITIA, AND CONVENING CONGRESS IN +EXTRA SESSION, APRIL 15, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF +AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past +and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the +States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, +Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed +by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers +vested in the marshals bylaw: + +Now, therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, +in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, +have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia +of the several States of the Union, to the aggregate number of +seventy-five thousand, in order to suppress said combinations, and to +cause the laws to be duly executed. + +The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the +State authorities through the War Department. + +I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this +effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our +National Union, and the perpetuity of popular government; and to +redress wrongs already long enough endured. + +I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces +hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, +and property which have been seized from the Union; and in every +event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects +aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of or +interference with property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens +in any part of the country. + +And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid +to disperse and retire peacefully to their respective abodes within +twenty days from date. + +Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an +extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me +vested by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. +Senators and Representatives are therefore summoned to assemble at +their respective chambers, at twelve o'clock noon, on Thursday, the +fourth day of July next, then and there to consider and determine +such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may +seem to demand. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the +year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, +Secretary of State. + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 19, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF + +AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas an insurrection against the Government of the United States +has broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, +Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the +United States for the collection of the revenue cannot be effectually +executed therein conformably to that provision of the Constitution +which requires duties to be uniform throughout the United States: + +And Whereas a combination of persons engaged in such insurrection +have threatened to grant pretended letters of marque to authorize the +bearers thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, and +property of good citizens of the country lawfully engaged in commerce +on the high seas, and in waters of the United States: + +And Whereas an executive proclamation has been already issued +requiring the persons engaged in these disorderly proceedings to +desist therefrom, calling out a militia force for the purpose of +repressing the same, and convening Congress in extraordinary session +to deliberate and determine thereon: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the United States, +with a view to the same purposes before mentioned, and to the +protection of the public peace, and the lives and property of quiet +and orderly citizens pursuing their lawful occupations, until +Congress shall have assembled and deliberated on the said unlawful +proceedings, or until the same shall have ceased, have further deemed +it advisable to set on foot a blockade of the ports within the States +aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United States, and of the +law of nations in such case provided. For this purpose a competent +force will be posted so as to prevent entrance and exit of vessels +from the ports aforesaid. If, therefore, with a view to violate such +blockade, a vessel shall approach or shall attempt to leave either of +the said ports, she will be duly warned by the commander of one of +the blockading vessels, who will indorse on her register the fact and +date of such warning, and if the same vessel shall again attempt to +enter or leave the blockaded port, she will be captured and sent to +the nearest convenient port, for such proceedings against her and her +cargo, as prize, as may be deemed advisable. + +And I hereby proclaim and declare that if any person, under the +pretended authority of the said States, or under any other pretense, +shall molest a vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo +on board of her, such person will be held amenable to the laws of the +United States for the prevention and punishment of piracy. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of April, in the +year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, +Secretary of State. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + +WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 + +GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN. + +GENTLEMEN:--Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brune is +received. I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to +keep the peace in the trying situation in which you are placed. + +For the future troops must be brought here, but I make no point of +bringing them through Baltimore. Without any military knowledge +myself, of course I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily +said this morning in the presence of these gentlemen, "March them +around Baltimore, and not through it." I sincerely hope the General, +on fuller reflection, will consider this practical and proper, and +that you will not object to it. By this a collision of the people of +Baltimore with the troops will be avoided, unless they go out of +their way to seek it. I hope you will exert your influence to +prevent this. + +Now and ever I shall do all in my power for peace consistently with +the maintenance of the Government. + +Your obedient servant, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR HICKS. + +WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861 + +GOVERNOR HICKS: + +I desire to consult with you and the Mayor of Baltimore relative to +preserving the peace of Maryland. Please come immediately by special +train, which you can take at Baltimore; or, if necessary, one can be +sent from here. Answer forthwith. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO DEFEND FROM A MARYLAND INSURRECTION + +ORDER TO GENERAL SCOTT. +WASHINGTON, April 25, 1861 + +LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SCOTT. + +MY DEAR SIR--The Maryland Legislature assembles to-morrow at +Annapolis, and not improbably will take action to arm the people +of that State against the United States. The question has been +submitted to and considered by me whether it would not be +justifiable, upon the ground of necessary defense, for you, as +General in Chief of the United States Army, to arrest or disperse the +members of that body. I think it would not be justifiable nor +efficient for the desired object. + +First. They have a clearly legal right to assemble, and we cannot +know in advance that their action will not be lawful and peaceful, +and if we wait until they shall have acted their arrest or dispersion +will not lessen the effect of their action. + +Secondly. We cannot permanently prevent their action. If we arrest +them, we cannot long hold them as prisoners, and when liberated they +will immediately reassemble and take their action; and precisely the +same if we simply disperse them--they will immediately reassemble in +some other place. + +I therefore conclude that it is only left to the Commanding General +to watch and await their action, which, if it shall be to arm their +people against the United States, he is to adopt the most prompt and +efficient means to counteract, even, if necessary, to the bombardment +of their cities and, in the extremist necessity, the suspension of +the writ of habeas corpus. + +Your obedient servant, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF BLOCKADE, APRIL 27, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas, for the reasons assigned in my proclamation of the +nineteenth instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South +Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and +Texas was ordered to be established: + +And whereas, since that date, public property of the United States +has been seized, the collection of the revenue obstructed, and duly +commissioned officers of the United States, while engaged in +executing the orders of their superiors, have been arrested and held +in custody as prisoners, or have been impeded in the discharge of +their official duties, without due legal process, by persons claiming +to act under authorities of the States of Virginia and North +Carolina: + +An efficient blockade of the ports of those States will also be +established + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this twenty seventh day of April, in +the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of +the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +REMARKS TO A MILITARY COMPANY, WASHINGTON, +APRIL 27, 1861 + +I have desired as sincerely as any man, and I sometimes think more +than any other man, that our present difficulties might be settled +without the shedding of blood. I will not say that all hope has yet +gone; but if the alternative is presented whether the Union is to be +broken in fragments and the liberties of the people lost, or blood be +shed, you will probably make the choice with which I shall not be +dissatisfied. + + + + +LOCALIZED REPEAL OF WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS + +TO GENERAL SCOTT. + +TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, +ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES. + +You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of +the United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any +military line which is now or which shall be used between the City of +Philadelphia and the city of Washington you find resistance which +renders it necessary to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the +public safety, you personally, or through the officer in command at +the point at which resistance occurs, are authorized to suspend that +writ. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, April 17, 1861 + + + + +MILITARY ENROLLMENT OF ST. LOUIS CITIZENS + +FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR +WAR DEPARTMENT, April 30, 1861 + +TO CAPTAIN NATHANIEL LYON. + +CAPT. NATHANIEL LYON, +Commanding Department of the West. + +SIR:--The President of the United States directs that you enroll in +the military service of the United States the loyal citizens of Saint +Louis and vicinity, not exceeding, with those heretofore enlisted, +ten thousand in number, for the purpose of maintaining the authority +of the United States; for the protection of the peaceful inhabitants +of Missouri; and you will, if deemed necessary for that purpose by +yourself, by Messrs. Oliver F. Ferny, John How, James O. Broadhead, +Samuel T. Glover, J. Wilzie, Francis P. Blair, Jr., proclaim martial +law in the city of Saint Louis. + +The additional force hereby authorized shall be discharged in part or +in whole, if enlisted. As soon as it appears to you and the +gentlemen above mentioned that there is no danger of an attempt on +the part of the enemies of the Government to take military possession +of the city of Saint Louis, or put the city in control of the +combination against the Government of the United States; and whilst +such additional force remains in the service the same shall be +governed by the Rules and Articles of War, and such special +regulations as you may prescribe. I shall like the force hereafter +directed to be enrolled to be under your command. + +The arms and other military stores in the Saint Louis Arsenal not +needed for the forces of the United States in Missouri must be +removed to Springfield, or some other safe place of deposit in the +State of Illinois, as speedily as practicable, by the ordnance +officers in charge at Saint Louis. + +(Indorsement.) + +It is revolutionary times, and therefore I do not object to the +irregularity of this. W. S. + +Approved, April 30, 1861. A. LINCOLN. + +Colonel Thomas will make this order. +SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War. + + + + +CONDOLENCE OVER FAILURE OF FT. SUMTER RELIEF + +TO GUSTAVUS V. FOX. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., May 1, 1861 + +CAPTAIN G. V. Fox. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I sincerely regret that the failure of the late attempt +to provision Fort Sumter should be the source of any annoyance to +you. + +The practicability of your plan was not, in fact, brought to a test. +By reason of a gale, well known in advance to be possible and not +improbable, the tugs, an essential part of the plan, never reached +the ground; while, by an accident for which you were in no wise +responsible, and possibly I to some extent was, you were deprived of +a war vessel, with her men, which you deemed of great importance to +the enterprise. + +I most cheerfully and truly declare that the failure of the +undertaking has not lowered you a particle, while the qualities you +developed in the effort have greatly heightened you in my estimation. + +For a daring and dangerous enterprise of a similar character you +would to-day be the man of all my acquaintances whom I would select. +You and I both anticipated that the cause of the country would be +advanced by making the attempt to provision Fort Sumter, even if it +should fail; and it is no small consolation now to feel that our +anticipation is justified by the result. + +Very truly your friend, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR 42,034 VOLUNTEERS, + +MAY 3, 1861 + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. + +A Proclamation.. + +Whereas existing exigencies demand immediate and adequate measures +for the protection of the National Constitution and the preservation +of the National Union by the suppression of the insurrectionary +combinations now existing in several States for opposing the laws of +the Union and obstructing the execution thereof, to which end a +military force in addition to that called forth by my proclamation of +the 15th day of April in the present year appears to be indispensably +necessary: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States +and Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy thereof and of the +militia of the several States when called into actual service, do +hereby call into the service of the United States 42,034 volunteers +to serve for the period of three years, unless sooner discharged, and +to be mustered into service as infantry and cavalry. The proportions +of each arm and the details of enrollment and organization will be +made known through the Department of War. + +And I also direct that the Regular Army of the United States be +increased by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one +regiment of cavalry, and one regiment of artillery, making altogether +a maximum aggregate increase of 22,714 officers and enlisted men, the +details of which increase will also be made known through the +Department of War. + +And I further direct the enlistment for not less than one or more +than three years of 18,000 seamen, in addition to the present force, +for the naval service of the United States. The details of the +enlistment and organization will be made known through the Department +of the Navy. + +The call for volunteers hereby made and the direction for the +increase of the Regular Army and for the enlistment of seamen hereby +given, together with the plan of organization adopted for the +volunteer and for the regular forces hereby authorized, will be +submitted to Congress as soon as assembled. + +In the meantime I earnestly invoke the co-operation of all good +citizens in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual suppression +of unlawful violence, for the impartial enforcement of constitutional +laws, and for the speediest possible restoration of peace and order, +and with these of happiness and prosperity, throughout our country. + +In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my band and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed................ + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +COMMUNICATION WITH VICE-PRESIDENT + +TO VICE-PRESIDENT HAMLIN. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., May 6, 1861 + +HON. H. HAMLIN, New York. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Please advise me at the close of each day what troops +left during the day, where going, and by what route; what remaining +at New York, and what expected in the next day. Give the numbers, as +near as convenient, and what corps they are. This information, +reaching us daily, will be very useful as well as satisfactory. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER TO COLONEL ANDERSON, +MAY 7, 1861 + +TO ALL WHO SHALL SEE THESE PRESENTS, GREETING: + +Know ye that, reposing special trust and confidence in the +patriotism, valor, fidelity, and ability of Colonel Robert Anderson, +U. S. Army, I have empowered him, and do hereby empower him, to +receive into the army of the United States as many regiments of +volunteer troops from the State of Kentucky and from the western part +of the State of Virginia as shall be willing to engage in the Service +of the United States for the term of three years, upon the terms and +according to the plan proposed by the proclamation of May 3, 1861, +and General Orders No. 15, from the War Department, of May 4, 1861. + +The troops whom he receives shall be on the same footing in every +respect as those of the like kind called for in the proclamation +above cited, except that the officers shall be commissioned by the +United States. He is therefore carefully and diligently to discharge +the duty hereby devolved upon him by doing and performing all manner +of things thereunto belonging. + +Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 7th day of May, +A. D. 1861, and in the eighty-fifth year of the independence of the +United States. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War, + + + + +PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING THE WRIT OF HABEAS +CORPUS IN FLORIDA, MAY 10, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas an insurrection exists in the State of Florida, by which the +lives, liberty, and property of loyal citizens of the United States +are endangered: + +And whereas it is deemed proper that all needful measures should be +taken for the protection of such citizens and all officers of the +United States in the discharge of their public duties in the State +aforesaid: + +Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham LINCOLN, President of the +United States, do hereby direct the commander of the forces of the +United States on the Florida coast to permit no person to exercise +any office or authority upon the islands of Key West, the Tortugas, +and Santa Rosa, which may be inconsistent with the laws and +Constitution of the United States, authorizing him at the same time, +if he shall find it necessary, to suspend there the writ of habeas +corpus, and to remove from the vicinity of the United States +fortresses all dangerous or suspected persons. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed..................... + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY WELLES. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 11, 1861 + +TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. + +SIR:-Lieut. D. D. Porter was placed in command of the steamer +Powhatan, and Captain Samuel Mercer was detached therefrom, by my +special order, and neither of them is responsible for any apparent or +real irregularity on their part or in connection with that vessel. + +Hereafter Captain Porter is relieved from that special service and +placed under the direction of the Navy Department, from which he will +receive instructions and to which he will report. + +Very respectfully, +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CORRECTIONS OF A DIPLOMATIC DESPATCH WRITTEN BY +THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO MINISTER ADAMS + +NO. 10. + +DEPARTMENT OF STATE. +WASHINGTON, May 21, 1861 + +SIR:---Mr. Dallas, in a brief despatch of May 2d (No. 333), tells us +that Lord John Russell recently requested an interview with him on +account of the solicitude which his lordship felt concerning the +effect of certain measures represented as likely to be adopted by the +President. In that conversation the British secretary told Mr. +Dallas that the three representatives of the Southern Confederacy +were then in London, that Lord John Russell had not yet seen them, +but that he was not unwilling to see them unofficially. He further +informed Mr. Dallas that an understanding exists between the British +and French governments which would lead both to take one and the same +course as to recognition. His lordship then referred to the rumor of +a meditated blockade by us of Southern ports, and a discontinuance of +them as ports of entry. Mr. Dallas answered that he knew nothing on +those topics, and therefore + + (The President's corrections, both in notes and text, are in + caps. All matter between brackets was to be marked out.) + +could say nothing. He added that you were expected to arrive in two +weeks. Upon this statement Lord John Russell acquiesced in the +expediency of waiting for the full knowledge you were expected to +bring. + +Mr. Dallas transmitted to us some newspaper reports of ministerial +explanations made in Parliament. + +You will base no proceedings on parliamentary debates further than to +seek explanations when necessary and communicate them to this +department. [We intend to have a clear and simple record of whatever +issue may arise between us and Great Britain.] + +The President [is surprised and grieved] regrets that Mr. Dallas did +not protest against the proposed unofficial intercourse between the +British Government and the missionaries of the insurgents [as well as +against the demand for explanations made by the British Government]. +It is due, however, to Mr. Dallas to say that our instructions had +been given only to you and not to him, and that his loyalty and +fidelity, too rare in these times [among our late representatives +abroad, are confessed and] are appreciated. + +Intercourse of any kind with the so-called commissioners is liable to +be construed as a recognition of the authority which appointed them. +Such intercourse would be none the less [wrongful] hurtful to us for +being called unofficial, and it might be even more injurious, because +we should have no means of knowing what points might be resolved by +it. Moreover, unofficial intercourse is useless and meaningless if +it is not expected to ripen into official intercourse and direct +recognition. It is left doubtful here whether the proposed +unofficial intercourse has yet actually begun. Your own [present] +antecedent instructions are deemed explicit enough, and it is hoped +that you have not misunderstood them. You will in any event desist +from all intercourse whatever, unofficial as well as official, with +the British Government, so long as it shall continue intercourse of +either kind with the domestic enemies of this country [confining +yourself to a delivery of a copy of this paper to the Secretary of +State. After doing this.] When intercourse shall have been arrested +for this cause, you will communicate with this department and receive +further directions. + +Lord John Russell has informed us of an understanding between the +British and French governments that they will act together in regard +to our affairs. This communication, however, loses something of its +value from the circumstance that the communication was withheld until +after knowledge of the fact had been acquired by us from other +sources. We know also another fact that has not yet been officially +communicated to us--namely, that other European States are apprised +by France and England of their agreement, and are expected to concur +with or follow them in whatever measures they adopt on the subject of +recognition. The United States have been impartial and just in all +their conduct toward the several nations of Europe. They will not +complain, however, of the combination now announced by the two +leading powers, although they think they had a right to expect a more +independent, if not a more friendly, course from each of them. You +will take no notice of that or any other alliance. Whenever the +European governments shall see fit to communicate directly with us, +we shall be, as heretofore, frank and explicit in our reply. + +As to the blockade, you will say that by [the] our own laws [of +nature] and the laws of nature and the laws of nations, this +Government has a clear right to suppress insurrection. An exclusion +of commerce from national ports which have been seized by the +insurgents, in the equitable form of blockade, is the proper means to +that end. You will [admit] not insist that our blockade is [not] to +be respected if it be not maintained by a competent force; but +passing by that question as not now a practical, or at least an +urgent, one, you will add that [it] the blockade is now, and it will +continue to be so maintained, and therefore we expect it to be +respected by Great Britain. You will add that we have already +revoked the exequatur of a Russian consul who had enlisted in the +military service of the insurgents, and we shall dismiss or demand +the recall of every foreign agent, consular or diplomatic, who shall +either disobey the Federal laws or disown the Federal authority. + +As to the recognition of the so-called Southern Confederacy, it is +not to be made a subject of technical definition. It is, of course, +[quasi] direct recognition to publish an acknowledgment of the +sovereignty and independence of a new power. It is [quasi] direct +recognition to receive its ambassadors, ministers, agents, or +commissioners officially. A concession of belligerent rights is +liable to be construed as a recognition of them. No one of these +proceedings will [be borne] pass [unnoticed] unquestioned by the +United States in this case. + +Hitherto recognition has been moved only on the assumption that the +so-called Confederate States are de facto a self-sustaining power. +Now, after long forbearance, designed to soothe discontent and avert +the need of civil war, the land and naval forces of the United States +have been put in motion to repress the insurrection. The true +character of the pretended new State is at once revealed. It is seen +to be a power existing in pronunciamento only, It has never won a +field. It has obtained no forts that were not virtually betrayed +into its hands or seized in breach of trust. It commands not a +single port on the coast nor any highway out from its pretended +capital by land. Under these circumstances Great Britain is called +upon to intervene and give it body and independence by resisting our +measures of suppression. British recognition would be British +intervention to create within our own territory a hostile state by +overthrowing this republic itself. [When this act of intervention is +distinctly performed, we from that hour shall cease to be friends, +and become once more, as we have twice before been forced to be, +enemies of Great Britain.] + +As to the treatment of privateers in the insurgent service, you will +say that this is a question exclusively our own. We treat them as +pirates. They are our own citizens, or persons employed by our +citizens, preying on the commerce of our country. If Great Britain +shall choose to recognize them as lawful belligerents, and give them +shelter from our pursuit and punishment, the laws of nations afford +an adequate and proper remedy [and we shall avail ourselves of it. +And while you need not say this in advance, be sure that you say +nothing inconsistent with it.] + +Happily, however, her Britannic Majesty's government can avoid all +these difficulties. It invited us in 1856 to accede to the +declaration of the Congress of Paris, of which body Great Britain was +herself a member, abolishing privateering everywhere in all cases and +forever. You already have our authority to propose to her our +accession to that declaration. If she refuse to receive it, it can +only be because she is willing to become the patron of privateering +when aimed at our devastation. + +These positions are not elaborately defended now, because to +vindicate them would imply a possibility of our waiving them. + + +1 We are not insensible of the grave importance of + +1 (Drop all from this line to the end, and in lieu of it write, "This +paper is for your own guidance only, and not [sic] to be read or +shown to any one.) + +(Secretary Seward, when the despatch was returned to him, added an +introductory paragraph stating that the document was strictly +confidential. For this reason these last two paragraphs remained as +they are here printed.) + +this occasion. We see how, upon the result of the debate in which we +are engaged, a war may ensue between the United States and one, two, +or even more European nations. War in any case is as exceptionable +from the habits as it is revolting from the sentiments of the +American people. But if it come, it will be fully seen that it +results from the action of Great Britain, not our own; that Great +Britain will have decided to fraternize with our domestic enemy, +either without waiting to hear from you our remonstrances and our +warnings, or after having heard them. War in defense of national +life is not immoral, and war in defense of independence is an +inevitable part of the discipline of nations. + +The dispute will be between the European and the American branches of +the British race. All who belong to that race will especially +deprecate it, as they ought. It may well be believed that men of +every race and kindred will deplore it. A war not unlike it between +the same parties occurred at the close of the last century. Europe +atoned by forty years of suffering for the error that Great Britain +committed in provoking that contest. If that nation shall now repeat +the same great error, the social convulsions which will follow may +not be so long, but they will be more general. When they shall have +ceased, it will, we think, be seen, whatever may have been the +fortunes of other nations, that it is not the United States that will +have come out of them with its precious Constitution altered or its +honestly obtained dominion in any degree abridged. Great Britain has +but to wait a few months and all her present inconveniences will +cease with all our own troubles. If she take a different course, she +will calculate for herself the ultimate as well as the immediate +consequences, and will consider what position she will hold when she +shall have forever lost the sympathies and the affections of the only +nation on whose sympathies and affections she has a natural claim. +In making that calculation she will do well to remember that in the +controversy she proposes to open we shall be actuated by neither +pride, nor passion, nor cupidity, nor ambition; but we shall stand +simply on the principle of self-preservation, and that our cause will +involve the independence of nations and the rights of human nature. + +I am, Sir, respectfully your obedient servant, +W. H. S. + +CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., etc, + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 21, 1861. + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. +MY DEAR SIR:--Why cannot Colonel Small's Philadelphia regiment be +received? I sincerely wish it could. There is something strange +about it. Give these gentlemen an interview, and take their +regiment. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GOVERNOR MORGAN. + +WASHINGTON, May 12, 1861 + +GOVERNOR E. D. MORGAN, Albany, N.Y. + +I wish to see you face to face to clear these difficulties about +forwarding troops from New York. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO CAPTAIN DAHLGREEN. + +EXECUTIVE, MANSION, May 23, 1863. + +CAPT. DAHLGREEN. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Allow me to introduce Col. J. A. McLernand, M.C. of my +own district in Illinois. If he should desire to visit Fortress +Monroe, please introduce him to the captain of one of the vessels in +our service, and pass him down and back. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER OF CONDOLENCE TO ONE OF FIRST CASUALTIES + +TO COLONEL ELLSWORTH'S PARENTS, +WASHINGTON, D.C., May 25, 1861 + +TO THE FATHER AND MOTHER +OF COL. ELMER E. ELLSWORTH. + +MY DEAR SIR AND MADAME:--In the untimely loss of your noble son, our +affliction here is scarcely less than your own. So much of promised +usefulness to one's country, and of bright hopes for one's self and +friends, have never been so suddenly dashed as in his fall. In size, +in years, and in youthful appearance a boy only, his power to command +men was surpassingly great. This power, combined with a fine +intellectual and indomitable energy, and a taste altogether military, +constituted in him, as seemed to me, the best natural talent in that +department I ever knew. And yet he was singularly modest and +deferential in social intercourse. My acquaintance with him began +less than two years ago; yet, through the latter half of the +intervening period, it was as intense as the disparity of our ages +and my engrossing engagements would permit. To me he appeared to +have no indulgences or pastimes, and I never heard him utter a +profane or an intemperate word. What was conclusive of his good +heart, he never forgot his parents. The honors he labored for so +laudably, and for which, in the sad end, he so gallantly gave his +life, he meant for them no less than for himself. + +In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon the sacredness of your +sorrow, I have ventured to address you this tribute to the memory of +my young friend and your brave and early fallen son. + +May God give you the consolation which is beyond all early power. + + +Sincerely your friend in common affliction, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO COLONEL BARTLETT. + +WASHINGTON, May 27, 1861 + +COL. W. A. BARTLETT, New York. + +The Naval Brigade was to go to Fort Monroe without trouble to the +government, and must so go or not at all. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MEMORANDUM ABOUT INDIANA REGIMENTS. + +WASHINGTON, JUNE 11, 1861 + + The government has already accepted ten regiments from the State of +Indiana. I think at least six more ought to be received from that +State, two to be those of Colonel James W. McMillan and Colonel +William L. Brown, and the other four to be designated by the Governor +of the State of Indiana, and to be received into the volunteer +service of the United States according to the "Plan of Organization" +in the General Orders of the War Department, No.15. When they report +to Major-General McClellan in condition to pass muster according to +that order, and with the approval of the Secretary of War to be +indorsed hereon, and left in his department, I direct that the whole +six, or any smaller number of such regiments, be received. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--There is, it seems, a regiment in Massachusetts +commanded by Fletcher Webster, and which HON. Daniel Webster's old +friends very much wish to get into the service. If it can be +received with the approval of your department and the consent of the +Governor of Massachusetts I shall indeed be much gratified. Give Mr. +Ashmun a chance to explain fully. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 13, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR--I think it is entirely safe to accept a fifth regiment +from Michigan, and with your approbation I should say a regiment +presented by Col. T. B. W. Stockton, ready for service within two +weeks from now, will be received. Look at Colonel Stockton's +testimonials. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 17, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY Of WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--With your concurrence, and that of the Governor of +Indiana, I am in favor of accepting into what we call the three +years' service any number not exceeding four additional regiments +from that State. Probably they should come from the triangular +region between the Ohio and Wabash Rivers, including my own old +boyhood home. Please see HON. C. M. Allen, Speaker of the Indiana +House of Representatives, and unless you perceive good reason to the +contrary, draw up an order for him according to the above. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JUNE 17,1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. +MY DEAR SIR:--With your concurrence, and that of the Governor of +Ohio, I am in favor of receiving into what we call the three years' +service any number not exceeding six additional regiments from that +State, unless you perceive good reasons to the contrary. Please see +HON. John A. Gurley, who bears this, and make an order corresponding +with the above. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO N. W. EDWARDS + +WASHINGTON, D. C., June 19, 1861 + +Hon. N. W. EDWARDS +MY DEAR SIR: +............. +............. +When you wrote me some time ago in reference to looking up something +in the departments here, I thought I would inquire into the thing and +write you, but the extraordinary pressure upon me diverted me from +it, and soon it passed out of my mind. The thing you proposed, it +seemed to me, I ought to understand myself before it was set on foot +by my direction or permission; and I really had no time to make +myself acquainted with it. Nor have I yet. And yet I am unwilling, +of course, that you should be deprived of a chance to make something, +if it can be done without injustice to the Government, or to any +individual. If you choose to come here and point out to me how this +can be done I shall not only not object, but shall be gratified to be +able to oblige you. + +Your friend as ever + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 20, 1861. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Since you spoke to me yesterday about General J. H. +Lane, of Kansas, I have been reflecting upon the subject, and have +concluded that we need the service of such a man out there at once; +that we had better appoint him a brigadier-general of volunteers +to-day, and send him off with such authority to raise a force (I +think two regiments better than three, but as to this I am not +particular) as you think will get him into actual work quickest. +Tell him, when he starts, to put it through not to be writing or +telegraphing back here, but put it through. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +[Indorsement.] + +General Lane has been authorized to raise two additional regiments of +volunteers. + +SIMON CAMERON, Secretary o f War. + + + + +TO THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 29, 1861. + +GENTLEMEN OF THE KENTUCKY DELEGATION WHO ARE FOR THE UNION: + +I somewhat wish to authorize my friend Jesse Bayles to raise a +Kentucky regiment, but I do not wish to do it without your consent. +If you consent, please write so at the bottom of this. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + +We consent: +R. MALLORY. +H. GRIDER. +G. W. DUNLAP. +J. S. JACKSON. +C. A. WICKLIFFE. + + + + +August 5, 1861. + +I repeat, I would like for Col. Bayles to raise a regiment of cavalry +whenever the Union men of Kentucky desire or consent to it. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL SCOTT TO SUSPEND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, +JULY 2, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, +ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES: + +You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of +the United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any +military line which is now or which shall be used between the city of +New York and the city of Washington you find resistance which renders +it necessary to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public +safety, you personally, or through the officer in command at the +point where resistance occurs, are authorized to suspend that writ. + +Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at the city of +Washington, this second day of July, A.D. 1861, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY SEWARD. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 3, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + +MY DEAR SIR:--General Scott had sent me a copy of the despatch of +which you kindly sent one. Thanks to both him and you. Please +assemble the Cabinet at twelve to-day to look over the message and +reports. + +And now, suppose you step over at once and let us see General Scott +(and) General Cameron about assigning a position to General Fremont. + +Yours as ever, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS IN SPECIAL SESSION, +JULY 4, 1861. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--Having +been convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the +Constitution, your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of +legislation. + +At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four months ago, +the functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally +suspended within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, +Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of +the Post-Office Department. + +Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dockyards, +custom-houses, and the like, including the movable and stationary +property in and about them, had been seized, and were held in open +hostility to this government, excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, +and Jefferson, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in +Charleston Harbor, South Carolina. The forts thus seized had been +put in improved condition, new ones had been built, and armed forces +had been organized and were organizing, all avowedly with the same +hostile purpose. + +The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal Government in +and near these States were either besieged or menaced by warlike +preparations, and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by +well-protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the +best of its own, and outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. +A disproportionate share of the Federal muskets and rifles had +somehow found their way into these States, and had been seized to be +used against the government. Accumulations of the public revenue +lying within them had been seized for the same object. The navy was +scattered in distant seas, leaving but a very small part of it within +the immediate reach of the government. Officers of the Federal army +and navy had resigned in great numbers; and of those resigning a +large proportion had taken up arms against the government. +Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, the purpose to sever +the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance with this +purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States, +declaring the States respectively to be separated from the national +Union. A formula for instituting a combined government of these +States had been promulgated; and this illegal organization, in the +character of confederate States, was already invoking recognition, +aid, and intervention from foreign powers. + +Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an +imperative duty upon the incoming executive to prevent, if possible, +the consummation of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a +choice of means to that end became indispensable. This choice was +made and was declared in the inaugural address. The policy chosen +looked to the exhaustion of all peaceful measures before a resort to +any stronger ones. It sought only to hold the public places and +property not already wrested from the government, and to collect the +revenue, relying for the rest on time, discussion, and the +ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the mails, at government +expense, to the very people who were resisting the government; and it +gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to any of the people, +or any of their rights. Of all that which a President might +constitutionally and justifiably do in such a case, everything was +forborne without which it was believed possible to keep the +government on foot. + +On the 5th of March (the present incumbent's first full day in +office), a letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, +written on the 28th of February and received at the War Department on +the 4th of March, was by that department placed in his hands. This +letter expressed the professional opinion of the writer that +reinforcements could not be thrown into that fort within the time for +his relief, rendered necessary by the limited supply of provisions, +and with a view of holding possession of the same, with a force of +less than twenty thousand good and well-disciplined men. This +opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his command, and +their memoranda on the subject were made inclosures of Major +Anderson's letter. The whole was immediately laid before +Lieutenant-General Scott, who at once concurred with Major Anderson +in opinion. On reflection, however, he took full time, consulting +with other officers, both of the army and the navy, and at the end of +four days came reluctantly but decidedly to the same conclusion as +before. He also stated at the same time that no such sufficient +force was then at the control of the government, or could be raised +and brought to the ground within the time when the provisions in the +fort would be exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this +reduced the duty of the administration in the case to the mere matter +of getting the garrison safely out of the fort. + +It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the +circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity under +which it was to be done would not be fully understood; that by many +it would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home +it would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its +adversaries, and go far to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; +that in fact, it would be our national destruction consummated. This +could not be allowed. Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and +ere it would be reached Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last +would be a clear indication of policy, and would better enable the +country to accept the evacuation of Fort Sumter as a military +necessity. An order was at once directed to be sent for the landing +of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort Pickens. This +order could not go by land, but must take the longer and slower route +by sea. The first return news from the order was received just one +week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news itself was that the +officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had been +transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of +the late administration (and of the existence of which the present +administration, up to the time the order was despatched, had only too +vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention), had refused to land the +troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would be +reached at Fort Sumter was impossible--rendered so by the near +exhaustion of provisions in the latter-named fort. In precaution +against such a conjuncture, the government had, a few days before, +commenced preparing an expedition as well adapted as might be to +relieve Fort Sumter, which expedition was intended to be ultimately +used, or not, according to circumstances. The strongest anticipated +case for using it was now presented, and it was resolved to send it +forward. As had been intended in this contingency, it was also +resolved to notify the governor of South Carolina that he might +expect an attempt would be made to provision the fort; and that, if +the attempt should not be resisted, there would be no effort to throw +in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an +attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given; whereupon +the fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even +awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition. + +It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sumter +was in no sense a matter of self-defense on the part of the +assailants. They well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no +possibility commit aggression upon them. They knew--they were +expressly notified--that the giving of bread to the few brave and +hungry men of the garrison was all which would on that occasion be +attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke +more. They knew that this government desired to keep the garrison in +the fort, not to assail them, but merely to maintain visible +possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and immediate +dissolution--trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, +and the ballot-box for final adjustment; and they assailed and +reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object--to drive out the +visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to +immediate dissolution. That this was their object the executive well +understood; and having said to them in the inaugural address, "You +can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors," he +took pains not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep +the case so free from the power of ingenious sophistry that the world +should not be able to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort +Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that point was reached. +Then and thereby the assailants of the government began the conflict +of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return their +fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years before +for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in +whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have +forced upon the country the distinct issue, "immediate dissolution or +blood." + +And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. +It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a +constitutional republic or democracy--a government of the people by +the same people--can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity +against its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether +discontented individuals, too few in numbers to control +administration according to organic law in any case, can always, upon +the pretenses made in this case, or on any other pretenses, or +arbitrarily without any pretense, break up their government, and thus +practically put an end to free government upon the earth. It forces +us to ask: Is there in all republics this inherent and fatal +weakness? Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the +liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own +existence? + +So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war +power of the government, and so to resist force employed for its +destruction by force for its preservation. + +The call was made, and the response of the country was most +gratifying, surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine +expectation. Yet none of the States commonly called slave States, +except Delaware, gave a regiment through regular State organization. +A few regiments have been organized within some others of those +States by individual enterprise, and received into the government +service. Of course the seceded States, so called (and to which Texas +had been joined about the time of the inauguration), gave no troops +to the cause of the Union. + +The border States, so called, were not uniform in their action, some +of them being almost for the Union, while in others--as Virginia, +North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas--the Union sentiment was +nearly repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the +most remarkable--perhaps the most important. A convention elected by +the people of that State to consider this very question of disrupting +the Federal Union was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort +Sumter fell. To this body the people had chosen a large majority of +professed Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, +many members of that majority went over to the original disunion +minority, and with them adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the +State from the Union. Whether this change was wrought by their great +approval of the assault upon Sumter, or their great resentment at the +government's resistance to that assault, is not definitely known. +Although they submitted the ordinance for ratification to a vote of +the people, to be taken on a day then somewhat more than a month +distant, the convention and the Legislature (which was also in +session at the same time and place), with leading men of the State +not members of either, immediately commenced acting as if the State +were already out of the Union. They pushed military preparations +vigorously forward all over the State. They seized the United States +armory at Harper's Ferry, and the navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. +They received perhaps invited--into their State large bodies of +troops, with their warlike appointments, from the so-called seceded +States. They formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance +and co-operation with the so-called "Confederate States," and sent +members to their congress at Montgomery. And finally, they permitted +the insurrectionary government to be transferred to their capital at +Richmond. + +The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to +make its nest within her borders; and this government has no choice +left but to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less +regret as the loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed its +protection. Those loyal citizens this government is bound to +recognize and protect, as being Virginia. + +In the border States, so called,--in fact, the middle States,--there +are those who favor a policy which they call "armed neutrality"; that +is, an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one +way, or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be +disunion completed. Figuratively speaking, it would be the building +of an impassable wall along the line of separation--and yet not quite +an impassable one, for under the guise of neutrality it would tie the +hands of Union men and freely pass supplies from among them to the +insurrectionists, which it could not do as an open enemy. At a +stroke it would take all the trouble off the hands of secession, +except only what proceeds from the external blockade. It would do +for the disunionists that which, of all things, they most desire-- +feed them well and give them disunion without a struggle of their +own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation to +maintain the Union; and while very many who have favored it are +doubtless loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very injurious in +effect. + +Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated that at +first a call was made for 75,000 militia; and, rapidly following +this, a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the +insurrectionary districts by proceedings in the nature of blockade. +So far all was believed to be strictly legal. At this point the +insurrectionists announced their purpose to enter upon the practice +of privateering. + +Other calls were made for volunteers to serve for three years, unless +sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular army +and navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were +ventured upon, under what appeared to be a popular demand and a +public necessity; trusting then, as now, that Congress would readily +ratify them. It is believed that nothing has been done beyond the +constitutional competency of Congress. + +Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to +authorize the commanding general in proper cases, according to his +discretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, +or, in other words, to arrest and detain, without resort to the +ordinary processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might +deem dangerous to the public safety. This authority has purposely +been exercised but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and +propriety of what has been done under it are questioned, and the +attention of the country has been called to the proposition that one +who has sworn to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed" +should not himself violate them. Of course some consideration was +given to the questions of power and propriety before this matter was +acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required to be +faithfully executed were being resisted and failing of execution in +nearly one third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail +of execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the use of the +means necessary to their execution some single law, made in such +extreme tenderness of the citizen's liberty that, practically, it +relieves more of the guilty than of the innocent, should to a very +limited extent be violated? To state the question more directly, are +all the laws but one to go unexecuted, and the government itself go +to pieces lest that one be violated? Even in such a case, would not +the official oath be broken if the government should be overthrown +when it was believed that disregarding the single law would tend to +preserve it? But it was not believed that this question was +presented. It was not believed that any law was violated. The +provision of the Constitution that "the privilege of the writ of +habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of +rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it," is +equivalent to a provision--is a provision--that such privilege may be +suspended when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety +does require it. It was decided that we have a case of rebellion, +and that the public safety does require the qualified suspension of +the privilege of the writ which was authorized to be made. Now it is +insisted that Congress, and not the executive, is vested with this +power. But the Constitution itself is silent as to which or who is +to exercise the power; and as the provision was plainly made for a +dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed the framers of the +instrument intended that in every case the danger should run its +course until Congress could be called together, the very assembling +of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by the +rebellion. + +No more extended argument is now offered, as an opinion at some +length will probably be presented by the attorney-general. Whether +there shall be any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is +submitted entirely to the better judgment of Congress. + +The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary and so +long continued as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action +as if they supposed the early destruction of our national Union was +probable. While this, on discovery, gave the executive some concern, +he is now happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United +States are now everywhere practically respected by foreign powers; +and a general sympathy with the country is manifested throughout the +world. + +The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy +will give the information in detail deemed necessary and convenient +for your deliberation and action; while the executive and all the +departments will stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate +new facts considered important for you to know. + +It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this +contest a short and decisive one: that you place at the control of +the government for the work at least four hundred thousand men and +$400,000,000. That number of men is about one-tenth of those of +proper ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to +engage; and the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money +value owned by the men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of +$600,000,000 now is a less sum per head than was the debt of our +Revolution when we came out of that struggle; and the money value in +the country now bears even a greater proportion to what it was then +than does the population. Surely each man has as strong a motive now +to preserve our liberties as each had then to establish them. + +A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten +times the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from +the country leaves no doubt that the material for the work is +abundant, and that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it +legal sanction, and the hand of the executive to give it practical +shape and efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities of the +government is to avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide +for them. In a word, the people will save their government if the +government itself will do its part only indifferently well. + +It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether +the present movement at the South be called "secession" or +"rebellion." The movers, however, well understand the difference. At +the beginning they knew they could never raise their treason to any +respectable magnitude by any name which implies violation of law. +They knew their people possessed as much of moral sense, as much of +devotion to law and order, and as much pride in and reverence for the +history and government of their common country as any other civilized +and patriotic people. They knew they could make no advancement +directly in the teeth of these strong and noble sentiments. +Accordingly, they commenced by an insidious debauching of the public +mind. They invented an ingenious sophism which, if conceded, was +followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the incidents, to +the complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself is that +any State of the Union may consistently with the national +Constitution, and therefore lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from +the Union without the consent of the Union or of any other State. +The little disguise that the supposed right is to be exercised only +for just cause, themselves to be the sole judges of its justice, is +too thin to merit any notice. + +With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been drugging the public +mind of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length +they have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms +against the government the day after some assemblage of men have +enacted the farcical pretense of taking their State out of the Union, +who could have been brought to no such thing the day before. + +This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency from +the assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy +pertaining to a State--to each State of our Federal Union. Our +States have neither more nor less power than that reserved to them in +the Union by the Constitution--no one of them ever having been a +State out of the Union. The original ones passed into the Union even +before they cast off their British colonial dependence; and the new +ones each came into the Union directly from a condition of +dependence, excepting Texas. And even Texas in its temporary +independence was never designated a State. The new ones only took +the designation of States on coming into the Union, while that name +was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of +Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were declared to be +"free and independent States"; but even then the object plainly was +not to declare their independence of one another or of the Union, but +directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action +before, at the time, and afterward, abundantly show. The express +plighting of faith by each and all of the original thirteen in the +Articles of Confederation, two years later, that the Union shall be +perpetual, is most conclusive. Having never been States either in +substance or in name outside of the Union, whence this magical +omnipotence of "State rights," asserting a claim of power to +lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is said about the +"sovereignty" of the States; but the word even is not in the national +Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State constitutions. +What is "sovereignty" in the political sense of the term? Would it be +far wrong to define it as "a political community without a political +superior"? Tested by this, no one of our States except Texas ever was +a sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the character on coming into +the Union; by which act she acknowledged the Constitution of the +United States, and the laws and treaties of the United States made in +pursuance of the Constitution, to be for her the supreme law of the +land. The States have their status in the Union, and they have no +other legal status. If they break from this, they can only do so +against law and by revolution. The Union, and not themselves +separately, procured their independence and their liberty. By +conquest or purchase the Union gave each of them whatever of +independence or liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the +States, and, in fact, it created them as States. Originally some +dependent colonies made the Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off +their old dependence for them, and made them States, such as they +are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution independent of +the Union. Of course, it is not forgotten that all the new States +framed their constitutions before they entered the Union +nevertheless, dependent upon and preparatory to coming into the +Union. + +Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to them +in and by the national Constitution; but among these surely are not +included all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive, +but, at most, such only as were known in the world at the time as +governmental powers; and certainly a power to destroy the government +itself had never been known as a governmental, as a merely +administrative power. This relative matter of national power and +State rights, as a principle, is no other than the principle of +generality and locality. Whatever concerns the whole should be +confided to the whole--to the General Government; while whatever +concerns only the State should be left exclusively to the State. +This is all there is of original principle about it. Whether the +national Constitution in defining boundaries between the two has +applied the principle with exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. +We are all bound by that defining, without question. + +What is now combated is the position that secession is consistent +with the Constitution--is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended +that there is any express law for it; and nothing should ever be +implied as law which leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The +nation purchased with money the countries out of which several of +these States were formed. Is it just that they shall go off without +leave and without refunding? The nation paid very large sums (in the +aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred millions) to relieve Florida +of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she shall now be off +without consent or without making any return? The nation is now in +debt for money applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding +States in common with the rest. Is it just either that creditors +shall go unpaid or the remaining States pay the whole? A part of the +present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. +Is it just that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself? + +Again, if one State may secede, so may another; and when all shall +have seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just for +creditors? Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we +borrowed their money? If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing +the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if +others choose to go or to extort terms upon which they will promise +to remain. + +The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They +have assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which +of necessity they have either discarded or retained the right of +secession as they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded +it, they thereby admit that on principle it ought not to be in ours. +If they have retained it, by their own construction of ours, they +show that to be consistent they must secede from one another whenever +they shall find it the easiest way of settling their debts, or +effecting any other selfish or unjust object. The principle itself +is one of disintegration and upon which no government can possibly +endure. + +If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one +out of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder +politicians would at once deny the power and denounce the act as the +greatest outrage upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the +same act, instead of being called "driving the one out," should be +called "the seceding of the others from that one," it would be +exactly what the seceders claim to do, unless, indeed, they make the +point that the one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do what +the others, because they are a majority, may not rightfully do. +These politicians are subtle and profound on the rights of +minorities. They are not partial to that power which made the +Constitution and speaks from the preamble calling itself "We, the +People." + +It may well be questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the +legally qualified voters of any State except perhaps South Carolina +in favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union +men are the majority in many, if not in every other one, of the so- +called seceded States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any +one of them. It is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and +Tennessee; for the result of an election held in military camps, +where the bayonets are all on one side of the question voted upon, +can scarcely be considered as demonstrating popular sentiment. At +such an election, all that large class who are at once for the Union +and against coercion would be coerced to vote against the Union. + +It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institutions we +enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our +whole people beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a +striking and an impressive illustration. So large an army as the +government has now on foot was never before known without a soldier +in it but who has taken his place there of his own free choice. But +more than this, there are many single regiments whose members, one +and another, possess full practical knowledge of all the arts, +sciences, professions, and whatever else, whether useful or elegant, +is known in the world; and there is scarcely one from which there +could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a Congress, and perhaps +a court, abundantly competent to administer the government itself. +Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of our late friends, +now adversaries in this contest; but if it is, so much better the +reason why the government which has conferred such benefits on both +them and us should not be broken up. Whoever in any section proposes +to abandon such a government would do well to consider in deference +to what principle it is that he does it; what better he is likely to +get in its stead; whether the substitute will give, or be intended to +give, so much of good to the people. There are some foreshadowings +on this subject. Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of +independence in which, unlike the good old one, penned by Jefferson, +they omit the words "all men are created equal." Why? They have +adopted a temporary national constitution, in the preamble of which, +unlike our good old one, signed by Washington, they omit "We, the +People," and substitute, "We, the deputies of the sovereign and +independent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view +the rights of men and the authority of the people? + +This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it +is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of +government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men to +lift artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of +laudable pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and a +fair chance in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary +departures, from necessity; this is the leading object of the +government for whose existence we contend. + +I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and +appreciate this. It is worthy of note that, while in this the +government's hour of trial large numbers of those in the army and +navy who have been favored with the offices have resigned and proved +false to the hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier or +common sailor is known to have deserted his flag. + +Great honor is due to those officers who remained true, despite the +example of their treacherous associates; but the greatest honor, and +most important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common +soldiers and common sailors. To the last man, so far as known, they +have successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose +commands, but an hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is +the patriotic instinct of the plain people. They understand, without +an argument, that the destroying of the government which was made by +Washington means no good to them. + +Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two +points in it our people have already settled--the successful +establishing and the successful administering of it. One still +remains--its successful maintenance against a formidable internal +attempt to overthrow it. It is now for them to demonstrate to the +world that those who can fairly carry an election can also suppress a +rebellion; that ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of +bullets; and that when ballots have fairly and constitutionally +decided, there can be no successful appeal back to bullets; that +there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots themselves, at +succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace: +teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can +they take it by a war; teaching all the folly of being the beginners +of a war. + +Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what +is to be the course of the government toward the Southern States +after the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the executive deems +it proper to say it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided +by the Constitution and the laws; and that he probably will have no +different understanding of the powers and duties of the Federal +Government relatively to the rights of the States and the people, +under the Constitution, than that expressed in the inaugural address. + +He desires to preserve the government, that it may be administered +for all as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal +citizens everywhere have the right to claim this of their government, +and the government has no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not +perceived that in giving it there is any coercion, any conquest, or +any subjugation, in any just sense of those terms. + +The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the +provision, that "the United States shall guarantee to every State in +this Union a republican form of government." But if a State may +lawfully go out of the Union, having done so it may also discard the +republican form of government, so that to prevent its going out is an +indispensable means to the end of maintaining the guarantee +mentioned; and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the +indispensable means to it are also lawful and obligatory. + +It was with the deepest regret that the executive found the duty of +employing the war power in defense of the government forced upon him. +He could but perform this duty or surrender the existence of the +government. No compromise by public servants could, in this case, be +a cure; not that compromises are not often proper, but that no +popular government can long survive a marked precedent that those who +carry an election can only save the government from immediate +destruction by giving up the main point upon which the people gave +the election. The people themselves, and not their servants, can +safely reverse their own deliberate decisions. + +As a private citizen the executive could not have consented that +these institutions shall perish; much less could he in betrayal of so +vast and so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him. +He felt that he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the +chances of his own life, in what might follow. In full view of his +great responsibility he has, so far, done what he has deemed his +duty. You will now, according to your own judgment, perform yours. +He sincerely hopes that your views and your action may so accord with +his as to assure all faithful citizens who have been disturbed in +their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to them, under the +Constitution and the laws. + +And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure +purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear +and with manly hearts. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, July 4, 1861 + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, July 6, 1861. + +HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Please ask the Comr. of Indian Affairs, and of the +Gen'l Land Office to come with you, and see me at once. I want the +assistance of all of you in overhauling the list of appointments a +little before I send them to the Senate. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the +9th instant, requesting a copy of correspondence upon the subject of +the incorporation of the Dominican republic with the Spanish +monarchy, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State; to whom +the resolution was referred. + +WASHINGTON, July 11, 1861. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a copy of correspondence between the Secretary +of State and her Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister +plenipotentiary accredited to this government, relative to the +exhibition of the products of industry of all nations, which is to +take place at London in the course of next year. As citizens of the +United States may justly pride themselves upon their proficiency in +industrial arts, it is desirable that they should have proper +facilities toward taking part in the exhibition. With this view I +recommend such legislation by Congress at this session as may be +necessary for that purpose. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, July 16, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +As the United States have, in common with Great Britain and France, a +deep interest in the preservation and development of the fisheries +adjacent to the northeastern coast and islands of this continent, it +seems proper that we should concert with the governments of those +countries such measures as may be conducive to those important +objects. With this view I transmit to Congress a copy of a +correspondence between the Secretary of State and the British +minister here, in which the latter proposes, on behalf of his +government, the appointment of a joint commission to inquire into the +matter, in order that such ulterior measures may be adopted as may be +advisable for the objects proposed. Such legislation recommended as +may be necessary to enable the executive to provide for a commissioner +on behalf of the United States: + +WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL + +WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1861 + +ADJUTANT-GENERAL: + +I have agreed, and do agree, that the two Indian regiments named +within shall be accepted if the act of Congress shall admit it. Let +there be no further question about it. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MEMORANDA OF MILITARY POLICY SUGGESTED BY THE +BULL RUN DEFEAT. + +JULY 23, 1861 + +1. Let the plan for making the blockade effective be pushed forward +with all possible despatch. + +2. Let the volunteer forces at Fort Monroe and vicinity under +General Butler be constantly drilled, disciplined, and instructed +without more for the present. + +3. Let Baltimore be held as now, with a gentle but firm and certain +hand. + +4. Let the force now under Patterson or Banks be strengthened and made +secure in its position. + +5. Let the forces in Western Virginia act till further orders +according to instructions or orders from General McClellan. + +6. [Let] General Fremont push forward his organization and operations +in the West as rapidly as possible, giving rather special attention +to Missouri. + +7. Let the forces late before Manassas, except the three-months men, +be reorganized as rapidly as possible in their camps here and about +Arlington. + +8. Let the three-months forces who decline to enter the longer service +be discharged as rapidly as circumstances will permit. + +9. Let the new volunteer forces be brought forward as fast as +possible, and especially into the camps on the two sides of the river +here. + +When the foregoing shall be substantially attended to: + +1. Let Manassas Junction (or some point on one or other of the +railroads near it) and Strasburg be seized, and permanently held, +with an open line from Washington to Manassas, and an open line from +Harper's Ferry to Strasburg the military men to find the way of doing +these. + +2. This done, a joint movement from Cairo on Memphis; and from +Cincinnati on East Tennessee. + + + + +TO THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., July 24, 1861 + +THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. + +SIR:--Together with the regiments of three years' volunteers which +the government already has in service in your State, enough to make +eight in all, if tendered in a reasonable time, will be accepted, the +new regiments to be taken, as far as convenient, from the three +months' men and officers just discharged, and to be organized, +equipped, and sent forward as fast as single regiments are ready, On +the same terms as were those already in the service from that State. + +Your obedient servant, +A. LINCOLN. + +[Indorsement.] + +This order is entered in the War Department, and the Governor of New +Jersey is authorized to furnish the regiments with wagons and horses. + +S. CAMERON, Secretary of War. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the +22d instant; requesting a copy of the correspondence between this, +government and foreign powers with reference to maritime right, I +transmit a report from the Secretary of State. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the +15th instant, requesting a copy of the correspondence between this +government and foreign powers on the subject of the existing +insurrection in the United States, I transmit a report from the +Secretary of State. + +WASHINGTON, July 25, 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CHASE. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, JULY 16, 1861 + +MR CHASE:--The bearer, Mr._____ , wants ________in the custom house +at Baltimore. If his recommendations are satisfactory, and I +recollect them to have been so, the fact that he is urged by the +Methodists should be in his favor, as they complain of us some. + +LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the +24th instant, asking the grounds, reasons, and evidence upon which +the police Commissioners of Baltimore were arrested and are now +detained as prisoners at Port McHenry, I have to state that it is +judged to be incompatible with the public interest at this time to +furnish the information called for by the resolution. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, JULY 27, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 19th instant +requesting information concerning the quasi armistice alluded to in +my message of the 4th instant, I transmit a report from the Secretary +of the Navy. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. +JULY 30, 1861 + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 23d instant +requesting information concerning the imprisonment of Lieutenant John +J. Worden (John L. Worden) of the United States navy, I transmit a +report from the Secretary of the Navy. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. +July 30, 1861 + + + + +ORDER TO UNITED STATES MARSHALS. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C., +JULY 31, 1861 + +The Marshals of the United States in the vicinity of forts where +political prisoners are held will supply decent lodging and +sustenance for such prisoners unless they shall prefer to provide in +those respects for themselves, in which case they will be allowed to +do so by the commanding officer in charge. + +Approved, and the Secretary of the State will transmit the order to +the Marshals, to the Lieutenant-General, and the Secretary of the +Interior. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. + +TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of +yesterday, requesting information regarding the imprisonment of loyal +citizens of the United States by the forces now in rebellion against +this government, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and +the copy of a telegraphic despatch by which it was accompanied. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +WASHINGTON, August 2, 1861. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of your honorable body of date July 31, +1861, requesting the President to inform the Senate whether the Hon. +James H. Lane, a member of that body from Kansas, has been appointed +a brigadier-general in the army of the United States, and if so, +whether he has accepted such appointment, I have the honor to +transmit herewith certain papers, numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, +which, taken together, explain themselves, and which contain all the +information I possess upon the questions propounded. + +It was my intention, as shown by my letter of June 20, 1861, to +appoint Hon. James H. Lane, of Kansas, a brigadier-general of United +States volunteers in anticipation of the act of Congress, since +passed, for raising such volunteers; and I have no further knowledge +upon the subject, except as derived from the papers herewith +enclosed. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 5, 1861 + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, AUGUST 7, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR + +MY DEAR SIR:--The within paper, as you see, is by HON. John S. Phelps +and HON. Frank P. Blair, Jr., both members of the present Congress +from Missouri. The object is to get up an efficient force of +Missourians in the southwestern part of the State. It ought to be +done, and Mr. Phelps ought to have general superintendence of it. +I see by a private report to me from the department that eighteen +regiments are already accepted from Missouri. Can it not be arranged +that part of them (not yet organized, as I understand) may be taken +from the locality mentioned and put under the control of Mr. Phelps, +and let him have discretion to accept them for a shorter term than +three years--or the war--understanding, however, that he will get +them for the full term if he can? I hope this can be done, because +Mr. Phelps is too zealous and efficient and understands his ground +too well for us to lose his service. Of course provision for arming, +equipping, etc., must be made. Mr. Phelps is here, and wishes to +carry home with him authority for this matter. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN + + + + +PROCLAMATION OF A NATIONAL FAST-DAY, +AUGUST 12, 1861. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES +OF AMERICA + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas a joint committee of both houses of Congress has waited on +the President of the United States and requested him to "recommend a +day of public humiliation, prayer, and fasting to be observed by the +people of the United States with religious solemnities and the +offering of fervent supplications to Almighty God for the safety and +welfare of these States, His blessings on their arms, and a speedy +restoration of peace"; and + +Whereas it is fit and becoming in all people at all times to +acknowledge and revere the supreme government of God, to bow in +humble submission to His chastisements, to confess and deplore their +sins and transgressions in the full conviction that the fear of the +Lord is the beginning of wisdom, and to pray with all fervency and +contrition for the pardon of their past offences and for a blessing +upon their present and prospective action; and + +Whereas when our own beloved country, once, by the blessing of God, +united, prosperous, and happy, is now afflicted with faction and +civil war, it is peculiarly fit for us to recognize the hand of God +in this terrible visitation, and in sorrowful remembrance of our own +faults and crimes as a nation and as individuals to humble ourselves +before Him and to pray for His mercy-to pray that we may be spared +further punishment, though most justly deserved, that our arms may be +blessed and made effectual for the re-establishment of order, law, +and peace throughout the wide extent of our country, and that the +inestimable boon of civil and religious liberty, earned under His +guidance and blessing by the labors and sufferings of our fathers, +may be restored in all its original excellence + +Therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do +appoint the last Thursday in September next as a day of humiliation, +prayer, and fasting for all the people of the nation. And I do +earnestly recommend to all the people, and especially to all +ministers and teachers of religion of all denominations and to all +heads of families, to observe and keep that day according to their +several creeds and modes of worship in all humility and with all +religious solemnity, to the end that the united prayer of the nation +may ascend to the Throne of Grace and bring down plentiful blessings +upon our country. + + In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand + and caused the seal of the United States to +[SEAL.] be affixed, this twelfth day of August, A. D. + 1861, and of the independence of the United + States of America the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President + +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary o f State. + + + + +TO JAMES POLLOCK. + +WASHINGTON, AUGUST 15, 1861 + +HON. JAMES POLLOCK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--You must make a job for the bearer of this--make a job +of it with the collector and have it done. You can do it for me and +you must. + +Yours as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 15, 1861 + +GOVERNOR MORTON, Indiana: +Start your four regiments to St. Louis at the earliest moment +possible. Get such harness as may be necessary for your rifled gums. +Do not delay a single regiment, but hasten everything forward as soon +as any one regiment is ready. Have your three additional regiments +organized at once. We shall endeavor to send you the arms this week. +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FREMONT, + +WASHINGTON, August 15, 1861 + +TO MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + +Been answering your messages since day before yesterday. Do you +receive the answers? The War Department has notified all the +governors you designate to forward all available force. So +telegraphed you. Have you received these messages? Answer +immediately. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION FORBIDDING INTERCOURSE WITH +REBEL STATES, AUGUST 16, 1861. +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES +OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas on the fifteenth day of April, eighteen hundred and sixty- +one, the President of the United States, in view of an insurrection +against the laws, Constitution, and government of the United States +which had broken out within the States of South Carolina, Georgia, +Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and in pursuance +of the provisions of the act entitled "An act to provide for calling +forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress +insurrections, and repel invasions, and to repeal the act now in +force for that purpose," approved February twenty-eighth, seventeen +hundred and ninety-five, did call forth the militia to suppress said +insurrection, and to cause the laws of the Union to be duly executed, +and the insurgents have failed to disperse by the time directed by +the President; and whereas such insurrection has since broken out and +yet exists within the States of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, +and Arkansas; and whereas the insurgents in all the said States claim +to act under the authority thereof, and such claim is not disclaimed +or repudiated by the persons exercising the functions of government +in such State or States, or in the part or parts thereof in which +such combinations exist, nor has such insurrection been suppressed by +said States: + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, +in pursuance of an act of Congress approved July thirteen, eighteen +hundred and sixty-one, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the +said States of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North Carolina, +Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and +Florida (except the inhabitants of that part of the State of Virginia +lying west of the Allegheny Mountains, and of such other parts of +that State, and the other States hereinbefore named, as may maintain +a loyal adhesion to the Union and the Constitution, or may be time to +time occupied and controlled by forces of the United States engaged +in the dispersion of said insurgents), are in a state of insurrection +against the United States, and that all commercial intercourse +between the same and the inhabitants thereof, with the exceptions +aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and other parts of the +United States, is unlawful, and will remain unlawful until such +insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed; that all goods and +chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of said States, with +the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, +without the special license and permission of the President, through +the Secretary of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said States, +with the exceptions aforesaid, by land or water, together with the +vessel or vehicle conveying the same, or conveying persons to or from +said States, with said exceptions, will be forfeited to the United +States; and that from and after fifteen days from the issuing of this +proclamation all ships and vessels belonging in whole or in part to +any citizen or inhabitant of any of said States, with said +exceptions, found at sea, or in any port of the United States, will +be forfeited to the United States; and I hereby enjoin upon all +district attorneys, marshals, and officers of the revenue and of the +military and naval forces of the United States to be vigilant in the +execution of said act, and in the enforcement of the penalties and +forfeitures imposed or declared by it; leaving any party who may +think himself aggrieved thereby to his application to the Secretary +of the Treasury for the remission of any penalty or forfeiture, which +the said Secretary is authorized by law to grant if, in his judgment, +the special circumstances of any case shall require such remission. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand,................... + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of Sate. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 17, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Unless there be reason to the contrary, not known to +me, make out a commission for Simon B. Buckner, of Kentucky, as a +brigadier-general of volunteers. It is to be put into the hands of +General Anderson, and delivered to General Buckner or not, at the +discretion of General Anderson. Of course it is to remain a secret +unless and until the commission is delivered. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN + +Same day made. + +[Indorsement.] + + + + +TO GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN, + +WASHINGTON, D.C., AUGUST 24, 1861 + +To HIS EXCELLENCY B. MAGOFFIN, +Governor of the State of Kentucky. + +SIR:--Your letter of the 19th instant, in which you urge the "removal +from the limits of Kentucky of the military force now organized and +in camp within that State," is received. + +I may not possess full and precisely accurate knowledge upon this +subject; but I believe it is true that there is a military force in +camp within Kentucky, acting by authority of the United States, which +force is not very large, and is not now being augmented. + +I also believe that some arms have been furnished to this force by +the United States. + +I also believe this force consists exclusively of Kentuckians, having +their camp in the immediate vicinity of their own homes, and not +assailing or menacing any of the good people of Kentucky. + +In all I have done in the premises I have acted upon the urgent +solicitation of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with what I +believed, and still believe, to be the wish of a majority of all the +Union-loving people of Kentucky. + +While I have conversed on this subject with many eminent men of +Kentucky, including a large majority of her members of Congress, I do +not remember that any one of them, or any other person, except your +Excellency and the bearers of your Excellency's letter, has urged me +to remove the military force from Kentucky or to disband it. One +other very worthy citizen of Kentucky did solicit me to have the +augmenting of the force suspended for a time. + +Taking all the means within my reach to form a judgment, I do not +believe it is the popular wish of Kentucky that this force shall be +removed beyond her limits; and, with this impression, I must +respectfully decline to so remove it. + +I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in the wish to +preserve the peace of my own native State, Kentucky. It is with +regret I search, and cannot find, in your not very short letter, any +declaration or intimation that you entertain any desire for the +preservation of the Federal Union. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 2, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Two points in your proclamation of August 30 give me +some anxiety. + +First. Should you shoot a man, according to the proclamation, the +Confederates would very certainly shoot our best men in their hands +in retaliation; and so, man for man, indefinitely. It is, therefore, +my order that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation +without first having my approbation or consent. + +Second. I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in +relation to the confiscation of property and the liberating slaves of +traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends and turn +them against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky. +Allow me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion, +modify that paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth +sections of the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate +property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, +and a copy of which act I herewith send you. + +This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure. I +send it by special messenger, in order that it may certainly and +speedily reach you. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNORS WASHBURN OF MAINE, FAIRBANKS OF VERMONT, BERRY +OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, ANDREW OF MASSACHUSETTS, BUCKINGHAM OF CONNECTICUT, +AND SPRAGUE OF RHODE ISLAND. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, September 11, 1861. + +General Butler proposes raising in New England six regiments, to be +recruited and commanded by himself, and to go on special service. + +I shall be glad if you, as governor of ______, will answer by +telegraph if you consent. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., SEPTEMBER 11, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN C. FREMONT. + +SIR:-Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just +received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge of +the necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on +seeing your proclamation of August 30 I perceived no general objection +to it. The particular clause, however, in relation to the +confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves appeared to me +to be objectionable in its nonconformity to the act of Congress +passed the 6th of last August upon the same subjects; and hence I +wrote you, expressing my wish that that clause should be modified +accordingly. Your answer, just received, expresses the preference on +your part that I should make an open order for the modification, +which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that the said +clause of said proclamation be so modified, held, and construed as to +conform to, and not to transcend, the provisions on the same subject +contained in the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate +property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, +and that said act be published at length with this order. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO MRS. FREMONT. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., +September 12, 1861 + +Mrs. GENERAL FREMONT. + +MY DEAR MADAM:--Your two notes of to-day are before me. I answered +the letter you bore me from General Fremont on yesterday, and not +hearing from you during the day, I sent the answer to him by mail. +It is not exactly correct, as you say you were told by the elder Mr. +Blair, to say that I sent Postmaster-General Blair to St. Louis to +examine into that department and report. Postmaster-General Blair +did go, with my approbation, to see and converse with General Fremont +as a friend. I do not feel authorized to furnish you with copies of +letters in my possession without the consent of the writers. No +impression has been made on my mind against the honor or integrity of +General Fremont, and I now enter my protest against being understood +as acting in any hostility toward him. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO JOSEPH HOLT, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + +HON. JOSEPH HOLT. + +DEAR SIR:-Yours of this day in relation to the late proclamation of +General Fremont is received yesterday I addressed a letter to him, by +mail, on the same subject, and which is to be made public when he +receives it. I herewith send you a copy of that letter, which +perhaps shows my position as distinctly as any new one I could write. +I will thank you not to make it public until General Fremont shall +have had time to receive the original. + +Your obedient servant, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL SCOTT + +WASHINGTON, D.C., September 16, 1861. + +DEAR SIR:--Since conversing with you I have concluded to request you +to frame an order for recruiting North Carolinians at Fort Hatteras. +I suggest it to be so framed as for us to accept a smaller force-- +even a company--if we cannot get a regiment or more. What is +necessary to now say about officers you will judge. Governor Seward +says he has a nephew (Clarence A. Seward, I believe) who would be +willing to go and play colonel and assist in raising the force. +Still it is to be considered whether the North Carolinians will not +prefer officers of their own. I should expect they would. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY CAMERON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 18, 1861 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. +MY DEAR SIR:--To guard against misunderstanding, I think fit to say +that the joint expedition of the army and navy agreed upon some time +since, and in which General T. W. Sherman was and is to bear a +conspicuous part, is in no wise to be abandoned, but must be ready to +move by the 1st of, or very early in, October. Let all preparations +go forward accordingly. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL FREMONT, + +WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 12, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT: + +Governor Morton telegraphs as follows: "Colonel Lane, just arrived by +special train, represents Owensborough, forty miles above Evansville, +in possession of secessionists. Green River is navigable. +Owensborough must be seized. We want a gunboat sent up from Paducah +for that purpose." Send up the gunboat if, in your discretion, you +think it right. Perhaps you had better order those in charge of the +Ohio River to guard it vigilantly at all points. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +To O. H. BROWNING. + +(Private and Confidential) + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON +SEPTEMBER 22, 1861 + +HON. O. H. BROWNING. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 17th is just received; and coming from you, +I confess it astonishes me. That you should object to my adhering to +a law which you had assisted in making and presenting to me less than +a month before is odd enough. But this is a very small part. +General Fremont's proclamation as to confiscation of property and the +liberation of slaves is purely political and not within the range of +military law or necessity. If a commanding general finds a necessity +to seize the farm of a private owner for a pasture, an encampment, or +a fortification, he has the right to do so, and to so hold it as long +as the necessity lasts; and this is within military law, because +within military necessity. But to say the farm shall no longer +belong to the owner, or his heirs forever, and this as well when the +farm is not needed for military purposes as when it is, is purely +political, without the savor of military law about it. And the same +is true of slaves. If the general needs them, he can seize them and +use them; but when the need is past, it is not for him to fix their +permanent future condition. That must be settled according to laws +made by law-makers, and not by military proclamations. The +proclamation in the point in question is simply "dictatorship." It +assumes that the general may do anything he pleases confiscate the +lands and free the slaves of loyal people, as well as of disloyal +ones. And going the whole figure, I have no doubt, would be more +popular with some thoughtless people than that which has been done, +But I cannot assume this reckless position, nor allow others to +assume it on my responsibility. + +You speak of it as being the only means of saving the government. On +the contrary, it is itself the surrender of the government. Can it +be pretended that it is any longer the Government of the United +States--any government of constitution and laws wherein a general or +a president may make permanent rules of property by proclamation? I +do not say Congress might not with propriety pass a law on the point, +just such as General Fremont proclaimed. + +I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote for it. What +I object to is, that I, as President, shall expressly or impliedly +seize and exercise the permanent legislative functions of the +government. + +So much as to principle. Now as to policy. No doubt the thing was +popular in some quarters, and would have been more so if it had been +a general declaration of emancipation. The Kentucky Legislature +would not budge till that proclamation was modified; and General +Anderson telegraphed me that on the news of General Fremont having +actually issued deeds of manumission, a whole company of our +volunteers threw down their arms and disbanded. I was so assured as +to think it probable that the very arms we had furnished Kentucky +would be turned against us. I think to lose Kentucky is nearly the +same as to lose the whole game. Kentucky gone, we cannot hold +Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all against us, and the +job on our hands is too large for us. We would as well consent to +separation at once, including the surrender of this Capital. On the +contrary, if you will give up your restlessness for new positions, +and back me manfully on the grounds upon which you and other kind +friends gave me the election and have approved in my public +documents, we shall go through triumphantly. You must not understand +I took my course on the proclamation because of Kentucky. I took the +same ground in a private letter to General Fremont before I heard +from Kentucky. + +You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid General +Fremont to shoot men under the proclamation. I understand that part +to be within military law, but I also think, and so privately wrote +General Fremont, that it is impolitic in this, that our adversaries +have the power, and will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many of +our men as we shoot of theirs. I did not say this in the public +letter, because it is a subject I prefer not to discuss in the +hearing of our enemies. + +There has been no thought of removing General Fremont on any ground +connected with his proclamation, and if there has been any wish for +his removal on any ground, our mutual friend Sam. Glover can +probably tell you what it was. I hope no real necessity for it +exists on any ground. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +MEMORANDUM FOR A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN +[OCTOBER 1?] 1861 + +On or about the 5th of October (the exact date to be determined +hereafter) I wish a movement made to seize and hold a point on the +railroad connecting Virginia and Tennessee near the mountain-pass +called Cumberland Gap. That point is now guarded against us by +Zollicoffer, with 6000 or 8000 rebels at Barboursville Ky.,--say +twenty-five miles from the Gap, toward Lexington. We have a force +of 5000 or 6000 under General Thomas, at Camp Dick Robinson, about +twenty-five miles from Lexington and seventy-five from Zollicoffer's +camp, On the road between the two. There is not a railroad anywhere +between Lexington and the point to be seized, and along the whole +length of which the Union sentiment among the people largely +predominates. We have military possession of the railroad from +Cincinnati to Lexington, and from Louisville to Lexington, and some +home guards, under General Crittenden, are on the latter line. We +have possession of the railroad from Louisville to Nashville, Tenn., +so far as Muldraugh's Hill, about forty miles, and the rebels have +possession of that road all south of there. At the Hill we have a +force of 8000, under General Sherman, and about an equal force of +rebels is a very short distance south, under General Buckner. + +We have a large force at Paducah, and a smaller at Port Holt, both on +the Kentucky side, with some at Bird's Point, Cairo, Mound City, +Evansville, and New Albany, all on the other side, and all which, +with the gunboats on the river, are perhaps sufficient to guard the +Ohio from Louisville to its mouth. + +About supplies of troops, my general idea is that all from Wisconsin, +Minnesota, Iowa, Illinois, Missouri, and Kansas, not now elsewhere, +be left to Fremont. All from Indiana and Michigan, not now +elsewhere, be sent to Anderson at Louisville. All from Ohio needed +in western Virginia be sent there, and any remainder be sent to +Mitchell at Cincinnati, for Anderson. All east of the mountains be +appropriated to McClellan and to the coast. + +As to movements, my idea is that the one for the coast and that on +Cumberland Gap be simultaneous, and that in the meantime preparation, +vigilant watching, and the defensive only be acted upon; this, +however, not to apply to Fremont's operations in northern and middle +Missouri. That before these movements Thomas and Sherman shall +respectively watch but not attack Zollicoffer and Buckner. That when +the coast and Gap movements shall be ready Sherman is merely to stand +fast, while all at Cincinnati and all at Louisville, with all on the +line, concentrate rapidly at Lexington, and thence to Thomas's camp, +joining him, and the whole thence upon the Gap. It is for the +military men to decide whether they can find a pass through the +mountains at or near the Gap which cannot be defended by the enemy +with a greatly inferior force, and what is to be done in regard to +this. + +The coast and Gap movements made, Generals McClellan and Fremont, in +their respective departments, will avail themselves of any advantages +the diversions may present. + +[He was entirely unable to get this started, Sherman would have taken +an active part if given him, the others were too busy getting lines +of communication guarded--and discovering many "critical" supply +items that had not been sent them. Also the commanding general did +not like it. D.W.] + + + + +TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 4, 1861 + +HONORABLE SECRETARY OF STATE. + +DEAR SIR:--Please see Mr. Walker, well vouched as a Union man and +son-in-law of Governor Morehead, and pleading for his release. I +understand the Kentucky arrests were not made by special direction +from here, and I am willing if you are that any of the parties may be +released when James Guthrie and James Speed think they should be. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE VICEROY OF EGYPT. + +WASHINGTON, October 11, 1861. + +GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND:--I have received from Mr. Thayer, Consul- +General of the United States at Alexandria, a full account of the +liberal, enlightened, and energetic proceedings which, on his +complaint, you have adopted in bringing to speedy and condign +punishment the parties, subjects of your Highness in Upper Egypt, who +were concerned in an act of criminal persecution against Faris, an +agent of certain Christian missionaries in Upper Egypt. I pray your +Highness to be assured that these proceedings, at once so prompt and +so just, will be regarded as a new and unmistakable proof equally of +your Highness's friendship for the United States and of the firmness, +integrity and wisdom, with which the government of your Highness is +conducted. Wishing you great prosperity and success, I am your +friend, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +HIS HIGHNESS MOHAMMED SAID PACHA, +Viceroy of Egypt and its Dependencies, etc. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OF +HABEAS CORPUS. + +October 14 1861 + +LIEUTENANT-GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT: + +The military line of the United States for the suppression of the +insurrection may be extended so far as Bangor, in Maine. You and any +officer acting under your authority are hereby authorized to suspend +the writ of habeas corpus in any place between that place and the +city of Washington. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +TO SECRETARY OF INTERIOR. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 14, 1861 + +HON. SEC. OF INTERIOR. + +DEAR SIR:--How is this? I supposed I was appointing for register of +wills a citizen of this District. Now the commission comes to me +"Moses Kelly, of New Hampshire." I do not like this. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TWO SONS WHO WANT TO WORK + +TO MAJOR RAMSEY. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, October 17, 1861 + +MAJOR RAMSEY. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The lady bearer of this says she has two sons who want +to work. Set them at it if possible. Wanting to work is so rare a +want that it should be encouraged. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL THOMAS W. SHERMAN. + +WASHINGTON, October 18, 1861. + +GENERAL THOMAS SHERMAN, Annapolis, Md.: + +Your despatch of yesterday received and shown to General McClellan. +I have promised him not to direct his army here without his consent. +I do not think I shall come to Annapolis. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL CURTIS, WITH INCLOSURES. + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith is a document--half letter, half order--which, +wishing you to see, but not to make public, I send unsealed. Please +read it and then inclose it to the officer who may be in command of +the Department of the West at the time it reaches him. I cannot now +know whether Fremont or Hunter will then be in command. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. + +DEAR SIR:--On receipt of this, with the accompanying inclosures, you +will take safe, certain, and suitable measures to have the inclosure +addressed to Major-General Fremont delivered to him with all +reasonable despatch, subject to these conditions only: that if, when +General Fremont shall be reached by the messenger--yourself or any +one sent by you--he shall then have, in personal command, fought and +won a battle, or shall then be actually in a battle, or shall then be +in the immediate presence of the enemy in expectation of a battle, it +is not to be delivered, but held for further orders. After, and not +till after, the delivery to General Fremont, let the inclosure +addressed to General Hunter be delivered to him. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + +(General Orders No. 18.) +HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +Major-General Fremont, of the United States Army, the present +commander of the Western Department of the same, will, on the receipt +of this order, call Major-General Hunter, of the United States +Volunteers, to relieve him temporarily in that command, when he +(Major-General Fremont) will report to general headquarters by letter +for further orders. + +WINFIELD SCOTT. +By command: E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General. + + + + +WASHINGTON, October 24, 1861 + +TO THE COMMANDER OF THE +DEPARTMENT OF THE WEST. + +SIR:--The command of the Department of the West having devolved upon +you, I propose to offer you a few suggestions. Knowing how hazardous +it is to bind down a distant commander in the field to specific lines +and operations, as so much always depends on a knowledge of +localities and passing events, it is intended, therefore, to leave a +considerable margin for the exercise of your judgment and discretion. + +The main rebel army (Price's) west of the Mississippi is believed to +have passed Dade County in full retreat upon northwestern Arkansas, +leaving Missouri almost freed from the enemy, excepting in the +southeast of the State. Assuming this basis of fact, it seems +desirable, as you are not likely to overtake Price, and are in danger +of making too long a line from your own base of supplies and +reinforcements, that you should give up the pursuit, halt your main +army, divide it into two corps of observation, one occupying Sedalia +and the other Rolla, the present termini of railroads; then recruit +the condition of both corps by re-establishing and improving their +discipline and instructions, perfecting their clothing and +equipments, and providing less uncomfortable quarters. Of course, +both railroads must be guarded and kept open, judiciously employing +just so much force as is necessary for this. From these two points, +Sedalia and Rolla, and especially in judicious cooperation with Lane +on the Kansas border, it would be so easy to concentrate and repel +any army of the enemy returning on Missouri from the southwest, that +it is not probable any such attempt will be made before or during the +approaching cold weather. Before spring the people of Missouri will +probably be in no favorable mood to renew for next year the troubles +which have so much afflicted and impoverished them during this. If +you adopt this line of policy, and if, as I anticipate, you will see +no enemy in great force approaching, you will have a surplus of force +which you can withdraw from these points and direct to others as may +be needed, the railroads furnishing ready means of reinforcing these +main points if occasion requires. Doubtless local uprisings will for +a time continue to occur, but these can be met by detachments and +local forces of our own, and will ere long tire out of themselves. + +While, as stated in the beginning of the letter, a large discretion +must be and is left with yourself, I feel sure that an indefinite +pursuit of Price or an attempt by this long and circuitous route to +reach Memphis will be exhaustive beyond endurance, and will end in +the loss of the whole force engaged in it. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +ORDER RETIRING GENERAL SCOTT AND APPOINTING +GENERAL McCLELLAN HIS SUCCESSOR. +(General Orders, No.94.) + +WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE + +WASHINGTON, November 1, 1861 + +The following order from the President of the United States, +announcing the retirement from active command of the honored veteran +Lieutenant general Winfield Scott, will be read by the army with +profound regret: + + + + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. + +November 1, 1861 + +On the 1st day of November, A.D. 1861, upon his own application to +the President of the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General +Winfield Scott is ordered to be placed, and hereby is placed, upon +the list of retired officers of the army of the United States, +without reduction in his current pay, subsistence, or allowances. + +The American people will hear with sadness and deep emotion that +General Scott has withdrawn from the active control of the army, +while the President and a unanimous Cabinet express their own and the +nation's sympathy in his personal affliction and their profound sense +of the important public services rendered by him to his country +during his long and brilliant career, among which will ever be +gratefully distinguished his faithful devotion to the Constitution, +the Union, and the flag when assailed by parricidal rebellion. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + + + +The President is pleased to direct that Major general George B. +McClellan assume the command of the army of the United States. The +headquarters of the army will be established in the city of +Washington. All communications intended for the commanding general +will hereafter be addressed direct to the adjutant-general. The +duplicate returns, orders, and other papers heretofore sent to the +assistant adjutant-general, headquarters of the army, will be +discontinued. + +By order of the Secretary of War: +L. THOMAS, Adjutant General. + + + + +ORDER APPROVING THE PLAN OF GOVERNOR GAMBLE +OF MISSOURI. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +November 5, 1861. + +The Governor of the State of Missouri, acting under the direction of +the convention of that State, proposes to the Government of the +United States that he will raise a military force to serve within the +State as State militia during the war there, to cooperate with the +troops in the service of the United States in repelling the invasion +of the State and suppressing rebellion therein; the said State +militia to be embodied and to be held in the camp and in the field, +drilled, disciplined, and governed according to the Army Regulations +and subject to the Articles of War; the said State militia not to be +ordered out of the State except for the immediate defense of the +State of Missouri, but to co-operate with the troops in the service +of the United States in military operations within the State or +necessary to its defense, and when officers of the State militia act +with officers in the service of the United States of the same grade +the officers of the United States service shall command the combined +force; the State militia to be armed, equipped, clothed, subsisted, +transported, and paid by the United States during such time as they +shall be actually engaged as an embodied military force in service in +accordance with regulations of the United States Army or general +orders as issued from time to time. + +In order that the Treasury of the United States may not be burdened +with the pay of unnecessary officers, the governor proposes that, +although the State law requires him to appoint upon the general staff +an adjutant-general, a commissary-general, an inspector-general, a +quartermaster-general, a paymaster-general, and a surgeon-general, +each with the rank of colonel of cavalry, yet he proposes that the +Government of the United States pay only the adjutant-general, the +quartermaster-general, and inspector-general, their services being +necessary in the relations which would exist between the State +militia and the United States. The governor further proposes that +while he is allowed by the State law to appoint aides-de-camp to the +governor at his discretion, with the rank of colonel, three only +shall be reported to the United States for payment. He also proposes +that the State militia shall be commanded by a single major-general +and by such number of brigadier-generals as shall allow one for a +brigade of not less than four regiments, and that no greater number +of staff officers shall be appointed for regimental, brigade, and +division duties than as provided for in the act of Congress of the +22d July, 1861; and that, whatever be the rank of such officers as +fixed by the law of the State, the compensation that they shall +receive from the United States shall only be that which belongs to +the rank given by said act of Congress to officers in the United +States service performing the same duties. + +The field officers of a regiment in the State militia are one +colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, and one major, and the company +officers are a captain, a first lieutenant, and a second lieutenant. +The governor proposes that, as the money to be disbursed is the money +of the United States, such staff officers in the service of the +United States as may be necessary to act as disbursing officers for +the State militia shall be assigned by the War Department for that +duty; or, if such cannot be spared from their present duty, he will +appoint such persons disbursing officers for the State militia as the +President of the United States may designate. Such regulations as +may be required, in the judgment of the President, to insure +regularity of returns and to protect the United States from any +fraudulent practices shall be observed and obeyed by all in office in +the State militia. + +The above propositions are accepted on the part of the United States, +and the Secretary of War is directed to make the necessary orders +upon the Ordnance, Quartermaster's, Commissary, Pay, and Medical +departments to carry this agreement into effect. He will cause the +necessary staff officers in the United States service to be detailed +for duty in connection with the Missouri State militia, and will +order them to make the necessary provision in their respective +offices for fulfilling this agreement. All requisitions upon the +different officers of the United States under this agreement to be +made in substance in the same mode for the Missouri State militia as +similar requisitions are made for troops in the service of the United +States; and the Secretary of War will cause any additional +regulations that may be necessary to insure regularity and economy in +carrying this agreement into effect to be adopted and communicated to +the Governor of Missouri for the government of the Missouri State +militia. + +[Indorsement.] + +November 6, 1861. + +This plan approved, with the modification that the governor +stipulates that when he commissions a major-general of militia it +shall be the same person at the time in command of the United States +Department of the West; and in case the United States shall change +such commander of the department, he (the governor) will revoke the +State commission given to the person relieved and give one to the +person substituted to the United States command of said department. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +REPLY TO THE MINISTER FROM SWEDEN. + +November 8, 1861. + +SIR:--I receive with great pleasure a Minister from Sweden. That +pleasure is enhanced by the information which preceded your arrival +here, that his Majesty, your sovereign, had selected you to fill the +mission upon the grounds of your derivation from an ancestral stock +identified with the most glorious era of your country's noble +history, and your own eminent social and political standing in +Sweden. This country, sir, maintains, and means to maintain, the +rights of human nature, and the capacity of men for self-government. +The history of Sweden proves that this is the faith of the people of +Sweden, and we know that it is the faith and practice of their +respected sovereign. Rest assured, therefore, that we shall be found +always just and paternal in our transactions with your government, +and that nothing will be omitted on my part to make your residence in +this capital agreeable to yourself and satisfactory to your +government. + + + + +INDORSEMENT AUTHORIZING MARTIAL LAW IN SAINT LOUIS. + +St. Louis, November 20, 1861. +(Received Nov. 20th.) + +GENERAL McCLELLAN, + +For the President of the United States. + +No written authority is found here to declare and enforce martial law +in this department. Please send me such written authority and +telegraph me that it has been sent by mail. + +H. W. HALLECK, +Major-General. + + +[Indorsement.] +November 21, 1861. + +If General McClellan and General Halleck deem it necessary to declare +and maintain martial law in Saint Louis, the same is hereby +authorized. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +OFFER TO COOPERATE AND GIVE SPECIAL LINE OF INFORMATION TO HORACE +GREELEY + +TO GOVERNOR WALKER. + +WASHINGTON, November 21, 1861 + +DEAR GOVERNOR:--I have thought over the interview which Mr. Gilmore +has had with Mr. Greeley, and the proposal that Greeley has made to +Gilmore, namely, that he [Gilmore] shall communicate to him [Greeley] +all that he learns from you of the inner workings of the +administration, in return for his [Greeley's] giving such aid as he +can to the new magazine, and allowing you [Walker] from time to time +the use of his [Greeley's] columns when it is desirable to feel of, +or forestall, public opinion on important subjects. The arrangement +meets my unqualified approval, and I shall further it to the extent +of my ability, by opening to you--as I do now--fully the policy of +the Government,--its present views and future intentions when formed, +giving you permission to communicate them to Gilmore for Greeley; and +in case you go to Europe I will give these things direct to Gilmore. +But all this must be on the express and explicit understanding that +the fact of these communications coming from me shall be absolutely +confidential,--not to be disclosed by Greeley to his nearest friend, +or any of his subordinates. He will be, in effect, my mouthpiece, +but I must not be known to be the speaker. + +I need not tell you that I have the highest confidence in Mr. +Greeley. He is a great power. Having him firmly behind me will be +as helpful to me as an army of one hundred thousand men. + +This was to be most severely regretted, when Greeley became a traitor +to the cause, editorialized for compromise and separation--and +promoted McClellan as Democratic candidate for the Presidency. + +That he has ever kicked the traces has been owing to his not being +fully informed. Tell Gilmore to say to him that, if he ever objects +to my policy, I shall be glad to have him state to me his views +frankly and fully. I shall adopt his if I can. If I cannot, I will +at least tell him why. He and I should stand together, and let no +minor differences come between us; for we both seek one end, which is +the saving of our country. Now, Governor, this is a longer letter +than I have written in a month,--longer than I would have written for +any other man than Horace Greeley. + +Your friend, truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +P. S.--The sooner Gilmore sees Greeley the better, as you may before +long think it wise to ventilate our policy on the Trent affair. + + + + +ORDER AUTHORIZING GENERAL HALLECK TO SUSPEND +THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, + +DECEMBER 2, 1861. + +MAJOR-GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, +Commanding in the Department of Missouri. + +GENERAL:--As an insurrection exists in the United States, and is in +arms in the State of Missouri, you are hereby authorized and +empowered to suspend the writ of habeas corpus within the limits of +the military division under your command, and to exercise martial law +as you find it necessary in your discretion to secure the public +safety and the authority of the United States. + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the +seal of the United States to be affixed at Washington, this second +day of December, A.D. 1861. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. +WASHINGTON, December 3, 1861 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--In the +midst of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great +gratitude to God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests. + +You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of +the times our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with +profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs. + +A disloyal portion of the American people have during the whole year +been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation +which endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect +abroad, and one party, if not both, is sure sooner or later to invoke +foreign intervention. + +Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the +counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although +measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate +and injurious to those adopting them. + +The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin +of our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have +invoked abroad have received less patronage and encouragement than +they probably expected. If it were just to suppose, as the +insurgents have seemed to assume, that foreign nations in this case, +discarding all moral, social, and treaty obligations, would act +solely and selfishly for the most speedy restoration of commerce, +including especially the acquisition of cotton, those nations appear +as yet not to have seen their way to their object more directly or +clearly through the destruction than through the preservation of the +Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign nations are actuated +by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a sound argument +could be made to show them that they can reach their aim more readily +and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion than by giving +encouragement to it. + +The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign +nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the +embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably +saw from the first that it was the Union which made as well our +foreign as our domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to +perceive that the effort for disunion produces the existing +difficulty, and that one strong nation promises more durable peace +and a more extensive, valuable, and reliable commerce than can the +same nation broken into hostile fragments. + +It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states, +because, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the +integrity of our country and the stability of our government mainly +depend not upon them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and +intelligence of the American people. The correspondence itself, with +the usual reservations, is herewith submitted. + +I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and +liberality toward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation and +with firmness maintaining our own rights and honor. + +Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state, +foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recommend +that adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the +public defenses on every side. While under this general +recommendation provision for defending our seacoast line readily +occurs to the mind, I also in the same connection ask the attention +of Congress to our great lakes and rivers. It is believed that some +fortifications and depots of arms and munitions, with harbor and +navigation improvements, all at well-selected points upon these, +would be of great importance to the national defense and preservation +I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War, expressed in +his report, upon the same general subject. + +I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of east Tennessee and +western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky and other +faithful parts of the Union by rail-road. I therefore recommend, as +a military measure, that Congress provide for the construction of +such rail-road as speedily as possible. Kentucky will no doubt +co-operate, and through her Legislature make the most judicious +selection of a line. The northern terminus must connect with some +existing railroad, and whether the route shall be from Lexington or +Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, or from Lebanon to the Tennessee +line, in the direction of Knoxville, or on some still different line, +can easily be determined. Kentucky and the General Government +co-operating, the work can be completed in a very short time, and +when done it will be not only of vast present usefulness but also a +valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost in all the future. + +Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and +having no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and will +be submitted to the Senate for their consideration. + +Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers to +adopt a desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we have +removed all obstructions from the way of this humane reform except +such as are merely of temporary and accidental occurrence. + +I invite your attention to the correspondence between her Britannic +Majesty's minister accredited to this government and the Secretary of +State relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire in +June last by the United States steamer Massachusetts for a supposed +breach of the blockade. As this detention was occasioned by an +obvious misapprehension of the facts, and as justice requires that we +should commit no belligerent act not founded in strict right as +sanctioned by public law, I recommend that an appropriation be made +to satisfy the reasonable demand of the owners of the vessel for her +detention. + +I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor in his annual message +to Congress in December last in regard to the disposition of the +surplus which will probably remain after satisfying the claims of +American citizens against China, pursuant to the awards of the +commissioners under the act of the 3d of March, 1859. If, however, +it should not be deemed advisable to carry that recommendation into +effect, I would suggest that authority be given for investing the +principal, or the proceeds of the surplus referred to, in good +securities, with a view to the satisfaction of such other just claims +of our citizens against China as are not unlikely to arise hereafter +in the course of our extensive trade with that empire. + +By the act of the 5th of August last Congress authorized the +President to instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend +themselves against and to capture pirates. His authority has been +exercised in a single instance only. For the more effectual +protection of our extensive and valuable commerce in the Eastern seas +especially, it seems to me that it would also be advisable to +authorize the commanders of sailing vessels to recapture any prizes +which pirates may make of United States vessels and their cargoes, +and the consular courts now established by law in Eastern countries +to adjudicate the cases in the event that this should not be objected +to by the local authorities. + +If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in +withholding our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of +Haiti and Liberia, I am unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to +inaugurate a novel policy in regard to them without the approbation +of Congress, I submit for your consideration the expediency of an +appropriation for maintaining a charge d'affaires near each of those +new States. It does not admit of doubt that important commercial +advantages might be secured by favorable treaties with them. + +The operations of the treasury during the period which has elapsed +since your adjournment have been conducted with signal success. The +patriotism of the people has placed at the disposal of the government +the large means demanded by the public exigencies. Much of the +national loan has been taken by citizens of the industrial classes, +whose confidence in their country's faith and zeal for their +country's deliverance from present peril have induced them to +contribute to the support of the government the whole of their +limited acquisitions. This fact imposes peculiar obligations to +economy in disbursement and energy in action. + +The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial year +ending on the 30th of June, 1861, was $86,835,900.27, and the +expenditures for the same period, including payments on account of +the public debt, were $84,578,834.47, leaving a balance in the +treasury on the 1st of July of $2,257,065.80. For the first quarter +of the financial year ending on the 3oth of September, 1861, the +receipts from all sources, including the balance of the 1st of July, +were $102,532,509.27, and the expenses $98,239733.09, leaving a +balance on the 1st of October, 1861, of $4,292,776.18. + +Estimates for the remaining three quarters of the year and for the +financial year 1863, together with his views of ways and means for +meeting the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to +Congress by the Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know +that the expenditures made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond +the resources of the loyal people, and to believe that the same +patriotism which has thus far sustained the government will continue +to sustain it till peace and union shall again bless the land. + +I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War for +information respecting the numerical strength of the army and for +recommendations having in view an increase of its efficiency and the +well-being of the various branches of the service intrusted to his +care. It is gratifying to know that the patriotism of the people has +proved equal to the occasion, and that the number of troops tendered +greatly exceeds the force which Congress authorized me to call into +the field. + +I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make +allusion to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by +our troops and to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire +army. + +The recommendation of the Secretary for an organization of the +militia upon a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to the +future safety of the country, and is commended to the serious +attention of Congress. + +The large addition to the regular army, in connection with the +defection that has so considerably diminished the number of its +officers, gives peculiar importance to his recommendation for +increasing the corps of cadets to the greatest capacity of the +Military Academy. + +By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chaplains +for hospitals occupied by volunteers. This subject was brought to my +notice, and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy +of which, properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the +persons, and at the dates respectively named and stated in a +schedule, containing also the form of the letter, marked A, and +herewith transmitted. + +These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated at +the times respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored +faithfully therein ever since. I therefore recommend that they be +compensated at the same rate as chaplains in the army. I further +suggest that general provision be made for chaplains to serve at +hospitals, as well as with regiments. + +The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the +operations of that branch of the service, the activity and energy +which have characterized its administration, and the results of +measures to increase its efficiency and power such have been the +additions, by construction and purchase, that it may almost be said a +navy has been created and brought into service since our difficulties +commenced. + +Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than ever +before assembled under our flag have been put afloat and performed +deeds which have increased our naval renown. + +I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the +Secretary for a more perfect organization of the navy by introducing +additional grades in the service. + +The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the +suggestions submitted by the department will, it is believed, if +adopted, obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote harmony, and +increase the efficiency of the navy. + +There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court--two by +the decease of Justices Daniel and McLean and one by the resignation +of Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne making nominations to +fill these vacancies for reasons which I will now state. Two of the +outgoing judges resided within the States now overrun by revolt, so +that if successors were appointed in the same localities they could +not now serve upon their circuits; and many of the most competent men +there probably would not take the personal hazard of accepting to +serve, even here, upon the Supreme bench. I have been unwilling to +throw all the appointments north-ward, thus disabling myself from +doing justice to the South on the return of peace; although I may +remark that to transfer to the North one which has heretofore been in +the South would not, with reference to territory and population, be +unjust. + +During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean his +circuit grew into an empire-altogether too large for any one judge to +give the courts therein more than a nominal attendance--rising in +population from 1,470,018 in 1830 to 6,151,405 in 1860. + +Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present judicial +system. If uniformity was at all intended, the system requires that +all the States shall be accommodated with circuit courts, attended by +Supreme judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, +Florida, Texas, California, and Oregon have never had any such +courts. Nor can this well be remedied without a change in the +system, because the adding of judges to the Supreme Court, enough for +the accommodation of all parts of the country with circuit courts, +would create a court altogether too numerous for a judicial body of +any sort. And the evil, if it be one, will increase as new States +come into the Union. Circuit courts are useful or they are not +useful. If useful, no State should be denied them; if not useful, no +State should have them. Let them be provided for all or abolished as +to all. + +Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would be +an improvement upon our present system. Let the Supreme Court be of +convenient number in every event; then, first, let the whole country +be divided into circuits of convenient size, the Supreme judges to +serve in a number of them corresponding to their own number, and +independent circuit judges be provided for all the rest; or, +secondly, let the Supreme judges be relieved from circuit duties and +circuit judges provided for all the circuits; or, thirdly, dispense +with circuit courts altogether, leaving the judicial functions wholly +to the district courts and an independent Supreme Court. + +I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the present +condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be +able to find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils +which constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical +administration of them. Since the Organization of the government, +Congress has enacted some 5000 acts and joint resolutions, which fill +more than 6000 closely printed pages and are scattered through many +volumes. Many of these acts have been drawn in haste and without +sufficient caution, so that their provisions are often obscure in +themselves or in conflict with each other, or at least so doubtful as +to render it very difficult for even the best-informed persons to +ascertain precisely what the statute law really is. + +It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be made as +plain and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a +compass as may consist with the fullness and precision of the will of +the Legislature and the perspicuity of its language. This well done +would, I think, greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty it +is to assist in the administration of the laws, and would be a +lasting benefit to the people, by placing before them in a more +accessible and intelligible form the laws which so deeply concern +their interests arid their duties. + +I am informed by some whose opinions I respect that all the acts of +Congress now in force and of a permanent and general nature might be +revised and rewritten so as to be embraced in one volume (or at most +two volumes) of ordinary and convenient size; and I respectfully +recommend to Congress to consider of the subject, and if my +suggestion be approved to devise such plan as to their wisdom shall +seem most proper for the attainment of the end proposed. + +One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is +the entire suppression in many places of all the ordinary means of +administering civil justice by the officers and in the forms of +existing law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the +insurgent States; and as our armies advance upon and take possession +of parts of those States the practical evil becomes more apparent. +There are no courts or officers to whom the citizens of other States +may apply for the enforcement of their lawful claims against citizens +of the insurgent States, and there is a vast amount of debt +constituting such claims. Some have estimated it as high as +$200,000,000, due in large part from insurgents in open rebellion to +loyal citizens who are even now making great sacrifices in the +discharge of their patriotic duty to support the government. + + +Under these circumstances I have been urgently solicited to +establish, by military power, courts to administer summary justice in +such cases. I have thus far declined to do it, not because I had any +doubt that the end proposed--the collection of the debts--was just +and right in itself, but because I have been unwilling to go beyond +the pressure of necessity in the unusual exercise of power. But the +powers of Congress, I suppose, are equal to the anomalous occasion, +and therefore I refer the whole matter to Congress, with the hope +that a plan maybe devised for the administration of justice in all +such parts of the insurgent States and Territories as may be under +the control of this government, whether by a voluntary return to +allegiance and order or by the power of our arms; this, however, not +to be a permanent institution, but a temporary substitute, and to +cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be reestablished in peace. + +It is important that some more convenient means should be provided, +if possible, for the adjustment of claims against the government, +especially in view of their increased number by reason of the war. +It is as much the duty of government to render prompt justice against +itself in favor of citizens as it is to administer the same between +private individuals. The investigation and adjudication of claims in +their nature belong to the judicial department. Besides, it is +apparent that the attention of Congress will be more than usually +engaged for some time to come with great national questions. It was +intended by the organization of the Court of Claims mainly to remove +this branch of business from the halls of Congress; but, while the +court has proved to be an effective and valuable means of +investigation, it in great degree fails to effect the object of its +creation for want of power to make its judgments final. + +Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger of the subject, I +commend to your careful consideration whether this power of making +judgments final may not properly be given to the court, reserving the +right of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such +other provisions as experience may have shown to be necessary. + +I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster general, the +following being a summary statement of the condition of the +department: + +The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, +1861, including the annual permanent appropriation of $700,000 for +the transportation of "free mail matter," was $9,049,296.40, being +about 2 per cent. less than the revenue for 1860. + +The expenditures were $13,606,759.11, showing a decrease of more than +8 per cent. as compared with those of the previous year and leaving +an excess of expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal year +of $4,557,462.71. + +The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated at +an increase of 4 per cent. on that of 1861, making $8,683,000, to +which should be added the earnings of the department in carrying free +matter, viz., $700,000, making $9,383,000. + +The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,528,000, leaving +an estimated deficiency of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the +treasury in addition to the permanent appropriation. + +The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this +District across the Potomac River at the time of establishing the +capital here was eminently wise, and consequently that the +relinquishment of that portion of it which lies within the State of +Virginia was unwise and dangerous. I submit for your consideration +the expediency of regaining that part of the District and the +restoration of the original boundaries thereof through negotiations +with the State of Virginia. + +The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompanying +documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the +public business pertaining to that department. The depressing +influences of the insurrection have been specially felt in the +operations of the Patent and General Land Offices. The cash receipts +from the sales of public lands during the past year have exceeded the +expenses of our land system only about $200,000. The sales have been +entirely suspended in the Southern States, while the interruptions to +the business of the country and the diversion of large numbers of men +from labor to military service have obstructed settlements in the new +States and Territories of the Northwest. + +The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months about +$100,000.00 rendering a large reduction of the force employed +necessary to make it self-sustaining. + +The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by the +insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the +casualties of the existing war, have already been made. There is +reason to believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls and in +receipt of the bounty of the government are in the ranks of the +insurgent army or giving them aid and comfort. The Secretary of the +Interior has directed a suspension of the payment of the pensions of +such persons upon proof of their disloyalty. I recommend that +Congress authorize that officer to cause the names of such persons to +be stricken from the pension rolls. + +The relations of the government with the Indian tribes have been +greatly disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the southern +superintendency and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south +of Kansas is in the possession of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. +The agents of the United States appointed since the 4th of March for +this superintendency have been unable to reach their posts, while the +most of those who were in office before that time have espoused the +insurrectionary cause, and assume to exercise the powers of agents by +virtue of commissions from the insurrectionists. It has been stated +in the public press that a portion of those Indians have been +organized as a military force and are attached to the army of the +insurgents. Although the government has no official information upon +this subject, letters have been written to the Commissioner of Indian +Affairs by several prominent chiefs giving assurance of their loyalty +to the United States and expressing a wish for the presence of +Federal troops to protect them. It is believed that upon the +repossession of the country by the Federal forces the Indians will +readily cease all hostile demonstrations and resume their former +relations to the government. + +Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not +a department nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in +the government. While it is fortunate that this great interest is so +independent in its nature as not to have demanded and extorted more +from the government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether +something more cannot be given voluntarily with general advantage. + +Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture, commerce, +and manufactures would present a fund of information of great +practical value to the country. While I make no suggestion as to +details, I venture the opinion that an agricultural and statistical +bureau might profitably be organized. + +The execution of the laws for the suppression of the African slave +trade has been confided to the Department of the Interior. It is a +subject of gratulation that the efforts which have been made for the +suppression of this inhuman traffic have been recently attended with +unusual success. Five vessels being fitted out for the slave trade +have been seized and condemned. Two mates of vessels engaged in the +trade and one person in equipping a vessel as a slaver have been +convicted and subjected to the penalty of fine and imprisonment, and +one captain, taken with a cargo of Africans on board his vessel, has +been convicted of the highest grade of offense under our laws, the +punishment of which is death. + +The Territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada, created by the last +Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been +inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying when it is +considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of +these new countries when the Federal officers arrived there. + +The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the +security and protection afforded by organized government, will +doubtless invite to them a large immigration when peace shall restore +the business of the country to its accustomed channels. I submit the +resolutions of the Legislature of Colorado, which evidence the +patriotic spirit of the people of the Territory. So far the +authority of the United States has been upheld in all the +Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the future. I commend +their interests and defense to the enlightened and generous care of +Congress. + +I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the interests +of the District of Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause of +much suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants, and as they have no +representative in Congress that body should not overlook their just +claims upon the government. + +At your late session a joint resolution was adopted authorizing the +President to take measures for facilitating a proper representation +of the industrial interests of the United States at the exhibition of +the industry of all nations to be holden at London in the year 1862. +I regret to say I have been unable to give personal attention to this +subject--a subject at once so interesting in itself and so +extensively and intimately connected with the material prosperity of +the world. Through the Secretaries of State and of the Interior a +plan or system has been devised and partly matured, and which will be +laid before you. + +Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled "An act to +confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved +August 6, 1861, the legal claims of certain persons to the labor and +service of certain other persons have become forfeited, and numbers +of the latter thus liberated are already dependent on the United +States, and must be provided for in some way. Besides this, it is +not impossible that some of the States will pass similar enactments +for their own benefit respectively, and by operation of which persons +of the same class will be thrown upon them for disposal. In such +case I recommend that Congress provide for accepting such persons +from such States, according to some mode of valuation, in lieu, pro +tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed on with +such States respectively; that such persons, on such acceptance by +the General Government, be at once deemed free, and that in any event +steps be taken for colonizing both classes (or the one first +mentioned if the other shall not be brought into existence) at some +place or places in a climate congenial to them. It might be well to +consider, too, whether the free colored people already in the United +States could not, so far as individuals may desire, be included in +such colonization. + +To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of +territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be +expended in the territorial acquisition. Having practised the +acquisition of territory for nearly sixty years, the question of +constitutional power to do so is no longer an open one with us. The +power was questioned at first by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the +purchase of Louisiana, yielded his scruples on the plea of great +expediency. If it be said that the only legitimate object of +acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white men, this measure +effects that object, for emigration of colored men leaves additional +room for white men remaining or coming here. Mr. Jefferson, however, +placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on political and +commercial grounds than on providing room for population. + +On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with +the acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to +absolute necessity--that without which the government itself cannot +be perpetuated? + +The war continues. In considering the policy to be adopted for +suppressing the insurrection I have been anxious and careful that the +inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a +violent and remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have therefore in +every case thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Union +prominent as the primary object of the contest on our part, leaving +all questions which are not of vital military importance to the more +deliberate action of the Legislature. + +In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the blockade +of the ports held by the insurgents, instead of putting in force by +proclamation the law of Congress enacted at the late session for +closing those ports. + +So also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well as the obligations +of law, instead of transcending I have adhered to the act of Congress +to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new +law upon the same subject shall be proposed, its propriety will be +duly considered. The Union must be preserved, and hence all +indispensable means must be employed. We should not be in haste to +determine that radical and extreme measures, which may reach the +loyal as well as the disloyal, are indispensable. + +The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration and the +message to Congress at the late special session were both mainly +devoted to topics domestic controversy out of which the insurrection +and consequent war have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add or +subtract to or from the principles or general purposes stated and +expressed in those documents. + +The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expired at +the assault upon Fort Sumter, and a general review of what has +occurred since may not be unprofitable. What was painfully uncertain +then is much better defined and more distinct now, and the progress +of events is plainly in the right direction. The insurgents +confidently claimed a strong support from north of Mason and Dixon's +line, and the friends of the Union were not free from apprehension on +the point. This, however, was soon settled definitely, and on the +right side. South of the line noble little Delaware led off right +from the first. Maryland was made to seem against the Union. Our +soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and railroads torn up +within her limits, and we were many days at one time without the +ability to bring a single regiment over her soil to the capital. Now +her bridges and railroads are repaired and open to the government; +she already gives seven regiments to the cause of the Union, and none +to the enemy; and her people, at a regular election, have sustained +the Union by a larger majority and a larger aggregate vote than they +ever before gave to any candidate or any question. Kentucky, too, +for some time in doubt, is now decidedly and, I think, unchangeably +ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri is comparatively quiet, +and, I believe, can, not again be overrun by the insurrectionists. +These three States of Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, neither of +which would promise a single soldier at first, have now an aggregate +of not less than forty thousand in the field for the Union, while of +their citizens certainly not more than a third of that number, and +they of doubtful whereabouts and doubtful existence, are in arms +against us. After a somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter +closes on the Union people of western Virginia, leaving them masters +of their own country. + +An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months dominating +the narrow peninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac and +Northampton, and known as Eastern Shore of Virginia, together with +some contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms, and the +people there have renewed their allegiance to and accepted the +protection of the old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist +north of the Potomac or east of the Chesapeake. + +Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points on the +southern coast of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island (near Savannah), +and Ship Island; and we likewise have some general accounts of +popular movements in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and +Tennessee. + +These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing +steadily and certainly southward. + +Since your last adjournment Lieutenant-General Scott has retired from +the head of the army. During his long life the nation has not been +unmindful of his merit; yet on calling to mind how faithfully, ably, +and brilliantly he has served the country, from a time far back in +our history, when few of the now living had been born, and +thenceforward continually, I cannot but think we are still his +debtors. I submit, therefore, for your consideration what further +mark of recognition is due to him, and to ourselves as a grateful +people. + +With the retirement of General Scott came the Executive duty of +appointing in his stead a general-in-chief of the army. It is a +fortunate circumstance that neither in council nor country was there, +so far as I know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person +to be selected. The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment +in favor of General McClellan for the position, and in this the +nation seemed to give a unanimous concurrence. The designation of +General McClellan is therefore in considerable degree the selection +of the country as well as of the Executive, and hence there is better +reason to hope there will be given him the confidence and cordial +support thus by fair implication promised, and without which he +cannot with so full efficiency serve the country. + +It has been said that one bad general is better than two good ones, +and the saying is true if taken to mean no more than that an army is +better directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two +superior ones at variance and cross-purposes with each other. + +And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged +can have none but a common end in view and can differ only as to the +choice of means. In a storm at sea no one on hoard can wish the ship +to sink, and yet not unfrequently all go down together because too +many will direct and no single mind can be allowed to control. + +It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not +exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government-- +the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in +the most grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as +in the general tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find +the abridgment of the existing right of suffrage and the denial to +the people of all right to participate in the selection of public +officers except the legislative boldly advocated, with labored +arguments to prove that large control of the people in government is +the source of all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes +hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people. + +In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit +raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. +It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be +made in favor of popular institutions, but there is one point, with +its connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a +brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal +footing with, if not above, labor in the structure of government. It +is assumed that labor is available only in connection with capital; +that nobody labors unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow by +the use of it induces him to labor. This assumed, it is next +considered whether it is best that capital shall hire laborers, and +thus induce them to work by their own consent, or buy them and drive +them to it without their consent. Having proceeded so far, it is +naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers or +what we call slaves. And further, it is assumed that whoever is once +a hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life. + +Now there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed, +nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the +condition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and +all inferences from them are groundless. + +Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the +fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first +existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the +higher consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of +protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and +probably always will be, a relation between labor and capital +producing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole +labor of community exists within that relation. A few men own +capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and with their capital +hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong +to neither class--neither work for others nor have others working for +them. In most of the Southern States a majority of the whole people +of all colors are neither slaves nor masters, while in the Northern a +large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men, with their +families--wives, sons, and daughters,--work for themselves on their +farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product +to themselves, and asking no favors of capital on the one hand nor of +hired laborers or slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a +considerable number of persons mingle their own labor with capital; +that is, they labor with their own hands and also buy or hire others +to labor for them; but this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. +No principle stated is disturbed by the existence of this mixed +class. + +Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such +thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for +life. Many independent men everywhere in these States a few years +back in their lives were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless +beginner in the world labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with +which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors on his own +account another while, and at length hires another new beginner to +help him. This is the just and generous and prosperous system which +opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and consequent energy and +progress and improvement of condition to all. No men living are more +worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty; none less +inclined to take or touch aught which they have not honestly earned. +Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they already +possess, and which if surrendered will surely be used to close the +door of advancement against such as they and to fix new disabilities +and burdens upon them till all of liberty shall be lost. + +From the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy +years, and we find our population at the end of the period eight +times as great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those +other things which men deem desirable has been even greater. We thus +have at one view what the popular principle, applied to government +through the machinery of the States and the Union, has produced in a +given time, and also what if firmly maintained it promises for the +future. There are already among us those who if the Union be +preserved will live to see it contain 200,000,000. The struggle of +to-day is not altogether for to-day; it is for a vast future also. +With a reliance on Providence all the more firm and earnest, let us +proceed in the great task which events have devolved upon us. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, December 20, 1861. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a letter from the secretary of the executive +committee of the commission appointed to represent the interests of +those American citizens who may desire to become exhibitors at the +industrial exhibition to be held in London in 1862, and a memorial of +that commission, with a report of the executive committee thereof and +copies of circulars announcing the decisions of Her Majesty's +commissioners in London, giving directions to be observed in regard +to articles intended for exhibition, and also of circular forms of +application, demands for space, approvals, etc., according to the +rules prescribed by the British commissioners. + +As these papers fully set forth the requirements necessary to enable +those citizens of the United States who may wish to become exhibitors +to avail themselves of the privileges of the exhibition, I commend +them to your early consideration, especially in view of the near +approach of the time when the exhibition will begin. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +LETTER OF REPRIMAND TO GENERAL HUNTER + +TO GENERAL HUNTER. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +Dec.31, 1861 + +MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER. + +DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 23d is received, and I am constrained to say +it is difficult to answer so ugly a letter in good temper. I am, as +you intimate, losing much of the great confidence I placed in you, +not from any act or omission of yours touching the public service, up +to the time you were sent to Leavenworth, but from the flood of +grumbling despatches and letters I have seen from you since. I knew +you were being ordered to Leavenworth at the time it was done; and I +aver that with as tender a regard for your honor and your +sensibilities as I had for my own, it never occurred to me that you +were being "humiliated, insulted, and disgraced"; nor have I, up to +this day, heard an intimation that you have been wronged, coming from +any one but yourself. No one has blamed you for the retrograde +movement from Springfield, nor for the information you gave General +Cameron; and this you could readily understand, if it were not for +your unwarranted assumption that the ordering you to Leavenworth must +necessarily have been done as a punishment for some fault. I thought +then, and think yet, the position assigned to you is as responsible, +and as honorable, as that assigned to Buell--I know that General +McClellan expected more important results from it. My impression is +that at the time you were assigned to the new Western Department, it +had not been determined to replace General Sherman in Kentucky; but +of this I am not certain, because the idea that a command in Kentucky +was very desirable, and one in the farther West undesirable, had +never occurred to me. You constantly speak of being placed in +command of only 3000. Now, tell me, is this not mere impatience? +Have you not known all the while that you are to command four or five +times that many. + +I have been, and am sincerely your friend; and if, as such, I dare to +make a suggestion, I would say you are adopting the best possible way +to ruin yourself. "Act well your part, there all the honor lies." He +who does something at the head of one regiment, will eclipse him who +does nothing at the head of a hundred. + +Your friend, as ever, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HALLECK. + +WASHINGTON, D.C., December 31, 1861 + +GENERAL H. W. HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + +General McClellan is sick. Are General Buell and yourself in +concert? When he moves on Bowling Green, what hinders it being +reinforced from Columbus? A simultaneous movement by you on Columbus +might prevent it. + +A. LINCOLN. + +[Similar despatch to Buell same date.] + + + + + + +1862 + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +WASHINGTON CITY, January 1, 1862 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL, Louisville: + +General McClellan should not yet be disturbed with business. I think +you better get in concert with General Halleck at once. I write you +to-night. I also telegraph and write Halleck. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, January 1, 1862 + +DEAR GENERAL HALLECK: + +General McClellan is not dangerously ill, as I hope, but would better +not be disturbed with business. I am very anxious that, in case of +General Buell's moving toward Nashville, the enemy shall not be +greatly reinforced, and I think there is danger he will be from +Columbus. It seems to me that a real or feigned attack upon Columbus +from up the river at the same time would either prevent this or +compensate for it by throwing Columbus into our hands. I wrote +General Buell a letter similar to this, meaning that he and you shall +communicate and act in concert, unless it be your judgment and his +that there is no necessity for it. You and he will understand much +better than I how to do it. Please do not lose time in this matter. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND, + +In view of the recent declaration of the people of Maryland of their +adhesion to the Union, so distinctly made in their recent election, +the President directs that all the prisoners who having heretofore +been arrested in that State are now detained in military custody by +the President's authority, be released from their imprisonment on the +following conditions, namely: that if they were holding any civil or +military offices when arrested, the terms of which have expired, they +shall not resume or reclaim such office; and secondly, all persons +availing themselves of this proclamation shall engage by oath or +parole of honor to maintain the Union and the Constitution of the +United States, and in no way to aid or abet by arms, counsel, +conversation, or information of any kind the existing insurrection +against the Government of the United States. + +To guard against misapprehension it is proper to state that this +proclamation does not apply to prisoners of war. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 2, 1862 + +To THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES + +I transmit to Congress a copy of a letter to the Secretary of State +from James R. Partridge, secretary to the executive committee to the +in exhibition to be held in London in the course present year, and a +copy of the correspond which it refers, relative to a vessel for the +of taking such articles as persons in this country may wish to +exhibit on that occasion. As it appears no naval vessel can be spared +for the purpose, I recommend that authority be given to charter a +suitable merchant vessel, in order that facilities similar to those +afforded by the government exhibition of 1851 may also be extended to +citizens of the United States who may desire to contribute to the +exhibition of this year. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + + + + +MESSAGES OF DISAPPOINTMENT WITH HIS GENERALS + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +WASHINGTON, January 4, 1862. + +GENERAL BUELL: + +Have arms gone forward for East Tennessee? Please tell me the +progress and condition of the movement in that direction. Answer. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +January 6, 1862. + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + +MY DEAR SIR:--Your despatch of yesterday has been received, and it +disappoints and distresses me. I have shown it to General McClellan, +who says he will write you to-day. I am not competent to criticize +your views, and therefore what I offer is in justification of myself. +Of the two, I would rather have a point on the railroad south of +Cumberland Gap than Nashville. First, because it cuts a great artery +of the enemy's communication, which Nashville does not; and secondly, +because it is in the midst of loyal people who would rally around it, +while Nashville is not. Again, I cannot see why the movement on East +Tennessee would not be a diversion in your favor rather than a +disadvantage, assuming that a movement toward Nashville is the main +object. But my distress is that our friends in East Tennessee are +being hanged and driven to despair, and even now, I fear, are +thinking of taking rebel arms for the sake of personal protection. +In this we lose the most valuable stake we have in the South. My +despatch, to which yours is an answer, was sent with the knowledge of +Senator Johnson and Representative Maynard of East Tennessee, and +they will be upon me to know the answer, which I cannot safely show +them. They would despair, possibly resign to go and save their +families somehow, or die with them. I do not intend this to be an +order in any sense, but merely, as intimated before, to show you the +grounds of my anxiety. + +Yours very truly, + + A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUELL. + +WASHINGTON, January 7, 1862. + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL D.C. BUELL, Louisville: + +Please name as early a day as you safely can on or before which you +can be ready to move southward in concert with Major-General Halleck. +Delay is ruining us, and it is indispensable for me to have something +definite. I send a like despatch to Major-General Halleck. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 10, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the +minister of his Majesty the Emperor of Austria accredited to this +government, and a copy of a note to that minister from the Secretary +of State relative to the questions involved in the taking from the +British steamer Trent of certain citizens of the United States by +order of Captain Wilkes of the United States Navy. This +correspondence may be considered as a sequel to that previously +communicated to Congress relating to the same subject. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GENERAL HALLECK, +JANUARY 10, 1862. + +HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSOURI +ST. Louis, January 6, 1862. + +To His EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT: + +In reply to your Excellency's letter of the 1st instant, I have to +state that on receiving your telegram I immediately communicated with +General Buell and have since sent him all the information I could +obtain of the enemy's movements about Columbus and Camp Beauregard. +No considerable force has been sent from those places to Bowling +Green. They have about 22,000 men at Columbus, and the place is +strongly fortified. I have at Cairo, Port Holt, and Paducah only +about 15,000, which, after leaving guards at these places, would give +me but little over 10,000 men with which to assist General Buell. It +would be madness to attempt anything serious with such a force, and I +cannot at the present time withdraw any from Missouri without risking +the loss of this State. The troops recently raised in other States +of this department have, without my knowledge, been sent to Kentucky +and Kansas. + +I am satisfied that the authorities at Washington do not appreciate +the difficulties with which we have to contend here. The operations +of Lane, Jennison, and others have so enraged the people of Missouri +that it is estimated that there is a majority of 80,000 against the +government. We are virtually in an enemy's country. Price and +others have a considerable army in the southwest, against which I am +operating with all my available force. + +This city and most of the middle and northern counties are +insurrectionary,--burning bridges, destroying telegraph lines, etc.,- +-and can be kept down only by the presence of troops. A large +portion of the foreign troops organized by General Fremont are +unreliable; indeed, many of them are already mutinous. They have +been tampered with by politicians, and made to believe that if they +get up a mutiny and demand Fremont's return the government will be +forced to restore him to duty here. It is believed that some high +officers are in the plot I have already been obliged to disarm +several of these organizations, and I am daily expecting more serious +outbreaks. Another grave difficulty is the want of proper general +officers to command the troops and enforce order and discipline, and +especially to protect public property from robbery and plunder. Some +of the brigadier-generals assigned to this department are entirely +ignorant of their duties and unfit for any command. I assure you, +Mr. President, it is very difficult to accomplish much with such +means. I am in the condition of a carpenter who is required to build +a bridge with a dull axe, a broken saw, and rotten timber. It is +true that I have some very good green timber, which will answer the +purpose as soon as I can get it into shape and season it a little. + +I know nothing of General Buell's intended operations, never having +received any information in regard to the general plan of campaign. +If it be intended that his column shall move on Bowling Green while +another moves from Cairo or Paducah on Columbus or Camp Beauregard, +it will be a repetition of the same strategic error which produced +the disaster of Bull Run. To operate on exterior lines against an +enemy occupying a central position will fail, as it always has +failed, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred. It is condemned by +every military authority I have ever read. + +General Buell's army and the forces at Paducah occupy precisely the +same position in relation to each other and to the enemy as did the +armies of McDowell and Patterson before the battle of Bull Run. + +Very respectfully, your obedient servant, + +H. W. HALLECK, Major-General + + +[Indorsement] + +The within is a copy of a letter just received from General Halleck. +It is exceedingly discouraging. As everywhere else, nothing can be +done. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR ANDREW. + +WASHINGTON, D. C., +January 11, 1862 + +GOVERNOR JOHN A. ANDREW, Boston: + +I will be greatly obliged if you will arrange; somehow with General +Butler to officer his two un-officered regiments. + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 13, 1861 + +BRIGADIER-GENERAL BUELL. + +MY DEAR SIR--Your despatch of yesterday is received, in which you +say, "I received your letter and General McClellan's, and will at +once devote my efforts to your views and his." In the midst of my +many cares I have not seen, nor asked to see, General McClellan's +letter to you. For my own views, I have not offered and do not now +offer them as orders; and while I am glad to have them respectfully +considered, I would blame you to follow them contrary to your own +clear judgment, unless I should put them in the form of orders. As +to General McClellan's views, you understand your duty in regard to +them better than I do. + +With this preliminary I state my general idea of this war to be, that +we have the greater numbers and the enemy has the greater facility of +concentrating forces upon points of collision; that we must fail +unless we can find some way of making our advantage an overmatch for +his; and that this can only be done by menacing him with superior +forces at different points at the same time, so that we can safely +attack one or both if he makes no change; and if he weakens one to +strengthen the other, forbear to attack the strengthened one, but +seize and hold the weakened one, gaining so much. + +To illustrate: Suppose last summer, when Winchester ran away to +reinforce Manassas, we had forborne to attack Manassas, but had +seized and held Winchester. I mention this to illustrate and not to +criticise. I did not lose confidence in McDowell, and I think less +harshly of Patterson than some others seem to. . . . Applying the +principle to your case, my idea is that Halleck shall menace Columbus +and "down river" generally, while you menace Bowling Green and East +Tennessee. If the enemy shall concentrate at Bowling Green, do not +retire from his front, yet do not fight him there either, but seize +Columbus and East Tennessee, one or both, left exposed by the +concentration at Bowling Green. It is a matter of no small anxiety +to me, and which I am sure you will not overlook, that the East +Tennessee line is so long and over so bad a road. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + +(Indorsement.) + +Having to-day written General Buell a letter, it occurs to me to send +General Halleck a copy of it. +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 1 , 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The Germans are true and patriotic and so far as they +have got cross in Missouri it is upon mistake and misunderstanding. +Without a knowledge of its contents, Governor Koerner, of Illinois, +will hand you this letter. He is an educated and talented German +gentleman, as true a man as lives. With his assistance you can set +everything right with the Germans. . . . My clear judgment is +that, with reference to the German element in your command, you +should have Governor Koerner with you; and if agreeable to you and +him, I will make him a brigadier-general, so that he can afford to +give his time. He does not wish to command in the field, though he +has more military knowledge than some who do. If he goes into the +place, he will simply be an efficient, zealous, and unselfish +assistant to you. I say all this upon intimate personal acquaintance +with Governor Koerner. + +Yours very truly, + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON, January 17, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +I transmit to Congress a translation of an instruction to the +minister of his Majesty the King of Prussia accredited to this +government, and a copy of a note to that minister from the Secretary +of State relating to the capture and detention of certain citizens of +the United States, passengers on board the British steamer Trent, by +order of Captain Wilkes of the United States Navy. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN + + + + +TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON. + +January 20, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, + +Commanding Armies of the United States: + +You or any officer you may designate will in your discretion suspend +the writ of habeas corpus so far as may relate to Major Chase, lately +of the Engineer Corps of the Army of the United States, now alleged +to be guilty of treasonable practices against this government. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO. 1 + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON , January 27, 1862. + +Ordered, That the 22d day of February, 1862, be the day for a general +movement of the land and the naval forces of the United States +against the insurgent forces. + +That especially the army at and about Fortress Monroe, the Army of +the Potomac, the Army of Western Virginia, the army near +Munfordville, Kentucky, the army and flotilla at Cairo, and a naval +force in the Gulf of Mexico, be ready for a movement on that day. + +That all other forces, both land and naval, with their respective +commanders, obey existing orders for the time, and be ready to obey +additional orders when duly given. + +That the heads of departments, and especially the Secretaries of War +and of the Navy, with all their subordinates, and the +General-in-chief, with all other commanders and subordinates of land +and naval forces, will severally be held to their strict and full +responsibilities for the prompt execution of this order. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO SECRETARY STANTON, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862 + +HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. + +MY DEAR SIR:--It is my wish that the expedition commonly called the +"Lane Expedition" shall be, as much as has been promised at the +adjutant-general's office, under the supervision of General +McClellan, and not any more. I have not intended, and do not now +intend, that it shall be a great, exhausting affair, but a snug, +sober column of 10,000 or 15,000. General Lane has been told by me +many times that he is under the command of General Hunter, and +assented to it as often as told. It was the distinct agreement +between him and me, when I appointed him, that he was to be under +Hunter. + +Yours truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO. 1. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 31, 1862. + +Ordered, That all the disposable force of the Army of the Potomac, +after providing safely for the defence of Washington, be formed into +an expedition for the immediate object of seizing and occupying a +point upon the railroad southwestward of what is known as Manassas +Junction, all details to be in the discretion of the +commander-in-chief, and the expedition to move before or on the 22d +day of February next. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +OPPOSITION TO McCLELLAN'S PLANS + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN, + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL MCCLELLAN. + +DEAR SIR--You and I have distinct and different plans for a movement +of the Army of the Potomac--yours to be down the Chesapeake, up the +Rappahannock to Urbana, and across land to the terminus of the +railroad on the York River; mine to move directly to a point on the +railroad southwest of Manassas. + +If you will give me satisfactory answers to the following questions, +I shall gladly yield my plan to yours. + +First. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of +time and money than mine? + +Second. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan than mine? + +Third. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine? + +Fourth. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it +would break no great line of the enemy's communications, while mine +would? + +Fifth. In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult by +your plan than mine? + +Yours truly, +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +Memorandum accompanying Letter of President Lincoln to General +McClellan, dated February 3,1862. + +First. Suppose the enemy should attack us in force before we reach +the Occoquan, what? + +Second. Suppose the enemy in force shall dispute the crossing of the +Occoquan, what? In view of this, might it not be safest for us to +cross the Occoquan at Coichester, rather than at the village of +Occoquan? This would cost the enemy two miles of travel to meet us, +but would, on the contrary, leave us two miles farther from our +ultimate +destination. + +Third. Suppose we reach Maple Valley without an attack, will we not +be attacked there in force by the enemy marching by the several roads +from Manassas; and if so, what? + + + + +TO WM. H. HERNDON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, +February 3, 1862. + +DEAR WILLIAM:--Yours of January 30th just received. Do just as you +say about the money matter. + +As you well know, I have not time to write a letter of respectable +length. God bless you, says + +Your friend, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +RESPITE FOR NATHANIEL GORDON + +February 4, 1862 + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, +PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, +To all to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting: + +Whereas it appears that at a term of the Circuit Court of the United +States of America for the Southern District of New York held in the +month of November, A.D. 1861, Nathaniel Gordon was indicted and +convicted for being engaged in the slave trade, and was by the said +court sentenced to be put to death by hanging by the neck, on Friday +the 7th day of February, AD. 1862: + +And whereas a large number of respectable citizens have earnestly +besought me to commute the said sentence of the said Nathaniel Gordon +to a term of imprisonment for life, which application I have felt it +to be my duty to refuse: + +And whereas it has seemed to me probable that the unsuccessful +application made for the commutation of his sentence may have +prevented the said Nathaniel Gordon from making the necessary +preparation for the awful change which awaits him; + +Now, therefore, be it known, that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of +the United States of America, have granted and do hereby grant unto +him, the said Nathaniel Gordon, a respite of the above recited +sentence, until Friday the twenty-first day of February, A.D. 1862, +between the hours of twelve o'clock at noon and three o'clock in the +afternoon of the said day, when the said sentence shall be executed. + +In granting this respite, it becomes my painful duty to admonish the +prisoner that, relinquishing all expectation of pardon by human +authority, he refer himself alone to the mercy of the common God and +Father of all men. + +In testimony whereof I have hereunto signed my name and caused the +seal of the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the City of Washington, this fourth day of February, A.D. +1862, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. + +WASHINGTON CITY, February 4. 1862 + +To THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of +the Navy," approved December 21, 1862, provides: + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the +retired list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single +ships such officers as he may believe that the good of the service +requires to be thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon +the recommendation of the President of the United States they shall +receive a vote of thanks of Congress for their services and gallantry +in action against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not +otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, +was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in +command of the squadron which recently rendered such important +service to the Union in the expedition to the coast of South +Carolina. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully +correspond with the intention of the law, or be more pregnant with +happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain +Samuel F. Du Pont receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his +services and gallantry displayed in the capture of Forts Walker and +Beauregard, commanding the entrance of Port Royal Harbor, on the 7th +of November, 1861. +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERALS D. HUNTER AND J. H. LANE. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, FEBRUARY 4, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER AND BRIGADIER-GENERAL LANE, +Leavenworth, Kansas: + +My wish has been and is to avail the government of the services of +both General Hunter and General Lane, and, so far as possible, to +personally oblige both. General Hunter is the senior officer, and +must command when they serve together; though in so far as he can +consistently with the public service and his own honor oblige General +Lane, he will also oblige me. If they cannot come to an amicable +understanding, General Lane must report to General Hunter for duty, +according to the rules, or decline the service. +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 1, RELATING TO POLITICAL +PRISONERS. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, +February 14,1862. + +The breaking out of a formidable insurrection based on a conflict of +political ideas, being an event without precedent in the United +States, was necessarily attended by great confusion and perplexity of +the public mind. Disloyalty before unsuspected suddenly became bold, +and treason astonished the world by bringing at once into the field +military forces superior in number to the standing army of the United +States. + +Every department of the government was paralyzed by treason. +Defection appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in +the Cabinet, in the Federal courts; ministers and consuls returned +from foreign countries to enter the insurrectionary councils of land +or naval forces; commanding and other officers of the army and in the +navy betrayed our councils or deserted their posts for commands in +the insurgent forces. Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the +post-office service, as well as in the Territorial governments and in +the Indian reserves. + +Not only governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in +the States, but even whole States rushed one after another with +apparent unanimity into rebellion. The capital was besieged and its +connection with all the States cut off. Even in the portions of the +country which were most loyal, political combinations and secret +societies were formed furthering tile work of disunion, while, from +motives of disloyalty or cupidity or from excited passions or +perverted sympathies, individuals were found furnishing men, money, +and materials of war and supplies to the insurgents' military and +naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications, navy yards, arsenals, +military posts, and garrisons one after another were betrayed or +abandoned to the insurgents. + +Congress had not anticipated, and so had not provided for, the +emergency. The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. +The judicial machinery seemed as if it had been designed, not to +sustain the government, but to embarrass and betray it. + +Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by +the abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has only been +prevented by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the +most perfect moderation, in our intercourse with nations. + +The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately not +distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the +Federal Government, which one year before had been thought a model +worthy of universal acceptance, had indeed the ability to defend and +maintain itself. + +Some reverses, which, perhaps, were unavoidable, suffered by newly +levied and inefficient forces, discouraged the loyal and gave new +hopes to the insurgents. Voluntary enlistments seemed about to cease +and desertions commenced. Parties speculated upon the question +whether conscription had not become necessary to fill up the armies +of the United States. + +In this emergency the President felt it his duty to employ with +energy the extraordinary powers which the Constitution confides to +him in cases of insurrection. He called into the field such military +and naval forces, unauthorized by the existing laws, as seemed +necessary. He directed measures to prevent the use of the post- +office for treasonable correspondence. He subjected passengers to +and from foreign countries to new passport regulations, and he +instituted a blockade, suspended the writ of habeas corpus in various +places, and caused persons who were represented to him as being or +about to engage in disloyal and treasonable practices to be arrested +by special civil as well as military agencies and detained in +military custody when necessary to prevent them and deter others from +such practices. Examinations of such cases were instituted, and some +of the persons so arrested have been discharged from time to time +under circumstances or upon conditions compatible, as was thought, +with the public safety. + +Meantime a favorable change of public opinion has occurred. The line +between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly defined. The whole +structure of the government is firm and stable. Apprehension of +public danger and facilities for treasonable practices have +diminished with the passions which prompted heedless persons to adopt +them. The insurrection is believed to have culminated and to be +declining. + +The President, in view of these facts, and anxious to favor a return +to the normal course of the administration as far as regard for the +public welfare will allow, directs that all political prisoners or +state prisoners now held in military custody be released on their +subscribing to a parole engaging them to render no aid or comfort to +the enemies in hostility to the United States. + +The Secretary of War will, however, in his discretion, except from +the effect of this order any persons detained as spies in the service +of the insurgents, or others whose release at the present moment may +be deemed incompatible with the public safety. + +To all persons who shall be so released, and who shall keep their +parole, the President grants an amnesty for any past offences of +treason or disloyalty which they may have comminuted. + +Extraordinary arrests will hereafter be made under the direction of +the military authorities alone. + +By order of the President +EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. +WASHINGTON CITY, February 15, 1862 + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES: +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of +the Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the +retired list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single +ships such officers as he may believe that the good of the service +requires to be thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon +the recommendation of the President of the United States they shall +receive a vote of thanks of Congress for their services and gallantry +in action against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not +otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Louis M. Goldsborough, of the +navy, was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer +in command of the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron, which recently +rendered such important service to the Union in the expedition to the +coast of North Carolina. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully +correspond with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with +happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain +Louis M. Goldsborough receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his +services and gallantry displayed in the combined attack of the forces +commanded by him and Brigadier-General Burnside in the capture of +Roanoke Island and the destruction of rebel gunboats On the 7th, 8th, +and 10th of February, 1862. +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +FIRST WRITTEN NOTICE OF GRANT + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, + +February 16, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri: + +You have Fort Donelson safe, unless Grant shall be overwhelmed from +outside; to prevent which latter will, I think, require all the +vigilance, energy, and skill of yourself and Buell, acting in full +co-operation. Columbus will not get at Grant, but the force from +Bowling Green will. They hold the railroad from Bowling Green to +within a few miles of Fort Donelson, with the bridge at Clarksville +undisturbed. It is unsafe to rely that they will not dare to expose +Nashville to Buell. A small part of their force can retire slowly +toward Nashville, breaking up the railroad as they go, and keep Buell +out of that city twenty days. Meanwhile Nashville will be abundantly +defended by forces from all South and perhaps from hers at Manassas. +Could not a cavalry force from General Thomas on the upper Cumberland +dash across, almost unresisted, and cut the railroad at or near +Knoxville, Tennessee? In the midst of a bombardment at Fort +Donelson, why could not a gunboat run up and destroy the bridge at +Clarksville? Our success or failure at Fort Donelson is vastly +important, and I beg you to put your soul in the effort. I send a +copy of this to Buell. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 2.--IN RELATION TO STATE PRISONERS. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, +FEBRUARY 27, 1862 + +It is ordered: + +First. That a special commission of two persons, one of military +rank and the other in civil life, be appointed to examine the cases +of the state prisoners remaining in the military custody of the +United States, and to determine whether in view of the public Safety +and the existing rebellion they should be discharged, or remain in +military custody, or be remitted to the civil tribunals for trial. + +Second. That Major-General John A. Dix, commanding in Baltimore, and +the HON. Edwards Pierrepont, of New York, be, and they are hereby, +appointed commissioners for the purpose above mentioned; and they are +authorized to examine, hear, and determine the cases aforesaid ex +parte and in a summary manner, at such times and places as in their +discretion they may appoint, and make full report to the War +Department. + +By order of the President +EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. + + + + +ORDER RELATING TO COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE. + +Considering that the existing circumstances of the country allow a +partial restoration of commercial intercourse between the inhabitants +of those parts of the United States heretofore declared to be in +insurrection and the citizens of the loyal States of the Union, and +exercising the authority and discretion confided to me by the act of +Congress, approved July 13, 1861, entitled "An act further to provide +for the collection of duties on imports, and for other purposes," I +hereby license and permit such commercial intercourse in all cases +within the rules and regulations which have been or may be prescribed +by the Secretary of the Treasury for conducting and carrying on the +same on the inland waters arid ways of the United States. + +WASHINGTON, February 28, 1862. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +SPEECH TO THE PERUVIAN MINISTER, + +WASHINGTON, D. C., +MARCH 4, 1862 + +The United States have no enmities, animosities, or rivalries, and no +interests which conflict with the welfare, safety, and rights or +interests of any other nation. Their own prosperity, happiness, and +aggrandizement are sought most safely and advantageously through the +preservation not only of peace on their own part, but peace among all +other nations. But while the United States are thus a friend to all +other nations, they do not seek to conceal the fact that they cherish +especial sentiments of friendship for, and sympathies with, those +who, like themselves, have founded their institutions on the +principle of the equal rights of men; and such nations being more +prominently neighbors of the United States, the latter are +co-operating with them in establishing civilization and culture on +the American continent. Such being the general principles which +govern the United States in their foreign relations, you may be +assured, sir, that in all things this government will deal justly, +frankly, and, if it be possible, even liberally with Peru, whose +liberal sentiments toward us you have so kindly expressed. + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS RECOMMENDING COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION. + +March 6, 1862 + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:-- +I recommend the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable +bodies which shall be substantially as follows: + +"Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State +which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State +pecuniary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to +compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by +such change of system." + +If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the +approval of Congress and the country, there is the end; but if it +does command such approval, I deem it of importance that the States +and people immediately interested should be at once distinctly +notified of the fact, so that they may begin to consider whether to +accept or reject it. The Federal Government would find its highest +interest in such a measure, as one of the most efficient means of +self-preservation. The leaders of the existing insurrection +entertain the hope that this government will ultimately be forced to +acknowledge the independence of some part of the disaffected region, +and that all the slave States north of such part will then say, "The +Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we now choose +to go with the Southern section." To deprive them of this hope +substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipation +completely deprives them of it as to all the States initiating it. +The point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would very +soon, if at all, initiate emancipation; but that, while the offer is +equally made to all, the more northern shall by such initiation make +it certain to the more southern that in no event will the former ever +join the latter in their proposed confederacy. I say "initiation" +because, in my judgment, gradual and not sudden emancipation is +better for all. In the mere financial or pecuniary view, any member +of Congress with the census tables and treasury reports before him +can readily see for himself how very soon the current expenditures of +this war would purchase, at fair valuation, all the slaves in any +named State. Such a proposition on the part of the General +Government sets up no claim of a right by Federal authority to +interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as it does, +the absolute control of the subject in each case to the State and its +people immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of +perfectly free choice with them. + +In the annual message last December, I thought fit to say, "The Union +must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be +employed." I said this not hastily, but deliberately. War has been +made and continues to be an indispensable means to this end. A +practical reacknowledgment of the national authority would render the +war unnecessary, and it would at once cease. If, however, resistance +continues, the war must also continue; and it is impossible to +foresee all the incidents which may attend and all the ruin which may +follow it. Such as may seem indispensable or may obviously promise +great efficiency toward ending the struggle must and will come. + +The proposition now made (though an offer only), I hope it may be +esteemed no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration +tendered would not be of more value to the States and private persons +concerned than are the institution and property in it in the present +aspect of affairs. + +While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would +be merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it +is recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important +practical results. In full view of my great responsibility to my God +and to my country, I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the +people to the subject. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GOVERNOR YATES. + +STATE OF ILLINOIS, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, +SPRINGFIELD, ILL., March 1, 1862 + +HON. EDWIN M. STANTON, +SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington, D. C. + +SIR:--The government at my special request a few months since +contracted for fourteen batteries of the James rifled gun, 6-pounder +calibre, and a limited quantity of the James projectiles, weighing +about fourteen pounds each. The reports showing the superiority of +this gun and projectile, both as regards range, accuracy, and +execution, for field service over that of all others at the battle of +Fort Donelson, leads me to request that there be furnished to the +State of Illinois in the shortest time practicable seven batteries of +12-pounder calibre James rifled guns, with carriages, harness, +implements, etc., complete and ready for field service, together with +the following fixed ammunition to each gun, viz., 225 shells, 225 +canister, and 50 solid projectiles, weighing about 24 pounds each, +and also 200 shells, 100 canister, and 100 solid projectiles for each +of the guns of the fourteen batteries named above, weighing about +14 pounds each, all to be of the James model. + +Very respectfully, + +RICHARD YATES, +Governor of Illinois. + +[Indorsement.] + +March 8, 1862. + +The within is from the Governor of Illinois. I understand the seven +additional batteries now sought are to be 6-gun batteries, and the +object is to mix them with the fourteen batteries they already have +so as to make each battery consist of four 6-pounders and two +12-pounders. I shall be very glad to have the requisition filled if +it can be without detriment to the service. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.2. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON + +March 8, 1862. + +Ordered: +1. That the major-general commanding the Army of the Potomac proceed +forthwith to organize that part of the said army destined to enter +upon active operations (including the reserve, but excluding the +troops to be left in the fortifications about Washington) into four +army corps, to be commanded according to seniority of rank, as +follows: + +First Corps to consist of four divisions, and to be commanded by +Major-General I. McDowell. +Second Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be commanded by +Brigadier-General E. V. Sumner. +Third Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be commanded by +Brigadier-General S. P. Heintzelman. +Fourth Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be commanded by +Brigadier-General E. D. Keyes. + +2. That the divisions now commanded by the officers above assigned +to the commands of army corps shall be embraced in and form part of +their respective corps. + +3. The forces left for the defense of Washington will be placed in +command of Brigadier-General James S. Wadsworth, who shall also be +military governor of the District of Columbia. + +4. That this order be executed with such promptness and dispatch as +not to delay the commencement of the operations already directed to +be underwritten by the Army of the Potomac. + +5. A fifth army corps, to be commanded by Major general N. P. Banks, +will be formed from his own and General Shields's (late General +Lander's) divisions. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 8,1862 + +Ordered: That no change of the base of operations of the Army of the +Potomac shall be made without leaving in and about Washington such a +force as in the opinion of the general-in-chief and the commanders of +all the army corps shall leave said city entirely secure. + +That no more than two army corps (about 50,000 troops) of said Army +of the Potomac shall be moved en route for a new base of operations +until the navigation of the Potomac from Washington to the Chesapeake +Bay shall be freed from enemy's batteries and other obstructions, or +until the President shall hereafter give express permission. + +That any movements as aforesaid en route for a new base of operations +which may be ordered by the general-in-chief, and which may be +intended to move upon the Chesapeake Bay, shall begin to move upon +the bay as early as the 18th day of March instant, and the +general-in-chief shall be responsible that it so move as early as +that day. + +Ordered, That the army and navy co-operate in an immediate effort to +capture the enemy's batteries upon the Potomac between Washington and +the Chesapeake Bay. + +A. LINCOLN + + + + +MEMORANDUM OF AN INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME BORDER +SLAVE STATE REPRESENTATIVES, BY HON. J. W. CRISFIELD. + +"DEAR SIR:--I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to +come to the White House tomorrow morning, at nine o'clock, and bring +such of your colleagues as are in town." + +WASHINGTON, March 10, 1862. + +Yesterday, on my return from church, I found Mr. Postmaster-General +Blair in my room, writing the above note, which he immediately +suspended, and verbally communicated the President's invitation, and +stated that the President's purpose was to have some conversation +with the delegations of Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Virginia, and +Delaware, in explanation of his message of the 6th instant. + +This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town, +assembled at the White House at the appointed time, and after some +little delay were admitted to an audience. Mr. Leary and myself were +the only members from Maryland present, and, I think, were the only +members of the delegation at that time in the city. I know that Mr. +Pearoe, of the Senate, and Messrs. Webster and Calvert, of the +House, were absent. + +After the usual salutations, and we were seated, the President said, +in substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some +conversation with us in explanation of his message of the 6th; that +since he had sent it in several of the gentlemen then present had +visited him, but had avoided any allusion to the message, and he +therefore inferred that the import of the message had been +misunderstood, and was regarded as inimical to the interests we +represented; and he had resolved he would talk with us, and disabuse +our minds of that erroneous opinion. + +The President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests or +wound the sensibilities of the slave States. On the contrary, his +purpose was to protect the one and respect the other; that we were +engaged in a terrible, wasting, and tedious war; immense armies were +in the field, and must continue in the field as long as the war +lasts; that these armies must, of necessity, be brought into contact +with slaves in the States we represented and in other States as they +advanced; that slaves would come to the camps, and continual +irritation was kept up; that he was constantly annoyed by conflicting +and antagonistic complaints: on the one side a certain class +complained if the slave was not protected by the army; persons were +frequently found who, participating in these views, acted in a way +unfriendly to the slaveholder; on the other hand, slaveholders +complained that their rights were interfered with, their slaves +induced to abscond and protected within the lines; these complaints +were numerous, loud and deep; were a serious annoyance to him and +embarrassing to the progress of the war; that it kept alive a spirit +hostile to the government in the States we represented; strengthened +the hopes of the Confederates that at some day the border States +would unite with them, and thus tend to prolong the war; and he was +of opinion, if this resolution should be adopted by Congress and +accepted by our States, these causes of irritation and these hopes +would be removed, and more would be accomplished toward shortening +the war than could be hoped from the greatest victory achieved by +Union armies; that he made this proposition in good faith, and +desired it to be accepted, if at all, voluntarily, and in the same +patriotic spirit in which it was made; that emancipation was a +subject exclusively under the control of the States, and must be +adopted or rejected by each for itself; that he did not claim nor had +this government any right to coerce them for that purpose; that such +was no part of his purpose in making this proposition, and he wished +it to be clearly understood; that he did not expect us there to be +prepared to give him an answer, but he hoped we would take the +subject into serious consideration, confer with one another, and then +take such course as we felt our duty and the interests of our +constituents required of us. + +Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State slavery was not +considered a permanent institution; that natural causes were there in +operation which would at no distant day extinguish it, and he did not +think that this proposition was necessary for that; and, besides +that, he and his friends felt solicitous as to the message on account +of the different constructions which the resolution and message had +received. The New York Tribune was for it, and understood it to mean +that we must accept gradual emancipation according to the plan +suggested, or get something worse. + +The President replied that he must not be expected to quarrel with +the New York Tribune before the right time; he hoped never to have to +do it; he would not anticipate events. In respect to emancipation in +Missouri, he said that what had been observed by Mr. Noell was +probably true, but the operation of these natural causes had not +prevented the irritating conduct to which he had referred, or +destroyed the hopes of the Confederates that Missouri would at some +time merge herself alongside of them, which, in his judgment, the +passage of this resolution by Congress and its acceptance by Missouri +would accomplish. + +Mr. Crisfield, of Maryland, asked what would be the effect of the +refusal of the State to accept this proposal, and he desired to know +if the President looked to any policy beyond the acceptance or +rejection of this scheme. + +The President replied that he had no designs beyond the actions of +the States on this particular subject. He should lament their +refusal to accept it, but he had no designs beyond their refusal of +it. + +Mr. Menzies, of Kentucky, inquired if the President thought there was +any power except in the States themselves to carry out his scheme of +emancipation. + +The President replied that he thought there could not be. He then +went off into a course of remarks not qualifying the foregoing +declaration nor material to be repeated to a just understanding of +his meaning. + +Mr. Crisfield said he did not think the people of Maryland looked +upon slavery as a permanent institution; and he did not know that +they would be very reluctant to give it up if provision was made to +meet the loss and they could be rid of the race; but they did not +like to be coerced into emancipation, either by the direct action of +the government or by indirection, as through the emancipation of +slaves in this District, or the confiscation of Southern property as +now threatened; and he thought before they would consent to consider +this proposition they would require to be informed on these points. +The President replied that, unless he was expelled by the act of God +or the Confederate armies he should occupy that house for three +years; and as long as he remained there Maryland had nothing to fear +either for her institutions or her interests on the points referred +to. + +Mr. Crisfield immediately added: "Mr. President, if what you now say +could be heard by the people of Maryland, they would consider your +proposition with a much better feeling than I fear without it they +will be inclined to do." + +The President: "That [meaning a publication of what he said] will not +do; it would force me into a quarrel before the proper time "; and, +again intimating, as he had before done, that a quarrel with the +"Greeley faction" was impending, he said he did not wish to encounter +it before the proper time, nor at all if it could be avoided. + +[The Greely faction wanted an immediate Emancipation Proclamation. +D.W.] + +Governor Wickliffe, of Kentucky, then asked him respecting the +constitutionality of his scheme. + +The President replied: "As you may suppose, I have considered that; +and the proposition now submitted does not encounter any +constitutional difficulty. It proposes simply to co-operate with any +State by giving such State pecuniary aid"; and he thought that the +resolution, as proposed by him, would be considered rather as the +expression of a sentiment than as involving any constitutional +question. + +Mr. Hall, of Missouri, thought that if this proposition was adopted +at all it should be by the votes of the free States, and come as a +proposition from them to the slave States, affording them an +inducement to put aside this subject of discord; that it ought not to +be expected that members representing slaveholding constituencies +should declare at once, and in advance of any proposition to them, +for the emancipation of slavery. + +The President said he saw and felt the force of the objection; it was +a fearful responsibility, and every gentleman must do as he thought +best; that he did not know how this scheme was received by the +members from the free States; some of them had spoken to him and +received it kindly; but for the most part they were as reserved and +chary as we had been, and he could not tell how they would vote. And +in reply to some expression of Mr. Hall as to his own opinion +regarding slavery, he said he did not pretend to disguise his anti- +slavery feeling; that he thought it was wrong, and should continue to +think so; but that was not the question we had to deal with now. +Slavery existed, and that, too, as well by the act of the North as of +the South; and in any scheme to get rid of it the North as well as +the South was morally bound to do its full and equal share. He +thought the institution wrong and ought never to have existed; but +yet he recognized the rights of property which had grown out of it, +and would respect those rights as fully as similar rights in any +other property; that property can exist and does legally exist. He +thought such a law wrong, but the rights of property resulting must +be respected; he would get rid of the odious law, not by violating +the rights, but by encouraging the proposition and offering +inducements to give it up. + +Here the interview, so far as this subject is concerned, terminated +by Mr. Crittenden's assuring the President that, whatever might be +our final action, we all thought him solely moved by a high +patriotism and sincere devotion to the happiness and glory of his +country; and with that conviction we should consider respectfully the +important suggestions he had made. + +After some conversation on the current war news, we retired, and I +immediately proceeded to my room and wrote out this paper. + +J. W. CRISFIELD. + + +We were present at the interview described in the foregoing paper of +Mr. Crisfield, and we certify that the substance of what passed on +the occasion is in this paper faithfully and fully given. + +J. W. MENZIES, +J. J. CRITTENDEN, +R. MALLORY. + +March 10, 1862. + + + + +PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO.3. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 11, 1862. + +Major-General McClellan having personally taken the field at the head +of the Army of the Potomac, until otherwise ordered he is relieved +from the command of the other military departments, he retaining +command of the Department of the Potomac. + +Ordered further, That the departments now under the respective +commands of Generals Halleck and Hunter, together with so much of +that under General Buell as lies west of a north and south line +indefinitely drawn through Knoxville, Tenn., be consolidated and +designated the Department of the Mississippi, and that until +otherwise ordered Major General Halleck have command of said +department. + +Ordered also, That the country west of the Department of the Potomac +and east of the Department of the Mississippi be a military +department, to be called the Mountain Department, and that the same +be commanded by Major-General Fremont. + +That all the commanders of departments, after the receipt of this +order by them, respectively report severally and directly to the +Secretary of War, and that prompt, full, and frequent reports will be +expected of all and each of them. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL MCCLELLAN. +WAR DEPARTMENT, March 13, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN: + +The President, having considered the plan of operations agreed upon +by yourself and the commanders of army corps, makes no objection to +the same but gives the following directions as to its execution: + +1. Leave such force at Manassas Junction as shall make it entirely +certain that the enemy shall no repossess himself of that position +and line of communication. + +2. Leave Washington entirely secure. + +3. Move the remainder of the force down the Potomac, choosing a new +base at Fortress Monroe or anywhere between here and there, or, at +all events, move such remainder of the army at once in pursuit of the +enemy by some route. + +EDWARD M. STANTON, +Secretary of War. + + + + +SPEECH TO A PARTY OF MASSACHUSETTS GENTLEMAN + +WASHINGTON, MARCH 13, 1862 + +I thank you, Mr. Train, for your kindness in presenting me with this +truly elegant and highly creditable specimen of the handiwork of the +mechanics of your State of Massachusetts, and I beg of you to express +my hearty thanks to the donors. It displays a perfection of +workmanship which I really wish I had time to acknowledge in more +fitting words, and I might then follow your idea that it is +suggestive, for it is evidently expected that a good deal of whipping +is to be done. But as we meet here socially let us not think only of +whipping rebels, or of those who seem to think only of whipping +negroes, but of those pleasant days, which it is to be hoped are in +store for us, when seated behind a good pair of horses we can crack +our whips and drive through a peaceful, happy, and prosperous land. +With this idea, gentlemen, I must leave you for my business duties. +[It was likely a Buggy-Whip D.W.] + + + + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. + +WASHINGTON CITY, March 20, 1862. + +TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: + +The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of +the Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides: + +"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and +consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the +retired list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single +ships such officers as he may believe the good of the service +requires to be thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon +the recommendation of the President of the United States they shall +receive a vote of thanks cf Congress for their services and gallantry +in action against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not +otherwise." + +In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, +was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in +command of the squadron which recently rendered such important +service to the Union in the expedition to the coasts of South +Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. + +Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully +correspond with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with +happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain +Samuel F. Du Pont receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his +service and gallantry displayed in the capture since the 21st +December, 1861, of various ports on the coasts of Georgia and +Florida, particularly Brunswick, Cumberland Island and Sound, Amelia +Island, the towns of St. Mary's, St. Augustine, and Jacksonville and +Fernandina. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 31, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +MY DEAR SIR:-This morning I felt constrained to order Blenker's +division to Fremont, and I write this to assure you I did so with +great pain, understanding that you would wish it otherwise. If you +could know the full pressure of the case, I am confident that you +would justify it, even beyond a mere acknowledgment that the +commander-in-chief may order what he pleases. + +Yours very truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +GIFT OF SOME RABBITS + +TO MICHAEL CROCK. +360 N. Fourth St., Philadelphia. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, +April 2, 1862. + +MY DEAR SIR:-Allow me to thank you in behalf of my little son for +your present of white rabbits. He is very much pleased with them. + +Yours truly, + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +INSTRUCTION TO SECRETARY STANTON. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 3, 1862. + +The Secretary of War will order that one or the other of the corps of +General McDowell and General Sumner remain in front of Washington +until further orders from the department, to operate at or in the +direction of Manassas Junction, or otherwise, as occasion may +require; that the other Corps not so ordered to remain go forward to +General McClellan as speedily as possible; that General McClellan +commence his forward movements from his new base at once, and that +such incidental modifications as the foregoing may render proper be +also made. +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 6, 1862. + +GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN: + +Yours of 11 A. M. today received. Secretary of War informs me that +the forwarding of transportation, ammunition, and Woodbury's brigade, +under your orders, is not, and will not be, interfered with. You now +have over one hundred thousand troops with you, independent of +General Wool's command. I think you better break the enemy's line +from Yorktown to Warwick River at once. This will probably use time +as advantageously as you can. + +A. LINCOLN, President + + + + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN. + +MY DEAR SIR+--Your despatches, complaining that you are not properly +sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very much. + +Blenker's division was withdrawn from you before you left here, and +you knew the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought, +acquiesced in it certainly not without reluctance. + +After you left I ascertained that less than 20,000 unorganized men, +without a single field battery, were all you designed to be left for +the defense of Washington and Manassas Junction, and part of this +even to go to General Hooker's old position; General Banks's corps, +once designed for Manassas Junction, was divided and tied up on the +line of Winchester and Strasburg, and could not leave it without +again exposing the upper Potomac and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. +This presented (or would present when McDowell and Sumner should be +gone) a great temptation to the enemy to turn back from the +Rappahannock and sack Washington. My explicit order that Washington +should, by the judgment of all the Commanders of corps, be left +entirely secure, had been neglected. It was precisely this that +drove me to detain McDowell. + +I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave +Banks at Manassas Junction; but when that arrangement was broken up +and nothing substituted for it, of course I was not satisfied. I was +constrained to substitute something for it myself. + +And now allow me to ask, do you really think I should permit the line +from Richmond via Manaasas Junction to this city to be entirely open, +except what resistance could be presented by less than 20,000 +unorganized troops? This is a question which the country will not +allow me to evade. + +There is a curious mystery about the number of the troops now with +you. When I telegraphed you on the 6th, saying you had over 100,000 +with you, I had just obtained from the Secretary of War a statement, +taken as he said from your own returns, making 108,000 then with you +and en route to you. You now say you will have but 85,000 when all +enroute to you shall have reached you. How can this discrepancy of +23,000 be accounted for? + +As to General Wool's command, I understand it is doing for you +precisely what a like number of your own would have to do if that +command was away. I suppose the whole force which has gone forward +to you is with you by this time; and if so, I think it is the precise +time for you to strike a blow. By delay the enemy will relatively +gain upon you--that is, he will gain faster by fortifications and +reinforcements than you can by reinforcements alone. + +And once more let me tell you it is indispensable to you that you +strike a blow. I am powerless to help this. You will do me the +justice to remember I always insisted that going down the bay in +search of a field, instead of fighting at or near Manassas, was only +shifting and not surmounting a difficulty; that we would find the +same enemy and the same or equal entrenchments at either place. The +country will not fail to note--is noting now--that the present +hesitation to move upon an entrenched enemy is but the story of +Manassas repeated. + +I beg to assure you that I have never written you or spoken to you in +greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller purpose to +sustain you, so far as in my most anxious judgment I consistently +can; but you must act. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + +TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, +April 9, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Saint Louis, Mo.: +If the rigor of the confinement of Magoffin (Governor of Kentucky) at +Alton is endangering his life, or materially impairing his health, I +wish it mitigated as far as it can be consistently with his safe +detention. +A. LINCOLN. + +Please send above, by order of the President. +JOHN HAY. + + + + +PROCLAMATION RECOMMENDING THANKSGIVING FOR VICTORIES, + +APRIL 10, 1862. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation + +It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal victories to the land +and naval forces engaged in suppressing, an internal rebellion, and +at the same time to avert from our country the dangers of foreign +intervention and invasion. + +It is therefore recommended to the people of the United States that +at their next weekly assemblages in their accustomed places of public +worship which shall occur after notice of this proclamation shall +have been received, they especially acknowledge and render thanks to +our Heavenly Father for these inestimable blessings, that they then +and there implore spiritual consolation in behalf of all who have +been brought into affliction by the casualties and calamities of +sedition and civil war, and that they reverently invoke the divine +guidance for our national counsels, to the end that they may speedily +result in the restoration of peace, harmony, and unity throughout our +borders and hasten the establishment of fraternal relations among all +the countries of the earth. + +In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of April, A.D. 1862, +and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN WASHINGTON, D.C. + +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. +April 16, 1862. + +FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: +The act entitled "An act for the relief of certain persons held to +service or labor in the District of Columbia" has this day been +approved and signed. + +I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Congress to +abolish slavery in this District, and I have ever desired to see the +national capital freed from the institution in some satisfactory way. +Hence there has never been in my mind any question on the subject +except the one of expediency, arising in view of all the +circumstances. If there be matters within and about this act which +might have taken a course or shape more satisfactory to my judgment, +I do not attempt to specify them. I am gratified that the two +principles of compensation and colonization are both recognized and +practically applied in the act. + +In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be +presented within ninety days from the passage of the act, "but not +thereafter"; and there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane +or absent persons. I presume this is an omission by mere oversight, +and I recommend that it be supplied by an amendatory or supplemental +act. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 21, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Your despatch of the 19th was received that day. Fredericksburg is +evacuated and the bridges destroyed by the enemy, and a small part of +McDowell's command occupies this side of the Rappahannock, opposite +the town. He purposes moving his whole force to that point. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL + +A. LINCOLN. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, +April 24, 1862. + +Hon. POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + +MY DEAR SIR:--The member of Congress from the district including +Tiffin, O., calls on me about the postmaster at that place. +I believe I turned over a despatch to you from some persons there, +asking a suspension, so as for them to be heard, or something of the +sort. If nothing, or nothing amounting to anything, has been done, I +think the suspension might now be suspended, and the commission go +forward. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +WASHINGTON, April 29, 1862. + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Would it derange or embarrass your operations if I were to appoint +Captain Charles Griffin a brigadier-general of volunteers? Please +answer. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +MESSAGE TO THE SENATE, MAY 1, 1862. + +TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In answer to the resolution of the Senate [of April 22] in relation +to Brigadier-General Stone, I have the honor to state that he was +arrested and imprisoned under my general authority, and upon evidence +which whether he be guilty or innocent, required, as appears to me, +such proceedings to be had against him for the public safety. I +deem it incompatible with the public interest, as also, perhaps, +unjust to General Stone, to make a more particular statement of the +evidence. + +He has not been tried because, in the state of military operations at +the time of his arrest and since, the officers to constitute a court +martial and for witnesses could not be withdrawn from duty without +serious injury to the service. He will be allowed a trial without +any unnecessary delay; the charges and specifications will be +furnished him in due season, and every facility for his defense will +be afforded him by the War Department. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, +WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 + + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN + +EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MAY 1, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +Your call for Parrott guns from Washington alarms me, chiefly because +it argues indefinite procrastination. Is anything to be done? + +A LINCOLN. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. + +WAR DEPARTMENT, MAY 1, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Pittsburgh Landing, Tennessee: + +I am pressed by the Missouri members of Congress to give General +Schofield independent command in Missouri. They insist that for want +of this their local troubles gradually grow worse. I have forborne, +so far, for fear of interfering with and embarrassing your +operations. Please answer telling me whether anything, and what, I +can do for them without injuriously interfering with you. + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +RESPONSE TO EVANGELICAL LUTHERANS, MAY 6, 1862 + +GENTLEMEN:--I welcome here the representatives of the Evangelical +Lutherans of the United States. I accept with gratitude their +assurances of the sympathy and support of that enlightened, +influential, and loyal class of my fellow citizens in an important +crisis which involves, in my judgment, not only the civil and +religious liberties of our own dear land, but in a large degree the +civil and religious liberties of mankind in many countries and +through many ages. You well know, gentlemen, and the world knows, +how reluctantly I accepted this issue of battle forced upon me on my +advent to this place by the internal enemies of our country. You all +know, the world knows, the forces and the resources the public agents +have brought into employment to sustain a government against which +there has been brought not one complaint of real injury committed +against society at home or abroad. You all may recollect that in +taking up the sword thus forced into our hands this government +appealed to the prayers of the pious and the good, and declared that +it placed its whole dependence on the favor of God. I now humbly and +reverently, in your presence, reiterate the acknowledgment of that +dependence, not doubting that, if it shall please the Divine Being +who determines the destinies of nations, this shall remain a united +people, and that they will, humbly seeking the divine guidance, make +their prolonged national existence a source of new benefits to +themselves and their successors, and to all classes and conditions of +mankind. + + + + +TELEGRAM TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH. + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, MAY 7, 1862 + +FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + +SIR:--Major-General McClellan telegraphs that he has ascertained by a +reconnaissance that the battery at Jamestown has been abandoned, and +he again requests that gunboats may be sent up the James River. + +If you have tolerable confidence that you can successfully contend +with the Merrimac without the help of the Galena and two accompanying +gunboats, send the Galena and two gunboats up the James River at +once. Please report your action on this to me at once. I shall be +found either at General Wool's headquarters or on board the Miami. + +Your obedient servant, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +FURTHER REPRIMAND OF McCLELLAN + +TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN. + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 9, 1862 + +MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: + +MY DEAR SIR:--I have just assisted the Secretary of War in framing +part of a despatch to you relating to army corps, which despatch, of +course, will have reached you long before this will. I wish to say a +few words to you privately on this subject. I ordered the army corps +organization not only on the unanimous opinion of the twelve generals +whom you had selected and assigned as generals of divisions, but also +on the unanimous opinion of every military man I could get an opinion +from, and every modern military book, yourself only excepted. Of +course, I did not on my own judgment pretend to understand the +subject. I now think it indispensable for you to know how your +struggle against it is received in quarters which we cannot entirely +disregard. It is looked upon as merely an effort to pamper one or +two pets, and to persecute and degrade their supposed rivals. I have +had no word from Sumner, Heintzleman, or Keyes the commanders of +these corps are, of course, the three highest officers with you; but +I am constantly told that you have no consultation or communication +with them; that you consult and communicate with nobody but General +Fitz John Porter, and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say these +complaints are true or just; but at all events, it is proper you +should know of their existence. Do the commanders of corps disobey +your orders in anything? + +When you relieved General Hamilton of his command the other day, you +thereby lost the confidence of at least one of your best friends in +the Senate. And here let me say, not as applicable to you +personally, that Senators and Representatives speak of me in their +places without question, and that officers of the army must cease +addressing insulting letters to them for taking no greater liberty +with them. + +But to return. Are you strong enough--are you strong enough even +with my help--to set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, Heintzelman, +and Keyes all at once? This is a practical and very serious question +to you? + +The success of your army and the cause of the country are the same, +and, of course, I only desire the good of the cause. + +Yours truly, + +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH, + +FORT MONROE, VIRGINIA, May 10, 1862 + +FLAG-OFFICER GOLDSBOROUGH. + +MY DEAR SIR:--I send you this copy of your report of yesterday for +the purpose of saying to you in writing that you are quite right in +supposing the movement made by you and therein reported was made in +accordance with my wishes verbally expressed to you in advance. I +avail myself of the occasion to thank you for your courtesy and all +your conduct, so far as known to me, during my brief visit here. + +Yours very truly, +A. LINCOLN. + + + + +PROCLAMATION RAISING THE BLOCKADE OF CERTAIN PORTS. +May 12, 1862. + +BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: + +A Proclamation. + +Whereas, by my proclamation of the 19th of April, one thousand eight +hundred and sixty-one, it was declared that the ports of certain +States, including those of Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina, +Port Royal, in the State of South Carolina, and New Orleans, in the +State of Louisiana, were, for reasons therein set forth, intended to +be placed under blockade; and whereas the said ports of Beaufort, +Port Royal, and New Orleans have since been blockaded; but as the +blockade of the same ports may now be safely relaxed with advantage +to the interests of commerce: + +Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the +United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth +section of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July last, +entitled "An act further to provide for the collection of duties on +imports, and for other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade +of the said ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and New Orleans shall so +far cease and determine, from and after the first day of June next, +that commercial intercourse with those ports, except as to persons, +things, and information contraband of war, may from that time be +carried on, subject to the laws of the United States, and to the +limitations and in pursuance of the regulations which are prescribed +by the Secretary of the Treasury in his order of this date, which is +appended to this proclamation. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal +of the United States to be affixed. + +Done at the city of Washington, this twelfth day of May, in the year +of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +By the President: +WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. + + + + +End of this Project Gutenberg Etext of The Writings of Lincoln, v5 +By Abraham Lincoln + |