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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Tell El Amarna Period by Carl Niebuhr
+
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no
+restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under
+the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or
+online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+
+Title: The Tell El Amarna Period
+
+Author: Carl Niebuhr
+
+Release Date: July 29, 2008 [Ebook #26145]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD***
+
+
+
+
+
+                             The Ancient East
+
+                                 No. II.
+
+                        THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD
+
+                    The Relations of Egypt and Western
+
+                    Asia in the Fifteenth Century B.C.
+
+                               According to
+
+                        The Tell El Amarna Tablets
+
+                                    by
+
+                               Carl Niebuhr
+
+                       Translated by J. Hutchinson
+
+                            London: David Nutt
+
+                             57-59 Long Acre
+
+                                   1903
+
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+The Ancient East
+I. The Tablets, and How they were Found.
+II. The Egyptian Court and Administration.
+III. Letters from Asiatic Kings.
+IV. Letters from Asiatic Vassals.
+V. Political Conditions in the Tell el Amarna Period.
+Bibliographical Appendix
+
+
+
+
+
+
+THE ANCIENT EAST
+
+
+Under this title is being issued a series of short, popular, but
+thoroughly scientific studies, by the leading scholars of Germany, setting
+forth the recent discoveries and investigations in Babylonian, Assyrian
+and Egyptian History, Religion, and Archæology, especially as they bear
+upon the traditional views of early Eastern History. The German originals
+have been appearing during the last eighteen months. The English
+translations made by Miss Jane Hutchison have been submitted in each case
+to the Authors, and embody their latest views. Short, helpful
+bibliographies are added. Each study consists of some 64 to 80 pages,
+crown 8vo, and costs *1s.* sewed, or *1s. 6d.* cloth.
+
+The following are issued:
+
+THE REALMS OF THE EGYPTIAN DEAD.
+By Professor ALFRED WIEDEMANN.
+
+THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD. By Dr. C. NIEBUHR.
+
+THE BABYLONIAN AND THE HEBREW GENESIS.
+By Professor H. ZIMMERN.
+
+THE BABYLONIAN CONCEPTION OF HEAVEN AND HELL.
+By Dr. ALFRED JEREMIAS.
+
+POPULAR LITERATURE IN ANCIENT EGYPT.
+By Professor ALFRED WIEDEMANN.
+
+
+
+
+
+I. THE TABLETS, AND HOW THEY WERE FOUND.
+
+
+As early as 1820 it was known in Europe that in Middle Egypt, on the east
+bank of the Nile, in the district between Minieh and Siut, there lay the
+remains of a great city of Ancient Egypt. The Prussian exploration
+expedition of 1842-45 gave special attention to this site, where indeed
+were found, about sixty miles south of Minieh, extensive ruins, beginning
+at the village of Haggi Kandil and covering the floor of a rock-bound
+valley named after the fellahin village, El Amarna. At that time the
+ground-plan of the city was still easy to distinguish; the regular lines
+of the streets could be traced, and enough could be seen of the great
+design of the principal temple to excite the admiration of the
+discoverers. This example of the laying out of an ancient Egyptian town
+still remains almost unique, for of old, as now, private buildings were
+constructed of flimsy material. That the Tell el Amarna remains have
+escaped rapid destruction is due entirely to the sudden and violent
+downfall of the original splendour of the city and the complete desolation
+which succeeded. The importance of the place was revealed on examination
+of the surrounding cliffs. Here were found, sculptured and inscribed in a
+new and peculiar style, the rock-cut tombs of the most distinguished
+inhabitants of Akhet-haten, the royal city built for himself about 1380
+B.C. by Amenophis IV., and destroyed soon after his early death.
+
+In the beginning of 1888 some fellahìn digging for marl not far from the
+ruins came upon a number of crumbling wooden chests, filled with clay
+tablets closely covered on both sides with writing. The dusky fellows must
+have been not a little delighted at finding themselves owners of hundreds
+of these marketable antiquities, for which a European purchaser would
+doubtless give plenty of good gold coins. To multiply their gains they
+broke up the largest tablets into three or four separate pieces, often to
+the grievous hindrance of the future decipherer. But very soon the matter
+was fruited abroad; the Government at once intervened, almost all the find
+was in due time secured, and a stop was put to any further dispersal of
+separate tablets and of fragments. The political situation in Egypt is
+pretty accurately indicated by the fact that about eighty of the best
+preserved of the Tell el Amarna tablets at once found their way to the
+British Museum. Some sixty were left in the museum at Boulak, and about
+one hundred and eighty were secured for the Berlin Museum, many of them
+tiny fragments, but mostly containing important records. Few have remained
+in private hands.
+
+Some alabaster slabs came to light at Tell el Amarna bearing the
+hieroglyphic names of King Amenophis IV. and his father, Amenophis III.
+These had evidently served as lids to the chests. Some tablets also were
+inscribed with notes in hieratic, written in red ink. But in spite of
+these exceptions, it was at once recognised that all the documents were
+written in Babylonian cuneiform. The reading of the introductory lines on
+various tablets served to show that the find consisted of part of the
+Egyptian state archives in the times of the two kings Amenophis III. and
+IV. Thus the first of the many startling discoveries that were to follow
+in such rapid succession was made in the recognition that about 1400 B.C.
+the Semitic speech of Babylon served as the language of diplomacy in the
+East.
+
+Apart from a few tablets dealing with mythological subjects and written in
+Babylonian, and two which contain inventories, all the tablets were
+letters. Most of them were from Egyptian officials in Syria and Canaan,
+and usually they were addressed to the king. Among them were found many
+long letters from Asiatic kings to the Egyptian monarch, and also a few
+communications from the Foreign Office of “Pharaoh” himself. We must note,
+however, that this title of Egyptian kings, so commonly used in the Old
+Testament, is apparently never once employed in the Tell el Amarna
+documents. It is interesting to observe how difficulties of the script and
+of a language not entirely familiar to most of the scribes were overcome.
+Even the learned scribes of the royal “House of the Sun” in Egypt had
+obviously their own troubles in the matter, and made use of the Babylonian
+mythological texts already mentioned as a means of improving their
+fluency. Of this we have evidence in the thin red lines by which, on these
+tablets alone, the words have been separated from each other. The
+governors and officials must not be classified as educated or uneducated
+on the evidence of their letters; all alike employed professional scribes,
+of whom one might be skilful and the next a bungler whose communications
+must be guessed at rather than read. Occasionally a Babylonian word is
+followed by the corresponding Canaanite word, also in cuneiform, but
+marked as a translation. Like the Egyptian kings, so the Asiatic
+sovereigns had each his staff of scribes. One of the petty chiefs,
+Tarkhundarash of Arsapi, was evidently so unhappy as to have none in his
+Court who could read or write a letter in Babylonian, for letters to him
+were written in his own tongue. The scribe of the Hittite king produced
+only a species of dog Latin, while the scribe of the king of Alashia trots
+out his whole vocabulary unhampered by grammar. On the other hand, the
+letters of the king of Mitani are drawn up in the characters known as
+Assyrian; and it is probable that the Assyrian system of cuneiform may
+have originated in Mitani. If so, for the Mitani scribe there could be no
+question of any special difficulty in using the acknowledged language of
+diplomacy in the Ancient East.
+
+It is evident that the Babylonian royal scribes at length showed some
+consideration for their unfortunate Egyptian correspondents by writing as
+a rule in phonograms which could be easily spelt out, since strange
+ideograms might have brought the reader to a standstill. The sources of
+the letters may be distinguished also by the colour and consistency of the
+material of the tablets, which are of all shades of clay, from pale yellow
+to red or dark brown. Side by side, too, with hard and legible pieces, lie
+broken and crumbling fragments which have suffered sadly during the few
+years that have elapsed since they were again exposed to the air.
+
+
+
+
+
+II. THE EGYPTIAN COURT AND ADMINISTRATION.
+
+
+The two Pharaohs of the Tell el Amarna Period belong to the XVIIIth
+Dynasty, which about 1560 B.C. had freed the land from the yoke of certain
+Asiatic invaders known as the Shasu. The new dynasty soon began to
+encroach upon Asia. King Thutmosis III. (1503 to 1449 B.C.) after many
+chequered campaigns conquered Syria as far as the Gulf of Iskanderun. On
+the African side he extended the bounds of his kingdom to the confluence
+of the Nile and the Atbara, so that the greater part of Nubia owned his
+sway. The terror of his name did not die with him, but for long did good
+service to his successors, the first of whom, Amenophis II., seems
+moreover himself to have maintained energetically the fame of Egyptian
+arms. To this influence our clay tablets bear witness by twice making
+emphatic reference to the days of the powerful “Manakhbiria”—the prenomen
+of King Thutmosis III. With the accession of Amenophis III. the warlike
+spirit ceased to prevail at the Court of Thebes. Nothing more was to be
+gained by Egypt in Western Asia, and the tastes of the new king lay in
+other directions than war. The two celebrated Colossi of Memnon (statues
+of himself), many great buildings, the important part played by his
+favourite wife Teye, the well-filled harem,  the cultivation of “wisdom”
+(which practically, no doubt, was tantamount to what we should call
+“preciosity”); last, but not least, the solemn adoration of his own divine
+image—all these facts combine to indicate the altered condition of things
+which came about under Amenophis III. He reigned thirty-six years, long
+enough to allow the movement introduced by him to run its course. His son,
+Amenophis IV., was, however, just as little inclined as his father to walk
+in the steps of his warlike ancestors. Hampered apparently by bodily
+defects, this Son of the Sun tried his strength in a field often far more
+dangerous than the battlefield. He began a reform of the Egyptian
+religion, apparently in the direction of a kind of monotheism in which the
+chief worship was reserved for the disk of the sun, the symbol under which
+the god Ra was adored at Heliopolis in the Delta.
+
+Nothing being known of the life of this king as heir-apparent, probably we
+shall never understand what led him to take this new departure. From his
+conduct during the early years of his reign it may be concluded that he
+intended to proceed gradually, but was roused to more aggressive measures
+by the resistance of the powerful priests of Amon in Thebes. These men
+acted, of course, for their own interests in promptly resisting even mild
+attempts at reform. Perhaps also the king’s aim had been from the outset
+to weaken the influence of the Theban hierarchy by new doctrines and to
+strengthen the royal power by steady secularisation. Open strife between
+the adherents of Amon and those of the Sun’s Disk, the “Aten,” broke out
+in the second or third year of Amenophis IV., that is, about 1380 B.C. The
+immediate removal of the Court from Thebes to Tell el Amarna points to a
+failure of the royal efforts, for the command to build the new city had
+not long been issued, and the place was still altogether unfinished. The
+official world promptly broke with the old religion. The king altered his
+throne-name, “Amen-hetep,” to “Akhen-Aten,” “The glory of the Sun’s Disk”;
+his young daughters received names compounded with “Aten,” whilst the
+courtiers found it advisable to strike out “Amen,” if this chanced to form
+part of their own names, and to substitute for it “Ra,” as having more or
+less the same significance as “Aten.” “The doctrine,” as the new dogmas
+were called in inscriptions at Tell el Amarna, was regarded as so entirely
+a matter of home politics in Egypt, that the officials of Syria and
+Palestine—all foreigners—do not seem to have received any formal
+information regarding it. Most of them continue to refer to Amon in
+perfect innocence, and only a few who were better informed began rather
+later to take the change into account. Thus Yitia of Ashkelon, Pu-Adda of
+Wurza, and a certain Addudaian correct the name of the Egyptian
+commissioner “Amanappa” into “Rianappa.” Abimilki of Tyre apparently even
+tried to give himself out as one initiated into “the doctrine,” and to
+represent his city as a servant of Aten. If this were the case he must
+have received a severe rebuff, for after his one attempt he falls back
+into the old style. Neither the royal nor the national pride of Egypt
+would suffer any such familiarities.
+
+The new capital received the significant name of “Akhet-Aten” (“Horizon of
+the Sun”) and was solemnly consecrated long before it was half finished.
+The widow of Amenophis III., the queen-mother Teye, came occasionally to
+visit the new capital, and was received with all honour; evidently she had
+paid timely respect to her son’s opinions. How far the Aten dogma
+represented real progress in religious thought can be gathered only from
+the contents of a few hymns remaining on the walls of some of the tombs.
+In these the expression of devout feeling seems to have become richer and
+more spontaneous, and the monotheistic tendency is evident. This
+characteristic, however, may often be observed by a sympathetic reader in
+the hymns to Amon, and even to less important deities: the deity adopted
+as a special object of worship by any individual is always favourably
+represented by him. The Aten dogma, being based on natural phenomena and
+not on mythology, was, of course, heretical.
+
+Those of his officials who had accepted “the doctrine” were regarded by
+Akhenaten as deserving men, and on this ground alone, Ai, called Haya in
+the Amarna letters, received golden honours to the full. This Haya, who
+was entitled “beloved royal scribe,” was probably a secretary of state,
+and was once sent as a special ambassador to Babylonia. Dudu occupied
+another important post; Amanappa, who has already been mentioned, seems
+from a letter written by him to Rib-Addi of Gebal, to have been a
+commander-in-chief. Hani, Salma, Paura, Pahamnata, Hatib Maya, Shuta,
+Hamashni, and Zitana all appear as the bearers of royal commissions in
+Syrian territory. An official named Shakhshi receives instruction as to
+the conducting of a royal caravan. But to the Asiatic vassals the most
+important office of all was the governorship of Lower Egypt, the country
+called “Yarimuta,” an office filled at this time by Yanhamu. The letters
+afford abundant evidence that any vassal who had incurred Yanhamu’s enmity
+must walk warily. The minister of the king of Alashia, though his equal in
+rank, sent gifts to this dangerous man, who had harassed merchants of
+Alashia by demanding from them illegal dues. Rib-Addi of Gebal lost land
+and throne, in spite of the countenance of Amanappa, because such was
+Yanhamu’s pleasure; and of Milki-El of Gath he made a severe example, to
+which we shall refer later.
+
+On the whole, the Asiatic provinces enjoyed self-government under the
+supremacy of Egypt, and the disadvantages of this condition of things are
+revealed in numerous letters. These end almost invariably with a request
+to the king to come in person to the aid of his distressed vassals, or at
+least to send troops. Sometimes this was done, but usually such
+expeditions seem to have been undertaken with inadequate forces and seldom
+resulted in permanent peace. The native princes, chiefs, and village
+headmen were perpetually struggling with each other. They made alliances
+among themselves, or they entered into secret treaties with neighbouring
+states and afterwards brazenly denied them. This wretched state of affairs
+may be traced to two principal causes—the tribute question and the
+immigration of Bedawìn tribes.
+
+The king was not to be trifled with when tribute was overdue. The most
+valid excuses—loss of territory, war, failure of the harvest—were received
+with a suspicion doubtless justified in general but which must have caused
+much hardship in individual cases. The ordinary tribute was fixed, as well
+as the regular subsidy for royal troops and the force which had to be
+raised in emergencies. But the gifts—such as female slaves—which must
+needs be sent not only to the courtiers but even to the king himself,
+added enormously to the burden, so much so that to the poorer chiefs a
+summons from Egypt to appear in person meant little less than ruin.
+Resistance to it was so surely to be counted on that such a summons was
+often kept in the background more as a threat than anything else. Now and
+then petty chiefs in Palestine and Syria withheld their bushels of corn,
+their three oxen or their twenty sheep; or perhaps they were so sparing of
+bakshìsh that the tribute itself was swallowed up and vanished entirely
+from the accounts. It was scarcely possible to take costly measures to
+punish such delinquents, so the business was turned over to some kind
+neighbour of the recalcitrant chief, and a little war was soon fairly
+ablaze. But when direct commands of royal ambassadors were treated as of
+doubtful authenticity, it was hardly likely that the authority placed in
+the hands of an equal would meet with much respect. Both leaders received
+reinforcements; a third intervened at a moment favourable to himself; many
+and often very remote quarrels broke out, and when at length the royal
+commissioners hurried upon the scene it was hard for them to say whether
+or not the original sentence had been executed. Certainly most of the
+property of the original offenders had been largely lost or destroyed, but
+the plunder had crumbled away in passing through countless hands, and the
+royal official might seek it from Dan to Beersheba, or farther, but in
+vain. Out of the first difficulty a dozen others had arisen, till the
+suzerain seized upon his dues by force, yet without leaving peace behind
+him. The tablets are full of references to these complicated struggles,
+which it is not always possible to follow in detail.
+
+Additional confusion was caused by the immigration of Bedawìn tribes. In
+the north the nomadic Sutu, in the south the Habiri pressed forward and
+encroached upon Egyptian territory. It is evident that this further
+pressure was calculated to bring matters to a crisis, for, like the
+tribute, it affected pre-eminently the vassal chiefs and tribes. We find
+the Habiri especially in the very act of ruining some of these petty
+princes, others of whom preferred to make treaties with their unwelcome
+guests, though this indeed was apparently in secret only. But the Sutu
+reached the domains of more powerful vassals, and by two of these, Aziru
+and Namjauza, were openly taken into pay. Obviously such alliances with
+land-seeking plunderers could only prolong and embitter the strife. In
+Palestine, no doubt, peace as regards Egypt would soon have been restored
+had not the Habiri proceeded to seize certain strongholds, which they used
+as centres for further expeditions, thus involving the settled inhabitants
+in wider quarrels. What with the help of the Bedawîn, and the universal
+unrest any ambitious vassal of Egypt must at length have seen a tempting
+prospect of establishing an independent kingdom, if only he could deceive
+the Egyptian Government long enough as to his intentions, and delay or
+thwart any measures that might be taken against him.
+
+Certainly the government of Pharaoh did not lack for watchfulness and was
+well, if not too well, served in the matter of information. But in the
+face of perpetual complaints and counter-complaints, entreaties for help
+and what were for the most part incredible assurances of everlasting
+fidelity, there was no course for the king and his councillors to take but
+either to order a military expedition on a large scale, or to turn a
+sceptical ear to all alike and confine their attention simply to the
+tribute. Pride and weakness combined led them to take the dangerous middle
+course and send inadequate bodies of men singly into the disturbed
+districts. A certain amount of success attended the policy; the king’s
+Nubian “Pidati” were dreaded from of old, and his mercenaries, the
+Shirtani, were looked upon as invincible. When it was a mere question of
+hundreds in the field against hundreds, the appearance of a company, or of
+a few troops, restored peace for a time, but serious and aggravated
+hostilities between masses of rebels could not always be checked by such
+small numbers, and it was a severe blow to the prestige of the Shirtani
+when they were defeated at Gebal by the Sutu.
+
+The knowledge that Egypt was far away, and that the Son of the Sun was
+highly exalted, led the chiefs and officials in Syria and Canaan to deeds
+of open defiance of their suzerain. Ambassadors from foreign states were
+robbed in passing on their journey to Egypt, caravans were plundered, and
+gifts sent to Pharaoh were intercepted. All this notwithstanding, still
+the stream of rhetorical devotion flowed on in the letters.
+
+
+
+
+
+III. LETTERS FROM ASIATIC KINGS.
+
+
+Akhenaten had taken with him to the new capital part of the archives of
+his father. With few exceptions, it is not from the letters of vassals
+that we learn this, for these, as a rule, are addressed simply “To the
+King.” The foreign sovereigns, however, almost always addressed the
+Pharaoh by his prenomen. Thus neither “Amenhetep” nor “Akhenaten” appears
+in the Tell el Amarna letters, but always “Nimmuria” (_i.e._, Neb-maat-Ra)
+for Amenophis III. and “Napkhuria” (_i.e._, Nefer-khepru-Ra) for
+Akhenaten. Dating there was none in correspondence of that time and hence
+these addresses are of great chronological importance.
+
+Four communications to “Nimmuria” from the Babylonian ruler Kadashman-Bel
+(at first incorrectly read Kallima-Sin) are among the most important in
+this respect. The writer calls his land Karduniash, a name for Babylonia
+used by the Assyrians after the native employment of it had long ceased.
+Kadashman-Bel himself belonged to the house of the Kassite chiefs, who,
+about two hundred and fifty years previously, had invaded and conquered
+Babylonia, but who afterwards fully adopted Babylonian manners and
+customs. It is at once apparent that Nimmuria and Kadashman-Bel approach
+each other as equals. The Egyptian, however, was supposed to possess one
+very precious thing in superfluity, namely, gold; for at that time the
+gold mines of Nubia were in good working. The Babylonian letters,
+therefore, seldom failed to contain a hint that the king desired some of
+the precious metal, sometimes as a return gift for rich presents he had
+given the Egyptian, sometimes as temple-offerings, or as a dowry.
+Matrimonial alliances were the principal means by which a ruler kept on
+good terms with neighbouring princes, and Oriental polygamy allowed a
+great deal to be done in that line. It is noticeable that the claim made
+by the Egyptian king to divine honours soon began to cause little
+difficulties in diplomatic intercourse. Not that “the Son of the Sun”
+claimed adoration from his royal compeers: that was expected from his
+subjects only. But he showed the greatest reluctance to give away a
+daughter to any foreign king. Moreover, the fact must not be overlooked
+that it was precisely in the XVIIIth Dynasty that brothers and sisters of
+the royal house so frequently intermarried, a custom afterwards affected
+by the Ptolemies and implying simply that the royal race of the Pharaohs
+being emphatically divine was therefore essentially exalted above the
+world in general. According to this flattering fiction there could be no
+equal union for a king of Egypt except with his own sister. No such
+marriage seems to have been made by Nimmuria, but, as if in amends for
+that, he worshipped, as above stated, his own divine image. We need not
+wonder, then, that he regarded his children as divine manifestations and
+hesitated to bestow them in marriage.
+
+Kadashman-Bel seems to have thoroughly appreciated this little weakness,
+and no doubt the mortal gods on the Nile were a subject for mockery at the
+Courts of Western Asia, even in those days. Thus, a remark of Nimmuria’s
+to the effect that no princess had ever been given away from Egypt is
+answered with delightful dryness:
+
+
+    “Why so? A king art thou, and canst do according to thy will. If
+    thou give her, who shall say anything against it? I wrote before,
+    ‘Send, at least, a beautiful woman.’ Who is there to say that she
+    is not a king’s daughter? If thou wilt not do this, thou hast no
+    regard for our brotherhood and friendship.”
+
+
+Kadashman-Bel threatened that he in his turn would hesitate to give his
+daughter in marriage, and would make similar evasive excuses. At last,
+however, the negotiations came to the desired conclusion, and for a time
+gifts flowed more freely on both sides.
+
+Valuable, though in many respects puzzling, is a large tablet containing a
+letter of Nimmuria to Kadashman-Bel. Possibly it may have been kept as a
+copy, and in that case it must belong to the early part of the
+correspondence. More probably however, the letter is an original which
+came back “undelivered” to Egypt, the addressee having died in the
+meantime. Kadashman-Bel had complained that his sister, who had been given
+by his father in marriage to the Egyptian, had subsequently never once
+been seen by any Babylonian ambassadors. Certainly a woman in royal garb
+had been pointed out, but not one of them had recognised her as their own
+princess. “Who knows that it was not some beggar’s daughter, a Gagaian, or
+a maiden of Hanirabbat or Ugarit whom my messengers saw?” Then Nimmuria
+took up the tale, and complained that Kadashman-Bel sent only ambassadors
+who had never frequented his father’s Court, and were moreover of adverse
+bias. “Send a _kamiru_” (evidently a eunuch is meant) “who knows thy
+sister.” Further misunderstandings come under discussion, from which it is
+evident that the general situation between the two princes was very much
+strained.
+
+King Tushratta of Mitani was a phenomenon in his way. In Egyptian
+inscriptions his kingdom is called Naharina—_i.e._, “Mesopotamia.” One of
+his tablets bears the following official memorandum, written in red ink
+and in hieratic:
+
+
+    “[Received] in the two-[and-thirtieth year of the reign of
+    Nimmuria], in the first winter month, on the tenth day, the Court
+    being at the southern residence (Thebes), in the Residence
+    Ka-em-Ekhut. Duplicate of the Naharina letter brought by the
+    messenger Pirizzi and (another).”
+
+
+Tushratta’s dominion was wide, extending from south-eastern Cappadocia to
+beyond the later Assyrian capital, Nineveh. But the kingdom of Mitani,
+occasionally called after the northern fatherland of its people,
+Hanirabbat, was nearing its fall.   In the south it had a dangerous enemy
+in Babylonia; in the north and west the Hittites were hostile and all the
+more to be dreaded since Mitani-Hanirabbat was inhabited by a people
+related to the Hittite stock. The kings of Mitani soon realised that their
+existence was best secured by a steady alliance with Egypt. To this end
+Artatama and Shutarna, the two predecessors of Tushratta, had sent their
+daughters to the harem of the Pharaohs. The so-called “marriage scarab” of
+Nimmuria bears witness to this, and reference to the bond is often made by
+Tushratta. Before he could ascend the throne he had various difficulties
+to contend against, of which a faithful account is sent to Egypt:
+
+
+    “When I ascended my father’s throne I was still young, for Pirhi
+    did evil to my land and had slain its lord. Therefore he did evil
+    to me also and to all my friends. But I quailed not before the
+    crimes that were committed in my land, but slew the murderers of
+    Artashumara my brother, with all their adherents. Know also, oh,
+    my royal brother! that the whole army of the Hittites marched
+    against my land. But the God Teshup, the lord, delivered them into
+    my hand and I destroyed them. Not one man from their midst
+    returned to his own land. And now I have sent to thee a chariot
+    and two horses, a youth and a maiden, the booty of the land of the
+    Hittites.”
+
+
+This letter betrays itself as one of the earliest written for Tushratta by
+the fact that it makes no request for gold. All his later letters are
+filled with greedy entreaties, completely giving the lie to the immediate
+pretext under which they were professedly written. One of them, more than
+a yard long and proportionately broad, still keeps its charms to itself,
+since for some unknown reason, though written in cuneiform character like
+the rest, the language is that of Hanirabbat and this we are still unable
+to read. Nimmuria indeed, seems to have had a weakness for this worthy
+brother-in-law and his ingenuous manner of approaching him, and spared
+neither presents nor promises; at his death, however, some of the latter
+remained unfulfilled. Evidently neighbouring kings heard at length of
+Tushratta’s financial success and were naturally envious. An extract will
+give the reader a more definite notion of this royal correspondence with
+its stylisms and turns of thought. The following is taken from Letter
+VIII. in the British Museum edition. The long-winded introduction was
+already a fixed convention, and occurs in all the letters from whatever
+country, but the declaration of affection is peculiar to Tushratta:
+
+
+    “To Nimmuria, the great king, the king of Egypt, my brother, my
+    brother-in-law; who loves me and whom I love: Tushratta, the great
+    king, thy (future) father-in-law, king of Mitani; who loves thee
+    and is thy brother. It is well with me; may it be well with thee,
+    with thy house, with my sister and thy other wives, with thy sons,
+    thy chariots, thy horses, thy nobles, thy land, and all that is
+    thine, may it be well with them indeed! Whereas thy fathers in
+    their time kept fast friendship with my fathers, thou hast
+    increased the friendship. Now, therefore, that thou and I are
+    friends thou hast made it ten times closer than with my father.
+    May the gods cause our friendship to prosper! May Teshup, the
+    lord, and Amon ordain it eternally as it now is! I write this to
+    my brother that he may show me even more love than he showed my
+    father. Now I ask gold from my brother, and it behoves me to ask
+    this gold for two causes: in the first place for war equipment (to
+    be provided later), and secondly, for the dowry (likewise to be
+    provided). So, then, let my brother send me much gold, without
+    measure, more than to my father. For in my brother’s land gold is
+    as the dust of the earth. May the gods grant that in the land of
+    my brother, where already so much gold is, there may be ten times
+    more in times to come! Certainly the gold that I require will not
+    trouble my brother’s heart, but let him also not grieve my heart.
+    Therefore let my brother send gold without measure, in great
+    quantity. And I also will grant all the gifts that my brother
+    asks. For this land is my brother’s land, and this my house is his
+    house.”
+
+
+All Tushratta’s letters are written in this tone with the exception of the
+last. Nimmuria felt his end approaching, and entreated the aid of “Our
+Lady of Nineveh.” Such an expedient was not foreign to Egyptian thought. A
+late inscription professes to tell how a certain divine image was sent
+from Thebes to a distant land for the healing of a foreign princess. From
+Tushratta’s answer also it appears that the statue of the goddess Ishtar
+had once before been taken from Nineveh to Thebes.
+
+This letter begins solemnly:
+
+
+    “The words of Ishtar of Nineveh, mistress of all lands. ‘To Egypt,
+    to the land that I love will I go, and there will I sojourn.’ Now
+    I send her and she goes. Let my brother worship her and then let
+    her go in gladness that she may return. May Ishtar protect my
+    brother and me for a hundred thousand years. May she grant unto us
+    both great gladness; may we know nothing but happiness.”
+
+
+All this notwithstanding, Nimmuria must die, and later Tushratta describes
+his own grief on the occasion:
+
+
+    “And on that day I wept, I sat in sorrow. Food and drink I touched
+    not on that day; grieved was my heart. I said, ‘Oh, that it had
+    been I who died !’ ”
+
+
+When he wrote thus the feelings expressed were probably genuine, for times
+had changed sadly for him and men of his type.
+
+We have now come to the accession of the reforming king Napkhuria—_i.e._,
+Akhenaten. This zealot succeeded in bringing into the foreign relations of
+Egypt some of the unrest caused by his measures in home politics. To begin
+with, he sought for new political alliances and sacrificed those already
+existing, not by breaking off the connections, but by turning a deaf ear
+to requests, or by adopting an insolent tone in his answers. On one
+occasion he showered on the old beggar Tushratta derision which was no
+doubt well deserved, but which it was most impolitic to express so
+plainly. He gives one the impression of an inexperienced prince, brought
+up in Oriental seclusion, who persists at all hazards in playing the part
+of a shrewd and worldly-wise ruler. He strained after novelty at the
+expense of his own security, and attempted to demonstrate the strength of
+the supports of his throne by sawing them through.
+
+About the time of Nimmuria’s death Kadashman-Bel of Babylonia also died,
+and Burnaburiash, probably his brother or cousin, was prepared on his
+accession to maintain the traditional friendship with Egypt. But at the
+very beginning Napkhuria was guilty of a breach of etiquette in neglecting
+to send any expression of sympathy during a long illness of Burnaburiash.
+In spite of many fine words, the usual matrimonial negotiations did not
+run smoothly; moreover, attacks were made on travelling messengers, and at
+length Napkhuria’s avarice forced the Babylonian to measures of
+retaliation, and he writes:
+
+
+    “Since ambassadors from thy fathers came to my fathers, they also
+    have lived on friendly terms. We should continue in the same.
+    Messengers have now come from thee thrice, but thou hast sent with
+    them no gift worthy the name. I also shall desist in the same way.
+    If nothing is denied me I shall deny thee nothing.”
+
+
+Meanwhile, the dear brother in Egypt was continually finding opportunities
+to annoy the Babylonian. Assyria was then a small state on the middle
+Tigris, in exactly the same relation to the suzerainty of Babylonia as
+Canaan was to that of Egypt. Disregarding this fact, Napkhuria sent a very
+large quantity of gold to the prince Assurnadinakhi and ostentatiously
+received an Assyrian embassy. Burnaburiash, in remonstrating, referred to
+the loyal conduct of his father, Kurigalzu, who had answered the
+Canaanites with threats when, in an attempted rising against Nimmuria,
+they offered to do homage to Kurigalzu.
+
+
+    “Now there are the Assyrians, my vassals. Have not I already
+    written to thee in regard to them? If thou lovest me they will
+    gain nothing from thee. Let them depart unsuccessful.”
+
+
+This exhortation seems to have been vain, for a letter of the next
+Assyrian king, Assuruballit, speaks of a regular exchange of messengers,
+and indicates that the Sutu of the desert—doubtless at the instigation of
+the Babylonians—were about to kill every Egyptian who showed himself in
+their territory.
+
+A prince of Alashia, who never mentions either his own name or that of the
+Egyptian king, wrote short letters, for the most part of a business
+character. Alashia probably lay on the Cilician coast. Gold did not tempt
+him; he asked modestly for silver in return for copper, for oil, textiles
+and manufactured articles in return for wood for building. Thus the
+tablets from Alashia are rich in information regarding commercial matters
+and questions of public rights. They are of special interest for us, owing
+to the fact that one of them contains the first historic mention of the
+plague.
+
+
+    “Behold! my brother, I have sent thee five hundred talents of
+    copper as a gift. Let it not grieve my brother’s heart that it is
+    too little. For in my land the hand of Nergal (the god of
+    pestilence) has slain all the workers, and copper cannot be
+    produced. And, my brother, take it not to heart that thy messenger
+    stayed three years in my land. For the hand of Nergal is in it,
+    and in my house my young wife died.”
+
+
+Yet this ruler also had to guard himself against embassies unworthy of a
+king sent by Napkhuria. Another prince, in a letter unfortunately much
+damaged, made the complaint that Napkhuria had once caused his own name to
+be written first in a letter. This was, indeed, unparalleled; the title of
+the recipient stands first even in a severe reprimand sent to the Egyptian
+vassal Aziru. As if to equalise matters, in royal letters the greetings
+that follow the address begin with a mention of the welfare of the writer.
+“It is well with me. May it be well with thee,” &c. There is, however, one
+tablet addressed to Napkhuria that committed the offence complained of,
+and it was perhaps for this reason that the introductory address was
+scratched through anciently. It is fairly certain that this letter, as
+well as the one complaining of Napkhuria’s breach of etiquette, came from
+the Hittite king. The tone throughout is very decided, and complaints of
+neglect of proper consideration are not wanting.
+
+A short time before his death Nimmuria had married another daughter of
+Tushratta, Tadukhipa, the long inventory of whose dowry was found at Tell
+el Amarna. On receiving the news—for which he was already prepared—of the
+death of his hoary-headed son-in-law, Tushratta at once sent Pirizzi and
+Bubri “with lamentations” to Napkhuria. He managed to suppress his
+personal wishes up to the third message, but prepared the way for them by
+calling Teye, the chief wife of Nimmuria, as a witness. “And all the
+matters that I negotiated with thy father, Teye, thy mother, knoweth them;
+none other besides knoweth of them.” Immediately after this came the
+request that Napkhuria should send him the “golden images” (statuettes)
+that Nimmuria had promised him. And Napkhuria wasted no words, but sent by
+the messenger Hamashi—the wooden models! He seems to have thought he was
+acting as a good son and a shrewd man of business in fulfilling his
+father’s promises at so cheap a rate.
+
+But Tushratta was not easily shaken off. His next move was to send Teye
+and her son each a letter at the same time. He gave polite greetings from
+his wife Yuni to the widow, whose influence was evidently still strong,
+sent her presents, and entreated her intercession. This remarkable letter
+runs as follows:
+
+
+    “To Teye, Queen of Egypt, Tushratta, King of Mitani. May it be
+    well with thee, may it be well with thy son, may it be well with
+    Tadukhipa, my daughter, thy young companion in widowhood. Thou
+    knowest that I was in friendship with Nimmuria, thy husband, and
+    that Nimmuria was in friendship with me. What I wrote to him and
+    negotiated with him, and likewise what Nimmuria thy husband wrote
+    to me and negotiated with me, thou and Gilia and Mani (Tushratta’s
+    messengers), ye know it. But thou knowest it better than all
+    others. And none other knows it. Now thou hast said to Gilia: ‘Say
+    to thy lord, Nimmuria my husband was in friendship with thy father
+    and sent him the military standards, which he kept. The embassies
+    between them were never interrupted. But now, forget not thou
+    thine old friendship with thy brother Nimmuria and extend it to
+    his son Napkhuria. Send joyful embassies; let them not be
+    omitted.’ Lo, I will not forget the friendship with Nimmuria!
+    More, tenfold more, words of friendship will I exchange with
+    Napkhuria thy son and keep up right good friendship. But the
+    promise of Nimmuria, the gift that thy husband ordered to be
+    brought to me, thou hast not sent. I asked for golden statuettes.
+    But now Napkhuria thy son has had them made of wood, though gold
+    is as dust in thy land. Why does this happen just now? Should not
+    Napkhuria deliver that to me which his father gave me? And he
+    wishes to increase our friendship tenfold! Wherefore then dost
+    thou not bring this matter before thy son Napkhuria? Even though
+    thou do it not he ought nevertheless to deliver unto me statuettes
+    of gold and in no way to slight me. Thus friendship will reign
+    between us tenfold. Let thy messengers to Yuni my wife depart with
+    Napkhuria’s ambassador, and Yuni’s messenger shall come to thee.
+    Lo, I send gifts for thee; boxes filled with good oil (perfume),”
+    &c. &c.
+
+
+To Napkhuria also Tushratta insists on his rights in detail. The
+messengers from Mitani were said to have been present at the casting of
+the images, and even to have started on their journey home when Nimmuria
+died. It may thus be assumed that Napkhuria at once ordered the transport
+to be brought back. Queen Teye evidently showed no desire to be mixed up
+in so unpleasant a business, but Napkhuria demanded that the messenger
+Gilia should be sent to him.
+
+Most probably this often-mentioned Gilia was the witness present at the
+casting and despatching of the images. Tushratta gave evasive answers, and
+his last letter (more than two hundred lines in length) is something in
+the nature of an ultimatum. On both sides fresh complaints are brought
+forward, and the settlement of each one of them was made dependent on the
+settlement of the principal question. Napkhuria threatened to close his
+land against all subjects of Mitani, and, as no later document has been
+found, it is probable that at this point all intercourse ceased. A much
+mutilated letter from Gebal to Egypt announces the departure of the king
+of Mitani with an armed force; but it is doubtful whether this can be
+quoted in the present connection.
+
+The characters of the two irreconcilable monarchs, who show each other up
+so admirably for our edification, make any question as to which had right
+on his side seem comparatively trifling. Tushratta was evidently much
+distressed that he dared not venture to send his Gilia back again and that
+none of the later letters which he had from Nimmuria contained any word of
+the golden images. It is evident also that Napkhuria, supported by Teye,
+had actually recalled embassies that his father had already sent out. The
+old king, who had called Ishtar of Nineveh to his help, may have been
+brought by the approach of death into a generous state of mind not
+uncommon in such cases. Even now we say, “He must be near his end,” when a
+man shows unexpected and unusual gentleness. It is quite possible that
+Nimmuria had ordered the images in question to be made for his worthy
+friend without giving any formal promise to send them, and that as soon as
+Tushratta learned what had happened, he promptly interposed with a lie, in
+hope of appealing to Napkhuria’s sense of the fitness of things. That,
+however, was expecting too much.
+
+
+
+
+
+IV. LETTERS FROM ASIATIC VASSALS.
+
+
+Four-fifths of the number of letters consist of reports and communications
+from Egyptian governors, military commanders, magistrates, and other
+officials in Western Asia. The form of address from these subordinates to
+the Pharaoh is naturally very different from “Royal Brother,” and in
+hurried announcements it is often contracted. Written in full the long
+formula runs:
+
+
+    “To the king, my lord, my gods, my sun, the sun of heaven; Yitia,
+    prefect of Askelon is thy servant, the dust at thy feet, the
+    servant of thy horses. At the feet of the king my lord seven times
+    and again seven times I prostrate myself upon my back and upon my
+    breast.”
+
+
+The importance of these letters, however, consists in the substance of
+what they report and in what they tell us as to the doings of the writers.
+They are the data by reason of which the Tell el Amarna archives
+constitute a unique store of historical material for the study of the
+history of civilisation.
+
+Warlike expeditions among the vassal chiefs were the order of the day.
+Most dangerous of all the chiefs was Aziru, prefect of the land of the
+Amorites, whose territory included the district north of Damascus and part
+of the valley of the Orontes. In the hope of founding an independent
+kingdom, Aziru had swiftly seized on the dominions of all the chiefs on
+his northern boundary, and in this action his admirable understanding with
+the Egyptian officials afforded him invaluable help. The town of Tunip
+sent a truly pathetic letter to Pharaoh from which we learn that Aziru had
+already taken Nii, was besieging Simyra in Phœnicia, and at the same time,
+by the aid of his creatures at Court, had succeeded in preventing the king
+from reinstating a prince of Tunip who had been sent into Egypt as a
+hostage. This prince, a certain Yadi Addu, had already been released and
+was on his way home when the allies of Aziru caused him to be recalled.
+
+
+    “If, however, we have to mourn,” so the complaint proceeds, “the
+    king himself will soon have to mourn over those things which Aziru
+    has committed against us, for next he will turn his hand against
+    his lord. But Tunip, thy city, weeps; her tears flow; nowhere is
+    there help for us.”
+
+
+The most bitter complaints against Aziru and his father Abd-Ashera come
+from Rib-Addi of Gebal. His utterances rival the Lamentations of Jeremiah
+both in volume and in monotonous pathos. One of these many letters, the
+contents of which are often stereotyped enough, is also noticeable for its
+revelation of the connection of Rib-Addi, who must already have been an
+elderly man, with Amanappa:
+
+
+    “To Amanappa, my father; Rib-Addi, thy son! At my father’s feet I
+    fall. Again and again I asked thee, ‘Canst thou not rescue me from
+    the hand of Abd-Ashera? All the Habiri are on his side; the
+    princes will hear no remonstrances, but are in alliance with him;
+    thereby is he become mighty.’ But thou hast answered me, ‘Send thy
+    messenger with me to Court, and then will I, if nothing be said
+    against it (_i.e._, by the king), send him again and again with
+    royal troops to thee till the Pidati march forth to secure thy
+    life.’ Then I answered thee, ‘I will not delay to send the man,
+    but nothing of this must come to the ears of Abd-Ashera, for
+    [Yanhamu has] taken [silver] from his hand.’ (As much as to say
+    that if Abd-Ashera gives Yanhamu a hint, the messenger will never
+    get beyond Lower Egypt.) But thou hast said, ‘Fear not, but send a
+    ship to the Yarimuta, and money and garments will come to thee
+    thence.’ Now, behold, the troops which thou hast given me have
+    fled, because thou hast neglected me, while I have obeyed thee. He
+    hath spoken with the official (Yanhamu?) nine times [in vain].
+    Behold, thou art delaying with regard to this offence as with the
+    others. What then can save me? If I receive no troops I shall
+    forsake my city, and flee, doing that which seems good to me to
+    preserve my life.”
+
+
+Yanhamu’s bias against Rib-Addi is made evident in many other letters
+which the poor wretch addressed to the Court:
+
+
+    “If I should make a treaty with Abd-Ashera as did Yap-Addi and
+    Zimrida, then I should be safe. Furthermore, since Simyra is
+    indeed lost to me, and Yanhamu hath received Bit-Arti, he ought to
+    send me provision of grain that I may defend the king’s city for
+    him. Thou, oh king, speak to Yanhamu; ‘Behold, Rib-Addi is in thy
+    hand, and all injury done to him falls on thee.’ ”
+
+
+This desire was not complied with, for the Phœnician vassal was at length
+robbed of all his cities and possessions, so that even the callous
+Egyptian Government felt obliged at last to send a threatening embassy to
+Aziru, the son of Abd-Ashera, and the real author of the difficulties in
+Gebal. At the same time the surrender was demanded of certain “enemies of
+the king,” who were in all probability principal adherents of Aziru. When
+the messenger Hani arrived with this note, Aziru, evidently warned in good
+time, had promptly vanished over the hills, and none of the royal commands
+could be carried out. He pretends to have settled down in Tunip, which he
+must previously have seized, but at once returned home on hearing of
+Hani’s arrival. Unfortunately it was too late. The cunning Amorite brought
+forward one excuse after another. “Even if thy actions be just, yet if
+thou dissemble in thy letters at thy pleasure, the king must at length
+come to think that thou liest in every case,” is a passage in the letter
+brought by Hani. Aziru replies in a tone of injured innocence:
+
+
+    “To the great king, my lord, my god, my sun; Aziru, thy servant.
+    Seven times and again seven times, &c. Oh, lord, I am indeed thy
+    servant; and only when prostrate on the ground before the king, my
+    lord, can I speak what I have to say. But hearken not, O lord, to
+    the foes who slander me before thee. I remain thy servant for
+    ever.”
+
+
+This trusty vassal added to his other known faults the peculiarity of
+conspiring readily with the Hittite foes of the Court. His insolence
+helped him successfully out of these awkward difficulties also whenever
+the matter came under discussion. When preparing fresh raids he did not
+hesitate to invent news of Hittite invasions which he was bound to resist,
+and all territory which he then took from his co-vassals would, according
+to his own account, otherwise certainly have fallen into the hands of the
+enemy. But as the result was always the same—_i.e._, to the advantage of
+Aziru alone—the opinion began to prevail in Egyptian councils that this
+restless vassal should be summoned to Court and tried. For many years
+Aziru succeeded in evading these fatal and dangerous, or at best very
+costly orders. But finally he was forced to obey, and with heavy heart and
+well-filled treasure chests set off for Egypt. Apparently he relied on his
+principal ally Dudu, whom in his letters he always addresses as “father”;
+but this pleasant alliance did not avail to protect the disturber of the
+peace from provisional arrest. The last letter in the Aziru series, which
+had obviously been confiscated and subsequently found its way back into
+the archives, is a letter of condolence from the adherents or sons of
+Aziru to their imprisoned chief. Nevertheless, the political activity of
+the Amorite chief seemed to many Syrian, and especially to Phœnician
+princes as on the whole for the good of the land, and, therefore, to be
+supported. His appearance put the longed-for end to a far less endurable
+condition of things. Two communications from Akizzi, the headman of the
+city of Katna, near Damascus, exhibit the difference clearly. When Akizzi
+sent his first communication to Nimmuria every petty chief went raiding on
+his own account: Teuwatta of Lapana, Dasha, Arzawia and all the rest of
+them. These vanished with the entrance of Aziru upon the scene, though the
+change was by no means welcome to Akizzi. In the Lebanon things were no
+better. Here Namyauza was struggling with the headmen of Puzruna and
+Khalunni. “They began hostilities together with Biridashwi against me and
+said: ‘Come, let us kill Namyauza.’ But I escaped.” This promiscuous
+warfare raged most fiercely in the south. Here a certain Labaya tried to
+play the part taken by Aziru in the north. But fortune was less favourable
+to Labaya. Probably he failed to induce his undisciplined officers to act
+in unison, and the unhappy man’s sole achievement seems to have been the
+welding of his foes into a compact body against himself. He lost his
+territory, kept up the struggle a little longer as a freebooter, was taken
+captive at Megiddo, escaped again on the eve of being shipped to Egypt,
+and fell in battle or died a natural death after at length meeting
+apparently with some success in Judæa.
+
+Jerusalem was under a royal “Uweu,” a term perhaps best rendered
+“captain,” named Abdikheba. A neighbouring prefect, Shuwardata, asserted
+occasionally that he had entered into conspiracies with Labaya, and
+Abdikheba in fact complained of hostilities on all sides. Milki-El and his
+father-in-law Tagi, chiefs in the Philistian plain near Gath, were his
+principal opponents. They recruited troops from among the Habiri in the
+hope that Abdikheba, finding himself practically blockaded, would weary of
+the struggle and abandon the field. He was evidently very nearly driven to
+this when he wrote:
+
+
+    “Infamous things have been wrought against me. To see it would
+    draw tears from the eyes of the king, so do my foes press me.
+    Shall the royal cities fall a prey to the Habiri? If the Pidati do
+    not come in the course of this year, let the king send messengers
+    to fetch me and all my brethren that we may die in the presence of
+    the king, our lord.”
+
+
+By the Habiri we must here understand no other than the Hebrews, who were
+therefore already to be found in the “Promised Land,” but had not yet
+firmly established themselves there. They swarmed in the Lebanon, where
+Namyauza had formally enlisted one of their hordes; and yet it seems as if
+they already held Shechem and Mount Ephraim as free tribal property. At
+any rate, no letter thence to the king has been discovered, although there
+is one mention of the city Shakmi (Shechem). The genuinely ancient
+passages in the scriptural accounts of the conquest in the Book of Joshua,
+and still more the valuable fragments in the first chapter of Judges, are
+fairly in accordance with what we here learn from the tablets.
+
+Abdikheba’s letters may be considered along with those of Milki-El and
+Tagi, of whom Yanhamu, the powerful official, had just made an example.
+Their voices take up the chorus of complaint:
+
+
+    ABDIKHEBA. “Lo! Milki-El and Tagi have done as follows.... Thus,
+    as the king liveth, hath Milki-El committed treachery against me.
+    Send Yanhamu that he may see what is done in the king’s land.”
+
+
+    MILKI-EL. “The king, my lord, shall know the deed done by Yanhamu
+    after I had been dismissed by the king. Lo, he took three thousand
+    talents from me and said to me, ‘Give me thy wife and thy sons
+    that I may slay them.’ May my lord, the king, remember this deed
+    and send us chariots to bring us away.”
+
+
+    TAGI. “Am I not a servant of the king? But my brother is full of
+    wounds so that I can send no message by him to the king. Ask the
+    _rabisu_ (a title of Yanhamu) whether my brother is not full of
+    wounds. But we turn our eyes to thee, to know whether we may rise
+    to heaven or creep into the earth; our heads remain in thy hand.
+    Behold, I shall try to make my way to the king by the hand of the
+    surgeons.”
+
+
+    MILKI-EL. “I have received the king’s message. Let him send the
+    Pidati to protect his servant, and grains of myrrh gum for
+    healing.”
+
+
+As already pointed out, the blame for such occurrences belongs in the
+first place to the Egyptian system of government. How little the petty
+princes could expect, whether of good or evil, from their suzerain is
+shown by glaring examples. King Burnaburiash complained that a Babylonian
+trading company established by his ambassador in the Canaanite city of
+Khinaton had, immediately after the ambassador’s departure, been attacked
+and utterly plundered. The principals were killed, and the rest—some of
+them mutilated—were sent into slavery. “Canaan is thy land; thou art king
+of it,” continues Burnaburiash. “It was in thy land that I suffered this
+injury; therefore restrain the doers of it. Replace the stolen gold, and
+slay the murderers of my subjects to avenge their blood.” Whether this was
+done was extremely doubtful, for part of the plunder had in all
+probability already sufficed to secure a safe retreat for the brigands,
+who, furthermore, were officials from some of whom letters have been
+found. The natural consequence was that the ambassadors themselves were
+attacked. Their caravan with gifts for Napkhuria was robbed twice in
+succession, and they themselves were held to ransom. The Egyptian
+Government nevertheless remained outrageously slack as ever, as we may see
+from the following safe conduct granted on behalf of the Canaanite
+miscreants: “To the princes in the land of Canaan, the vassals of my
+brother. Akiya, my messenger, I send to the King of Egypt my brother.
+Bring him safe and quickly to Egypt. Let no violence befall him.”
+
+Prefects of Canaanite ports were naturally in most active communication
+with Egypt. On some of the shrewder minds among these men it had dawned
+that it pleased and amused the king to have immediate news of messages by
+sea and land from far and near communicated in their letters. Abi-milki of
+Tyre had carried this practice farthest, and he was also admirably skilful
+in lodging complaints by the way. We owe to this worthy one of the
+choicest pieces in the whole collection, the elegant pæan of a
+place-hunter of more than three thousand years ago. It will be noticed
+that some of his rhetorical expressions repeatedly recall those of the
+Hebrew Psalter in the same way as do phrases in the letter of Tagi already
+quoted. In fact, the Bible critic has much to learn from the tablets as a
+whole. After the formal beginning, Abi-milki launches out as follows:
+
+
+    “My lord the king is the Sun-God, rising each day over the earth
+    according to the will of his gracious father, the heavenly Sun-God
+    (Aten). His words give life and prosperity. To all lands his might
+    giveth peace. Like the (Phœnician) god Ram-man, so he thunders
+    down from heaven, and the earth trembles before him. Behold, thy
+    servant writeth as soon as he has good news to send the king. And
+    the fear of my lord, the king, fell upon the whole land till the
+    messenger made known the good news from the king my lord. When I
+    heard through him the command of the king to me, ‘Be at the
+    disposal of my high officials,’ then thy servant answered his
+    lord, ‘It is already done.’ On my breast and on my back write I
+    down for myself the commands of the king. Verily, he who
+    hearkeneth to the king his lord, and serveth him with love, the
+    Sun-God riseth over him, and a good word from the mouth of his
+    lord giveth him life. If he heed not the commands of his lord his
+    city will fall, his house will perish, and his name will be known
+    no more for ever in all lands. But he who followeth his lord as a
+    faithful servant, his city is prosperous, his house is secure, and
+    his name shall endure for ever.”
+
+
+The letter continues for some time in the same strain, but at the end the
+courtier bethinks him of his office of informer, and adds hastily:
+
+
+    “Furthermore, Zimrida, the prefect of Sidon, sends a report every
+    day to Aziru, Abd-Ashera’s son. Every word that comes from Egypt
+    he telleth to him. I, however, tell it to my lord, that it may
+    serve thee, oh my lord!”
+
+
+Two princes, Adad-nirari of Nukhashi and another whose name is now
+illegible, apparently take a higher rank than their neighbours. Nukhashi
+is often named in these tablets as well as in Egyptian inscriptions, and
+it must have been situated on the north-east slope of the Lebanon range.
+We have also letters from the towns of Biruta (Beyrout), Hashab, Hazi,
+Kumidi, Kadesh on the Orontes, Sidon, Akko, Rubiza, Megiddo, Hazor, Gezer,
+Gaza, Lachish, Shamhuna, Mushihuma, Dubu, and others, while there are many
+more so mutilated that their origin can no longer be determined.
+
+These letters, though by no means all of them containing important
+contributions to the history of political intrigue, are often of interest
+from the light they throw on manners and customs. A few further extracts
+are therefore given here.
+
+
+    “To the king my lord, my gods, my sun; Yabitiri is thy servant,
+    the dust of thy feet, &c. And a faithful servant of the king am I.
+    I look hither, and I look thither, but it is not light; then I
+    look to the king my lord, then there is light. A brick may be
+    removed from its firm bed, but I move not away from the king’s
+    feet. Let my lord the king ask Yanhamu, his _rabisu_. While I was
+    still young he brought me to Egypt, and I served my lord the king
+    and stood at the gate of the palace (as page). And to-day, let my
+    lord the king ask his _rabisu_, I guard the gates of Gaza and of
+    Joppa. I am also attached to the Pidati of my lord the king;
+    whither they go thither do I go with them, as even now. On my neck
+    rests the yoke of my lord the king, and I bear it.”
+
+
+The following tablet from the neighbourhood of the Jordan promises good
+results as the reward of future research for geographical details:
+
+
+    “To Yanhamu, my lord: Mut-Addi is thy servant at thy feet. I told
+    thee before, and it is so indeed; Ayab hath fled in secret, as did
+    also previously the king of Bihishi before the commissioners of
+    the king his lord. Is Ayab now in Bihishi? [He is there] truly as
+    the lord king liveth, truly as he liveth. For two months he has
+    been there. Behold, Benenima is present, Tadua is present, Yashua
+    is present; ask them whether he hath fled from Shadi-Marduk, from
+    Astarti. When all the cities in the land of Gari were in
+    rebellion, Adma (Udumu), Aduri, Araru, Mishtu, Migdal, Ain-anab
+    and Sarki were taken, then later Hawani and Yabesh. Behold,
+    moreover, as soon as thou hadst written a letter to me I wrote to
+    him (Ayab) that thou hadst returned from thy journey (to
+    Palestine?). And behold he came to Bihishi and heard the command.”
+
+
+The names Ayab and Yashua recall Job and Joshua to our minds.
+
+The great alacrity shown in this letter was, as we already know, most
+acceptable to Yanhamu. Another Syrian chief, whose name has been
+obliterated, complained bitterly that Yanhamu had refused him a passage
+through his territories, although he showed the royal summons to Court.
+This, indeed, may have been an indirect favour to his correspondent. Very
+amusing is a group of three synoptic letters, written by one scribe for
+Biri ... (the name is imperfect) of Hashab, Ildaya ... of Hazi, and
+another. These vassals had evidently taken the field together. They recite
+their tale like a chorus of schoolboys repeating a lesson.
+
+
+    “Behold, we were besieging the cities of the king my lord in the
+    land of Amki (_i.e._, cities that had fallen away and had ceased
+    to pay tribute). Then came Itakama, the Prince of Kinza (Kadesh),
+    at the head of Hittites. Let my lord the king write to Itakama,
+    and cause him to turn aside and give us troops that we may win the
+    cities of my lord the king, and thenceforth dwell in them.”
+
+
+Itakama was specially unpopular with his neighbours. Apparently he was one
+of the more powerful allies of Aziru, and as such his special task was to
+press as hard as possible on the foes of the Amorites in southern
+Cœle-Syria. Perhaps, however, Aziru and Itakama did not come together till
+each for a time had fought his battles alone. The Hittites in Itakama’s
+force were, of course, prominently mentioned to alarm Pharaoh. They may
+have been Hittite spearmen enrolled by the prince of Kadesh, much as the
+Habiri and Sutu had been enlisted by his chief rival Namyauza. It is even
+possible that the soldiers of Kadesh had always been armed in Hittite
+fashion; perhaps the town was already inhabited by people of Hittite
+stock. Later the Hittites actually seized Kadesh, and it is questionable
+whether it was for the first time. Itakama himself, however, scouts any
+thought of defection; nay, he writes:
+
+
+    “To the king my lord, &c. I am thy servant, but Namyauza hath
+    slandered me to thee, oh my master. And while he was doing that he
+    occupied all the inheritance of my fathers in the land of Kadesh,
+    and my villages hath he set on fire. Do not the officers of my
+    lord the king and his subjects know my faithfulness? I serve thee
+    with all my brethren, and where there is rebellion against my lord
+    the king, thither I march with my warriors, my chariots, and all
+    my brethren. Behold, now Namyauza hath delivered up to the Habiri
+    all the king’s cities in the land of Kadesh and in Ube. But I will
+    march forth, and if thy gods and thy sun go before me I will
+    restore these places from the Habiri to the king that I may show
+    myself subject to him. I will drive out these Habiri, and my lord
+    the king shall rejoice in his servant Itakama. I will serve the
+    king my lord, and all my brethren, and all lands shall serve him.
+    But Namyauza will I destroy, for I am for ever a servant of the
+    king my lord.”
+
+
+The land of Ube here named corresponds to the Hobah of the Bible,
+mentioned in Genesis xiv. 15, as the place to which Abram pursued the
+conquerors of Sodom, who had carried Lot away. According to the margin of
+the Revised Version, Hobah lay “north of Damascus.” In a letter from
+Akizzi of Katna (see p. 44), we read, however, “Oh, my lord the king, as
+Damascus in the land of Ube stretches out her hand to thy feet, so Katna
+stretches out her hand to thy feet.” The statements may be reconciled by
+the hypothesis that in the Old Testament the position of the town after
+which the district is named is more exactly indicated. Other lands named
+in the tablets are more difficult to identify. To mitigate a famine in
+Gebal, Rib-Addi intended to send for grain from Zalukhi in Ugarit, but his
+enemies detained his ships and frustrated his intentions. Zalukhi does not
+seem to be mentioned again, and Rib-Addi in a later letter compares Ugarit
+with the region round Tyre as regards its administrative relation to
+Egypt. Abi-milki, the Tyrian prefect, once informs the king, “Fire hath
+devoured the city of Ugarit; one half of it hath it destroyed and not the
+other.” Finally, a certain Yapakhi-Addi, after an unsuccessful attempt to
+get provisions into Rib-Addi’s city Simyra, reproachfully informs Yanhamu
+that Aziru has extended his dominions from Gebal to Ugarit. Ugarit must
+thus have been the most northerly of the Egyptian possessions in Asia, and
+therefore not far from the site of the modern Alexandretta. This outlying
+position made the little state a somewhat insecure jewel in the crown of
+Egypt. King Kadashman-Bel seems to have been of this opinion when (see p.
+27) he included in his little list of ladies impossible for a royal harem
+“a maiden from Ugarit.” Evidently he meant to enumerate superciliously
+petty foreign “princesses” only.
+
+Of a certain land of Danuna (considered a part of Canaan) we learn further
+that its king died, and that his brother succeeded to the throne
+unopposed. One of the two may be identical with the king of Tana; who, as
+Rib-Addi briefly mentions, was about to march to Gebal, but was forced by
+scarcity of water to return home.
+
+A few letters from women are among the tablets. Two probably came from the
+wife of Milki-El, who was hard pressed by the Habiri when her husband was
+called to Egypt. Two others are addressed, “The handmaid to my mistress”;
+perhaps they were sent along with Tushratta’s letters to his daughter in
+Egypt and were from one of her playfellows or relatives. Finally, the
+daughter of Napkhuria, married to Burnaburiash, sent a small tablet to her
+father by a special envoy named Kidin-Ramman. “Before the face of my lord
+let him come” indicates that the letter was “to be delivered in person.”
+It is a pity that this dainty little letter is for the most part
+illegible.
+
+
+
+
+
+V. POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD.
+
+
+However favourably the religious reform of King Napkhuria may be estimated
+on its own merits, it by no means strengthened the authority of Egypt in
+Asia. Of course it could have in no way been the cause of the state of
+affairs in Syria and Canaan; perhaps Amenophis III., whatever his own
+great slackness, simply inherited the confusion in this part of his
+empire. The heaviest blows could not in the long run prevent the Habiri
+from returning to the attack again and again at brief intervals. Their
+need of expansion was greater than their fear, and, after all, it mattered
+little to Pharaoh whether the Habirite or the Canaanite paid tribute in
+Palestine as soon as the intruder was prepared to acknowledge his rights.
+Napkhuria’s great weakness was his obvious partiality for those of his
+officials who had become Aten worshippers, and the eagerness of these men
+to exploit the royal favour was in proportion to their disbelief in the
+permanence of the movement for reform.
+
+In their Babylonian form the Tell el Amarna tablets are in the first place
+the product of the diplomatic custom of the time, but in many details of
+their contents they show that the civilisation of Western Asia had for
+centuries been based on a Babylonian foundation. With the lack of exact
+information so frequently to be deplored in Egyptian accounts, the wordy
+narratives of the campaigns of Thutmosis III. scarcely enable us to
+determine exactly from which of the greater powers he had succeeded in
+wresting districts of Syria and Palestine. As regards the political
+situation there, even at the beginning of the Kassite Dynasty—a change
+probably attended by long internecine struggles—Babylonia seems to have
+lost its western possessions on the Mediterranean, and we may rather
+suppose that it was the kings of Mitani who ruled these territories in the
+time of Thutmosis III.
+
+Mitani, though still an extensive power, had seen its best days at any
+rate when Tushratta with difficulty ascended the throne of his fathers.
+The name “Hanirabbat” by which it was known to all its neighbours, must be
+the older name, and also that of the original province to which later
+acquisitions had been united. It is an established fact that Eastern
+Cappadocia, the mountainous province of Melitene on the Upper Euphrates,
+was still known as Hanirabbat about 690 B.C., and that, on the other hand,
+Mitani, in the narrower sense of the term, must have corresponded to the
+later Macedonian province of Mygdonia, _i.e._, Mesopotamia proper. We have
+seen, however, that Ninua, afterwards the Assyrian capital Nineveh, was
+part of the dominion of Tushratta, otherwise he could hardly have sent
+Ishtar, the goddess of that city, to Egypt. The subsequent capital of
+Assyria may have been the most easterly possession of the kingdom of
+Hanirabbat-Mitani, the centre of gravity of which lay farther westward. In
+the letters there is a remark of the king of Alashia recommending Pharaoh
+to exchange no more gifts with “the kings of the Hittites and of
+Shankhar.” Mitani is, perhaps, here named Shankhar from its dependencies
+in Asia Minor, or we may suppose it to have been the name of Tushratta’s
+residence.
+
+In contrast to the Hittite empire, which was pressing forward from the
+neck of Asia Minor through the passes of Issus into Syria, and was rapidly
+increasing in power, Mitani stood on the eve of its fall. Babylonians and
+Hittites were alike watching to pluck the ripe fruit, and perhaps it
+lacked little to decide Tushratta, instead of fighting once more for the
+crown, to capitulate to the invading Hittites and see the end of the
+kingdom of Mitani. The great “love” of this king for Egypt was not,
+therefore, called forth merely by the glitter of gold, but also by dire
+political necessity. The catastrophe occurred some few decades after the
+correspondence comes to an end for us. Mitani vanished from the states of
+Western Asia and gave place to small Aramaic kingdoms, while the eastern
+boundary, together with Ninua, was seized by Assyria as the first step to
+her subsequent suzerainty in the East.
+
+But still more swiftly overtaken of fate was the XVIIIth Dynasty in Egypt.
+Napkhuria did not even see the completion of his city at Tell el Amarna,
+for he died in 1370 B.C. His reform followed him, and the victorious
+champions of Amon could raze to the ground the hated City of the Sun’s
+Disk. They must already have been on the march when in a happy moment it
+occurred to a keeper of the royal archives to conceal the clay tablets in
+the earth and thus save them for remote posterity.
+
+
+
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX
+
+
+The best translation of the Tell el Amarna tablets available for English
+readers is that from the German of H. Winckler, published by Luzac,
+London, 1896.
+
+Professor Flinders Petrie’s _Syria and Egypt from the Tell el Amarna
+Letters_ (Methuen, 1898) is a synopsis of the letters as far as they
+belong to the relations of Egypt and Syria, with the addition of
+geographical and historical notes. In the Introduction Professor Petrie
+gives a harrowing account of the casual way in which the tablets were
+found and of the criminal carelessness with which these priceless records
+were subsequently handled.
+
+Some years afterwards, in 1891-2, Professor Petrie himself excavated what
+was left of the ruins of the royal city of Amenhetep IV. An account of his
+discoveries on that site and of his deductions from them may be found in
+his finely illustrated memoir _Tell el Amarna_ (Methuen, 1894). He
+particularly emphasises the skill and originality displayed in the remains
+of the arts and crafts of the Tell el Amarna period, and emphatically
+points out the evidence of active connection between Egypt and Ægean
+(Mykenæan) civilisation at that time. His appreciation of the character of
+Akhenaten differs considerably from that formed by the author of the
+present pamphlet, and should be compared with it. In vol. ii. p. 205 _et
+seqq._ of his _History of Egypt_, Professor Petrie maintains the same
+views. The same volume also contains his earlier synopsis of the Tell el
+Amarna tablets.
+
+Professor Maspero’s account of the historical bearing of these tablets is
+worked into the second volume of his great _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples
+de l’Orient_, which is entitled _Les Premières Mélées des Peuples_. A
+translation of that work has been issued by the Society for the
+Propagation of Christian Knowledge, but in any parts relating to Biblical
+history the student will do well to consult the original.
+
+The bearings of the tablets on Biblical history, and particularly the
+evidence they have supplied as to the early date at which the art of
+writing was practised in Syria and Palestine, have been favourite themes
+of Professor Sayce. His arguments and conclusions on these points may be
+found in _The Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments_ (S.P.C.K.
+1894); _Patriarchal Palestine_ (S.P.C.K. 1895); _The Egypt of the Hebrews
+and Herodotus_ (Rivington, Percival & Co., 1896), and elsewhere.
+
+Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & CO
+London & Edinburgh
+
+
+
+
+
+
+***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD***
+
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