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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Tell El Amarna Period by Carl Niebuhr
+
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no
+restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under
+the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or
+online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+
+Title: The Tell El Amarna Period
+
+Author: Carl Niebuhr
+
+Release Date: July 29, 2008 [Ebook #26145]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD***
+
+
+
+
+
+                             The Ancient East
+
+                                 No. II.
+
+                        THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD
+
+                    The Relations of Egypt and Western
+
+                    Asia in the Fifteenth Century B.C.
+
+                               According to
+
+                        The Tell El Amarna Tablets
+
+                                    by
+
+                               Carl Niebuhr
+
+                       Translated by J. Hutchinson
+
+                            London: David Nutt
+
+                             57-59 Long Acre
+
+                                   1903
+
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+The Ancient East
+I. The Tablets, and How they were Found.
+II. The Egyptian Court and Administration.
+III. Letters from Asiatic Kings.
+IV. Letters from Asiatic Vassals.
+V. Political Conditions in the Tell el Amarna Period.
+Bibliographical Appendix
+
+
+
+
+
+
+THE ANCIENT EAST
+
+
+Under this title is being issued a series of short, popular, but
+thoroughly scientific studies, by the leading scholars of Germany, setting
+forth the recent discoveries and investigations in Babylonian, Assyrian
+and Egyptian History, Religion, and Archæology, especially as they bear
+upon the traditional views of early Eastern History. The German originals
+have been appearing during the last eighteen months. The English
+translations made by Miss Jane Hutchison have been submitted in each case
+to the Authors, and embody their latest views. Short, helpful
+bibliographies are added. Each study consists of some 64 to 80 pages,
+crown 8vo, and costs *1s.* sewed, or *1s. 6d.* cloth.
+
+The following are issued:
+
+THE REALMS OF THE EGYPTIAN DEAD.
+By Professor ALFRED WIEDEMANN.
+
+THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD. By Dr. C. NIEBUHR.
+
+THE BABYLONIAN AND THE HEBREW GENESIS.
+By Professor H. ZIMMERN.
+
+THE BABYLONIAN CONCEPTION OF HEAVEN AND HELL.
+By Dr. ALFRED JEREMIAS.
+
+POPULAR LITERATURE IN ANCIENT EGYPT.
+By Professor ALFRED WIEDEMANN.
+
+
+
+
+
+I. THE TABLETS, AND HOW THEY WERE FOUND.
+
+
+As early as 1820 it was known in Europe that in Middle Egypt, on the east
+bank of the Nile, in the district between Minieh and Siut, there lay the
+remains of a great city of Ancient Egypt. The Prussian exploration
+expedition of 1842-45 gave special attention to this site, where indeed
+were found, about sixty miles south of Minieh, extensive ruins, beginning
+at the village of Haggi Kandil and covering the floor of a rock-bound
+valley named after the fellahin village, El Amarna. At that time the
+ground-plan of the city was still easy to distinguish; the regular lines
+of the streets could be traced, and enough could be seen of the great
+design of the principal temple to excite the admiration of the
+discoverers. This example of the laying out of an ancient Egyptian town
+still remains almost unique, for of old, as now, private buildings were
+constructed of flimsy material. That the Tell el Amarna remains have
+escaped rapid destruction is due entirely to the sudden and violent
+downfall of the original splendour of the city and the complete desolation
+which succeeded. The importance of the place was revealed on examination
+of the surrounding cliffs. Here were found, sculptured and inscribed in a
+new and peculiar style, the rock-cut tombs of the most distinguished
+inhabitants of Akhet-haten, the royal city built for himself about 1380
+B.C. by Amenophis IV., and destroyed soon after his early death.
+
+In the beginning of 1888 some fellahìn digging for marl not far from the
+ruins came upon a number of crumbling wooden chests, filled with clay
+tablets closely covered on both sides with writing. The dusky fellows must
+have been not a little delighted at finding themselves owners of hundreds
+of these marketable antiquities, for which a European purchaser would
+doubtless give plenty of good gold coins. To multiply their gains they
+broke up the largest tablets into three or four separate pieces, often to
+the grievous hindrance of the future decipherer. But very soon the matter
+was fruited abroad; the Government at once intervened, almost all the find
+was in due time secured, and a stop was put to any further dispersal of
+separate tablets and of fragments. The political situation in Egypt is
+pretty accurately indicated by the fact that about eighty of the best
+preserved of the Tell el Amarna tablets at once found their way to the
+British Museum. Some sixty were left in the museum at Boulak, and about
+one hundred and eighty were secured for the Berlin Museum, many of them
+tiny fragments, but mostly containing important records. Few have remained
+in private hands.
+
+Some alabaster slabs came to light at Tell el Amarna bearing the
+hieroglyphic names of King Amenophis IV. and his father, Amenophis III.
+These had evidently served as lids to the chests. Some tablets also were
+inscribed with notes in hieratic, written in red ink. But in spite of
+these exceptions, it was at once recognised that all the documents were
+written in Babylonian cuneiform. The reading of the introductory lines on
+various tablets served to show that the find consisted of part of the
+Egyptian state archives in the times of the two kings Amenophis III. and
+IV. Thus the first of the many startling discoveries that were to follow
+in such rapid succession was made in the recognition that about 1400 B.C.
+the Semitic speech of Babylon served as the language of diplomacy in the
+East.
+
+Apart from a few tablets dealing with mythological subjects and written in
+Babylonian, and two which contain inventories, all the tablets were
+letters. Most of them were from Egyptian officials in Syria and Canaan,
+and usually they were addressed to the king. Among them were found many
+long letters from Asiatic kings to the Egyptian monarch, and also a few
+communications from the Foreign Office of “Pharaoh” himself. We must note,
+however, that this title of Egyptian kings, so commonly used in the Old
+Testament, is apparently never once employed in the Tell el Amarna
+documents. It is interesting to observe how difficulties of the script and
+of a language not entirely familiar to most of the scribes were overcome.
+Even the learned scribes of the royal “House of the Sun” in Egypt had
+obviously their own troubles in the matter, and made use of the Babylonian
+mythological texts already mentioned as a means of improving their
+fluency. Of this we have evidence in the thin red lines by which, on these
+tablets alone, the words have been separated from each other. The
+governors and officials must not be classified as educated or uneducated
+on the evidence of their letters; all alike employed professional scribes,
+of whom one might be skilful and the next a bungler whose communications
+must be guessed at rather than read. Occasionally a Babylonian word is
+followed by the corresponding Canaanite word, also in cuneiform, but
+marked as a translation. Like the Egyptian kings, so the Asiatic
+sovereigns had each his staff of scribes. One of the petty chiefs,
+Tarkhundarash of Arsapi, was evidently so unhappy as to have none in his
+Court who could read or write a letter in Babylonian, for letters to him
+were written in his own tongue. The scribe of the Hittite king produced
+only a species of dog Latin, while the scribe of the king of Alashia trots
+out his whole vocabulary unhampered by grammar. On the other hand, the
+letters of the king of Mitani are drawn up in the characters known as
+Assyrian; and it is probable that the Assyrian system of cuneiform may
+have originated in Mitani. If so, for the Mitani scribe there could be no
+question of any special difficulty in using the acknowledged language of
+diplomacy in the Ancient East.
+
+It is evident that the Babylonian royal scribes at length showed some
+consideration for their unfortunate Egyptian correspondents by writing as
+a rule in phonograms which could be easily spelt out, since strange
+ideograms might have brought the reader to a standstill. The sources of
+the letters may be distinguished also by the colour and consistency of the
+material of the tablets, which are of all shades of clay, from pale yellow
+to red or dark brown. Side by side, too, with hard and legible pieces, lie
+broken and crumbling fragments which have suffered sadly during the few
+years that have elapsed since they were again exposed to the air.
+
+
+
+
+
+II. THE EGYPTIAN COURT AND ADMINISTRATION.
+
+
+The two Pharaohs of the Tell el Amarna Period belong to the XVIIIth
+Dynasty, which about 1560 B.C. had freed the land from the yoke of certain
+Asiatic invaders known as the Shasu. The new dynasty soon began to
+encroach upon Asia. King Thutmosis III. (1503 to 1449 B.C.) after many
+chequered campaigns conquered Syria as far as the Gulf of Iskanderun. On
+the African side he extended the bounds of his kingdom to the confluence
+of the Nile and the Atbara, so that the greater part of Nubia owned his
+sway. The terror of his name did not die with him, but for long did good
+service to his successors, the first of whom, Amenophis II., seems
+moreover himself to have maintained energetically the fame of Egyptian
+arms. To this influence our clay tablets bear witness by twice making
+emphatic reference to the days of the powerful “Manakhbiria”—the prenomen
+of King Thutmosis III. With the accession of Amenophis III. the warlike
+spirit ceased to prevail at the Court of Thebes. Nothing more was to be
+gained by Egypt in Western Asia, and the tastes of the new king lay in
+other directions than war. The two celebrated Colossi of Memnon (statues
+of himself), many great buildings, the important part played by his
+favourite wife Teye, the well-filled harem,  the cultivation of “wisdom”
+(which practically, no doubt, was tantamount to what we should call
+“preciosity”); last, but not least, the solemn adoration of his own divine
+image—all these facts combine to indicate the altered condition of things
+which came about under Amenophis III. He reigned thirty-six years, long
+enough to allow the movement introduced by him to run its course. His son,
+Amenophis IV., was, however, just as little inclined as his father to walk
+in the steps of his warlike ancestors. Hampered apparently by bodily
+defects, this Son of the Sun tried his strength in a field often far more
+dangerous than the battlefield. He began a reform of the Egyptian
+religion, apparently in the direction of a kind of monotheism in which the
+chief worship was reserved for the disk of the sun, the symbol under which
+the god Ra was adored at Heliopolis in the Delta.
+
+Nothing being known of the life of this king as heir-apparent, probably we
+shall never understand what led him to take this new departure. From his
+conduct during the early years of his reign it may be concluded that he
+intended to proceed gradually, but was roused to more aggressive measures
+by the resistance of the powerful priests of Amon in Thebes. These men
+acted, of course, for their own interests in promptly resisting even mild
+attempts at reform. Perhaps also the king’s aim had been from the outset
+to weaken the influence of the Theban hierarchy by new doctrines and to
+strengthen the royal power by steady secularisation. Open strife between
+the adherents of Amon and those of the Sun’s Disk, the “Aten,” broke out
+in the second or third year of Amenophis IV., that is, about 1380 B.C. The
+immediate removal of the Court from Thebes to Tell el Amarna points to a
+failure of the royal efforts, for the command to build the new city had
+not long been issued, and the place was still altogether unfinished. The
+official world promptly broke with the old religion. The king altered his
+throne-name, “Amen-hetep,” to “Akhen-Aten,” “The glory of the Sun’s Disk”;
+his young daughters received names compounded with “Aten,” whilst the
+courtiers found it advisable to strike out “Amen,” if this chanced to form
+part of their own names, and to substitute for it “Ra,” as having more or
+less the same significance as “Aten.” “The doctrine,” as the new dogmas
+were called in inscriptions at Tell el Amarna, was regarded as so entirely
+a matter of home politics in Egypt, that the officials of Syria and
+Palestine—all foreigners—do not seem to have received any formal
+information regarding it. Most of them continue to refer to Amon in
+perfect innocence, and only a few who were better informed began rather
+later to take the change into account. Thus Yitia of Ashkelon, Pu-Adda of
+Wurza, and a certain Addudaian correct the name of the Egyptian
+commissioner “Amanappa” into “Rianappa.” Abimilki of Tyre apparently even
+tried to give himself out as one initiated into “the doctrine,” and to
+represent his city as a servant of Aten. If this were the case he must
+have received a severe rebuff, for after his one attempt he falls back
+into the old style. Neither the royal nor the national pride of Egypt
+would suffer any such familiarities.
+
+The new capital received the significant name of “Akhet-Aten” (“Horizon of
+the Sun”) and was solemnly consecrated long before it was half finished.
+The widow of Amenophis III., the queen-mother Teye, came occasionally to
+visit the new capital, and was received with all honour; evidently she had
+paid timely respect to her son’s opinions. How far the Aten dogma
+represented real progress in religious thought can be gathered only from
+the contents of a few hymns remaining on the walls of some of the tombs.
+In these the expression of devout feeling seems to have become richer and
+more spontaneous, and the monotheistic tendency is evident. This
+characteristic, however, may often be observed by a sympathetic reader in
+the hymns to Amon, and even to less important deities: the deity adopted
+as a special object of worship by any individual is always favourably
+represented by him. The Aten dogma, being based on natural phenomena and
+not on mythology, was, of course, heretical.
+
+Those of his officials who had accepted “the doctrine” were regarded by
+Akhenaten as deserving men, and on this ground alone, Ai, called Haya in
+the Amarna letters, received golden honours to the full. This Haya, who
+was entitled “beloved royal scribe,” was probably a secretary of state,
+and was once sent as a special ambassador to Babylonia. Dudu occupied
+another important post; Amanappa, who has already been mentioned, seems
+from a letter written by him to Rib-Addi of Gebal, to have been a
+commander-in-chief. Hani, Salma, Paura, Pahamnata, Hatib Maya, Shuta,
+Hamashni, and Zitana all appear as the bearers of royal commissions in
+Syrian territory. An official named Shakhshi receives instruction as to
+the conducting of a royal caravan. But to the Asiatic vassals the most
+important office of all was the governorship of Lower Egypt, the country
+called “Yarimuta,” an office filled at this time by Yanhamu. The letters
+afford abundant evidence that any vassal who had incurred Yanhamu’s enmity
+must walk warily. The minister of the king of Alashia, though his equal in
+rank, sent gifts to this dangerous man, who had harassed merchants of
+Alashia by demanding from them illegal dues. Rib-Addi of Gebal lost land
+and throne, in spite of the countenance of Amanappa, because such was
+Yanhamu’s pleasure; and of Milki-El of Gath he made a severe example, to
+which we shall refer later.
+
+On the whole, the Asiatic provinces enjoyed self-government under the
+supremacy of Egypt, and the disadvantages of this condition of things are
+revealed in numerous letters. These end almost invariably with a request
+to the king to come in person to the aid of his distressed vassals, or at
+least to send troops. Sometimes this was done, but usually such
+expeditions seem to have been undertaken with inadequate forces and seldom
+resulted in permanent peace. The native princes, chiefs, and village
+headmen were perpetually struggling with each other. They made alliances
+among themselves, or they entered into secret treaties with neighbouring
+states and afterwards brazenly denied them. This wretched state of affairs
+may be traced to two principal causes—the tribute question and the
+immigration of Bedawìn tribes.
+
+The king was not to be trifled with when tribute was overdue. The most
+valid excuses—loss of territory, war, failure of the harvest—were received
+with a suspicion doubtless justified in general but which must have caused
+much hardship in individual cases. The ordinary tribute was fixed, as well
+as the regular subsidy for royal troops and the force which had to be
+raised in emergencies. But the gifts—such as female slaves—which must
+needs be sent not only to the courtiers but even to the king himself,
+added enormously to the burden, so much so that to the poorer chiefs a
+summons from Egypt to appear in person meant little less than ruin.
+Resistance to it was so surely to be counted on that such a summons was
+often kept in the background more as a threat than anything else. Now and
+then petty chiefs in Palestine and Syria withheld their bushels of corn,
+their three oxen or their twenty sheep; or perhaps they were so sparing of
+bakshìsh that the tribute itself was swallowed up and vanished entirely
+from the accounts. It was scarcely possible to take costly measures to
+punish such delinquents, so the business was turned over to some kind
+neighbour of the recalcitrant chief, and a little war was soon fairly
+ablaze. But when direct commands of royal ambassadors were treated as of
+doubtful authenticity, it was hardly likely that the authority placed in
+the hands of an equal would meet with much respect. Both leaders received
+reinforcements; a third intervened at a moment favourable to himself; many
+and often very remote quarrels broke out, and when at length the royal
+commissioners hurried upon the scene it was hard for them to say whether
+or not the original sentence had been executed. Certainly most of the
+property of the original offenders had been largely lost or destroyed, but
+the plunder had crumbled away in passing through countless hands, and the
+royal official might seek it from Dan to Beersheba, or farther, but in
+vain. Out of the first difficulty a dozen others had arisen, till the
+suzerain seized upon his dues by force, yet without leaving peace behind
+him. The tablets are full of references to these complicated struggles,
+which it is not always possible to follow in detail.
+
+Additional confusion was caused by the immigration of Bedawìn tribes. In
+the north the nomadic Sutu, in the south the Habiri pressed forward and
+encroached upon Egyptian territory. It is evident that this further
+pressure was calculated to bring matters to a crisis, for, like the
+tribute, it affected pre-eminently the vassal chiefs and tribes. We find
+the Habiri especially in the very act of ruining some of these petty
+princes, others of whom preferred to make treaties with their unwelcome
+guests, though this indeed was apparently in secret only. But the Sutu
+reached the domains of more powerful vassals, and by two of these, Aziru
+and Namjauza, were openly taken into pay. Obviously such alliances with
+land-seeking plunderers could only prolong and embitter the strife. In
+Palestine, no doubt, peace as regards Egypt would soon have been restored
+had not the Habiri proceeded to seize certain strongholds, which they used
+as centres for further expeditions, thus involving the settled inhabitants
+in wider quarrels. What with the help of the Bedawîn, and the universal
+unrest any ambitious vassal of Egypt must at length have seen a tempting
+prospect of establishing an independent kingdom, if only he could deceive
+the Egyptian Government long enough as to his intentions, and delay or
+thwart any measures that might be taken against him.
+
+Certainly the government of Pharaoh did not lack for watchfulness and was
+well, if not too well, served in the matter of information. But in the
+face of perpetual complaints and counter-complaints, entreaties for help
+and what were for the most part incredible assurances of everlasting
+fidelity, there was no course for the king and his councillors to take but
+either to order a military expedition on a large scale, or to turn a
+sceptical ear to all alike and confine their attention simply to the
+tribute. Pride and weakness combined led them to take the dangerous middle
+course and send inadequate bodies of men singly into the disturbed
+districts. A certain amount of success attended the policy; the king’s
+Nubian “Pidati” were dreaded from of old, and his mercenaries, the
+Shirtani, were looked upon as invincible. When it was a mere question of
+hundreds in the field against hundreds, the appearance of a company, or of
+a few troops, restored peace for a time, but serious and aggravated
+hostilities between masses of rebels could not always be checked by such
+small numbers, and it was a severe blow to the prestige of the Shirtani
+when they were defeated at Gebal by the Sutu.
+
+The knowledge that Egypt was far away, and that the Son of the Sun was
+highly exalted, led the chiefs and officials in Syria and Canaan to deeds
+of open defiance of their suzerain. Ambassadors from foreign states were
+robbed in passing on their journey to Egypt, caravans were plundered, and
+gifts sent to Pharaoh were intercepted. All this notwithstanding, still
+the stream of rhetorical devotion flowed on in the letters.
+
+
+
+
+
+III. LETTERS FROM ASIATIC KINGS.
+
+
+Akhenaten had taken with him to the new capital part of the archives of
+his father. With few exceptions, it is not from the letters of vassals
+that we learn this, for these, as a rule, are addressed simply “To the
+King.” The foreign sovereigns, however, almost always addressed the
+Pharaoh by his prenomen. Thus neither “Amenhetep” nor “Akhenaten” appears
+in the Tell el Amarna letters, but always “Nimmuria” (_i.e._, Neb-maat-Ra)
+for Amenophis III. and “Napkhuria” (_i.e._, Nefer-khepru-Ra) for
+Akhenaten. Dating there was none in correspondence of that time and hence
+these addresses are of great chronological importance.
+
+Four communications to “Nimmuria” from the Babylonian ruler Kadashman-Bel
+(at first incorrectly read Kallima-Sin) are among the most important in
+this respect. The writer calls his land Karduniash, a name for Babylonia
+used by the Assyrians after the native employment of it had long ceased.
+Kadashman-Bel himself belonged to the house of the Kassite chiefs, who,
+about two hundred and fifty years previously, had invaded and conquered
+Babylonia, but who afterwards fully adopted Babylonian manners and
+customs. It is at once apparent that Nimmuria and Kadashman-Bel approach
+each other as equals. The Egyptian, however, was supposed to possess one
+very precious thing in superfluity, namely, gold; for at that time the
+gold mines of Nubia were in good working. The Babylonian letters,
+therefore, seldom failed to contain a hint that the king desired some of
+the precious metal, sometimes as a return gift for rich presents he had
+given the Egyptian, sometimes as temple-offerings, or as a dowry.
+Matrimonial alliances were the principal means by which a ruler kept on
+good terms with neighbouring princes, and Oriental polygamy allowed a
+great deal to be done in that line. It is noticeable that the claim made
+by the Egyptian king to divine honours soon began to cause little
+difficulties in diplomatic intercourse. Not that “the Son of the Sun”
+claimed adoration from his royal compeers: that was expected from his
+subjects only. But he showed the greatest reluctance to give away a
+daughter to any foreign king. Moreover, the fact must not be overlooked
+that it was precisely in the XVIIIth Dynasty that brothers and sisters of
+the royal house so frequently intermarried, a custom afterwards affected
+by the Ptolemies and implying simply that the royal race of the Pharaohs
+being emphatically divine was therefore essentially exalted above the
+world in general. According to this flattering fiction there could be no
+equal union for a king of Egypt except with his own sister. No such
+marriage seems to have been made by Nimmuria, but, as if in amends for
+that, he worshipped, as above stated, his own divine image. We need not
+wonder, then, that he regarded his children as divine manifestations and
+hesitated to bestow them in marriage.
+
+Kadashman-Bel seems to have thoroughly appreciated this little weakness,
+and no doubt the mortal gods on the Nile were a subject for mockery at the
+Courts of Western Asia, even in those days. Thus, a remark of Nimmuria’s
+to the effect that no princess had ever been given away from Egypt is
+answered with delightful dryness:
+
+
+    “Why so? A king art thou, and canst do according to thy will. If
+    thou give her, who shall say anything against it? I wrote before,
+    ‘Send, at least, a beautiful woman.’ Who is there to say that she
+    is not a king’s daughter? If thou wilt not do this, thou hast no
+    regard for our brotherhood and friendship.”
+
+
+Kadashman-Bel threatened that he in his turn would hesitate to give his
+daughter in marriage, and would make similar evasive excuses. At last,
+however, the negotiations came to the desired conclusion, and for a time
+gifts flowed more freely on both sides.
+
+Valuable, though in many respects puzzling, is a large tablet containing a
+letter of Nimmuria to Kadashman-Bel. Possibly it may have been kept as a
+copy, and in that case it must belong to the early part of the
+correspondence. More probably however, the letter is an original which
+came back “undelivered” to Egypt, the addressee having died in the
+meantime. Kadashman-Bel had complained that his sister, who had been given
+by his father in marriage to the Egyptian, had subsequently never once
+been seen by any Babylonian ambassadors. Certainly a woman in royal garb
+had been pointed out, but not one of them had recognised her as their own
+princess. “Who knows that it was not some beggar’s daughter, a Gagaian, or
+a maiden of Hanirabbat or Ugarit whom my messengers saw?” Then Nimmuria
+took up the tale, and complained that Kadashman-Bel sent only ambassadors
+who had never frequented his father’s Court, and were moreover of adverse
+bias. “Send a _kamiru_” (evidently a eunuch is meant) “who knows thy
+sister.” Further misunderstandings come under discussion, from which it is
+evident that the general situation between the two princes was very much
+strained.
+
+King Tushratta of Mitani was a phenomenon in his way. In Egyptian
+inscriptions his kingdom is called Naharina—_i.e._, “Mesopotamia.” One of
+his tablets bears the following official memorandum, written in red ink
+and in hieratic:
+
+
+    “[Received] in the two-[and-thirtieth year of the reign of
+    Nimmuria], in the first winter month, on the tenth day, the Court
+    being at the southern residence (Thebes), in the Residence
+    Ka-em-Ekhut. Duplicate of the Naharina letter brought by the
+    messenger Pirizzi and (another).”
+
+
+Tushratta’s dominion was wide, extending from south-eastern Cappadocia to
+beyond the later Assyrian capital, Nineveh. But the kingdom of Mitani,
+occasionally called after the northern fatherland of its people,
+Hanirabbat, was nearing its fall.   In the south it had a dangerous enemy
+in Babylonia; in the north and west the Hittites were hostile and all the
+more to be dreaded since Mitani-Hanirabbat was inhabited by a people
+related to the Hittite stock. The kings of Mitani soon realised that their
+existence was best secured by a steady alliance with Egypt. To this end
+Artatama and Shutarna, the two predecessors of Tushratta, had sent their
+daughters to the harem of the Pharaohs. The so-called “marriage scarab” of
+Nimmuria bears witness to this, and reference to the bond is often made by
+Tushratta. Before he could ascend the throne he had various difficulties
+to contend against, of which a faithful account is sent to Egypt:
+
+
+    “When I ascended my father’s throne I was still young, for Pirhi
+    did evil to my land and had slain its lord. Therefore he did evil
+    to me also and to all my friends. But I quailed not before the
+    crimes that were committed in my land, but slew the murderers of
+    Artashumara my brother, with all their adherents. Know also, oh,
+    my royal brother! that the whole army of the Hittites marched
+    against my land. But the God Teshup, the lord, delivered them into
+    my hand and I destroyed them. Not one man from their midst
+    returned to his own land. And now I have sent to thee a chariot
+    and two horses, a youth and a maiden, the booty of the land of the
+    Hittites.”
+
+
+This letter betrays itself as one of the earliest written for Tushratta by
+the fact that it makes no request for gold. All his later letters are
+filled with greedy entreaties, completely giving the lie to the immediate
+pretext under which they were professedly written. One of them, more than
+a yard long and proportionately broad, still keeps its charms to itself,
+since for some unknown reason, though written in cuneiform character like
+the rest, the language is that of Hanirabbat and this we are still unable
+to read. Nimmuria indeed, seems to have had a weakness for this worthy
+brother-in-law and his ingenuous manner of approaching him, and spared
+neither presents nor promises; at his death, however, some of the latter
+remained unfulfilled. Evidently neighbouring kings heard at length of
+Tushratta’s financial success and were naturally envious. An extract will
+give the reader a more definite notion of this royal correspondence with
+its stylisms and turns of thought. The following is taken from Letter
+VIII. in the British Museum edition. The long-winded introduction was
+already a fixed convention, and occurs in all the letters from whatever
+country, but the declaration of affection is peculiar to Tushratta:
+
+
+    “To Nimmuria, the great king, the king of Egypt, my brother, my
+    brother-in-law; who loves me and whom I love: Tushratta, the great
+    king, thy (future) father-in-law, king of Mitani; who loves thee
+    and is thy brother. It is well with me; may it be well with thee,
+    with thy house, with my sister and thy other wives, with thy sons,
+    thy chariots, thy horses, thy nobles, thy land, and all that is
+    thine, may it be well with them indeed! Whereas thy fathers in
+    their time kept fast friendship with my fathers, thou hast
+    increased the friendship. Now, therefore, that thou and I are
+    friends thou hast made it ten times closer than with my father.
+    May the gods cause our friendship to prosper! May Teshup, the
+    lord, and Amon ordain it eternally as it now is! I write this to
+    my brother that he may show me even more love than he showed my
+    father. Now I ask gold from my brother, and it behoves me to ask
+    this gold for two causes: in the first place for war equipment (to
+    be provided later), and secondly, for the dowry (likewise to be
+    provided). So, then, let my brother send me much gold, without
+    measure, more than to my father. For in my brother’s land gold is
+    as the dust of the earth. May the gods grant that in the land of
+    my brother, where already so much gold is, there may be ten times
+    more in times to come! Certainly the gold that I require will not
+    trouble my brother’s heart, but let him also not grieve my heart.
+    Therefore let my brother send gold without measure, in great
+    quantity. And I also will grant all the gifts that my brother
+    asks. For this land is my brother’s land, and this my house is his
+    house.”
+
+
+All Tushratta’s letters are written in this tone with the exception of the
+last. Nimmuria felt his end approaching, and entreated the aid of “Our
+Lady of Nineveh.” Such an expedient was not foreign to Egyptian thought. A
+late inscription professes to tell how a certain divine image was sent
+from Thebes to a distant land for the healing of a foreign princess. From
+Tushratta’s answer also it appears that the statue of the goddess Ishtar
+had once before been taken from Nineveh to Thebes.
+
+This letter begins solemnly:
+
+
+    “The words of Ishtar of Nineveh, mistress of all lands. ‘To Egypt,
+    to the land that I love will I go, and there will I sojourn.’ Now
+    I send her and she goes. Let my brother worship her and then let
+    her go in gladness that she may return. May Ishtar protect my
+    brother and me for a hundred thousand years. May she grant unto us
+    both great gladness; may we know nothing but happiness.”
+
+
+All this notwithstanding, Nimmuria must die, and later Tushratta describes
+his own grief on the occasion:
+
+
+    “And on that day I wept, I sat in sorrow. Food and drink I touched
+    not on that day; grieved was my heart. I said, ‘Oh, that it had
+    been I who died !’ ”
+
+
+When he wrote thus the feelings expressed were probably genuine, for times
+had changed sadly for him and men of his type.
+
+We have now come to the accession of the reforming king Napkhuria—_i.e._,
+Akhenaten. This zealot succeeded in bringing into the foreign relations of
+Egypt some of the unrest caused by his measures in home politics. To begin
+with, he sought for new political alliances and sacrificed those already
+existing, not by breaking off the connections, but by turning a deaf ear
+to requests, or by adopting an insolent tone in his answers. On one
+occasion he showered on the old beggar Tushratta derision which was no
+doubt well deserved, but which it was most impolitic to express so
+plainly. He gives one the impression of an inexperienced prince, brought
+up in Oriental seclusion, who persists at all hazards in playing the part
+of a shrewd and worldly-wise ruler. He strained after novelty at the
+expense of his own security, and attempted to demonstrate the strength of
+the supports of his throne by sawing them through.
+
+About the time of Nimmuria’s death Kadashman-Bel of Babylonia also died,
+and Burnaburiash, probably his brother or cousin, was prepared on his
+accession to maintain the traditional friendship with Egypt. But at the
+very beginning Napkhuria was guilty of a breach of etiquette in neglecting
+to send any expression of sympathy during a long illness of Burnaburiash.
+In spite of many fine words, the usual matrimonial negotiations did not
+run smoothly; moreover, attacks were made on travelling messengers, and at
+length Napkhuria’s avarice forced the Babylonian to measures of
+retaliation, and he writes:
+
+
+    “Since ambassadors from thy fathers came to my fathers, they also
+    have lived on friendly terms. We should continue in the same.
+    Messengers have now come from thee thrice, but thou hast sent with
+    them no gift worthy the name. I also shall desist in the same way.
+    If nothing is denied me I shall deny thee nothing.”
+
+
+Meanwhile, the dear brother in Egypt was continually finding opportunities
+to annoy the Babylonian. Assyria was then a small state on the middle
+Tigris, in exactly the same relation to the suzerainty of Babylonia as
+Canaan was to that of Egypt. Disregarding this fact, Napkhuria sent a very
+large quantity of gold to the prince Assurnadinakhi and ostentatiously
+received an Assyrian embassy. Burnaburiash, in remonstrating, referred to
+the loyal conduct of his father, Kurigalzu, who had answered the
+Canaanites with threats when, in an attempted rising against Nimmuria,
+they offered to do homage to Kurigalzu.
+
+
+    “Now there are the Assyrians, my vassals. Have not I already
+    written to thee in regard to them? If thou lovest me they will
+    gain nothing from thee. Let them depart unsuccessful.”
+
+
+This exhortation seems to have been vain, for a letter of the next
+Assyrian king, Assuruballit, speaks of a regular exchange of messengers,
+and indicates that the Sutu of the desert—doubtless at the instigation of
+the Babylonians—were about to kill every Egyptian who showed himself in
+their territory.
+
+A prince of Alashia, who never mentions either his own name or that of the
+Egyptian king, wrote short letters, for the most part of a business
+character. Alashia probably lay on the Cilician coast. Gold did not tempt
+him; he asked modestly for silver in return for copper, for oil, textiles
+and manufactured articles in return for wood for building. Thus the
+tablets from Alashia are rich in information regarding commercial matters
+and questions of public rights. They are of special interest for us, owing
+to the fact that one of them contains the first historic mention of the
+plague.
+
+
+    “Behold! my brother, I have sent thee five hundred talents of
+    copper as a gift. Let it not grieve my brother’s heart that it is
+    too little. For in my land the hand of Nergal (the god of
+    pestilence) has slain all the workers, and copper cannot be
+    produced. And, my brother, take it not to heart that thy messenger
+    stayed three years in my land. For the hand of Nergal is in it,
+    and in my house my young wife died.”
+
+
+Yet this ruler also had to guard himself against embassies unworthy of a
+king sent by Napkhuria. Another prince, in a letter unfortunately much
+damaged, made the complaint that Napkhuria had once caused his own name to
+be written first in a letter. This was, indeed, unparalleled; the title of
+the recipient stands first even in a severe reprimand sent to the Egyptian
+vassal Aziru. As if to equalise matters, in royal letters the greetings
+that follow the address begin with a mention of the welfare of the writer.
+“It is well with me. May it be well with thee,” &c. There is, however, one
+tablet addressed to Napkhuria that committed the offence complained of,
+and it was perhaps for this reason that the introductory address was
+scratched through anciently. It is fairly certain that this letter, as
+well as the one complaining of Napkhuria’s breach of etiquette, came from
+the Hittite king. The tone throughout is very decided, and complaints of
+neglect of proper consideration are not wanting.
+
+A short time before his death Nimmuria had married another daughter of
+Tushratta, Tadukhipa, the long inventory of whose dowry was found at Tell
+el Amarna. On receiving the news—for which he was already prepared—of the
+death of his hoary-headed son-in-law, Tushratta at once sent Pirizzi and
+Bubri “with lamentations” to Napkhuria. He managed to suppress his
+personal wishes up to the third message, but prepared the way for them by
+calling Teye, the chief wife of Nimmuria, as a witness. “And all the
+matters that I negotiated with thy father, Teye, thy mother, knoweth them;
+none other besides knoweth of them.” Immediately after this came the
+request that Napkhuria should send him the “golden images” (statuettes)
+that Nimmuria had promised him. And Napkhuria wasted no words, but sent by
+the messenger Hamashi—the wooden models! He seems to have thought he was
+acting as a good son and a shrewd man of business in fulfilling his
+father’s promises at so cheap a rate.
+
+But Tushratta was not easily shaken off. His next move was to send Teye
+and her son each a letter at the same time. He gave polite greetings from
+his wife Yuni to the widow, whose influence was evidently still strong,
+sent her presents, and entreated her intercession. This remarkable letter
+runs as follows:
+
+
+    “To Teye, Queen of Egypt, Tushratta, King of Mitani. May it be
+    well with thee, may it be well with thy son, may it be well with
+    Tadukhipa, my daughter, thy young companion in widowhood. Thou
+    knowest that I was in friendship with Nimmuria, thy husband, and
+    that Nimmuria was in friendship with me. What I wrote to him and
+    negotiated with him, and likewise what Nimmuria thy husband wrote
+    to me and negotiated with me, thou and Gilia and Mani (Tushratta’s
+    messengers), ye know it. But thou knowest it better than all
+    others. And none other knows it. Now thou hast said to Gilia: ‘Say
+    to thy lord, Nimmuria my husband was in friendship with thy father
+    and sent him the military standards, which he kept. The embassies
+    between them were never interrupted. But now, forget not thou
+    thine old friendship with thy brother Nimmuria and extend it to
+    his son Napkhuria. Send joyful embassies; let them not be
+    omitted.’ Lo, I will not forget the friendship with Nimmuria!
+    More, tenfold more, words of friendship will I exchange with
+    Napkhuria thy son and keep up right good friendship. But the
+    promise of Nimmuria, the gift that thy husband ordered to be
+    brought to me, thou hast not sent. I asked for golden statuettes.
+    But now Napkhuria thy son has had them made of wood, though gold
+    is as dust in thy land. Why does this happen just now? Should not
+    Napkhuria deliver that to me which his father gave me? And he
+    wishes to increase our friendship tenfold! Wherefore then dost
+    thou not bring this matter before thy son Napkhuria? Even though
+    thou do it not he ought nevertheless to deliver unto me statuettes
+    of gold and in no way to slight me. Thus friendship will reign
+    between us tenfold. Let thy messengers to Yuni my wife depart with
+    Napkhuria’s ambassador, and Yuni’s messenger shall come to thee.
+    Lo, I send gifts for thee; boxes filled with good oil (perfume),”
+    &c. &c.
+
+
+To Napkhuria also Tushratta insists on his rights in detail. The
+messengers from Mitani were said to have been present at the casting of
+the images, and even to have started on their journey home when Nimmuria
+died. It may thus be assumed that Napkhuria at once ordered the transport
+to be brought back. Queen Teye evidently showed no desire to be mixed up
+in so unpleasant a business, but Napkhuria demanded that the messenger
+Gilia should be sent to him.
+
+Most probably this often-mentioned Gilia was the witness present at the
+casting and despatching of the images. Tushratta gave evasive answers, and
+his last letter (more than two hundred lines in length) is something in
+the nature of an ultimatum. On both sides fresh complaints are brought
+forward, and the settlement of each one of them was made dependent on the
+settlement of the principal question. Napkhuria threatened to close his
+land against all subjects of Mitani, and, as no later document has been
+found, it is probable that at this point all intercourse ceased. A much
+mutilated letter from Gebal to Egypt announces the departure of the king
+of Mitani with an armed force; but it is doubtful whether this can be
+quoted in the present connection.
+
+The characters of the two irreconcilable monarchs, who show each other up
+so admirably for our edification, make any question as to which had right
+on his side seem comparatively trifling. Tushratta was evidently much
+distressed that he dared not venture to send his Gilia back again and that
+none of the later letters which he had from Nimmuria contained any word of
+the golden images. It is evident also that Napkhuria, supported by Teye,
+had actually recalled embassies that his father had already sent out. The
+old king, who had called Ishtar of Nineveh to his help, may have been
+brought by the approach of death into a generous state of mind not
+uncommon in such cases. Even now we say, “He must be near his end,” when a
+man shows unexpected and unusual gentleness. It is quite possible that
+Nimmuria had ordered the images in question to be made for his worthy
+friend without giving any formal promise to send them, and that as soon as
+Tushratta learned what had happened, he promptly interposed with a lie, in
+hope of appealing to Napkhuria’s sense of the fitness of things. That,
+however, was expecting too much.
+
+
+
+
+
+IV. LETTERS FROM ASIATIC VASSALS.
+
+
+Four-fifths of the number of letters consist of reports and communications
+from Egyptian governors, military commanders, magistrates, and other
+officials in Western Asia. The form of address from these subordinates to
+the Pharaoh is naturally very different from “Royal Brother,” and in
+hurried announcements it is often contracted. Written in full the long
+formula runs:
+
+
+    “To the king, my lord, my gods, my sun, the sun of heaven; Yitia,
+    prefect of Askelon is thy servant, the dust at thy feet, the
+    servant of thy horses. At the feet of the king my lord seven times
+    and again seven times I prostrate myself upon my back and upon my
+    breast.”
+
+
+The importance of these letters, however, consists in the substance of
+what they report and in what they tell us as to the doings of the writers.
+They are the data by reason of which the Tell el Amarna archives
+constitute a unique store of historical material for the study of the
+history of civilisation.
+
+Warlike expeditions among the vassal chiefs were the order of the day.
+Most dangerous of all the chiefs was Aziru, prefect of the land of the
+Amorites, whose territory included the district north of Damascus and part
+of the valley of the Orontes. In the hope of founding an independent
+kingdom, Aziru had swiftly seized on the dominions of all the chiefs on
+his northern boundary, and in this action his admirable understanding with
+the Egyptian officials afforded him invaluable help. The town of Tunip
+sent a truly pathetic letter to Pharaoh from which we learn that Aziru had
+already taken Nii, was besieging Simyra in Phœnicia, and at the same time,
+by the aid of his creatures at Court, had succeeded in preventing the king
+from reinstating a prince of Tunip who had been sent into Egypt as a
+hostage. This prince, a certain Yadi Addu, had already been released and
+was on his way home when the allies of Aziru caused him to be recalled.
+
+
+    “If, however, we have to mourn,” so the complaint proceeds, “the
+    king himself will soon have to mourn over those things which Aziru
+    has committed against us, for next he will turn his hand against
+    his lord. But Tunip, thy city, weeps; her tears flow; nowhere is
+    there help for us.”
+
+
+The most bitter complaints against Aziru and his father Abd-Ashera come
+from Rib-Addi of Gebal. His utterances rival the Lamentations of Jeremiah
+both in volume and in monotonous pathos. One of these many letters, the
+contents of which are often stereotyped enough, is also noticeable for its
+revelation of the connection of Rib-Addi, who must already have been an
+elderly man, with Amanappa:
+
+
+    “To Amanappa, my father; Rib-Addi, thy son! At my father’s feet I
+    fall. Again and again I asked thee, ‘Canst thou not rescue me from
+    the hand of Abd-Ashera? All the Habiri are on his side; the
+    princes will hear no remonstrances, but are in alliance with him;
+    thereby is he become mighty.’ But thou hast answered me, ‘Send thy
+    messenger with me to Court, and then will I, if nothing be said
+    against it (_i.e._, by the king), send him again and again with
+    royal troops to thee till the Pidati march forth to secure thy
+    life.’ Then I answered thee, ‘I will not delay to send the man,
+    but nothing of this must come to the ears of Abd-Ashera, for
+    [Yanhamu has] taken [silver] from his hand.’ (As much as to say
+    that if Abd-Ashera gives Yanhamu a hint, the messenger will never
+    get beyond Lower Egypt.) But thou hast said, ‘Fear not, but send a
+    ship to the Yarimuta, and money and garments will come to thee
+    thence.’ Now, behold, the troops which thou hast given me have
+    fled, because thou hast neglected me, while I have obeyed thee. He
+    hath spoken with the official (Yanhamu?) nine times [in vain].
+    Behold, thou art delaying with regard to this offence as with the
+    others. What then can save me? If I receive no troops I shall
+    forsake my city, and flee, doing that which seems good to me to
+    preserve my life.”
+
+
+Yanhamu’s bias against Rib-Addi is made evident in many other letters
+which the poor wretch addressed to the Court:
+
+
+    “If I should make a treaty with Abd-Ashera as did Yap-Addi and
+    Zimrida, then I should be safe. Furthermore, since Simyra is
+    indeed lost to me, and Yanhamu hath received Bit-Arti, he ought to
+    send me provision of grain that I may defend the king’s city for
+    him. Thou, oh king, speak to Yanhamu; ‘Behold, Rib-Addi is in thy
+    hand, and all injury done to him falls on thee.’ ”
+
+
+This desire was not complied with, for the Phœnician vassal was at length
+robbed of all his cities and possessions, so that even the callous
+Egyptian Government felt obliged at last to send a threatening embassy to
+Aziru, the son of Abd-Ashera, and the real author of the difficulties in
+Gebal. At the same time the surrender was demanded of certain “enemies of
+the king,” who were in all probability principal adherents of Aziru. When
+the messenger Hani arrived with this note, Aziru, evidently warned in good
+time, had promptly vanished over the hills, and none of the royal commands
+could be carried out. He pretends to have settled down in Tunip, which he
+must previously have seized, but at once returned home on hearing of
+Hani’s arrival. Unfortunately it was too late. The cunning Amorite brought
+forward one excuse after another. “Even if thy actions be just, yet if
+thou dissemble in thy letters at thy pleasure, the king must at length
+come to think that thou liest in every case,” is a passage in the letter
+brought by Hani. Aziru replies in a tone of injured innocence:
+
+
+    “To the great king, my lord, my god, my sun; Aziru, thy servant.
+    Seven times and again seven times, &c. Oh, lord, I am indeed thy
+    servant; and only when prostrate on the ground before the king, my
+    lord, can I speak what I have to say. But hearken not, O lord, to
+    the foes who slander me before thee. I remain thy servant for
+    ever.”
+
+
+This trusty vassal added to his other known faults the peculiarity of
+conspiring readily with the Hittite foes of the Court. His insolence
+helped him successfully out of these awkward difficulties also whenever
+the matter came under discussion. When preparing fresh raids he did not
+hesitate to invent news of Hittite invasions which he was bound to resist,
+and all territory which he then took from his co-vassals would, according
+to his own account, otherwise certainly have fallen into the hands of the
+enemy. But as the result was always the same—_i.e._, to the advantage of
+Aziru alone—the opinion began to prevail in Egyptian councils that this
+restless vassal should be summoned to Court and tried. For many years
+Aziru succeeded in evading these fatal and dangerous, or at best very
+costly orders. But finally he was forced to obey, and with heavy heart and
+well-filled treasure chests set off for Egypt. Apparently he relied on his
+principal ally Dudu, whom in his letters he always addresses as “father”;
+but this pleasant alliance did not avail to protect the disturber of the
+peace from provisional arrest. The last letter in the Aziru series, which
+had obviously been confiscated and subsequently found its way back into
+the archives, is a letter of condolence from the adherents or sons of
+Aziru to their imprisoned chief. Nevertheless, the political activity of
+the Amorite chief seemed to many Syrian, and especially to Phœnician
+princes as on the whole for the good of the land, and, therefore, to be
+supported. His appearance put the longed-for end to a far less endurable
+condition of things. Two communications from Akizzi, the headman of the
+city of Katna, near Damascus, exhibit the difference clearly. When Akizzi
+sent his first communication to Nimmuria every petty chief went raiding on
+his own account: Teuwatta of Lapana, Dasha, Arzawia and all the rest of
+them. These vanished with the entrance of Aziru upon the scene, though the
+change was by no means welcome to Akizzi. In the Lebanon things were no
+better. Here Namyauza was struggling with the headmen of Puzruna and
+Khalunni. “They began hostilities together with Biridashwi against me and
+said: ‘Come, let us kill Namyauza.’ But I escaped.” This promiscuous
+warfare raged most fiercely in the south. Here a certain Labaya tried to
+play the part taken by Aziru in the north. But fortune was less favourable
+to Labaya. Probably he failed to induce his undisciplined officers to act
+in unison, and the unhappy man’s sole achievement seems to have been the
+welding of his foes into a compact body against himself. He lost his
+territory, kept up the struggle a little longer as a freebooter, was taken
+captive at Megiddo, escaped again on the eve of being shipped to Egypt,
+and fell in battle or died a natural death after at length meeting
+apparently with some success in Judæa.
+
+Jerusalem was under a royal “Uweu,” a term perhaps best rendered
+“captain,” named Abdikheba. A neighbouring prefect, Shuwardata, asserted
+occasionally that he had entered into conspiracies with Labaya, and
+Abdikheba in fact complained of hostilities on all sides. Milki-El and his
+father-in-law Tagi, chiefs in the Philistian plain near Gath, were his
+principal opponents. They recruited troops from among the Habiri in the
+hope that Abdikheba, finding himself practically blockaded, would weary of
+the struggle and abandon the field. He was evidently very nearly driven to
+this when he wrote:
+
+
+    “Infamous things have been wrought against me. To see it would
+    draw tears from the eyes of the king, so do my foes press me.
+    Shall the royal cities fall a prey to the Habiri? If the Pidati do
+    not come in the course of this year, let the king send messengers
+    to fetch me and all my brethren that we may die in the presence of
+    the king, our lord.”
+
+
+By the Habiri we must here understand no other than the Hebrews, who were
+therefore already to be found in the “Promised Land,” but had not yet
+firmly established themselves there. They swarmed in the Lebanon, where
+Namyauza had formally enlisted one of their hordes; and yet it seems as if
+they already held Shechem and Mount Ephraim as free tribal property. At
+any rate, no letter thence to the king has been discovered, although there
+is one mention of the city Shakmi (Shechem). The genuinely ancient
+passages in the scriptural accounts of the conquest in the Book of Joshua,
+and still more the valuable fragments in the first chapter of Judges, are
+fairly in accordance with what we here learn from the tablets.
+
+Abdikheba’s letters may be considered along with those of Milki-El and
+Tagi, of whom Yanhamu, the powerful official, had just made an example.
+Their voices take up the chorus of complaint:
+
+
+    ABDIKHEBA. “Lo! Milki-El and Tagi have done as follows.... Thus,
+    as the king liveth, hath Milki-El committed treachery against me.
+    Send Yanhamu that he may see what is done in the king’s land.”
+
+
+    MILKI-EL. “The king, my lord, shall know the deed done by Yanhamu
+    after I had been dismissed by the king. Lo, he took three thousand
+    talents from me and said to me, ‘Give me thy wife and thy sons
+    that I may slay them.’ May my lord, the king, remember this deed
+    and send us chariots to bring us away.”
+
+
+    TAGI. “Am I not a servant of the king? But my brother is full of
+    wounds so that I can send no message by him to the king. Ask the
+    _rabisu_ (a title of Yanhamu) whether my brother is not full of
+    wounds. But we turn our eyes to thee, to know whether we may rise
+    to heaven or creep into the earth; our heads remain in thy hand.
+    Behold, I shall try to make my way to the king by the hand of the
+    surgeons.”
+
+
+    MILKI-EL. “I have received the king’s message. Let him send the
+    Pidati to protect his servant, and grains of myrrh gum for
+    healing.”
+
+
+As already pointed out, the blame for such occurrences belongs in the
+first place to the Egyptian system of government. How little the petty
+princes could expect, whether of good or evil, from their suzerain is
+shown by glaring examples. King Burnaburiash complained that a Babylonian
+trading company established by his ambassador in the Canaanite city of
+Khinaton had, immediately after the ambassador’s departure, been attacked
+and utterly plundered. The principals were killed, and the rest—some of
+them mutilated—were sent into slavery. “Canaan is thy land; thou art king
+of it,” continues Burnaburiash. “It was in thy land that I suffered this
+injury; therefore restrain the doers of it. Replace the stolen gold, and
+slay the murderers of my subjects to avenge their blood.” Whether this was
+done was extremely doubtful, for part of the plunder had in all
+probability already sufficed to secure a safe retreat for the brigands,
+who, furthermore, were officials from some of whom letters have been
+found. The natural consequence was that the ambassadors themselves were
+attacked. Their caravan with gifts for Napkhuria was robbed twice in
+succession, and they themselves were held to ransom. The Egyptian
+Government nevertheless remained outrageously slack as ever, as we may see
+from the following safe conduct granted on behalf of the Canaanite
+miscreants: “To the princes in the land of Canaan, the vassals of my
+brother. Akiya, my messenger, I send to the King of Egypt my brother.
+Bring him safe and quickly to Egypt. Let no violence befall him.”
+
+Prefects of Canaanite ports were naturally in most active communication
+with Egypt. On some of the shrewder minds among these men it had dawned
+that it pleased and amused the king to have immediate news of messages by
+sea and land from far and near communicated in their letters. Abi-milki of
+Tyre had carried this practice farthest, and he was also admirably skilful
+in lodging complaints by the way. We owe to this worthy one of the
+choicest pieces in the whole collection, the elegant pæan of a
+place-hunter of more than three thousand years ago. It will be noticed
+that some of his rhetorical expressions repeatedly recall those of the
+Hebrew Psalter in the same way as do phrases in the letter of Tagi already
+quoted. In fact, the Bible critic has much to learn from the tablets as a
+whole. After the formal beginning, Abi-milki launches out as follows:
+
+
+    “My lord the king is the Sun-God, rising each day over the earth
+    according to the will of his gracious father, the heavenly Sun-God
+    (Aten). His words give life and prosperity. To all lands his might
+    giveth peace. Like the (Phœnician) god Ram-man, so he thunders
+    down from heaven, and the earth trembles before him. Behold, thy
+    servant writeth as soon as he has good news to send the king. And
+    the fear of my lord, the king, fell upon the whole land till the
+    messenger made known the good news from the king my lord. When I
+    heard through him the command of the king to me, ‘Be at the
+    disposal of my high officials,’ then thy servant answered his
+    lord, ‘It is already done.’ On my breast and on my back write I
+    down for myself the commands of the king. Verily, he who
+    hearkeneth to the king his lord, and serveth him with love, the
+    Sun-God riseth over him, and a good word from the mouth of his
+    lord giveth him life. If he heed not the commands of his lord his
+    city will fall, his house will perish, and his name will be known
+    no more for ever in all lands. But he who followeth his lord as a
+    faithful servant, his city is prosperous, his house is secure, and
+    his name shall endure for ever.”
+
+
+The letter continues for some time in the same strain, but at the end the
+courtier bethinks him of his office of informer, and adds hastily:
+
+
+    “Furthermore, Zimrida, the prefect of Sidon, sends a report every
+    day to Aziru, Abd-Ashera’s son. Every word that comes from Egypt
+    he telleth to him. I, however, tell it to my lord, that it may
+    serve thee, oh my lord!”
+
+
+Two princes, Adad-nirari of Nukhashi and another whose name is now
+illegible, apparently take a higher rank than their neighbours. Nukhashi
+is often named in these tablets as well as in Egyptian inscriptions, and
+it must have been situated on the north-east slope of the Lebanon range.
+We have also letters from the towns of Biruta (Beyrout), Hashab, Hazi,
+Kumidi, Kadesh on the Orontes, Sidon, Akko, Rubiza, Megiddo, Hazor, Gezer,
+Gaza, Lachish, Shamhuna, Mushihuma, Dubu, and others, while there are many
+more so mutilated that their origin can no longer be determined.
+
+These letters, though by no means all of them containing important
+contributions to the history of political intrigue, are often of interest
+from the light they throw on manners and customs. A few further extracts
+are therefore given here.
+
+
+    “To the king my lord, my gods, my sun; Yabitiri is thy servant,
+    the dust of thy feet, &c. And a faithful servant of the king am I.
+    I look hither, and I look thither, but it is not light; then I
+    look to the king my lord, then there is light. A brick may be
+    removed from its firm bed, but I move not away from the king’s
+    feet. Let my lord the king ask Yanhamu, his _rabisu_. While I was
+    still young he brought me to Egypt, and I served my lord the king
+    and stood at the gate of the palace (as page). And to-day, let my
+    lord the king ask his _rabisu_, I guard the gates of Gaza and of
+    Joppa. I am also attached to the Pidati of my lord the king;
+    whither they go thither do I go with them, as even now. On my neck
+    rests the yoke of my lord the king, and I bear it.”
+
+
+The following tablet from the neighbourhood of the Jordan promises good
+results as the reward of future research for geographical details:
+
+
+    “To Yanhamu, my lord: Mut-Addi is thy servant at thy feet. I told
+    thee before, and it is so indeed; Ayab hath fled in secret, as did
+    also previously the king of Bihishi before the commissioners of
+    the king his lord. Is Ayab now in Bihishi? [He is there] truly as
+    the lord king liveth, truly as he liveth. For two months he has
+    been there. Behold, Benenima is present, Tadua is present, Yashua
+    is present; ask them whether he hath fled from Shadi-Marduk, from
+    Astarti. When all the cities in the land of Gari were in
+    rebellion, Adma (Udumu), Aduri, Araru, Mishtu, Migdal, Ain-anab
+    and Sarki were taken, then later Hawani and Yabesh. Behold,
+    moreover, as soon as thou hadst written a letter to me I wrote to
+    him (Ayab) that thou hadst returned from thy journey (to
+    Palestine?). And behold he came to Bihishi and heard the command.”
+
+
+The names Ayab and Yashua recall Job and Joshua to our minds.
+
+The great alacrity shown in this letter was, as we already know, most
+acceptable to Yanhamu. Another Syrian chief, whose name has been
+obliterated, complained bitterly that Yanhamu had refused him a passage
+through his territories, although he showed the royal summons to Court.
+This, indeed, may have been an indirect favour to his correspondent. Very
+amusing is a group of three synoptic letters, written by one scribe for
+Biri ... (the name is imperfect) of Hashab, Ildaya ... of Hazi, and
+another. These vassals had evidently taken the field together. They recite
+their tale like a chorus of schoolboys repeating a lesson.
+
+
+    “Behold, we were besieging the cities of the king my lord in the
+    land of Amki (_i.e._, cities that had fallen away and had ceased
+    to pay tribute). Then came Itakama, the Prince of Kinza (Kadesh),
+    at the head of Hittites. Let my lord the king write to Itakama,
+    and cause him to turn aside and give us troops that we may win the
+    cities of my lord the king, and thenceforth dwell in them.”
+
+
+Itakama was specially unpopular with his neighbours. Apparently he was one
+of the more powerful allies of Aziru, and as such his special task was to
+press as hard as possible on the foes of the Amorites in southern
+Cœle-Syria. Perhaps, however, Aziru and Itakama did not come together till
+each for a time had fought his battles alone. The Hittites in Itakama’s
+force were, of course, prominently mentioned to alarm Pharaoh. They may
+have been Hittite spearmen enrolled by the prince of Kadesh, much as the
+Habiri and Sutu had been enlisted by his chief rival Namyauza. It is even
+possible that the soldiers of Kadesh had always been armed in Hittite
+fashion; perhaps the town was already inhabited by people of Hittite
+stock. Later the Hittites actually seized Kadesh, and it is questionable
+whether it was for the first time. Itakama himself, however, scouts any
+thought of defection; nay, he writes:
+
+
+    “To the king my lord, &c. I am thy servant, but Namyauza hath
+    slandered me to thee, oh my master. And while he was doing that he
+    occupied all the inheritance of my fathers in the land of Kadesh,
+    and my villages hath he set on fire. Do not the officers of my
+    lord the king and his subjects know my faithfulness? I serve thee
+    with all my brethren, and where there is rebellion against my lord
+    the king, thither I march with my warriors, my chariots, and all
+    my brethren. Behold, now Namyauza hath delivered up to the Habiri
+    all the king’s cities in the land of Kadesh and in Ube. But I will
+    march forth, and if thy gods and thy sun go before me I will
+    restore these places from the Habiri to the king that I may show
+    myself subject to him. I will drive out these Habiri, and my lord
+    the king shall rejoice in his servant Itakama. I will serve the
+    king my lord, and all my brethren, and all lands shall serve him.
+    But Namyauza will I destroy, for I am for ever a servant of the
+    king my lord.”
+
+
+The land of Ube here named corresponds to the Hobah of the Bible,
+mentioned in Genesis xiv. 15, as the place to which Abram pursued the
+conquerors of Sodom, who had carried Lot away. According to the margin of
+the Revised Version, Hobah lay “north of Damascus.” In a letter from
+Akizzi of Katna (see p. 44), we read, however, “Oh, my lord the king, as
+Damascus in the land of Ube stretches out her hand to thy feet, so Katna
+stretches out her hand to thy feet.” The statements may be reconciled by
+the hypothesis that in the Old Testament the position of the town after
+which the district is named is more exactly indicated. Other lands named
+in the tablets are more difficult to identify. To mitigate a famine in
+Gebal, Rib-Addi intended to send for grain from Zalukhi in Ugarit, but his
+enemies detained his ships and frustrated his intentions. Zalukhi does not
+seem to be mentioned again, and Rib-Addi in a later letter compares Ugarit
+with the region round Tyre as regards its administrative relation to
+Egypt. Abi-milki, the Tyrian prefect, once informs the king, “Fire hath
+devoured the city of Ugarit; one half of it hath it destroyed and not the
+other.” Finally, a certain Yapakhi-Addi, after an unsuccessful attempt to
+get provisions into Rib-Addi’s city Simyra, reproachfully informs Yanhamu
+that Aziru has extended his dominions from Gebal to Ugarit. Ugarit must
+thus have been the most northerly of the Egyptian possessions in Asia, and
+therefore not far from the site of the modern Alexandretta. This outlying
+position made the little state a somewhat insecure jewel in the crown of
+Egypt. King Kadashman-Bel seems to have been of this opinion when (see p.
+27) he included in his little list of ladies impossible for a royal harem
+“a maiden from Ugarit.” Evidently he meant to enumerate superciliously
+petty foreign “princesses” only.
+
+Of a certain land of Danuna (considered a part of Canaan) we learn further
+that its king died, and that his brother succeeded to the throne
+unopposed. One of the two may be identical with the king of Tana; who, as
+Rib-Addi briefly mentions, was about to march to Gebal, but was forced by
+scarcity of water to return home.
+
+A few letters from women are among the tablets. Two probably came from the
+wife of Milki-El, who was hard pressed by the Habiri when her husband was
+called to Egypt. Two others are addressed, “The handmaid to my mistress”;
+perhaps they were sent along with Tushratta’s letters to his daughter in
+Egypt and were from one of her playfellows or relatives. Finally, the
+daughter of Napkhuria, married to Burnaburiash, sent a small tablet to her
+father by a special envoy named Kidin-Ramman. “Before the face of my lord
+let him come” indicates that the letter was “to be delivered in person.”
+It is a pity that this dainty little letter is for the most part
+illegible.
+
+
+
+
+
+V. POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD.
+
+
+However favourably the religious reform of King Napkhuria may be estimated
+on its own merits, it by no means strengthened the authority of Egypt in
+Asia. Of course it could have in no way been the cause of the state of
+affairs in Syria and Canaan; perhaps Amenophis III., whatever his own
+great slackness, simply inherited the confusion in this part of his
+empire. The heaviest blows could not in the long run prevent the Habiri
+from returning to the attack again and again at brief intervals. Their
+need of expansion was greater than their fear, and, after all, it mattered
+little to Pharaoh whether the Habirite or the Canaanite paid tribute in
+Palestine as soon as the intruder was prepared to acknowledge his rights.
+Napkhuria’s great weakness was his obvious partiality for those of his
+officials who had become Aten worshippers, and the eagerness of these men
+to exploit the royal favour was in proportion to their disbelief in the
+permanence of the movement for reform.
+
+In their Babylonian form the Tell el Amarna tablets are in the first place
+the product of the diplomatic custom of the time, but in many details of
+their contents they show that the civilisation of Western Asia had for
+centuries been based on a Babylonian foundation. With the lack of exact
+information so frequently to be deplored in Egyptian accounts, the wordy
+narratives of the campaigns of Thutmosis III. scarcely enable us to
+determine exactly from which of the greater powers he had succeeded in
+wresting districts of Syria and Palestine. As regards the political
+situation there, even at the beginning of the Kassite Dynasty—a change
+probably attended by long internecine struggles—Babylonia seems to have
+lost its western possessions on the Mediterranean, and we may rather
+suppose that it was the kings of Mitani who ruled these territories in the
+time of Thutmosis III.
+
+Mitani, though still an extensive power, had seen its best days at any
+rate when Tushratta with difficulty ascended the throne of his fathers.
+The name “Hanirabbat” by which it was known to all its neighbours, must be
+the older name, and also that of the original province to which later
+acquisitions had been united. It is an established fact that Eastern
+Cappadocia, the mountainous province of Melitene on the Upper Euphrates,
+was still known as Hanirabbat about 690 B.C., and that, on the other hand,
+Mitani, in the narrower sense of the term, must have corresponded to the
+later Macedonian province of Mygdonia, _i.e._, Mesopotamia proper. We have
+seen, however, that Ninua, afterwards the Assyrian capital Nineveh, was
+part of the dominion of Tushratta, otherwise he could hardly have sent
+Ishtar, the goddess of that city, to Egypt. The subsequent capital of
+Assyria may have been the most easterly possession of the kingdom of
+Hanirabbat-Mitani, the centre of gravity of which lay farther westward. In
+the letters there is a remark of the king of Alashia recommending Pharaoh
+to exchange no more gifts with “the kings of the Hittites and of
+Shankhar.” Mitani is, perhaps, here named Shankhar from its dependencies
+in Asia Minor, or we may suppose it to have been the name of Tushratta’s
+residence.
+
+In contrast to the Hittite empire, which was pressing forward from the
+neck of Asia Minor through the passes of Issus into Syria, and was rapidly
+increasing in power, Mitani stood on the eve of its fall. Babylonians and
+Hittites were alike watching to pluck the ripe fruit, and perhaps it
+lacked little to decide Tushratta, instead of fighting once more for the
+crown, to capitulate to the invading Hittites and see the end of the
+kingdom of Mitani. The great “love” of this king for Egypt was not,
+therefore, called forth merely by the glitter of gold, but also by dire
+political necessity. The catastrophe occurred some few decades after the
+correspondence comes to an end for us. Mitani vanished from the states of
+Western Asia and gave place to small Aramaic kingdoms, while the eastern
+boundary, together with Ninua, was seized by Assyria as the first step to
+her subsequent suzerainty in the East.
+
+But still more swiftly overtaken of fate was the XVIIIth Dynasty in Egypt.
+Napkhuria did not even see the completion of his city at Tell el Amarna,
+for he died in 1370 B.C. His reform followed him, and the victorious
+champions of Amon could raze to the ground the hated City of the Sun’s
+Disk. They must already have been on the march when in a happy moment it
+occurred to a keeper of the royal archives to conceal the clay tablets in
+the earth and thus save them for remote posterity.
+
+
+
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX
+
+
+The best translation of the Tell el Amarna tablets available for English
+readers is that from the German of H. Winckler, published by Luzac,
+London, 1896.
+
+Professor Flinders Petrie’s _Syria and Egypt from the Tell el Amarna
+Letters_ (Methuen, 1898) is a synopsis of the letters as far as they
+belong to the relations of Egypt and Syria, with the addition of
+geographical and historical notes. In the Introduction Professor Petrie
+gives a harrowing account of the casual way in which the tablets were
+found and of the criminal carelessness with which these priceless records
+were subsequently handled.
+
+Some years afterwards, in 1891-2, Professor Petrie himself excavated what
+was left of the ruins of the royal city of Amenhetep IV. An account of his
+discoveries on that site and of his deductions from them may be found in
+his finely illustrated memoir _Tell el Amarna_ (Methuen, 1894). He
+particularly emphasises the skill and originality displayed in the remains
+of the arts and crafts of the Tell el Amarna period, and emphatically
+points out the evidence of active connection between Egypt and Ægean
+(Mykenæan) civilisation at that time. His appreciation of the character of
+Akhenaten differs considerably from that formed by the author of the
+present pamphlet, and should be compared with it. In vol. ii. p. 205 _et
+seqq._ of his _History of Egypt_, Professor Petrie maintains the same
+views. The same volume also contains his earlier synopsis of the Tell el
+Amarna tablets.
+
+Professor Maspero’s account of the historical bearing of these tablets is
+worked into the second volume of his great _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples
+de l’Orient_, which is entitled _Les Premières Mélées des Peuples_. A
+translation of that work has been issued by the Society for the
+Propagation of Christian Knowledge, but in any parts relating to Biblical
+history the student will do well to consult the original.
+
+The bearings of the tablets on Biblical history, and particularly the
+evidence they have supplied as to the early date at which the art of
+writing was practised in Syria and Palestine, have been favourite themes
+of Professor Sayce. His arguments and conclusions on these points may be
+found in _The Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments_ (S.P.C.K.
+1894); _Patriarchal Palestine_ (S.P.C.K. 1895); _The Egypt of the Hebrews
+and Herodotus_ (Rivington, Percival & Co., 1896), and elsewhere.
+
+Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & CO
+London & Edinburgh
+
+
+
+
+
+
+***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD***
+
+
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+***FINIS***
+
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Tell El Amarna Period by Carl Niebuhr
+
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no
+restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under
+the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or
+online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+
+Title: The Tell El Amarna Period
+
+Author: Carl Niebuhr
+
+Release Date: July 29, 2008 [Ebook #26145]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO 8859-1
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD***
+
+
+
+
+
+                             The Ancient East
+
+                                 No. II.
+
+                        THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD
+
+                    The Relations of Egypt and Western
+
+                    Asia in the Fifteenth Century B.C.
+
+                               According to
+
+                        The Tell El Amarna Tablets
+
+                                    by
+
+                               Carl Niebuhr
+
+                       Translated by J. Hutchinson
+
+                            London: David Nutt
+
+                             57-59 Long Acre
+
+                                   1903
+
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+The Ancient East
+I. The Tablets, and How they were Found.
+II. The Egyptian Court and Administration.
+III. Letters from Asiatic Kings.
+IV. Letters from Asiatic Vassals.
+V. Political Conditions in the Tell el Amarna Period.
+Bibliographical Appendix
+
+
+
+
+
+
+THE ANCIENT EAST
+
+
+Under this title is being issued a series of short, popular, but
+thoroughly scientific studies, by the leading scholars of Germany, setting
+forth the recent discoveries and investigations in Babylonian, Assyrian
+and Egyptian History, Religion, and Arch�ology, especially as they bear
+upon the traditional views of early Eastern History. The German originals
+have been appearing during the last eighteen months. The English
+translations made by Miss Jane Hutchison have been submitted in each case
+to the Authors, and embody their latest views. Short, helpful
+bibliographies are added. Each study consists of some 64 to 80 pages,
+crown 8vo, and costs *1s.* sewed, or *1s. 6d.* cloth.
+
+The following are issued:
+
+THE REALMS OF THE EGYPTIAN DEAD.
+By Professor ALFRED WIEDEMANN.
+
+THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD. By Dr. C. NIEBUHR.
+
+THE BABYLONIAN AND THE HEBREW GENESIS.
+By Professor H. ZIMMERN.
+
+THE BABYLONIAN CONCEPTION OF HEAVEN AND HELL.
+By Dr. ALFRED JEREMIAS.
+
+POPULAR LITERATURE IN ANCIENT EGYPT.
+By Professor ALFRED WIEDEMANN.
+
+
+
+
+
+I. THE TABLETS, AND HOW THEY WERE FOUND.
+
+
+As early as 1820 it was known in Europe that in Middle Egypt, on the east
+bank of the Nile, in the district between Minieh and Siut, there lay the
+remains of a great city of Ancient Egypt. The Prussian exploration
+expedition of 1842-45 gave special attention to this site, where indeed
+were found, about sixty miles south of Minieh, extensive ruins, beginning
+at the village of Haggi Kandil and covering the floor of a rock-bound
+valley named after the fellahin village, El Amarna. At that time the
+ground-plan of the city was still easy to distinguish; the regular lines
+of the streets could be traced, and enough could be seen of the great
+design of the principal temple to excite the admiration of the
+discoverers. This example of the laying out of an ancient Egyptian town
+still remains almost unique, for of old, as now, private buildings were
+constructed of flimsy material. That the Tell el Amarna remains have
+escaped rapid destruction is due entirely to the sudden and violent
+downfall of the original splendour of the city and the complete desolation
+which succeeded. The importance of the place was revealed on examination
+of the surrounding cliffs. Here were found, sculptured and inscribed in a
+new and peculiar style, the rock-cut tombs of the most distinguished
+inhabitants of Akhet-haten, the royal city built for himself about 1380
+B.C. by Amenophis IV., and destroyed soon after his early death.
+
+In the beginning of 1888 some fellah�n digging for marl not far from the
+ruins came upon a number of crumbling wooden chests, filled with clay
+tablets closely covered on both sides with writing. The dusky fellows must
+have been not a little delighted at finding themselves owners of hundreds
+of these marketable antiquities, for which a European purchaser would
+doubtless give plenty of good gold coins. To multiply their gains they
+broke up the largest tablets into three or four separate pieces, often to
+the grievous hindrance of the future decipherer. But very soon the matter
+was fruited abroad; the Government at once intervened, almost all the find
+was in due time secured, and a stop was put to any further dispersal of
+separate tablets and of fragments. The political situation in Egypt is
+pretty accurately indicated by the fact that about eighty of the best
+preserved of the Tell el Amarna tablets at once found their way to the
+British Museum. Some sixty were left in the museum at Boulak, and about
+one hundred and eighty were secured for the Berlin Museum, many of them
+tiny fragments, but mostly containing important records. Few have remained
+in private hands.
+
+Some alabaster slabs came to light at Tell el Amarna bearing the
+hieroglyphic names of King Amenophis IV. and his father, Amenophis III.
+These had evidently served as lids to the chests. Some tablets also were
+inscribed with notes in hieratic, written in red ink. But in spite of
+these exceptions, it was at once recognised that all the documents were
+written in Babylonian cuneiform. The reading of the introductory lines on
+various tablets served to show that the find consisted of part of the
+Egyptian state archives in the times of the two kings Amenophis III. and
+IV. Thus the first of the many startling discoveries that were to follow
+in such rapid succession was made in the recognition that about 1400 B.C.
+the Semitic speech of Babylon served as the language of diplomacy in the
+East.
+
+Apart from a few tablets dealing with mythological subjects and written in
+Babylonian, and two which contain inventories, all the tablets were
+letters. Most of them were from Egyptian officials in Syria and Canaan,
+and usually they were addressed to the king. Among them were found many
+long letters from Asiatic kings to the Egyptian monarch, and also a few
+communications from the Foreign Office of "Pharaoh" himself. We must note,
+however, that this title of Egyptian kings, so commonly used in the Old
+Testament, is apparently never once employed in the Tell el Amarna
+documents. It is interesting to observe how difficulties of the script and
+of a language not entirely familiar to most of the scribes were overcome.
+Even the learned scribes of the royal "House of the Sun" in Egypt had
+obviously their own troubles in the matter, and made use of the Babylonian
+mythological texts already mentioned as a means of improving their
+fluency. Of this we have evidence in the thin red lines by which, on these
+tablets alone, the words have been separated from each other. The
+governors and officials must not be classified as educated or uneducated
+on the evidence of their letters; all alike employed professional scribes,
+of whom one might be skilful and the next a bungler whose communications
+must be guessed at rather than read. Occasionally a Babylonian word is
+followed by the corresponding Canaanite word, also in cuneiform, but
+marked as a translation. Like the Egyptian kings, so the Asiatic
+sovereigns had each his staff of scribes. One of the petty chiefs,
+Tarkhundarash of Arsapi, was evidently so unhappy as to have none in his
+Court who could read or write a letter in Babylonian, for letters to him
+were written in his own tongue. The scribe of the Hittite king produced
+only a species of dog Latin, while the scribe of the king of Alashia trots
+out his whole vocabulary unhampered by grammar. On the other hand, the
+letters of the king of Mitani are drawn up in the characters known as
+Assyrian; and it is probable that the Assyrian system of cuneiform may
+have originated in Mitani. If so, for the Mitani scribe there could be no
+question of any special difficulty in using the acknowledged language of
+diplomacy in the Ancient East.
+
+It is evident that the Babylonian royal scribes at length showed some
+consideration for their unfortunate Egyptian correspondents by writing as
+a rule in phonograms which could be easily spelt out, since strange
+ideograms might have brought the reader to a standstill. The sources of
+the letters may be distinguished also by the colour and consistency of the
+material of the tablets, which are of all shades of clay, from pale yellow
+to red or dark brown. Side by side, too, with hard and legible pieces, lie
+broken and crumbling fragments which have suffered sadly during the few
+years that have elapsed since they were again exposed to the air.
+
+
+
+
+
+II. THE EGYPTIAN COURT AND ADMINISTRATION.
+
+
+The two Pharaohs of the Tell el Amarna Period belong to the XVIIIth
+Dynasty, which about 1560 B.C. had freed the land from the yoke of certain
+Asiatic invaders known as the Shasu. The new dynasty soon began to
+encroach upon Asia. King Thutmosis III. (1503 to 1449 B.C.) after many
+chequered campaigns conquered Syria as far as the Gulf of Iskanderun. On
+the African side he extended the bounds of his kingdom to the confluence
+of the Nile and the Atbara, so that the greater part of Nubia owned his
+sway. The terror of his name did not die with him, but for long did good
+service to his successors, the first of whom, Amenophis II., seems
+moreover himself to have maintained energetically the fame of Egyptian
+arms. To this influence our clay tablets bear witness by twice making
+emphatic reference to the days of the powerful "Manakhbiria"--the prenomen
+of King Thutmosis III. With the accession of Amenophis III. the warlike
+spirit ceased to prevail at the Court of Thebes. Nothing more was to be
+gained by Egypt in Western Asia, and the tastes of the new king lay in
+other directions than war. The two celebrated Colossi of Memnon (statues
+of himself), many great buildings, the important part played by his
+favourite wife Teye, the well-filled harem,  the cultivation of "wisdom"
+(which practically, no doubt, was tantamount to what we should call
+"preciosity"); last, but not least, the solemn adoration of his own divine
+image--all these facts combine to indicate the altered condition of things
+which came about under Amenophis III. He reigned thirty-six years, long
+enough to allow the movement introduced by him to run its course. His son,
+Amenophis IV., was, however, just as little inclined as his father to walk
+in the steps of his warlike ancestors. Hampered apparently by bodily
+defects, this Son of the Sun tried his strength in a field often far more
+dangerous than the battlefield. He began a reform of the Egyptian
+religion, apparently in the direction of a kind of monotheism in which the
+chief worship was reserved for the disk of the sun, the symbol under which
+the god Ra was adored at Heliopolis in the Delta.
+
+Nothing being known of the life of this king as heir-apparent, probably we
+shall never understand what led him to take this new departure. From his
+conduct during the early years of his reign it may be concluded that he
+intended to proceed gradually, but was roused to more aggressive measures
+by the resistance of the powerful priests of Amon in Thebes. These men
+acted, of course, for their own interests in promptly resisting even mild
+attempts at reform. Perhaps also the king's aim had been from the outset
+to weaken the influence of the Theban hierarchy by new doctrines and to
+strengthen the royal power by steady secularisation. Open strife between
+the adherents of Amon and those of the Sun's Disk, the "Aten," broke out
+in the second or third year of Amenophis IV., that is, about 1380 B.C. The
+immediate removal of the Court from Thebes to Tell el Amarna points to a
+failure of the royal efforts, for the command to build the new city had
+not long been issued, and the place was still altogether unfinished. The
+official world promptly broke with the old religion. The king altered his
+throne-name, "Amen-hetep," to "Akhen-Aten," "The glory of the Sun's Disk";
+his young daughters received names compounded with "Aten," whilst the
+courtiers found it advisable to strike out "Amen," if this chanced to form
+part of their own names, and to substitute for it "Ra," as having more or
+less the same significance as "Aten." "The doctrine," as the new dogmas
+were called in inscriptions at Tell el Amarna, was regarded as so entirely
+a matter of home politics in Egypt, that the officials of Syria and
+Palestine--all foreigners--do not seem to have received any formal
+information regarding it. Most of them continue to refer to Amon in
+perfect innocence, and only a few who were better informed began rather
+later to take the change into account. Thus Yitia of Ashkelon, Pu-Adda of
+Wurza, and a certain Addudaian correct the name of the Egyptian
+commissioner "Amanappa" into "Rianappa." Abimilki of Tyre apparently even
+tried to give himself out as one initiated into "the doctrine," and to
+represent his city as a servant of Aten. If this were the case he must
+have received a severe rebuff, for after his one attempt he falls back
+into the old style. Neither the royal nor the national pride of Egypt
+would suffer any such familiarities.
+
+The new capital received the significant name of "Akhet-Aten" ("Horizon of
+the Sun") and was solemnly consecrated long before it was half finished.
+The widow of Amenophis III., the queen-mother Teye, came occasionally to
+visit the new capital, and was received with all honour; evidently she had
+paid timely respect to her son's opinions. How far the Aten dogma
+represented real progress in religious thought can be gathered only from
+the contents of a few hymns remaining on the walls of some of the tombs.
+In these the expression of devout feeling seems to have become richer and
+more spontaneous, and the monotheistic tendency is evident. This
+characteristic, however, may often be observed by a sympathetic reader in
+the hymns to Amon, and even to less important deities: the deity adopted
+as a special object of worship by any individual is always favourably
+represented by him. The Aten dogma, being based on natural phenomena and
+not on mythology, was, of course, heretical.
+
+Those of his officials who had accepted "the doctrine" were regarded by
+Akhenaten as deserving men, and on this ground alone, Ai, called Haya in
+the Amarna letters, received golden honours to the full. This Haya, who
+was entitled "beloved royal scribe," was probably a secretary of state,
+and was once sent as a special ambassador to Babylonia. Dudu occupied
+another important post; Amanappa, who has already been mentioned, seems
+from a letter written by him to Rib-Addi of Gebal, to have been a
+commander-in-chief. Hani, Salma, Paura, Pahamnata, Hatib Maya, Shuta,
+Hamashni, and Zitana all appear as the bearers of royal commissions in
+Syrian territory. An official named Shakhshi receives instruction as to
+the conducting of a royal caravan. But to the Asiatic vassals the most
+important office of all was the governorship of Lower Egypt, the country
+called "Yarimuta," an office filled at this time by Yanhamu. The letters
+afford abundant evidence that any vassal who had incurred Yanhamu's enmity
+must walk warily. The minister of the king of Alashia, though his equal in
+rank, sent gifts to this dangerous man, who had harassed merchants of
+Alashia by demanding from them illegal dues. Rib-Addi of Gebal lost land
+and throne, in spite of the countenance of Amanappa, because such was
+Yanhamu's pleasure; and of Milki-El of Gath he made a severe example, to
+which we shall refer later.
+
+On the whole, the Asiatic provinces enjoyed self-government under the
+supremacy of Egypt, and the disadvantages of this condition of things are
+revealed in numerous letters. These end almost invariably with a request
+to the king to come in person to the aid of his distressed vassals, or at
+least to send troops. Sometimes this was done, but usually such
+expeditions seem to have been undertaken with inadequate forces and seldom
+resulted in permanent peace. The native princes, chiefs, and village
+headmen were perpetually struggling with each other. They made alliances
+among themselves, or they entered into secret treaties with neighbouring
+states and afterwards brazenly denied them. This wretched state of affairs
+may be traced to two principal causes--the tribute question and the
+immigration of Bedaw�n tribes.
+
+The king was not to be trifled with when tribute was overdue. The most
+valid excuses--loss of territory, war, failure of the harvest--were received
+with a suspicion doubtless justified in general but which must have caused
+much hardship in individual cases. The ordinary tribute was fixed, as well
+as the regular subsidy for royal troops and the force which had to be
+raised in emergencies. But the gifts--such as female slaves--which must
+needs be sent not only to the courtiers but even to the king himself,
+added enormously to the burden, so much so that to the poorer chiefs a
+summons from Egypt to appear in person meant little less than ruin.
+Resistance to it was so surely to be counted on that such a summons was
+often kept in the background more as a threat than anything else. Now and
+then petty chiefs in Palestine and Syria withheld their bushels of corn,
+their three oxen or their twenty sheep; or perhaps they were so sparing of
+baksh�sh that the tribute itself was swallowed up and vanished entirely
+from the accounts. It was scarcely possible to take costly measures to
+punish such delinquents, so the business was turned over to some kind
+neighbour of the recalcitrant chief, and a little war was soon fairly
+ablaze. But when direct commands of royal ambassadors were treated as of
+doubtful authenticity, it was hardly likely that the authority placed in
+the hands of an equal would meet with much respect. Both leaders received
+reinforcements; a third intervened at a moment favourable to himself; many
+and often very remote quarrels broke out, and when at length the royal
+commissioners hurried upon the scene it was hard for them to say whether
+or not the original sentence had been executed. Certainly most of the
+property of the original offenders had been largely lost or destroyed, but
+the plunder had crumbled away in passing through countless hands, and the
+royal official might seek it from Dan to Beersheba, or farther, but in
+vain. Out of the first difficulty a dozen others had arisen, till the
+suzerain seized upon his dues by force, yet without leaving peace behind
+him. The tablets are full of references to these complicated struggles,
+which it is not always possible to follow in detail.
+
+Additional confusion was caused by the immigration of Bedaw�n tribes. In
+the north the nomadic Sutu, in the south the Habiri pressed forward and
+encroached upon Egyptian territory. It is evident that this further
+pressure was calculated to bring matters to a crisis, for, like the
+tribute, it affected pre-eminently the vassal chiefs and tribes. We find
+the Habiri especially in the very act of ruining some of these petty
+princes, others of whom preferred to make treaties with their unwelcome
+guests, though this indeed was apparently in secret only. But the Sutu
+reached the domains of more powerful vassals, and by two of these, Aziru
+and Namjauza, were openly taken into pay. Obviously such alliances with
+land-seeking plunderers could only prolong and embitter the strife. In
+Palestine, no doubt, peace as regards Egypt would soon have been restored
+had not the Habiri proceeded to seize certain strongholds, which they used
+as centres for further expeditions, thus involving the settled inhabitants
+in wider quarrels. What with the help of the Bedaw�n, and the universal
+unrest any ambitious vassal of Egypt must at length have seen a tempting
+prospect of establishing an independent kingdom, if only he could deceive
+the Egyptian Government long enough as to his intentions, and delay or
+thwart any measures that might be taken against him.
+
+Certainly the government of Pharaoh did not lack for watchfulness and was
+well, if not too well, served in the matter of information. But in the
+face of perpetual complaints and counter-complaints, entreaties for help
+and what were for the most part incredible assurances of everlasting
+fidelity, there was no course for the king and his councillors to take but
+either to order a military expedition on a large scale, or to turn a
+sceptical ear to all alike and confine their attention simply to the
+tribute. Pride and weakness combined led them to take the dangerous middle
+course and send inadequate bodies of men singly into the disturbed
+districts. A certain amount of success attended the policy; the king's
+Nubian "Pidati" were dreaded from of old, and his mercenaries, the
+Shirtani, were looked upon as invincible. When it was a mere question of
+hundreds in the field against hundreds, the appearance of a company, or of
+a few troops, restored peace for a time, but serious and aggravated
+hostilities between masses of rebels could not always be checked by such
+small numbers, and it was a severe blow to the prestige of the Shirtani
+when they were defeated at Gebal by the Sutu.
+
+The knowledge that Egypt was far away, and that the Son of the Sun was
+highly exalted, led the chiefs and officials in Syria and Canaan to deeds
+of open defiance of their suzerain. Ambassadors from foreign states were
+robbed in passing on their journey to Egypt, caravans were plundered, and
+gifts sent to Pharaoh were intercepted. All this notwithstanding, still
+the stream of rhetorical devotion flowed on in the letters.
+
+
+
+
+
+III. LETTERS FROM ASIATIC KINGS.
+
+
+Akhenaten had taken with him to the new capital part of the archives of
+his father. With few exceptions, it is not from the letters of vassals
+that we learn this, for these, as a rule, are addressed simply "To the
+King." The foreign sovereigns, however, almost always addressed the
+Pharaoh by his prenomen. Thus neither "Amenhetep" nor "Akhenaten" appears
+in the Tell el Amarna letters, but always "Nimmuria" (_i.e._, Neb-maat-Ra)
+for Amenophis III. and "Napkhuria" (_i.e._, Nefer-khepru-Ra) for
+Akhenaten. Dating there was none in correspondence of that time and hence
+these addresses are of great chronological importance.
+
+Four communications to "Nimmuria" from the Babylonian ruler Kadashman-Bel
+(at first incorrectly read Kallima-Sin) are among the most important in
+this respect. The writer calls his land Karduniash, a name for Babylonia
+used by the Assyrians after the native employment of it had long ceased.
+Kadashman-Bel himself belonged to the house of the Kassite chiefs, who,
+about two hundred and fifty years previously, had invaded and conquered
+Babylonia, but who afterwards fully adopted Babylonian manners and
+customs. It is at once apparent that Nimmuria and Kadashman-Bel approach
+each other as equals. The Egyptian, however, was supposed to possess one
+very precious thing in superfluity, namely, gold; for at that time the
+gold mines of Nubia were in good working. The Babylonian letters,
+therefore, seldom failed to contain a hint that the king desired some of
+the precious metal, sometimes as a return gift for rich presents he had
+given the Egyptian, sometimes as temple-offerings, or as a dowry.
+Matrimonial alliances were the principal means by which a ruler kept on
+good terms with neighbouring princes, and Oriental polygamy allowed a
+great deal to be done in that line. It is noticeable that the claim made
+by the Egyptian king to divine honours soon began to cause little
+difficulties in diplomatic intercourse. Not that "the Son of the Sun"
+claimed adoration from his royal compeers: that was expected from his
+subjects only. But he showed the greatest reluctance to give away a
+daughter to any foreign king. Moreover, the fact must not be overlooked
+that it was precisely in the XVIIIth Dynasty that brothers and sisters of
+the royal house so frequently intermarried, a custom afterwards affected
+by the Ptolemies and implying simply that the royal race of the Pharaohs
+being emphatically divine was therefore essentially exalted above the
+world in general. According to this flattering fiction there could be no
+equal union for a king of Egypt except with his own sister. No such
+marriage seems to have been made by Nimmuria, but, as if in amends for
+that, he worshipped, as above stated, his own divine image. We need not
+wonder, then, that he regarded his children as divine manifestations and
+hesitated to bestow them in marriage.
+
+Kadashman-Bel seems to have thoroughly appreciated this little weakness,
+and no doubt the mortal gods on the Nile were a subject for mockery at the
+Courts of Western Asia, even in those days. Thus, a remark of Nimmuria's
+to the effect that no princess had ever been given away from Egypt is
+answered with delightful dryness:
+
+
+    "Why so? A king art thou, and canst do according to thy will. If
+    thou give her, who shall say anything against it? I wrote before,
+    'Send, at least, a beautiful woman.' Who is there to say that she
+    is not a king's daughter? If thou wilt not do this, thou hast no
+    regard for our brotherhood and friendship."
+
+
+Kadashman-Bel threatened that he in his turn would hesitate to give his
+daughter in marriage, and would make similar evasive excuses. At last,
+however, the negotiations came to the desired conclusion, and for a time
+gifts flowed more freely on both sides.
+
+Valuable, though in many respects puzzling, is a large tablet containing a
+letter of Nimmuria to Kadashman-Bel. Possibly it may have been kept as a
+copy, and in that case it must belong to the early part of the
+correspondence. More probably however, the letter is an original which
+came back "undelivered" to Egypt, the addressee having died in the
+meantime. Kadashman-Bel had complained that his sister, who had been given
+by his father in marriage to the Egyptian, had subsequently never once
+been seen by any Babylonian ambassadors. Certainly a woman in royal garb
+had been pointed out, but not one of them had recognised her as their own
+princess. "Who knows that it was not some beggar's daughter, a Gagaian, or
+a maiden of Hanirabbat or Ugarit whom my messengers saw?" Then Nimmuria
+took up the tale, and complained that Kadashman-Bel sent only ambassadors
+who had never frequented his father's Court, and were moreover of adverse
+bias. "Send a _kamiru_" (evidently a eunuch is meant) "who knows thy
+sister." Further misunderstandings come under discussion, from which it is
+evident that the general situation between the two princes was very much
+strained.
+
+King Tushratta of Mitani was a phenomenon in his way. In Egyptian
+inscriptions his kingdom is called Naharina--_i.e._, "Mesopotamia." One of
+his tablets bears the following official memorandum, written in red ink
+and in hieratic:
+
+
+    "[Received] in the two-[and-thirtieth year of the reign of
+    Nimmuria], in the first winter month, on the tenth day, the Court
+    being at the southern residence (Thebes), in the Residence
+    Ka-em-Ekhut. Duplicate of the Naharina letter brought by the
+    messenger Pirizzi and (another)."
+
+
+Tushratta's dominion was wide, extending from south-eastern Cappadocia to
+beyond the later Assyrian capital, Nineveh. But the kingdom of Mitani,
+occasionally called after the northern fatherland of its people,
+Hanirabbat, was nearing its fall.   In the south it had a dangerous enemy
+in Babylonia; in the north and west the Hittites were hostile and all the
+more to be dreaded since Mitani-Hanirabbat was inhabited by a people
+related to the Hittite stock. The kings of Mitani soon realised that their
+existence was best secured by a steady alliance with Egypt. To this end
+Artatama and Shutarna, the two predecessors of Tushratta, had sent their
+daughters to the harem of the Pharaohs. The so-called "marriage scarab" of
+Nimmuria bears witness to this, and reference to the bond is often made by
+Tushratta. Before he could ascend the throne he had various difficulties
+to contend against, of which a faithful account is sent to Egypt:
+
+
+    "When I ascended my father's throne I was still young, for Pirhi
+    did evil to my land and had slain its lord. Therefore he did evil
+    to me also and to all my friends. But I quailed not before the
+    crimes that were committed in my land, but slew the murderers of
+    Artashumara my brother, with all their adherents. Know also, oh,
+    my royal brother! that the whole army of the Hittites marched
+    against my land. But the God Teshup, the lord, delivered them into
+    my hand and I destroyed them. Not one man from their midst
+    returned to his own land. And now I have sent to thee a chariot
+    and two horses, a youth and a maiden, the booty of the land of the
+    Hittites."
+
+
+This letter betrays itself as one of the earliest written for Tushratta by
+the fact that it makes no request for gold. All his later letters are
+filled with greedy entreaties, completely giving the lie to the immediate
+pretext under which they were professedly written. One of them, more than
+a yard long and proportionately broad, still keeps its charms to itself,
+since for some unknown reason, though written in cuneiform character like
+the rest, the language is that of Hanirabbat and this we are still unable
+to read. Nimmuria indeed, seems to have had a weakness for this worthy
+brother-in-law and his ingenuous manner of approaching him, and spared
+neither presents nor promises; at his death, however, some of the latter
+remained unfulfilled. Evidently neighbouring kings heard at length of
+Tushratta's financial success and were naturally envious. An extract will
+give the reader a more definite notion of this royal correspondence with
+its stylisms and turns of thought. The following is taken from Letter
+VIII. in the British Museum edition. The long-winded introduction was
+already a fixed convention, and occurs in all the letters from whatever
+country, but the declaration of affection is peculiar to Tushratta:
+
+
+    "To Nimmuria, the great king, the king of Egypt, my brother, my
+    brother-in-law; who loves me and whom I love: Tushratta, the great
+    king, thy (future) father-in-law, king of Mitani; who loves thee
+    and is thy brother. It is well with me; may it be well with thee,
+    with thy house, with my sister and thy other wives, with thy sons,
+    thy chariots, thy horses, thy nobles, thy land, and all that is
+    thine, may it be well with them indeed! Whereas thy fathers in
+    their time kept fast friendship with my fathers, thou hast
+    increased the friendship. Now, therefore, that thou and I are
+    friends thou hast made it ten times closer than with my father.
+    May the gods cause our friendship to prosper! May Teshup, the
+    lord, and Amon ordain it eternally as it now is! I write this to
+    my brother that he may show me even more love than he showed my
+    father. Now I ask gold from my brother, and it behoves me to ask
+    this gold for two causes: in the first place for war equipment (to
+    be provided later), and secondly, for the dowry (likewise to be
+    provided). So, then, let my brother send me much gold, without
+    measure, more than to my father. For in my brother's land gold is
+    as the dust of the earth. May the gods grant that in the land of
+    my brother, where already so much gold is, there may be ten times
+    more in times to come! Certainly the gold that I require will not
+    trouble my brother's heart, but let him also not grieve my heart.
+    Therefore let my brother send gold without measure, in great
+    quantity. And I also will grant all the gifts that my brother
+    asks. For this land is my brother's land, and this my house is his
+    house."
+
+
+All Tushratta's letters are written in this tone with the exception of the
+last. Nimmuria felt his end approaching, and entreated the aid of "Our
+Lady of Nineveh." Such an expedient was not foreign to Egyptian thought. A
+late inscription professes to tell how a certain divine image was sent
+from Thebes to a distant land for the healing of a foreign princess. From
+Tushratta's answer also it appears that the statue of the goddess Ishtar
+had once before been taken from Nineveh to Thebes.
+
+This letter begins solemnly:
+
+
+    "The words of Ishtar of Nineveh, mistress of all lands. 'To Egypt,
+    to the land that I love will I go, and there will I sojourn.' Now
+    I send her and she goes. Let my brother worship her and then let
+    her go in gladness that she may return. May Ishtar protect my
+    brother and me for a hundred thousand years. May she grant unto us
+    both great gladness; may we know nothing but happiness."
+
+
+All this notwithstanding, Nimmuria must die, and later Tushratta describes
+his own grief on the occasion:
+
+
+    "And on that day I wept, I sat in sorrow. Food and drink I touched
+    not on that day; grieved was my heart. I said, 'Oh, that it had
+    been I who died !' "
+
+
+When he wrote thus the feelings expressed were probably genuine, for times
+had changed sadly for him and men of his type.
+
+We have now come to the accession of the reforming king Napkhuria--_i.e._,
+Akhenaten. This zealot succeeded in bringing into the foreign relations of
+Egypt some of the unrest caused by his measures in home politics. To begin
+with, he sought for new political alliances and sacrificed those already
+existing, not by breaking off the connections, but by turning a deaf ear
+to requests, or by adopting an insolent tone in his answers. On one
+occasion he showered on the old beggar Tushratta derision which was no
+doubt well deserved, but which it was most impolitic to express so
+plainly. He gives one the impression of an inexperienced prince, brought
+up in Oriental seclusion, who persists at all hazards in playing the part
+of a shrewd and worldly-wise ruler. He strained after novelty at the
+expense of his own security, and attempted to demonstrate the strength of
+the supports of his throne by sawing them through.
+
+About the time of Nimmuria's death Kadashman-Bel of Babylonia also died,
+and Burnaburiash, probably his brother or cousin, was prepared on his
+accession to maintain the traditional friendship with Egypt. But at the
+very beginning Napkhuria was guilty of a breach of etiquette in neglecting
+to send any expression of sympathy during a long illness of Burnaburiash.
+In spite of many fine words, the usual matrimonial negotiations did not
+run smoothly; moreover, attacks were made on travelling messengers, and at
+length Napkhuria's avarice forced the Babylonian to measures of
+retaliation, and he writes:
+
+
+    "Since ambassadors from thy fathers came to my fathers, they also
+    have lived on friendly terms. We should continue in the same.
+    Messengers have now come from thee thrice, but thou hast sent with
+    them no gift worthy the name. I also shall desist in the same way.
+    If nothing is denied me I shall deny thee nothing."
+
+
+Meanwhile, the dear brother in Egypt was continually finding opportunities
+to annoy the Babylonian. Assyria was then a small state on the middle
+Tigris, in exactly the same relation to the suzerainty of Babylonia as
+Canaan was to that of Egypt. Disregarding this fact, Napkhuria sent a very
+large quantity of gold to the prince Assurnadinakhi and ostentatiously
+received an Assyrian embassy. Burnaburiash, in remonstrating, referred to
+the loyal conduct of his father, Kurigalzu, who had answered the
+Canaanites with threats when, in an attempted rising against Nimmuria,
+they offered to do homage to Kurigalzu.
+
+
+    "Now there are the Assyrians, my vassals. Have not I already
+    written to thee in regard to them? If thou lovest me they will
+    gain nothing from thee. Let them depart unsuccessful."
+
+
+This exhortation seems to have been vain, for a letter of the next
+Assyrian king, Assuruballit, speaks of a regular exchange of messengers,
+and indicates that the Sutu of the desert--doubtless at the instigation of
+the Babylonians--were about to kill every Egyptian who showed himself in
+their territory.
+
+A prince of Alashia, who never mentions either his own name or that of the
+Egyptian king, wrote short letters, for the most part of a business
+character. Alashia probably lay on the Cilician coast. Gold did not tempt
+him; he asked modestly for silver in return for copper, for oil, textiles
+and manufactured articles in return for wood for building. Thus the
+tablets from Alashia are rich in information regarding commercial matters
+and questions of public rights. They are of special interest for us, owing
+to the fact that one of them contains the first historic mention of the
+plague.
+
+
+    "Behold! my brother, I have sent thee five hundred talents of
+    copper as a gift. Let it not grieve my brother's heart that it is
+    too little. For in my land the hand of Nergal (the god of
+    pestilence) has slain all the workers, and copper cannot be
+    produced. And, my brother, take it not to heart that thy messenger
+    stayed three years in my land. For the hand of Nergal is in it,
+    and in my house my young wife died."
+
+
+Yet this ruler also had to guard himself against embassies unworthy of a
+king sent by Napkhuria. Another prince, in a letter unfortunately much
+damaged, made the complaint that Napkhuria had once caused his own name to
+be written first in a letter. This was, indeed, unparalleled; the title of
+the recipient stands first even in a severe reprimand sent to the Egyptian
+vassal Aziru. As if to equalise matters, in royal letters the greetings
+that follow the address begin with a mention of the welfare of the writer.
+"It is well with me. May it be well with thee," &c. There is, however, one
+tablet addressed to Napkhuria that committed the offence complained of,
+and it was perhaps for this reason that the introductory address was
+scratched through anciently. It is fairly certain that this letter, as
+well as the one complaining of Napkhuria's breach of etiquette, came from
+the Hittite king. The tone throughout is very decided, and complaints of
+neglect of proper consideration are not wanting.
+
+A short time before his death Nimmuria had married another daughter of
+Tushratta, Tadukhipa, the long inventory of whose dowry was found at Tell
+el Amarna. On receiving the news--for which he was already prepared--of the
+death of his hoary-headed son-in-law, Tushratta at once sent Pirizzi and
+Bubri "with lamentations" to Napkhuria. He managed to suppress his
+personal wishes up to the third message, but prepared the way for them by
+calling Teye, the chief wife of Nimmuria, as a witness. "And all the
+matters that I negotiated with thy father, Teye, thy mother, knoweth them;
+none other besides knoweth of them." Immediately after this came the
+request that Napkhuria should send him the "golden images" (statuettes)
+that Nimmuria had promised him. And Napkhuria wasted no words, but sent by
+the messenger Hamashi--the wooden models! He seems to have thought he was
+acting as a good son and a shrewd man of business in fulfilling his
+father's promises at so cheap a rate.
+
+But Tushratta was not easily shaken off. His next move was to send Teye
+and her son each a letter at the same time. He gave polite greetings from
+his wife Yuni to the widow, whose influence was evidently still strong,
+sent her presents, and entreated her intercession. This remarkable letter
+runs as follows:
+
+
+    "To Teye, Queen of Egypt, Tushratta, King of Mitani. May it be
+    well with thee, may it be well with thy son, may it be well with
+    Tadukhipa, my daughter, thy young companion in widowhood. Thou
+    knowest that I was in friendship with Nimmuria, thy husband, and
+    that Nimmuria was in friendship with me. What I wrote to him and
+    negotiated with him, and likewise what Nimmuria thy husband wrote
+    to me and negotiated with me, thou and Gilia and Mani (Tushratta's
+    messengers), ye know it. But thou knowest it better than all
+    others. And none other knows it. Now thou hast said to Gilia: 'Say
+    to thy lord, Nimmuria my husband was in friendship with thy father
+    and sent him the military standards, which he kept. The embassies
+    between them were never interrupted. But now, forget not thou
+    thine old friendship with thy brother Nimmuria and extend it to
+    his son Napkhuria. Send joyful embassies; let them not be
+    omitted.' Lo, I will not forget the friendship with Nimmuria!
+    More, tenfold more, words of friendship will I exchange with
+    Napkhuria thy son and keep up right good friendship. But the
+    promise of Nimmuria, the gift that thy husband ordered to be
+    brought to me, thou hast not sent. I asked for golden statuettes.
+    But now Napkhuria thy son has had them made of wood, though gold
+    is as dust in thy land. Why does this happen just now? Should not
+    Napkhuria deliver that to me which his father gave me? And he
+    wishes to increase our friendship tenfold! Wherefore then dost
+    thou not bring this matter before thy son Napkhuria? Even though
+    thou do it not he ought nevertheless to deliver unto me statuettes
+    of gold and in no way to slight me. Thus friendship will reign
+    between us tenfold. Let thy messengers to Yuni my wife depart with
+    Napkhuria's ambassador, and Yuni's messenger shall come to thee.
+    Lo, I send gifts for thee; boxes filled with good oil (perfume),"
+    &c. &c.
+
+
+To Napkhuria also Tushratta insists on his rights in detail. The
+messengers from Mitani were said to have been present at the casting of
+the images, and even to have started on their journey home when Nimmuria
+died. It may thus be assumed that Napkhuria at once ordered the transport
+to be brought back. Queen Teye evidently showed no desire to be mixed up
+in so unpleasant a business, but Napkhuria demanded that the messenger
+Gilia should be sent to him.
+
+Most probably this often-mentioned Gilia was the witness present at the
+casting and despatching of the images. Tushratta gave evasive answers, and
+his last letter (more than two hundred lines in length) is something in
+the nature of an ultimatum. On both sides fresh complaints are brought
+forward, and the settlement of each one of them was made dependent on the
+settlement of the principal question. Napkhuria threatened to close his
+land against all subjects of Mitani, and, as no later document has been
+found, it is probable that at this point all intercourse ceased. A much
+mutilated letter from Gebal to Egypt announces the departure of the king
+of Mitani with an armed force; but it is doubtful whether this can be
+quoted in the present connection.
+
+The characters of the two irreconcilable monarchs, who show each other up
+so admirably for our edification, make any question as to which had right
+on his side seem comparatively trifling. Tushratta was evidently much
+distressed that he dared not venture to send his Gilia back again and that
+none of the later letters which he had from Nimmuria contained any word of
+the golden images. It is evident also that Napkhuria, supported by Teye,
+had actually recalled embassies that his father had already sent out. The
+old king, who had called Ishtar of Nineveh to his help, may have been
+brought by the approach of death into a generous state of mind not
+uncommon in such cases. Even now we say, "He must be near his end," when a
+man shows unexpected and unusual gentleness. It is quite possible that
+Nimmuria had ordered the images in question to be made for his worthy
+friend without giving any formal promise to send them, and that as soon as
+Tushratta learned what had happened, he promptly interposed with a lie, in
+hope of appealing to Napkhuria's sense of the fitness of things. That,
+however, was expecting too much.
+
+
+
+
+
+IV. LETTERS FROM ASIATIC VASSALS.
+
+
+Four-fifths of the number of letters consist of reports and communications
+from Egyptian governors, military commanders, magistrates, and other
+officials in Western Asia. The form of address from these subordinates to
+the Pharaoh is naturally very different from "Royal Brother," and in
+hurried announcements it is often contracted. Written in full the long
+formula runs:
+
+
+    "To the king, my lord, my gods, my sun, the sun of heaven; Yitia,
+    prefect of Askelon is thy servant, the dust at thy feet, the
+    servant of thy horses. At the feet of the king my lord seven times
+    and again seven times I prostrate myself upon my back and upon my
+    breast."
+
+
+The importance of these letters, however, consists in the substance of
+what they report and in what they tell us as to the doings of the writers.
+They are the data by reason of which the Tell el Amarna archives
+constitute a unique store of historical material for the study of the
+history of civilisation.
+
+Warlike expeditions among the vassal chiefs were the order of the day.
+Most dangerous of all the chiefs was Aziru, prefect of the land of the
+Amorites, whose territory included the district north of Damascus and part
+of the valley of the Orontes. In the hope of founding an independent
+kingdom, Aziru had swiftly seized on the dominions of all the chiefs on
+his northern boundary, and in this action his admirable understanding with
+the Egyptian officials afforded him invaluable help. The town of Tunip
+sent a truly pathetic letter to Pharaoh from which we learn that Aziru had
+already taken Nii, was besieging Simyra in Phoenicia, and at the same time,
+by the aid of his creatures at Court, had succeeded in preventing the king
+from reinstating a prince of Tunip who had been sent into Egypt as a
+hostage. This prince, a certain Yadi Addu, had already been released and
+was on his way home when the allies of Aziru caused him to be recalled.
+
+
+    "If, however, we have to mourn," so the complaint proceeds, "the
+    king himself will soon have to mourn over those things which Aziru
+    has committed against us, for next he will turn his hand against
+    his lord. But Tunip, thy city, weeps; her tears flow; nowhere is
+    there help for us."
+
+
+The most bitter complaints against Aziru and his father Abd-Ashera come
+from Rib-Addi of Gebal. His utterances rival the Lamentations of Jeremiah
+both in volume and in monotonous pathos. One of these many letters, the
+contents of which are often stereotyped enough, is also noticeable for its
+revelation of the connection of Rib-Addi, who must already have been an
+elderly man, with Amanappa:
+
+
+    "To Amanappa, my father; Rib-Addi, thy son! At my father's feet I
+    fall. Again and again I asked thee, 'Canst thou not rescue me from
+    the hand of Abd-Ashera? All the Habiri are on his side; the
+    princes will hear no remonstrances, but are in alliance with him;
+    thereby is he become mighty.' But thou hast answered me, 'Send thy
+    messenger with me to Court, and then will I, if nothing be said
+    against it (_i.e._, by the king), send him again and again with
+    royal troops to thee till the Pidati march forth to secure thy
+    life.' Then I answered thee, 'I will not delay to send the man,
+    but nothing of this must come to the ears of Abd-Ashera, for
+    [Yanhamu has] taken [silver] from his hand.' (As much as to say
+    that if Abd-Ashera gives Yanhamu a hint, the messenger will never
+    get beyond Lower Egypt.) But thou hast said, 'Fear not, but send a
+    ship to the Yarimuta, and money and garments will come to thee
+    thence.' Now, behold, the troops which thou hast given me have
+    fled, because thou hast neglected me, while I have obeyed thee. He
+    hath spoken with the official (Yanhamu?) nine times [in vain].
+    Behold, thou art delaying with regard to this offence as with the
+    others. What then can save me? If I receive no troops I shall
+    forsake my city, and flee, doing that which seems good to me to
+    preserve my life."
+
+
+Yanhamu's bias against Rib-Addi is made evident in many other letters
+which the poor wretch addressed to the Court:
+
+
+    "If I should make a treaty with Abd-Ashera as did Yap-Addi and
+    Zimrida, then I should be safe. Furthermore, since Simyra is
+    indeed lost to me, and Yanhamu hath received Bit-Arti, he ought to
+    send me provision of grain that I may defend the king's city for
+    him. Thou, oh king, speak to Yanhamu; 'Behold, Rib-Addi is in thy
+    hand, and all injury done to him falls on thee.' "
+
+
+This desire was not complied with, for the Phoenician vassal was at length
+robbed of all his cities and possessions, so that even the callous
+Egyptian Government felt obliged at last to send a threatening embassy to
+Aziru, the son of Abd-Ashera, and the real author of the difficulties in
+Gebal. At the same time the surrender was demanded of certain "enemies of
+the king," who were in all probability principal adherents of Aziru. When
+the messenger Hani arrived with this note, Aziru, evidently warned in good
+time, had promptly vanished over the hills, and none of the royal commands
+could be carried out. He pretends to have settled down in Tunip, which he
+must previously have seized, but at once returned home on hearing of
+Hani's arrival. Unfortunately it was too late. The cunning Amorite brought
+forward one excuse after another. "Even if thy actions be just, yet if
+thou dissemble in thy letters at thy pleasure, the king must at length
+come to think that thou liest in every case," is a passage in the letter
+brought by Hani. Aziru replies in a tone of injured innocence:
+
+
+    "To the great king, my lord, my god, my sun; Aziru, thy servant.
+    Seven times and again seven times, &c. Oh, lord, I am indeed thy
+    servant; and only when prostrate on the ground before the king, my
+    lord, can I speak what I have to say. But hearken not, O lord, to
+    the foes who slander me before thee. I remain thy servant for
+    ever."
+
+
+This trusty vassal added to his other known faults the peculiarity of
+conspiring readily with the Hittite foes of the Court. His insolence
+helped him successfully out of these awkward difficulties also whenever
+the matter came under discussion. When preparing fresh raids he did not
+hesitate to invent news of Hittite invasions which he was bound to resist,
+and all territory which he then took from his co-vassals would, according
+to his own account, otherwise certainly have fallen into the hands of the
+enemy. But as the result was always the same--_i.e._, to the advantage of
+Aziru alone--the opinion began to prevail in Egyptian councils that this
+restless vassal should be summoned to Court and tried. For many years
+Aziru succeeded in evading these fatal and dangerous, or at best very
+costly orders. But finally he was forced to obey, and with heavy heart and
+well-filled treasure chests set off for Egypt. Apparently he relied on his
+principal ally Dudu, whom in his letters he always addresses as "father";
+but this pleasant alliance did not avail to protect the disturber of the
+peace from provisional arrest. The last letter in the Aziru series, which
+had obviously been confiscated and subsequently found its way back into
+the archives, is a letter of condolence from the adherents or sons of
+Aziru to their imprisoned chief. Nevertheless, the political activity of
+the Amorite chief seemed to many Syrian, and especially to Phoenician
+princes as on the whole for the good of the land, and, therefore, to be
+supported. His appearance put the longed-for end to a far less endurable
+condition of things. Two communications from Akizzi, the headman of the
+city of Katna, near Damascus, exhibit the difference clearly. When Akizzi
+sent his first communication to Nimmuria every petty chief went raiding on
+his own account: Teuwatta of Lapana, Dasha, Arzawia and all the rest of
+them. These vanished with the entrance of Aziru upon the scene, though the
+change was by no means welcome to Akizzi. In the Lebanon things were no
+better. Here Namyauza was struggling with the headmen of Puzruna and
+Khalunni. "They began hostilities together with Biridashwi against me and
+said: 'Come, let us kill Namyauza.' But I escaped." This promiscuous
+warfare raged most fiercely in the south. Here a certain Labaya tried to
+play the part taken by Aziru in the north. But fortune was less favourable
+to Labaya. Probably he failed to induce his undisciplined officers to act
+in unison, and the unhappy man's sole achievement seems to have been the
+welding of his foes into a compact body against himself. He lost his
+territory, kept up the struggle a little longer as a freebooter, was taken
+captive at Megiddo, escaped again on the eve of being shipped to Egypt,
+and fell in battle or died a natural death after at length meeting
+apparently with some success in Jud�a.
+
+Jerusalem was under a royal "Uweu," a term perhaps best rendered
+"captain," named Abdikheba. A neighbouring prefect, Shuwardata, asserted
+occasionally that he had entered into conspiracies with Labaya, and
+Abdikheba in fact complained of hostilities on all sides. Milki-El and his
+father-in-law Tagi, chiefs in the Philistian plain near Gath, were his
+principal opponents. They recruited troops from among the Habiri in the
+hope that Abdikheba, finding himself practically blockaded, would weary of
+the struggle and abandon the field. He was evidently very nearly driven to
+this when he wrote:
+
+
+    "Infamous things have been wrought against me. To see it would
+    draw tears from the eyes of the king, so do my foes press me.
+    Shall the royal cities fall a prey to the Habiri? If the Pidati do
+    not come in the course of this year, let the king send messengers
+    to fetch me and all my brethren that we may die in the presence of
+    the king, our lord."
+
+
+By the Habiri we must here understand no other than the Hebrews, who were
+therefore already to be found in the "Promised Land," but had not yet
+firmly established themselves there. They swarmed in the Lebanon, where
+Namyauza had formally enlisted one of their hordes; and yet it seems as if
+they already held Shechem and Mount Ephraim as free tribal property. At
+any rate, no letter thence to the king has been discovered, although there
+is one mention of the city Shakmi (Shechem). The genuinely ancient
+passages in the scriptural accounts of the conquest in the Book of Joshua,
+and still more the valuable fragments in the first chapter of Judges, are
+fairly in accordance with what we here learn from the tablets.
+
+Abdikheba's letters may be considered along with those of Milki-El and
+Tagi, of whom Yanhamu, the powerful official, had just made an example.
+Their voices take up the chorus of complaint:
+
+
+    ABDIKHEBA. "Lo! Milki-El and Tagi have done as follows.... Thus,
+    as the king liveth, hath Milki-El committed treachery against me.
+    Send Yanhamu that he may see what is done in the king's land."
+
+
+    MILKI-EL. "The king, my lord, shall know the deed done by Yanhamu
+    after I had been dismissed by the king. Lo, he took three thousand
+    talents from me and said to me, 'Give me thy wife and thy sons
+    that I may slay them.' May my lord, the king, remember this deed
+    and send us chariots to bring us away."
+
+
+    TAGI. "Am I not a servant of the king? But my brother is full of
+    wounds so that I can send no message by him to the king. Ask the
+    _rabisu_ (a title of Yanhamu) whether my brother is not full of
+    wounds. But we turn our eyes to thee, to know whether we may rise
+    to heaven or creep into the earth; our heads remain in thy hand.
+    Behold, I shall try to make my way to the king by the hand of the
+    surgeons."
+
+
+    MILKI-EL. "I have received the king's message. Let him send the
+    Pidati to protect his servant, and grains of myrrh gum for
+    healing."
+
+
+As already pointed out, the blame for such occurrences belongs in the
+first place to the Egyptian system of government. How little the petty
+princes could expect, whether of good or evil, from their suzerain is
+shown by glaring examples. King Burnaburiash complained that a Babylonian
+trading company established by his ambassador in the Canaanite city of
+Khinaton had, immediately after the ambassador's departure, been attacked
+and utterly plundered. The principals were killed, and the rest--some of
+them mutilated--were sent into slavery. "Canaan is thy land; thou art king
+of it," continues Burnaburiash. "It was in thy land that I suffered this
+injury; therefore restrain the doers of it. Replace the stolen gold, and
+slay the murderers of my subjects to avenge their blood." Whether this was
+done was extremely doubtful, for part of the plunder had in all
+probability already sufficed to secure a safe retreat for the brigands,
+who, furthermore, were officials from some of whom letters have been
+found. The natural consequence was that the ambassadors themselves were
+attacked. Their caravan with gifts for Napkhuria was robbed twice in
+succession, and they themselves were held to ransom. The Egyptian
+Government nevertheless remained outrageously slack as ever, as we may see
+from the following safe conduct granted on behalf of the Canaanite
+miscreants: "To the princes in the land of Canaan, the vassals of my
+brother. Akiya, my messenger, I send to the King of Egypt my brother.
+Bring him safe and quickly to Egypt. Let no violence befall him."
+
+Prefects of Canaanite ports were naturally in most active communication
+with Egypt. On some of the shrewder minds among these men it had dawned
+that it pleased and amused the king to have immediate news of messages by
+sea and land from far and near communicated in their letters. Abi-milki of
+Tyre had carried this practice farthest, and he was also admirably skilful
+in lodging complaints by the way. We owe to this worthy one of the
+choicest pieces in the whole collection, the elegant p�an of a
+place-hunter of more than three thousand years ago. It will be noticed
+that some of his rhetorical expressions repeatedly recall those of the
+Hebrew Psalter in the same way as do phrases in the letter of Tagi already
+quoted. In fact, the Bible critic has much to learn from the tablets as a
+whole. After the formal beginning, Abi-milki launches out as follows:
+
+
+    "My lord the king is the Sun-God, rising each day over the earth
+    according to the will of his gracious father, the heavenly Sun-God
+    (Aten). His words give life and prosperity. To all lands his might
+    giveth peace. Like the (Phoenician) god Ram-man, so he thunders
+    down from heaven, and the earth trembles before him. Behold, thy
+    servant writeth as soon as he has good news to send the king. And
+    the fear of my lord, the king, fell upon the whole land till the
+    messenger made known the good news from the king my lord. When I
+    heard through him the command of the king to me, 'Be at the
+    disposal of my high officials,' then thy servant answered his
+    lord, 'It is already done.' On my breast and on my back write I
+    down for myself the commands of the king. Verily, he who
+    hearkeneth to the king his lord, and serveth him with love, the
+    Sun-God riseth over him, and a good word from the mouth of his
+    lord giveth him life. If he heed not the commands of his lord his
+    city will fall, his house will perish, and his name will be known
+    no more for ever in all lands. But he who followeth his lord as a
+    faithful servant, his city is prosperous, his house is secure, and
+    his name shall endure for ever."
+
+
+The letter continues for some time in the same strain, but at the end the
+courtier bethinks him of his office of informer, and adds hastily:
+
+
+    "Furthermore, Zimrida, the prefect of Sidon, sends a report every
+    day to Aziru, Abd-Ashera's son. Every word that comes from Egypt
+    he telleth to him. I, however, tell it to my lord, that it may
+    serve thee, oh my lord!"
+
+
+Two princes, Adad-nirari of Nukhashi and another whose name is now
+illegible, apparently take a higher rank than their neighbours. Nukhashi
+is often named in these tablets as well as in Egyptian inscriptions, and
+it must have been situated on the north-east slope of the Lebanon range.
+We have also letters from the towns of Biruta (Beyrout), Hashab, Hazi,
+Kumidi, Kadesh on the Orontes, Sidon, Akko, Rubiza, Megiddo, Hazor, Gezer,
+Gaza, Lachish, Shamhuna, Mushihuma, Dubu, and others, while there are many
+more so mutilated that their origin can no longer be determined.
+
+These letters, though by no means all of them containing important
+contributions to the history of political intrigue, are often of interest
+from the light they throw on manners and customs. A few further extracts
+are therefore given here.
+
+
+    "To the king my lord, my gods, my sun; Yabitiri is thy servant,
+    the dust of thy feet, &c. And a faithful servant of the king am I.
+    I look hither, and I look thither, but it is not light; then I
+    look to the king my lord, then there is light. A brick may be
+    removed from its firm bed, but I move not away from the king's
+    feet. Let my lord the king ask Yanhamu, his _rabisu_. While I was
+    still young he brought me to Egypt, and I served my lord the king
+    and stood at the gate of the palace (as page). And to-day, let my
+    lord the king ask his _rabisu_, I guard the gates of Gaza and of
+    Joppa. I am also attached to the Pidati of my lord the king;
+    whither they go thither do I go with them, as even now. On my neck
+    rests the yoke of my lord the king, and I bear it."
+
+
+The following tablet from the neighbourhood of the Jordan promises good
+results as the reward of future research for geographical details:
+
+
+    "To Yanhamu, my lord: Mut-Addi is thy servant at thy feet. I told
+    thee before, and it is so indeed; Ayab hath fled in secret, as did
+    also previously the king of Bihishi before the commissioners of
+    the king his lord. Is Ayab now in Bihishi? [He is there] truly as
+    the lord king liveth, truly as he liveth. For two months he has
+    been there. Behold, Benenima is present, Tadua is present, Yashua
+    is present; ask them whether he hath fled from Shadi-Marduk, from
+    Astarti. When all the cities in the land of Gari were in
+    rebellion, Adma (Udumu), Aduri, Araru, Mishtu, Migdal, Ain-anab
+    and Sarki were taken, then later Hawani and Yabesh. Behold,
+    moreover, as soon as thou hadst written a letter to me I wrote to
+    him (Ayab) that thou hadst returned from thy journey (to
+    Palestine?). And behold he came to Bihishi and heard the command."
+
+
+The names Ayab and Yashua recall Job and Joshua to our minds.
+
+The great alacrity shown in this letter was, as we already know, most
+acceptable to Yanhamu. Another Syrian chief, whose name has been
+obliterated, complained bitterly that Yanhamu had refused him a passage
+through his territories, although he showed the royal summons to Court.
+This, indeed, may have been an indirect favour to his correspondent. Very
+amusing is a group of three synoptic letters, written by one scribe for
+Biri ... (the name is imperfect) of Hashab, Ildaya ... of Hazi, and
+another. These vassals had evidently taken the field together. They recite
+their tale like a chorus of schoolboys repeating a lesson.
+
+
+    "Behold, we were besieging the cities of the king my lord in the
+    land of Amki (_i.e._, cities that had fallen away and had ceased
+    to pay tribute). Then came Itakama, the Prince of Kinza (Kadesh),
+    at the head of Hittites. Let my lord the king write to Itakama,
+    and cause him to turn aside and give us troops that we may win the
+    cities of my lord the king, and thenceforth dwell in them."
+
+
+Itakama was specially unpopular with his neighbours. Apparently he was one
+of the more powerful allies of Aziru, and as such his special task was to
+press as hard as possible on the foes of the Amorites in southern
+Coele-Syria. Perhaps, however, Aziru and Itakama did not come together till
+each for a time had fought his battles alone. The Hittites in Itakama's
+force were, of course, prominently mentioned to alarm Pharaoh. They may
+have been Hittite spearmen enrolled by the prince of Kadesh, much as the
+Habiri and Sutu had been enlisted by his chief rival Namyauza. It is even
+possible that the soldiers of Kadesh had always been armed in Hittite
+fashion; perhaps the town was already inhabited by people of Hittite
+stock. Later the Hittites actually seized Kadesh, and it is questionable
+whether it was for the first time. Itakama himself, however, scouts any
+thought of defection; nay, he writes:
+
+
+    "To the king my lord, &c. I am thy servant, but Namyauza hath
+    slandered me to thee, oh my master. And while he was doing that he
+    occupied all the inheritance of my fathers in the land of Kadesh,
+    and my villages hath he set on fire. Do not the officers of my
+    lord the king and his subjects know my faithfulness? I serve thee
+    with all my brethren, and where there is rebellion against my lord
+    the king, thither I march with my warriors, my chariots, and all
+    my brethren. Behold, now Namyauza hath delivered up to the Habiri
+    all the king's cities in the land of Kadesh and in Ube. But I will
+    march forth, and if thy gods and thy sun go before me I will
+    restore these places from the Habiri to the king that I may show
+    myself subject to him. I will drive out these Habiri, and my lord
+    the king shall rejoice in his servant Itakama. I will serve the
+    king my lord, and all my brethren, and all lands shall serve him.
+    But Namyauza will I destroy, for I am for ever a servant of the
+    king my lord."
+
+
+The land of Ube here named corresponds to the Hobah of the Bible,
+mentioned in Genesis xiv. 15, as the place to which Abram pursued the
+conquerors of Sodom, who had carried Lot away. According to the margin of
+the Revised Version, Hobah lay "north of Damascus." In a letter from
+Akizzi of Katna (see p. 44), we read, however, "Oh, my lord the king, as
+Damascus in the land of Ube stretches out her hand to thy feet, so Katna
+stretches out her hand to thy feet." The statements may be reconciled by
+the hypothesis that in the Old Testament the position of the town after
+which the district is named is more exactly indicated. Other lands named
+in the tablets are more difficult to identify. To mitigate a famine in
+Gebal, Rib-Addi intended to send for grain from Zalukhi in Ugarit, but his
+enemies detained his ships and frustrated his intentions. Zalukhi does not
+seem to be mentioned again, and Rib-Addi in a later letter compares Ugarit
+with the region round Tyre as regards its administrative relation to
+Egypt. Abi-milki, the Tyrian prefect, once informs the king, "Fire hath
+devoured the city of Ugarit; one half of it hath it destroyed and not the
+other." Finally, a certain Yapakhi-Addi, after an unsuccessful attempt to
+get provisions into Rib-Addi's city Simyra, reproachfully informs Yanhamu
+that Aziru has extended his dominions from Gebal to Ugarit. Ugarit must
+thus have been the most northerly of the Egyptian possessions in Asia, and
+therefore not far from the site of the modern Alexandretta. This outlying
+position made the little state a somewhat insecure jewel in the crown of
+Egypt. King Kadashman-Bel seems to have been of this opinion when (see p.
+27) he included in his little list of ladies impossible for a royal harem
+"a maiden from Ugarit." Evidently he meant to enumerate superciliously
+petty foreign "princesses" only.
+
+Of a certain land of Danuna (considered a part of Canaan) we learn further
+that its king died, and that his brother succeeded to the throne
+unopposed. One of the two may be identical with the king of Tana; who, as
+Rib-Addi briefly mentions, was about to march to Gebal, but was forced by
+scarcity of water to return home.
+
+A few letters from women are among the tablets. Two probably came from the
+wife of Milki-El, who was hard pressed by the Habiri when her husband was
+called to Egypt. Two others are addressed, "The handmaid to my mistress";
+perhaps they were sent along with Tushratta's letters to his daughter in
+Egypt and were from one of her playfellows or relatives. Finally, the
+daughter of Napkhuria, married to Burnaburiash, sent a small tablet to her
+father by a special envoy named Kidin-Ramman. "Before the face of my lord
+let him come" indicates that the letter was "to be delivered in person."
+It is a pity that this dainty little letter is for the most part
+illegible.
+
+
+
+
+
+V. POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD.
+
+
+However favourably the religious reform of King Napkhuria may be estimated
+on its own merits, it by no means strengthened the authority of Egypt in
+Asia. Of course it could have in no way been the cause of the state of
+affairs in Syria and Canaan; perhaps Amenophis III., whatever his own
+great slackness, simply inherited the confusion in this part of his
+empire. The heaviest blows could not in the long run prevent the Habiri
+from returning to the attack again and again at brief intervals. Their
+need of expansion was greater than their fear, and, after all, it mattered
+little to Pharaoh whether the Habirite or the Canaanite paid tribute in
+Palestine as soon as the intruder was prepared to acknowledge his rights.
+Napkhuria's great weakness was his obvious partiality for those of his
+officials who had become Aten worshippers, and the eagerness of these men
+to exploit the royal favour was in proportion to their disbelief in the
+permanence of the movement for reform.
+
+In their Babylonian form the Tell el Amarna tablets are in the first place
+the product of the diplomatic custom of the time, but in many details of
+their contents they show that the civilisation of Western Asia had for
+centuries been based on a Babylonian foundation. With the lack of exact
+information so frequently to be deplored in Egyptian accounts, the wordy
+narratives of the campaigns of Thutmosis III. scarcely enable us to
+determine exactly from which of the greater powers he had succeeded in
+wresting districts of Syria and Palestine. As regards the political
+situation there, even at the beginning of the Kassite Dynasty--a change
+probably attended by long internecine struggles--Babylonia seems to have
+lost its western possessions on the Mediterranean, and we may rather
+suppose that it was the kings of Mitani who ruled these territories in the
+time of Thutmosis III.
+
+Mitani, though still an extensive power, had seen its best days at any
+rate when Tushratta with difficulty ascended the throne of his fathers.
+The name "Hanirabbat" by which it was known to all its neighbours, must be
+the older name, and also that of the original province to which later
+acquisitions had been united. It is an established fact that Eastern
+Cappadocia, the mountainous province of Melitene on the Upper Euphrates,
+was still known as Hanirabbat about 690 B.C., and that, on the other hand,
+Mitani, in the narrower sense of the term, must have corresponded to the
+later Macedonian province of Mygdonia, _i.e._, Mesopotamia proper. We have
+seen, however, that Ninua, afterwards the Assyrian capital Nineveh, was
+part of the dominion of Tushratta, otherwise he could hardly have sent
+Ishtar, the goddess of that city, to Egypt. The subsequent capital of
+Assyria may have been the most easterly possession of the kingdom of
+Hanirabbat-Mitani, the centre of gravity of which lay farther westward. In
+the letters there is a remark of the king of Alashia recommending Pharaoh
+to exchange no more gifts with "the kings of the Hittites and of
+Shankhar." Mitani is, perhaps, here named Shankhar from its dependencies
+in Asia Minor, or we may suppose it to have been the name of Tushratta's
+residence.
+
+In contrast to the Hittite empire, which was pressing forward from the
+neck of Asia Minor through the passes of Issus into Syria, and was rapidly
+increasing in power, Mitani stood on the eve of its fall. Babylonians and
+Hittites were alike watching to pluck the ripe fruit, and perhaps it
+lacked little to decide Tushratta, instead of fighting once more for the
+crown, to capitulate to the invading Hittites and see the end of the
+kingdom of Mitani. The great "love" of this king for Egypt was not,
+therefore, called forth merely by the glitter of gold, but also by dire
+political necessity. The catastrophe occurred some few decades after the
+correspondence comes to an end for us. Mitani vanished from the states of
+Western Asia and gave place to small Aramaic kingdoms, while the eastern
+boundary, together with Ninua, was seized by Assyria as the first step to
+her subsequent suzerainty in the East.
+
+But still more swiftly overtaken of fate was the XVIIIth Dynasty in Egypt.
+Napkhuria did not even see the completion of his city at Tell el Amarna,
+for he died in 1370 B.C. His reform followed him, and the victorious
+champions of Amon could raze to the ground the hated City of the Sun's
+Disk. They must already have been on the march when in a happy moment it
+occurred to a keeper of the royal archives to conceal the clay tablets in
+the earth and thus save them for remote posterity.
+
+
+
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX
+
+
+The best translation of the Tell el Amarna tablets available for English
+readers is that from the German of H. Winckler, published by Luzac,
+London, 1896.
+
+Professor Flinders Petrie's _Syria and Egypt from the Tell el Amarna
+Letters_ (Methuen, 1898) is a synopsis of the letters as far as they
+belong to the relations of Egypt and Syria, with the addition of
+geographical and historical notes. In the Introduction Professor Petrie
+gives a harrowing account of the casual way in which the tablets were
+found and of the criminal carelessness with which these priceless records
+were subsequently handled.
+
+Some years afterwards, in 1891-2, Professor Petrie himself excavated what
+was left of the ruins of the royal city of Amenhetep IV. An account of his
+discoveries on that site and of his deductions from them may be found in
+his finely illustrated memoir _Tell el Amarna_ (Methuen, 1894). He
+particularly emphasises the skill and originality displayed in the remains
+of the arts and crafts of the Tell el Amarna period, and emphatically
+points out the evidence of active connection between Egypt and �gean
+(Myken�an) civilisation at that time. His appreciation of the character of
+Akhenaten differs considerably from that formed by the author of the
+present pamphlet, and should be compared with it. In vol. ii. p. 205 _et
+seqq._ of his _History of Egypt_, Professor Petrie maintains the same
+views. The same volume also contains his earlier synopsis of the Tell el
+Amarna tablets.
+
+Professor Maspero's account of the historical bearing of these tablets is
+worked into the second volume of his great _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples
+de l'Orient_, which is entitled _Les Premi�res M�l�es des Peuples_. A
+translation of that work has been issued by the Society for the
+Propagation of Christian Knowledge, but in any parts relating to Biblical
+history the student will do well to consult the original.
+
+The bearings of the tablets on Biblical history, and particularly the
+evidence they have supplied as to the early date at which the art of
+writing was practised in Syria and Palestine, have been favourite themes
+of Professor Sayce. His arguments and conclusions on these points may be
+found in _The Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments_ (S.P.C.K.
+1894); _Patriarchal Palestine_ (S.P.C.K. 1895); _The Egypt of the Hebrews
+and Herodotus_ (Rivington, Percival & Co., 1896), and elsewhere.
+
+Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & CO
+London & Edinburgh
+
+
+
+
+
+
+***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD***
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+</style></head><body class="tei">
+
+
+
+  
+
+  
+
+
+<div lang="en" class="tei tei-text" style="margin-bottom: 2.00em; margin-top: 2.00em" xml:lang="en">
+  <div class="tei tei-front" style="margin-bottom: 6.00em; margin-top: 2.00em">
+    <div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+      <div id="pgheader" class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 2.00em">The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Tell El Amarna Period by Carl Niebuhr</p></div><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost
+          and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it,
+          give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project
+          Gutenberg License <a href="#pglicense" class="tei tei-ref">included with this
+          eBook</a> or online at <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/license" class="tei tei-xref">http://www.gutenberg.org/license</a></p></div><pre class="pre tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">Title: The Tell El Amarna Period
+
+Author: Carl Niebuhr
+
+Release Date: July 29, 2008 [Ebook #26145]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD***
+</pre></div>
+    </div>
+    <div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+      
+    </div>
+
+    <hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.44em"><span style="font-size: 144%">The Ancient East</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.44em"><span style="font-size: 144%">No. II.</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style="font-size: 120%">The Relations of Egypt and Western</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style="font-size: 120%">Asia in the Fifteenth Century B.C.</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style="font-size: 120%">According to</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style="font-size: 120%">The Tell El Amarna Tablets</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style="font-size: 120%">by</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.44em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Carl Niebuhr</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style="font-size: 120%">Translated by J. Hutchinson</span></p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">London: David Nutt</p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">57-59 Long Acre</p>
+      <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">1903</p>
+    </div>
+    <hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+      <h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Contents</span></h1>
+      <ul class="tei tei-index tei-index-toc"><li><a href="#toc1">The Ancient East</a></li><li><a href="#toc3">I. The Tablets, and How they were Found.</a></li><li><a href="#toc5">II. The Egyptian Court and Administration.</a></li><li><a href="#toc7">III. Letters from Asiatic Kings.</a></li><li><a href="#toc9">IV. Letters from Asiatic Vassals.</a></li><li><a href="#toc11">V. Political Conditions in the Tell el Amarna Period.</a></li><li><a href="#toc13">Bibliographical Appendix</a></li></ul>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+<div class="tei tei-body" style="margin-bottom: 6.00em; margin-top: 6.00em">
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page005">[pg 005]</span><a name="Pg005" id="Pg005" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc1" id="toc1"></a>
+<a name="pdf2" id="pdf2"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">The Ancient East</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Under this title is being issued a series of short, popular,
+but thoroughly scientific studies, by the leading scholars of
+Germany, setting forth the recent discoveries and investigations
+in Babylonian, Assyrian and Egyptian History,
+Religion, and Archæology, especially as they bear upon the
+traditional views of early Eastern History. The German
+originals have been appearing during the last eighteen
+months. The English translations made by Miss Jane
+Hutchison have been submitted in each case to the Authors,
+and embody their latest views. Short, helpful bibliographies
+are added. Each study consists of some 64 to 80 pages,
+crown 8vo, and costs <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-weight: 700">1s.</span></span> sewed, or <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-weight: 700">1s. 6d.</span></span>
+cloth.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The following are issued:
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+THE REALMS OF THE EGYPTIAN DEAD.<br />
+By Professor <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Alfred Wiedemann</span></span>.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD. By Dr. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">C. Niebuhr</span></span>.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+THE BABYLONIAN AND THE HEBREW GENESIS.<br />
+By Professor <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">H. Zimmern</span></span>.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+THE BABYLONIAN CONCEPTION OF HEAVEN AND HELL.<br />
+By Dr. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Alfred Jeremias</span></span>.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+POPULAR LITERATURE IN ANCIENT EGYPT.<br />
+By Professor <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Alfred Wiedemann</span></span>.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page009">[pg 009]</span><a name="Pg009" id="Pg009" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc3" id="toc3"></a>
+<a name="pdf4" id="pdf4"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">I. The Tablets, and How they were Found.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+As early as 1820 it was known in Europe that in
+Middle Egypt, on the east bank of the Nile, in
+the district between Minieh and Siut, there lay the
+remains of a great city of Ancient Egypt. The
+Prussian exploration expedition of 1842-45 gave
+special attention to this site, where indeed were
+found, about sixty miles south of Minieh, extensive
+ruins, beginning at the village of Haggi
+Kandil and covering the floor of a rock-bound
+valley named after the fellahin village, El Amarna.
+At that time the ground-plan of the city was still
+easy to distinguish; the regular lines of the streets
+could be traced, and enough could be seen of the
+great design of the principal temple to excite the
+admiration of the discoverers. This example of the
+laying out of an ancient Egyptian town still remains
+almost unique, for of old, as now, private buildings
+were constructed of flimsy material. That the
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page010">[pg 010]</span><a name="Pg010" id="Pg010" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+Tell el Amarna remains have escaped rapid destruction
+is due entirely to the sudden and violent
+downfall of the original splendour of the city and
+the complete desolation which succeeded. The
+importance of the place was revealed on examination
+of the surrounding cliffs. Here were found,
+sculptured and inscribed in a new and peculiar
+style, the rock-cut tombs of the most distinguished
+inhabitants of Akhet-haten, the royal city built
+for himself about 1380 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">B.C.</span></span> by Amenophis IV.,
+and destroyed soon after his early death.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In the beginning of 1888 some fellahìn digging
+for marl not far from the ruins came upon a
+number of crumbling wooden chests, filled with
+clay tablets closely covered on both sides with
+writing. The dusky fellows must have been not
+a little delighted at finding themselves owners of
+hundreds of these marketable antiquities, for which
+a European purchaser would doubtless give plenty
+of good gold coins. To multiply their gains they
+broke up the largest tablets into three or four
+separate pieces, often to the grievous hindrance
+of the future decipherer. But very soon the
+matter was fruited abroad; the Government at
+once intervened, almost all the find was in due
+time secured, and a stop was put to any further
+dispersal of separate tablets and of fragments.
+The political situation in Egypt is pretty accurately
+indicated by the fact that about eighty of
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page011">[pg 011]</span><a name="Pg011" id="Pg011" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+the best preserved of the Tell el Amarna tablets
+at once found their way to the British Museum.
+Some sixty were left in the museum at Boulak,
+and about one hundred and eighty were secured
+for the Berlin Museum, many of them tiny fragments,
+but mostly containing important records.
+Few have remained in private hands.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Some alabaster slabs came to light at Tell el
+Amarna bearing the hieroglyphic names of King
+Amenophis IV. and his father, Amenophis III.
+These had evidently served as lids to the chests.
+Some tablets also were inscribed with notes in
+hieratic, written in red ink. But in spite of these
+exceptions, it was at once recognised that all the
+documents were written in Babylonian cuneiform.
+The reading of the introductory lines on various
+tablets served to show that the find consisted of
+part of the Egyptian state archives in the times
+of the two kings Amenophis III. and IV. Thus
+the first of the many startling discoveries that
+were to follow in such rapid succession was made
+in the recognition that about 1400 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">B.C.</span></span> the Semitic
+speech of Babylon served as the language of
+diplomacy in the East.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Apart from a few tablets dealing with mythological
+subjects and written in Babylonian, and
+two which contain inventories, all the tablets were
+letters. Most of them were from Egyptian officials
+in Syria and Canaan, and usually they were
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page012">[pg 012]</span><a name="Pg012" id="Pg012" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+addressed to the king. Among them were found
+many long letters from Asiatic kings to the
+Egyptian monarch, and also a few communications
+from the Foreign Office of <span class="tei tei-q">“Pharaoh”</span> himself.
+We must note, however, that this title of Egyptian
+kings, so commonly used in the Old Testament,
+is apparently never once employed in the
+Tell el Amarna documents. It is interesting to
+observe how difficulties of the script and of a
+language not entirely familiar to most of the
+scribes were overcome. Even the learned scribes
+of the royal <span class="tei tei-q">“House of the Sun”</span> in Egypt had
+obviously their own troubles in the matter, and
+made use of the Babylonian mythological texts
+already mentioned as a means of improving their
+fluency. Of this we have evidence in the thin
+red lines by which, on these tablets alone, the
+words have been separated from each other. The
+governors and officials must not be classified as
+educated or uneducated on the evidence of their
+letters; all alike employed professional scribes,
+of whom one might be skilful and the next a
+bungler whose communications must be guessed
+at rather than read. Occasionally a Babylonian
+word is followed by the corresponding Canaanite
+word, also in cuneiform, but marked as a translation.
+Like the Egyptian kings, so the Asiatic
+sovereigns had each his staff of scribes. One of
+the petty chiefs, Tarkhundarash of Arsapi, was
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page013">[pg 013]</span><a name="Pg013" id="Pg013" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+evidently so unhappy as to have none in his Court
+who could read or write a letter in Babylonian,
+for letters to him were written in his own tongue.
+The scribe of the Hittite king produced only a
+species of dog Latin, while the scribe of the
+king of Alashia trots out his whole vocabulary
+unhampered by grammar. On the other hand,
+the letters of the king of Mitani are drawn up in
+the characters known as Assyrian; and it is probable
+that the Assyrian system of cuneiform may
+have originated in Mitani. If so, for the Mitani
+scribe there could be no question of any special
+difficulty in using the acknowledged language of
+diplomacy in the Ancient East.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+It is evident that the Babylonian royal scribes
+at length showed some consideration for their
+unfortunate Egyptian correspondents by writing
+as a rule in phonograms which could be easily
+spelt out, since strange ideograms might have
+brought the reader to a standstill. The sources
+of the letters may be distinguished also by the
+colour and consistency of the material of the
+tablets, which are of all shades of clay, from pale
+yellow to red or dark brown. Side by side, too,
+with hard and legible pieces, lie broken and
+crumbling fragments which have suffered sadly
+during the few years that have elapsed since they
+were again exposed to the air.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page014">[pg 014]</span><a name="Pg014" id="Pg014" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc5" id="toc5"></a>
+<a name="pdf6" id="pdf6"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">II. The Egyptian Court and Administration.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The two Pharaohs of the Tell el Amarna Period
+belong to the XVIIIth Dynasty, which about
+1560 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">B.C.</span></span> had freed the land from the yoke of certain
+Asiatic invaders known as the Shasu. The new
+dynasty soon began to encroach upon Asia. King
+Thutmosis III. (1503 to 1449 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">B.C.</span></span>) after many
+chequered campaigns conquered Syria as far as
+the Gulf of Iskanderun. On the African side he
+extended the bounds of his kingdom to the confluence
+of the Nile and the Atbara, so that the
+greater part of Nubia owned his sway. The
+terror of his name did not die with him, but for
+long did good service to his successors, the
+first of whom, Amenophis II., seems moreover
+himself to have maintained energetically the fame
+of Egyptian arms. To this influence our clay tablets
+bear witness by twice making emphatic reference
+to the days of the powerful <span class="tei tei-q">“Manakhbiria”</span>—the
+prenomen of King Thutmosis III. With the accession
+of Amenophis III. the warlike spirit ceased to
+prevail at the Court of Thebes. Nothing more was
+to be gained by Egypt in Western Asia, and the
+tastes of the new king lay in other directions than
+war. The two celebrated Colossi of Memnon
+(statues of himself), many great buildings, the important
+part played by his favourite wife Teye, the
+well-filled harem,  the cultivation of <span class="tei tei-q">“wisdom”</span>
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page015">[pg 015]</span><a name="Pg015" id="Pg015" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+(which practically, no doubt, was tantamount to
+what we should call <span class="tei tei-q">“preciosity”</span>); last, but not
+least, the solemn adoration of his own divine image—all
+these facts combine to indicate the altered
+condition of things which came about under Amenophis
+III. He reigned thirty-six years, long
+enough to allow the movement introduced by
+him to run its course. His son, Amenophis IV.,
+was, however, just as little inclined as his father
+to walk in the steps of his warlike ancestors.
+Hampered apparently by bodily defects, this Son
+of the Sun tried his strength in a field often
+far more dangerous than the battlefield. He
+began a reform of the Egyptian religion, apparently
+in the direction of a kind of monotheism
+in which the chief worship was reserved for the
+disk of the sun, the symbol under which the
+god Ra was adored at Heliopolis in the Delta.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Nothing being known of the life of this king
+as heir-apparent, probably we shall never understand
+what led him to take this new departure.
+From his conduct during the early years of his
+reign it may be concluded that he intended to
+proceed gradually, but was roused to more aggressive
+measures by the resistance of the powerful
+priests of Amon in Thebes. These men acted,
+of course, for their own interests in promptly
+resisting even mild attempts at reform. Perhaps
+also the king's aim had been from the outset to
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page016">[pg 016]</span><a name="Pg016" id="Pg016" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+weaken the influence of the Theban hierarchy
+by new doctrines and to strengthen the royal
+power by steady secularisation. Open strife between
+the adherents of Amon and those of the
+Sun's Disk, the <span class="tei tei-q">“Aten,”</span> broke out in the second
+or third year of Amenophis IV., that is, about
+1380 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">B.C.</span></span> The immediate removal of the Court
+from Thebes to Tell el Amarna points to a
+failure of the royal efforts, for the command to
+build the new city had not long been issued, and
+the place was still altogether unfinished. The
+official world promptly broke with the old religion.
+The king altered his throne-name, <span class="tei tei-q">“Amen-hetep,”</span>
+to <span class="tei tei-q">“Akhen-Aten,”</span> <span class="tei tei-q">“The glory of the Sun's Disk”</span>;
+his young daughters received names compounded
+with <span class="tei tei-q">“Aten,”</span> whilst the courtiers found it advisable
+to strike out <span class="tei tei-q">“Amen,”</span> if this chanced to form
+part of their own names, and to substitute for it
+<span class="tei tei-q">“Ra,”</span> as having more or less the same significance
+as <span class="tei tei-q">“Aten.”</span> <span class="tei tei-q">“The doctrine,”</span> as the new dogmas
+were called in inscriptions at Tell el Amarna,
+was regarded as so entirely a matter of home
+politics in Egypt, that the officials of Syria and
+Palestine—all foreigners—do not seem to have
+received any formal information regarding it.
+Most of them continue to refer to Amon in
+perfect innocence, and only a few who were
+better informed began rather later to take the
+change into account. Thus Yitia of Ashkelon,
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page017">[pg 017]</span><a name="Pg017" id="Pg017" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+Pu-Adda of Wurza, and a certain Addudaian
+correct the name of the Egyptian commissioner
+<span class="tei tei-q">“Amanappa”</span> into <span class="tei tei-q">“Rianappa.”</span> Abimilki of Tyre
+apparently even tried to give himself out as one
+initiated into <span class="tei tei-q">“the doctrine,”</span> and to represent his
+city as a servant of Aten. If this were the case
+he must have received a severe rebuff, for after
+his one attempt he falls back into the old style.
+Neither the royal nor the national pride of Egypt
+would suffer any such familiarities.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The new capital received the significant name
+of <span class="tei tei-q">“Akhet-Aten”</span> (<span class="tei tei-q">“Horizon of the Sun”</span>) and
+was solemnly consecrated long before it was half
+finished. The widow of Amenophis III., the
+queen-mother Teye, came occasionally to visit
+the new capital, and was received with all honour;
+evidently she had paid timely respect to her son's
+opinions. How far the Aten dogma represented
+real progress in religious thought can be gathered
+only from the contents of a few hymns remaining
+on the walls of some of the tombs. In these the
+expression of devout feeling seems to have become
+richer and more spontaneous, and the monotheistic
+tendency is evident. This characteristic, however,
+may often be observed by a sympathetic
+reader in the hymns to Amon, and even to less
+important deities: the deity adopted as a special
+object of worship by any individual is always
+favourably represented by him. The Aten dogma,
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page018">[pg 018]</span><a name="Pg018" id="Pg018" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+being based on natural phenomena and not on
+mythology, was, of course, heretical.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Those of his officials who had accepted <span class="tei tei-q">“the
+doctrine”</span> were regarded by Akhenaten as deserving
+men, and on this ground alone, Ai, called
+Haya in the Amarna letters, received golden
+honours to the full. This Haya, who was entitled
+<span class="tei tei-q">“beloved royal scribe,”</span> was probably a
+secretary of state, and was once sent as a special
+ambassador to Babylonia. Dudu occupied another
+important post; Amanappa, who has already been
+mentioned, seems from a letter written by him to
+Rib-Addi of Gebal, to have been a commander-in-chief.
+Hani, Salma, Paura, Pahamnata, Hatib
+Maya, Shuta, Hamashni, and Zitana all appear
+as the bearers of royal commissions in Syrian
+territory. An official named Shakhshi receives
+instruction as to the conducting of a royal
+caravan. But to the Asiatic vassals the most
+important office of all was the governorship of
+Lower Egypt, the country called <span class="tei tei-q">“Yarimuta,”</span> an
+office filled at this time by Yanhamu. The letters
+afford abundant evidence that any vassal who had
+incurred Yanhamu's enmity must walk warily.
+The minister of the king of Alashia, though his
+equal in rank, sent gifts to this dangerous man,
+who had harassed merchants of Alashia by demanding
+from them illegal dues. Rib-Addi of
+Gebal lost land and throne, in spite of the countenance
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page019">[pg 019]</span><a name="Pg019" id="Pg019" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+of Amanappa, because such was Yanhamu's
+pleasure; and of Milki-El of Gath he made a
+severe example, to which we shall refer later.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+On the whole, the Asiatic provinces enjoyed
+self-government under the supremacy of Egypt,
+and the disadvantages of this condition of things
+are revealed in numerous letters. These end
+almost invariably with a request to the king to
+come in person to the aid of his distressed
+vassals, or at least to send troops. Sometimes
+this was done, but usually such expeditions seem
+to have been undertaken with inadequate forces
+and seldom resulted in permanent peace. The
+native princes, chiefs, and village headmen were
+perpetually struggling with each other. They
+made alliances among themselves, or they entered
+into secret treaties with neighbouring states and
+afterwards brazenly denied them. This wretched
+state of affairs may be traced to two principal
+causes—the tribute question and the immigration
+of Bedawìn tribes.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The king was not to be trifled with when tribute
+was overdue. The most valid excuses—loss
+of territory, war, failure of the harvest—were
+received with a suspicion doubtless justified in
+general but which must have caused much hardship
+in individual cases. The ordinary tribute
+was fixed, as well as the regular subsidy for
+royal troops and the force which had to be raised
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page020">[pg 020]</span><a name="Pg020" id="Pg020" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+in emergencies. But the gifts—such as female
+slaves—which must needs be sent not only to the
+courtiers but even to the king himself, added
+enormously to the burden, so much so that to
+the poorer chiefs a summons from Egypt to
+appear in person meant little less than ruin.
+Resistance to it was so surely to be counted on
+that such a summons was often kept in the
+background more as a threat than anything else.
+Now and then petty chiefs in Palestine and Syria
+withheld their bushels of corn, their three oxen
+or their twenty sheep; or perhaps they were
+so sparing of bakshìsh that the tribute itself was
+swallowed up and vanished entirely from the
+accounts. It was scarcely possible to take costly
+measures to punish such delinquents, so the
+business was turned over to some kind neighbour
+of the recalcitrant chief, and a little war was
+soon fairly ablaze. But when direct commands
+of royal ambassadors were treated as of doubtful
+authenticity, it was hardly likely that the
+authority placed in the hands of an equal would
+meet with much respect. Both leaders received
+reinforcements; a third intervened at a moment
+favourable to himself; many and often very
+remote quarrels broke out, and when at length
+the royal commissioners hurried upon the scene
+it was hard for them to say whether or not
+the original sentence had been executed. Certainly
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page021">[pg 021]</span><a name="Pg021" id="Pg021" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+most of the property of the original
+offenders had been largely lost or destroyed,
+but the plunder had crumbled away in passing
+through countless hands, and the royal official
+might seek it from Dan to Beersheba, or farther,
+but in vain. Out of the first difficulty a dozen
+others had arisen, till the suzerain seized upon
+his dues by force, yet without leaving peace
+behind him. The tablets are full of references
+to these complicated struggles, which it is not
+always possible to follow in detail.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Additional confusion was caused by the immigration
+of Bedawìn tribes. In the north the
+nomadic Sutu, in the south the Habiri pressed
+forward and encroached upon Egyptian territory.
+It is evident that this further pressure was
+calculated to bring matters to a crisis, for, like
+the tribute, it affected pre-eminently the vassal
+chiefs and tribes. We find the Habiri especially
+in the very act of ruining some of these petty
+princes, others of whom preferred to make
+treaties with their unwelcome guests, though this
+indeed was apparently in secret only. But the
+Sutu reached the domains of more powerful
+vassals, and by two of these, Aziru and Namjauza,
+were openly taken into pay. Obviously such
+alliances with land-seeking plunderers could only
+prolong and embitter the strife. In Palestine, no
+doubt, peace as regards Egypt would soon have
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page022">[pg 022]</span><a name="Pg022" id="Pg022" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+been restored had not the Habiri proceeded to
+seize certain strongholds, which they used as
+centres for further expeditions, thus involving the
+settled inhabitants in wider quarrels. What with
+the help of the Bedawîn, and the universal unrest
+any ambitious vassal of Egypt must at length
+have seen a tempting prospect of establishing an
+independent kingdom, if only he could deceive
+the Egyptian Government long enough as to his
+intentions, and delay or thwart any measures that
+might be taken against him.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Certainly the government of Pharaoh did not
+lack for watchfulness and was well, if not too well,
+served in the matter of information. But in the
+face of perpetual complaints and counter-complaints,
+entreaties for help and what were for
+the most part incredible assurances of everlasting
+fidelity, there was no course for the king and his
+councillors to take but either to order a military
+expedition on a large scale, or to turn a sceptical
+ear to all alike and confine their attention simply
+to the tribute. Pride and weakness combined led
+them to take the dangerous middle course and
+send inadequate bodies of men singly into the
+disturbed districts. A certain amount of success
+attended the policy; the king's Nubian <span class="tei tei-q">“Pidati”</span>
+were dreaded from of old, and his mercenaries, the
+Shirtani, were looked upon as invincible. When
+it was a mere question of hundreds in the field
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page023">[pg 023]</span><a name="Pg023" id="Pg023" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+against hundreds, the appearance of a company,
+or of a few troops, restored peace for a time, but
+serious and aggravated hostilities between masses
+of rebels could not always be checked by such
+small numbers, and it was a severe blow to the
+prestige of the Shirtani when they were defeated
+at Gebal by the Sutu.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The knowledge that Egypt was far away, and
+that the Son of the Sun was highly exalted, led
+the chiefs and officials in Syria and Canaan to
+deeds of open defiance of their suzerain. Ambassadors
+from foreign states were robbed in
+passing on their journey to Egypt, caravans were
+plundered, and gifts sent to Pharaoh were intercepted.
+All this notwithstanding, still the stream
+of rhetorical devotion flowed on in the letters.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc7" id="toc7"></a>
+<a name="pdf8" id="pdf8"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">III. Letters from Asiatic Kings.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Akhenaten had taken with him to the new
+capital part of the archives of his father. With
+few exceptions, it is not from the letters of vassals
+that we learn this, for these, as a rule, are
+addressed simply <span class="tei tei-q">“To the King.”</span> The foreign
+sovereigns, however, almost always addressed the
+Pharaoh by his prenomen. Thus neither <span class="tei tei-q">“Amenhetep”</span>
+nor <span class="tei tei-q">“Akhenaten”</span> appears in the Tell el
+Amarna letters, but always <span class="tei tei-q">“Nimmuria”</span> (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, Neb-maat-Ra)
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page024">[pg 024]</span><a name="Pg024" id="Pg024" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+for Amenophis III. and <span class="tei tei-q">“Napkhuria”</span>
+(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, Nefer-khepru-Ra) for Akhenaten. Dating
+there was none in correspondence of that time
+and hence these addresses are of great chronological
+importance.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Four communications to <span class="tei tei-q">“Nimmuria”</span> from the
+Babylonian ruler Kadashman-Bel (at first incorrectly
+read Kallima-Sin) are among the most
+important in this respect. The writer calls his
+land Karduniash, a name for Babylonia used by
+the Assyrians after the native employment of it
+had long ceased. Kadashman-Bel himself belonged
+to the house of the Kassite chiefs, who,
+about two hundred and fifty years previously, had
+invaded and conquered Babylonia, but who afterwards
+fully adopted Babylonian manners and
+customs. It is at once apparent that Nimmuria
+and Kadashman-Bel approach each other as equals.
+The Egyptian, however, was supposed to possess
+one very precious thing in superfluity, namely,
+gold; for at that time the gold mines of Nubia
+were in good working. The Babylonian letters,
+therefore, seldom failed to contain a hint that the
+king desired some of the precious metal, sometimes
+as a return gift for rich presents he had
+given the Egyptian, sometimes as temple-offerings,
+or as a dowry. Matrimonial alliances were the
+principal means by which a ruler kept on good
+terms with neighbouring princes, and Oriental
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page025">[pg 025]</span><a name="Pg025" id="Pg025" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+polygamy allowed a great deal to be done in that
+line. It is noticeable that the claim made by the
+Egyptian king to divine honours soon began to
+cause little difficulties in diplomatic intercourse.
+Not that <span class="tei tei-q">“the Son of the Sun”</span> claimed adoration
+from his royal compeers: that was expected from
+his subjects only. But he showed the greatest
+reluctance to give away a daughter to any foreign
+king. Moreover, the fact must not be overlooked
+that it was precisely in the XVIIIth Dynasty that
+brothers and sisters of the royal house so frequently
+intermarried, a custom afterwards affected
+by the Ptolemies and implying simply that the
+royal race of the Pharaohs being emphatically
+divine was therefore essentially exalted above
+the world in general. According to this flattering
+fiction there could be no equal union for a king of
+Egypt except with his own sister. No such
+marriage seems to have been made by Nimmuria,
+but, as if in amends for that, he worshipped, as
+above stated, his own divine image. We need
+not wonder, then, that he regarded his children
+as divine manifestations and hesitated to bestow
+them in marriage.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Kadashman-Bel seems to have thoroughly
+appreciated this little weakness, and no doubt
+the mortal gods on the Nile were a subject for
+mockery at the Courts of Western Asia, even in
+those days. Thus, a remark of Nimmuria's to
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page026">[pg 026]</span><a name="Pg026" id="Pg026" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+the effect that no princess had ever been given
+away from Egypt is answered with delightful
+dryness:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Why so? A king art thou, and canst do according
+to thy will. If thou give her, who shall say
+anything against it? I wrote before, </span><span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">‘</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Send, at least,
+a beautiful woman.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">’</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> Who is there to say that she is
+not a king's daughter? If thou wilt not do this,
+thou hast no regard for our brotherhood and friendship.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Kadashman-Bel threatened that he in his turn
+would hesitate to give his daughter in marriage,
+and would make similar evasive excuses. At
+last, however, the negotiations came to the desired
+conclusion, and for a time gifts flowed more freely
+on both sides.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Valuable, though in many respects puzzling, is
+a large tablet containing a letter of Nimmuria to
+Kadashman-Bel. Possibly it may have been kept
+as a copy, and in that case it must belong to the
+early part of the correspondence. More probably
+however, the letter is an original which came back
+<span class="tei tei-q">“undelivered”</span> to Egypt, the addressee having
+died in the meantime. Kadashman-Bel had complained
+that his sister, who had been given by his
+father in marriage to the Egyptian, had subsequently
+never once been seen by any Babylonian
+ambassadors. Certainly a woman in royal garb
+had been pointed out, but not one of them had
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page027">[pg 027]</span><a name="Pg027" id="Pg027" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+recognised her as their own princess. <span class="tei tei-q">“Who
+knows that it was not some beggar's daughter,
+a Gagaian, or a maiden of Hanirabbat or
+Ugarit whom my messengers saw?”</span> Then
+Nimmuria took up the tale, and complained that
+Kadashman-Bel sent only ambassadors who had
+never frequented his father's Court, and were moreover
+of adverse bias. <span class="tei tei-q">“Send a <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">kamiru</span></span>”</span> (evidently
+a eunuch is meant) <span class="tei tei-q">“who knows thy sister.”</span>
+Further misunderstandings come under discussion,
+from which it is evident that the general situation
+between the two princes was very much strained.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+King Tushratta of Mitani was a phenomenon
+in his way. In Egyptian inscriptions his kingdom
+is called Naharina—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-q">“Mesopotamia.”</span> One of
+his tablets bears the following official memorandum,
+written in red ink and in hieratic:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">[Received] in the two-[and-thirtieth year of the
+reign of Nimmuria], in the first winter month, on the
+tenth day, the Court being at the southern residence
+(Thebes), in the Residence Ka-em-Ekhut. Duplicate
+of the Naharina letter brought by the messenger
+Pirizzi and (another).</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Tushratta's dominion was wide, extending from
+south-eastern Cappadocia to beyond the later
+Assyrian capital, Nineveh. But the kingdom of
+Mitani, occasionally called after the northern
+fatherland of its people, Hanirabbat, was nearing
+its fall.   In the south it had a dangerous enemy
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page028">[pg 028]</span><a name="Pg028" id="Pg028" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+in Babylonia; in the north and west the Hittites
+were hostile and all the more to be dreaded
+since Mitani-Hanirabbat was inhabited by a
+people related to the Hittite stock. The kings
+of Mitani soon realised that their existence was
+best secured by a steady alliance with Egypt.
+To this end Artatama and Shutarna, the two predecessors
+of Tushratta, had sent their daughters
+to the harem of the Pharaohs. The so-called
+<span class="tei tei-q">“marriage scarab”</span> of Nimmuria bears witness
+to this, and reference to the bond is often made
+by Tushratta. Before he could ascend the throne
+he had various difficulties to contend against, of
+which a faithful account is sent to Egypt:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">When I ascended my father's throne I was still
+young, for Pirhi did evil to my land and had slain its
+lord. Therefore he did evil to me also and to all my
+friends. But I quailed not before the crimes that were
+committed in my land, but slew the murderers of
+Artashumara my brother, with all their adherents.
+Know also, oh, my royal brother! that the whole
+army of the Hittites marched against my land. But
+the God Teshup, the lord, delivered them into my
+hand and I destroyed them. Not one man from
+their midst returned to his own land. And now I
+have sent to thee a chariot and two horses, a youth
+and a maiden, the booty of the land of the Hittites.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+This letter betrays itself as one of the earliest
+written for Tushratta by the fact that it makes no
+request for gold. All his later letters are filled
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page029">[pg 029]</span><a name="Pg029" id="Pg029" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+with greedy entreaties, completely giving the lie
+to the immediate pretext under which they were
+professedly written. One of them, more than a
+yard long and proportionately broad, still keeps
+its charms to itself, since for some unknown
+reason, though written in cuneiform character
+like the rest, the language is that of Hanirabbat
+and this we are still unable to read. Nimmuria
+indeed, seems to have had a weakness for this
+worthy brother-in-law and his ingenuous manner
+of approaching him, and spared neither presents
+nor promises; at his death, however, some of the
+latter remained unfulfilled. Evidently neighbouring
+kings heard at length of Tushratta's financial
+success and were naturally envious. An extract
+will give the reader a more definite notion of this
+royal correspondence with its stylisms and turns of
+thought. The following is taken from Letter VIII.
+in the British Museum edition. The long-winded
+introduction was already a fixed convention, and
+occurs in all the letters from whatever country,
+but the declaration of affection is peculiar to
+Tushratta:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">To Nimmuria, the great king, the king of Egypt,
+my brother, my brother-in-law; who loves me and
+whom I love: Tushratta, the great king, thy (future)
+father-in-law, king of Mitani; who loves thee and is
+thy brother. It is well with me; may it be well
+with thee, with thy house, with my sister and thy
+</span><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page030">[pg 030]</span><a name="Pg030" id="Pg030" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">
+other wives, with thy sons, thy chariots, thy horses,
+thy nobles, thy land, and all that is thine, may it be
+well with them indeed! Whereas thy fathers in their
+time kept fast friendship with my fathers, thou hast
+increased the friendship. Now, therefore, that thou
+and I are friends thou hast made it ten times closer
+than with my father. May the gods cause our friendship
+to prosper! May Teshup, the lord, and Amon
+ordain it eternally as it now is! I write this to my
+brother that he may show me even more love than he
+showed my father. Now I ask gold from my brother,
+and it behoves me to ask this gold for two causes:
+in the first place for war equipment (to be provided
+later), and secondly, for the dowry (likewise to be
+provided). So, then, let my brother send me much
+gold, without measure, more than to my father. For
+in my brother's land gold is as the dust of the earth.
+May the gods grant that in the land of my brother,
+where already so much gold is, there may be ten
+times more in times to come! Certainly the gold
+that I require will not trouble my brother's heart, but
+let him also not grieve my heart. Therefore let my
+brother send gold without measure, in great quantity.
+And I also will grant all the gifts that my brother
+asks. For this land is my brother's land, and this
+my house is his house.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+All Tushratta's letters are written in this tone
+with the exception of the last. Nimmuria felt his
+end approaching, and entreated the aid of <span class="tei tei-q">“Our
+Lady of Nineveh.”</span> Such an expedient was not
+foreign to Egyptian thought. A late inscription
+professes to tell how a certain divine image was
+sent from Thebes to a distant land for the healing
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page031">[pg 031]</span><a name="Pg031" id="Pg031" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+of a foreign princess. From Tushratta's answer
+also it appears that the statue of the goddess
+Ishtar had once before been taken from Nineveh
+to Thebes.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+This letter begins solemnly:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">The words of Ishtar of Nineveh, mistress of all
+lands. </span><span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">‘</span><span style="font-size: 90%">To Egypt, to the land that I love will I go,
+and there will I sojourn.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">’</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> Now I send her and she
+goes. Let my brother worship her and then let her
+go in gladness that she may return. May Ishtar
+protect my brother and me for a hundred thousand
+years. May she grant unto us both great gladness;
+may we know nothing but happiness.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+All this notwithstanding, Nimmuria must die, and
+later Tushratta describes his own grief on the
+occasion:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">And on that day I wept, I sat in sorrow. Food
+and drink I touched not on that day; grieved was my
+heart. I said, </span><span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">‘</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Oh, that it had been I who died !</span><span style="font-size: 90%">’</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> ”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+When he wrote thus the feelings expressed were
+probably genuine, for times had changed sadly for
+him and men of his type.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+We have now come to the accession of the
+reforming king Napkhuria—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, Akhenaten.
+This zealot succeeded in bringing into the foreign
+relations of Egypt some of the unrest caused by
+his measures in home politics. To begin with,
+he sought for new political alliances and sacrificed
+those already existing, not by breaking off
+the connections, but by turning a deaf ear to
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page032">[pg 032]</span><a name="Pg032" id="Pg032" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+requests, or by adopting an insolent tone in his
+answers. On one occasion he showered on the
+old beggar Tushratta derision which was no
+doubt well deserved, but which it was most impolitic
+to express so plainly. He gives one the
+impression of an inexperienced prince, brought
+up in Oriental seclusion, who persists at all
+hazards in playing the part of a shrewd and
+worldly-wise ruler. He strained after novelty at
+the expense of his own security, and attempted
+to demonstrate the strength of the supports of his
+throne by sawing them through.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+About the time of Nimmuria's death Kadashman-Bel
+of Babylonia also died, and Burnaburiash,
+probably his brother or cousin, was prepared on
+his accession to maintain the traditional friendship
+with Egypt. But at the very beginning
+Napkhuria was guilty of a breach of etiquette in
+neglecting to send any expression of sympathy
+during a long illness of Burnaburiash. In spite
+of many fine words, the usual matrimonial negotiations
+did not run smoothly; moreover, attacks
+were made on travelling messengers, and at length
+Napkhuria's avarice forced the Babylonian to
+measures of retaliation, and he writes:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Since ambassadors from thy fathers came to my
+fathers, they also have lived on friendly terms. We
+should continue in the same. Messengers have now
+come from thee thrice, but thou hast sent with them
+</span><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page033">[pg 033]</span><a name="Pg033" id="Pg033" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">
+no gift worthy the name. I also shall desist in the
+same way. If nothing is denied me I shall deny thee
+nothing.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Meanwhile, the dear brother in Egypt was continually
+finding opportunities to annoy the Babylonian.
+Assyria was then a small state on the
+middle Tigris, in exactly the same relation to the
+suzerainty of Babylonia as Canaan was to that of
+Egypt. Disregarding this fact, Napkhuria sent a
+very large quantity of gold to the prince Assurnadinakhi
+and ostentatiously received an Assyrian
+embassy. Burnaburiash, in remonstrating, referred
+to the loyal conduct of his father, Kurigalzu,
+who had answered the Canaanites with threats
+when, in an attempted rising against Nimmuria,
+they offered to do homage to Kurigalzu.
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Now there are the Assyrians, my vassals. Have
+not I already written to thee in regard to them? If
+thou lovest me they will gain nothing from thee. Let
+them depart unsuccessful.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+This exhortation seems to have been vain, for a
+letter of the next Assyrian king, Assuruballit,
+speaks of a regular exchange of messengers, and
+indicates that the Sutu of the desert—doubtless
+at the instigation of the Babylonians—were about
+to kill every Egyptian who showed himself in
+their territory.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+A prince of Alashia, who never mentions either
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page034">[pg 034]</span><a name="Pg034" id="Pg034" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+his own name or that of the Egyptian king, wrote
+short letters, for the most part of a business
+character. Alashia probably lay on the Cilician
+coast. Gold did not tempt him; he asked modestly
+for silver in return for copper, for oil,
+textiles and manufactured articles in return for
+wood for building. Thus the tablets from Alashia
+are rich in information regarding commercial
+matters and questions of public rights. They are
+of special interest for us, owing to the fact that
+one of them contains the first historic mention of
+the plague.
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Behold! my brother, I have sent thee five hundred
+talents of copper as a gift. Let it not grieve
+my brother's heart that it is too little. For in my
+land the hand of Nergal (the god of pestilence) has
+slain all the workers, and copper cannot be produced.
+And, my brother, take it not to heart that thy messenger
+stayed three years in my land. For the hand
+of Nergal is in it, and in my house my young wife
+died.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Yet this ruler also had to guard himself against
+embassies unworthy of a king sent by Napkhuria.
+Another prince, in a letter unfortunately much
+damaged, made the complaint that Napkhuria had
+once caused his own name to be written first in a
+letter. This was, indeed, unparalleled; the title
+of the recipient stands first even in a severe reprimand
+sent to the Egyptian vassal Aziru. As if
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page035">[pg 035]</span><a name="Pg035" id="Pg035" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+to equalise matters, in royal letters the greetings
+that follow the address begin with a mention of
+the welfare of the writer. <span class="tei tei-q">“It is well with me.
+May it be well with thee,”</span> &amp;c. There is, however,
+one tablet addressed to Napkhuria that committed
+the offence complained of, and it was perhaps for
+this reason that the introductory address was
+scratched through anciently. It is fairly certain
+that this letter, as well as the one complaining of
+Napkhuria's breach of etiquette, came from the
+Hittite king. The tone throughout is very decided,
+and complaints of neglect of proper consideration
+are not wanting.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+A short time before his death Nimmuria had
+married another daughter of Tushratta, Tadukhipa,
+the long inventory of whose dowry was found at
+Tell el Amarna. On receiving the news—for
+which he was already prepared—of the death of
+his hoary-headed son-in-law, Tushratta at once
+sent Pirizzi and Bubri <span class="tei tei-q">“with lamentations”</span> to
+Napkhuria. He managed to suppress his personal
+wishes up to the third message, but prepared the
+way for them by calling Teye, the chief wife of
+Nimmuria, as a witness. <span class="tei tei-q">“And all the matters
+that I negotiated with thy father, Teye, thy mother,
+knoweth them; none other besides knoweth of
+them.”</span> Immediately after this came the request
+that Napkhuria should send him the <span class="tei tei-q">“golden
+images”</span> (statuettes) that Nimmuria had promised
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page036">[pg 036]</span><a name="Pg036" id="Pg036" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+him. And Napkhuria wasted no words, but sent
+by the messenger Hamashi—the wooden models!
+He seems to have thought he was acting as a
+good son and a shrewd man of business in fulfilling
+his father's promises at so cheap a rate.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+But Tushratta was not easily shaken off. His
+next move was to send Teye and her son each a
+letter at the same time. He gave polite greetings
+from his wife Yuni to the widow, whose influence
+was evidently still strong, sent her presents, and
+entreated her intercession. This remarkable
+letter runs as follows:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">To Teye, Queen of Egypt, Tushratta, King of
+Mitani. May it be well with thee, may it be well with
+thy son, may it be well with Tadukhipa, my daughter,
+thy young companion in widowhood. Thou knowest
+that I was in friendship with Nimmuria, thy husband,
+and that Nimmuria was in friendship with me. What
+I wrote to him and negotiated with him, and likewise
+what Nimmuria thy husband wrote to me and negotiated
+with me, thou and Gilia and Mani (Tushratta's
+messengers), ye know it. But thou knowest it better
+than all others. And none other knows it. Now
+thou hast said to Gilia: </span><span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">‘</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Say to thy lord, Nimmuria
+my husband was in friendship with thy father and
+sent him the military standards, which he kept. The
+embassies between them were never interrupted. But
+now, forget not thou thine old friendship with thy
+brother Nimmuria and extend it to his son Napkhuria.
+Send joyful embassies; let them not be omitted.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">’</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">
+Lo, I will not forget the friendship with Nimmuria!
+More, tenfold more, words of friendship will I exchange
+</span><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page037">[pg 037]</span><a name="Pg037" id="Pg037" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">
+with Napkhuria thy son and keep up right
+good friendship. But the promise of Nimmuria, the
+gift that thy husband ordered to be brought to me,
+thou hast not sent. I asked for golden statuettes.
+But now Napkhuria thy son has had them made of
+wood, though gold is as dust in thy land. Why
+does this happen just now? Should not Napkhuria
+deliver that to me which his father gave me? And
+he wishes to increase our friendship tenfold! Wherefore
+then dost thou not bring this matter before thy
+son Napkhuria? Even though thou do it not he
+ought nevertheless to deliver unto me statuettes of
+gold and in no way to slight me. Thus friendship
+will reign between us tenfold. Let thy messengers
+to Yuni my wife depart with Napkhuria's ambassador,
+and Yuni's messenger shall come to thee. Lo, I send
+gifts for thee; boxes filled with good oil (perfume),</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">
+&amp;c. &amp;c.
+</span></div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+To Napkhuria also Tushratta insists on his
+rights in detail. The messengers from Mitani
+were said to have been present at the casting of
+the images, and even to have started on their
+journey home when Nimmuria died. It may thus
+be assumed that Napkhuria at once ordered the
+transport to be brought back. Queen Teye evidently
+showed no desire to be mixed up in so
+unpleasant a business, but Napkhuria demanded
+that the messenger Gilia should be sent to him.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Most probably this often-mentioned Gilia was
+the witness present at the casting and despatching
+of the images. Tushratta gave evasive answers,
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page038">[pg 038]</span><a name="Pg038" id="Pg038" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+and his last letter (more than two hundred lines
+in length) is something in the nature of an ultimatum.
+On both sides fresh complaints are
+brought forward, and the settlement of each one
+of them was made dependent on the settlement
+of the principal question. Napkhuria threatened
+to close his land against all subjects of Mitani,
+and, as no later document has been found, it is
+probable that at this point all intercourse ceased.
+A much mutilated letter from Gebal to Egypt
+announces the departure of the king of Mitani
+with an armed force; but it is doubtful whether
+this can be quoted in the present connection.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The characters of the two irreconcilable
+monarchs, who show each other up so admirably
+for our edification, make any question as to which
+had right on his side seem comparatively trifling.
+Tushratta was evidently much distressed that he
+dared not venture to send his Gilia back again
+and that none of the later letters which he had
+from Nimmuria contained any word of the golden
+images. It is evident also that Napkhuria, supported by
+Teye, had actually recalled embassies
+that his father had already sent out. The old
+king, who had called Ishtar of Nineveh to his
+help, may have been brought by the approach of
+death into a generous state of mind not uncommon
+in such cases. Even now we say, <span class="tei tei-q">“He
+must be near his end,”</span> when a man shows unexpected
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page039">[pg 039]</span><a name="Pg039" id="Pg039" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+and unusual gentleness. It is quite
+possible that Nimmuria had ordered the images
+in question to be made for his worthy friend
+without giving any formal promise to send them,
+and that as soon as Tushratta learned what had
+happened, he promptly interposed with a lie, in
+hope of appealing to Napkhuria's sense of the
+fitness of things. That, however, was expecting
+too much.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc9" id="toc9"></a>
+<a name="pdf10" id="pdf10"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">IV. Letters from Asiatic Vassals.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Four-fifths of the number of letters consist of
+reports and communications from Egyptian governors,
+military commanders, magistrates, and
+other officials in Western Asia. The form of
+address from these subordinates to the Pharaoh
+is naturally very different from <span class="tei tei-q">“Royal Brother,”</span>
+and in hurried announcements it is often contracted.
+Written in full the long formula runs:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">To the king, my lord, my gods, my sun, the sun
+of heaven; Yitia, prefect of Askelon is thy servant,
+the dust at thy feet, the servant of thy horses. At
+the feet of the king my lord seven times and again
+seven times I prostrate myself upon my back and
+upon my breast.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The importance of these letters, however, consists
+in the substance of what they report and in
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page040">[pg 040]</span><a name="Pg040" id="Pg040" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+what they tell us as to the doings of the writers.
+They are the data by reason of which the Tell el
+Amarna archives constitute a unique store of
+historical material for the study of the history of
+civilisation.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Warlike expeditions among the vassal chiefs
+were the order of the day. Most dangerous of
+all the chiefs was Aziru, prefect of the land of the
+Amorites, whose territory included the district
+north of Damascus and part of the valley of the
+Orontes. In the hope of founding an independent
+kingdom, Aziru had swiftly seized on the dominions
+of all the chiefs on his northern boundary,
+and in this action his admirable understanding
+with the Egyptian officials afforded him invaluable
+help. The town of Tunip sent a truly pathetic
+letter to Pharaoh from which we learn that Aziru
+had already taken Nii, was besieging Simyra in
+Phœnicia, and at the same time, by the aid of his
+creatures at Court, had succeeded in preventing
+the king from reinstating a prince of Tunip who
+had been sent into Egypt as a hostage. This
+prince, a certain Yadi Addu, had already been
+released and was on his way home when the allies
+of Aziru caused him to be recalled.
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">If, however, we have to mourn,</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> so the complaint
+proceeds, </span><span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">the king himself will soon have to mourn
+over those things which Aziru has committed against
+us, for next he will turn his hand against his lord.
+</span><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page041">[pg 041]</span><a name="Pg041" id="Pg041" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">
+But Tunip, thy city, weeps; her tears flow; nowhere
+is there help for us.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The most bitter complaints against Aziru and
+his father Abd-Ashera come from Rib-Addi of
+Gebal. His utterances rival the Lamentations of
+Jeremiah both in volume and in monotonous
+pathos. One of these many letters, the contents
+of which are often stereotyped enough, is also
+noticeable for its revelation of the connection of
+Rib-Addi, who must already have been an elderly
+man, with Amanappa:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">To Amanappa, my father; Rib-Addi, thy son!
+At my father's feet I fall. Again and again I asked
+thee, </span><span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">‘</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Canst thou not rescue me from the hand of
+Abd-Ashera? All the Habiri are on his side; the
+princes will hear no remonstrances, but are in alliance
+with him; thereby is he become mighty.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">’</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> But thou
+hast answered me, </span><span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">‘</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Send thy messenger with me to
+Court, and then will I, if nothing be said against it
+(</span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, by the king), send him again and again with
+royal troops to thee till the Pidati march forth to
+secure thy life.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">’</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> Then I answered thee, </span><span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">‘</span><span style="font-size: 90%">I will not
+delay to send the man, but nothing of this must come
+to the ears of Abd-Ashera, for [Yanhamu has] taken
+[silver] from his hand.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">’</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> (As much as to say that if
+Abd-Ashera gives Yanhamu a hint, the messenger
+will never get beyond Lower Egypt.) But thou hast
+said, </span><span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">‘</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Fear not, but send a ship to the Yarimuta,
+and money and garments will come to thee thence.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">’</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">
+Now, behold, the troops which thou hast given me
+have fled, because thou hast neglected me, while I
+have obeyed thee. He hath spoken with the official
+</span><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page042">[pg 042]</span><a name="Pg042" id="Pg042" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">
+(Yanhamu?) nine times [in vain]. Behold, thou art
+delaying with regard to this offence as with the others.
+What then can save me? If I receive no troops I
+shall forsake my city, and flee, doing that which seems
+good to me to preserve my life.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Yanhamu's bias against Rib-Addi is made
+evident in many other letters which the poor
+wretch addressed to the Court:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">If I should make a treaty with Abd-Ashera as
+did Yap-Addi and Zimrida, then I should be safe.
+Furthermore, since Simyra is indeed lost to me, and
+Yanhamu hath received Bit-Arti, he ought to send
+me provision of grain that I may defend the king's
+city for him. Thou, oh king, speak to Yanhamu;
+</span><span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">‘</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Behold, Rib-Addi is in thy hand, and all injury done
+to him falls on thee.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">’</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> ”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+This desire was not complied with, for the
+Phœnician vassal was at length robbed of all
+his cities and possessions, so that even the callous
+Egyptian Government felt obliged at last to send
+a threatening embassy to Aziru, the son of Abd-Ashera,
+and the real author of the difficulties in
+Gebal. At the same time the surrender was
+demanded of certain <span class="tei tei-q">“enemies of the king,”</span> who
+were in all probability principal adherents of
+Aziru. When the messenger Hani arrived with
+this note, Aziru, evidently warned in good time,
+had promptly vanished over the hills, and none of
+the royal commands could be carried out. He
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page043">[pg 043]</span><a name="Pg043" id="Pg043" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+pretends to have settled down in Tunip, which he
+must previously have seized, but at once returned
+home on hearing of Hani's arrival. Unfortunately
+it was too late. The cunning Amorite brought
+forward one excuse after another. <span class="tei tei-q">“Even if thy
+actions be just, yet if thou dissemble in thy letters
+at thy pleasure, the king must at length come to
+think that thou liest in every case,”</span> is a passage
+in the letter brought by Hani. Aziru replies in a
+tone of injured innocence:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">To the great king, my lord, my god, my sun;
+Aziru, thy servant. Seven times and again seven
+times, &amp;c. Oh, lord, I am indeed thy servant; and
+only when prostrate on the ground before the king,
+my lord, can I speak what I have to say. But
+hearken not, O lord, to the foes who slander me
+before thee. I remain thy servant for ever.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+This trusty vassal added to his other known
+faults the peculiarity of conspiring readily with
+the Hittite foes of the Court. His insolence
+helped him successfully out of these awkward
+difficulties also whenever the matter came under
+discussion. When preparing fresh raids he did
+not hesitate to invent news of Hittite invasions
+which he was bound to resist, and all territory
+which he then took from his co-vassals would,
+according to his own account, otherwise certainly
+have fallen into the hands of the enemy. But
+as the result was always the same—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, to the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page044">[pg 044]</span><a name="Pg044" id="Pg044" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+advantage of Aziru alone—the opinion began to
+prevail in Egyptian councils that this restless
+vassal should be summoned to Court and tried.
+For many years Aziru succeeded in evading these
+fatal and dangerous, or at best very costly orders.
+But finally he was forced to obey, and with heavy
+heart and well-filled treasure chests set off for
+Egypt. Apparently he relied on his principal
+ally Dudu, whom in his letters he always addresses
+as <span class="tei tei-q">“father”</span>; but this pleasant alliance
+did not avail to protect the disturber of the
+peace from provisional arrest. The last letter
+in the Aziru series, which had obviously been
+confiscated and subsequently found its way back
+into the archives, is a letter of condolence from
+the adherents or sons of Aziru to their imprisoned
+chief. Nevertheless, the political activity of the
+Amorite chief seemed to many Syrian, and
+especially to Phœnician princes as on the whole
+for the good of the land, and, therefore, to be
+supported. His appearance put the longed-for
+end to a far less endurable condition of things.
+Two communications from Akizzi, the headman of
+the city of Katna, near Damascus, exhibit the
+difference clearly. When Akizzi sent his first
+communication to Nimmuria every petty chief
+went raiding on his own account: Teuwatta of
+Lapana, Dasha, Arzawia and all the rest of them.
+These vanished with the entrance of Aziru upon
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page045">[pg 045]</span><a name="Pg045" id="Pg045" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+the scene, though the change was by no means
+welcome to Akizzi. In the Lebanon things were
+no better. Here Namyauza was struggling with
+the headmen of Puzruna and Khalunni. <span class="tei tei-q">“They
+began hostilities together with Biridashwi against
+me and said: <span class="tei tei-q">‘Come, let us kill Namyauza.’</span> But
+I escaped.”</span> This promiscuous warfare raged
+most fiercely in the south. Here a certain Labaya
+tried to play the part taken by Aziru in the north.
+But fortune was less favourable to Labaya. Probably
+he failed to induce his undisciplined officers
+to act in unison, and the unhappy man's sole
+achievement seems to have been the welding of
+his foes into a compact body against himself. He
+lost his territory, kept up the struggle a little
+longer as a freebooter, was taken captive at
+Megiddo, escaped again on the eve of being
+shipped to Egypt, and fell in battle or died a
+natural death after at length meeting apparently
+with some success in Judæa.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Jerusalem was under a royal <span class="tei tei-q">“Uweu,”</span> a term
+perhaps best rendered <span class="tei tei-q">“captain,”</span> named Abdikheba.
+A neighbouring prefect, Shuwardata,
+asserted occasionally that he had entered into
+conspiracies with Labaya, and Abdikheba in fact
+complained of hostilities on all sides. Milki-El
+and his father-in-law Tagi, chiefs in the Philistian
+plain near Gath, were his principal opponents.
+They recruited troops from among the Habiri in
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page046">[pg 046]</span><a name="Pg046" id="Pg046" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+the hope that Abdikheba, finding himself practically
+blockaded, would weary of the struggle and
+abandon the field. He was evidently very nearly
+driven to this when he wrote:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Infamous things have been wrought against me.
+To see it would draw tears from the eyes of the king,
+so do my foes press me. Shall the royal cities fall a
+prey to the Habiri? If the Pidati do not come in
+the course of this year, let the king send messengers
+to fetch me and all my brethren that we may die in
+the presence of the king, our lord.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+By the Habiri we must here understand no
+other than the Hebrews, who were therefore
+already to be found in the <span class="tei tei-q">“Promised Land,”</span> but
+had not yet firmly established themselves there.
+They swarmed in the Lebanon, where Namyauza
+had formally enlisted one of their hordes; and
+yet it seems as if they already held Shechem and
+Mount Ephraim as free tribal property. At any
+rate, no letter thence to the king has been discovered,
+although there is one mention of the
+city Shakmi (Shechem). The genuinely ancient
+passages in the scriptural accounts of the conquest
+in the Book of Joshua, and still more the
+valuable fragments in the first chapter of Judges,
+are fairly in accordance with what we here learn
+from the tablets.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Abdikheba's letters may be considered along
+with those of Milki-El and Tagi, of whom Yanhamu,
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page047">[pg 047]</span><a name="Pg047" id="Pg047" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+the powerful official, had just made an
+example. Their voices take up the chorus of
+complaint:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-variant: small-caps">Abdikheba.</span></span> <span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Lo! Milki-El and Tagi have done
+as follows.... Thus, as the king liveth, hath Milki-El
+committed treachery against me. Send Yanhamu
+that he may see what is done in the king's land.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-variant: small-caps">Milki-El.</span></span> <span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">The king, my lord, shall know the
+deed done by Yanhamu after I had been dismissed
+by the king. Lo, he took three thousand talents from
+me and said to me, </span><span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">‘</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Give me thy wife and thy sons
+that I may slay them.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">’</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> May my lord, the king,
+remember this deed and send us chariots to bring us
+away.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-variant: small-caps">Tagi.</span></span> <span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Am I not a servant of the king? But
+my brother is full of wounds so that I can send no
+message by him to the king. Ask the </span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">rabisu</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> (a
+title of Yanhamu) whether my brother is not full of
+wounds. But we turn our eyes to thee, to know
+whether we may rise to heaven or creep into the
+earth; our heads remain in thy hand. Behold, I
+shall try to make my way to the king by the hand of
+the surgeons.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-variant: small-caps">Milki-El.</span></span> <span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">I have received the king's message.
+Let him send the Pidati to protect his servant, and
+grains of myrrh gum for healing.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+As already pointed out, the blame for such
+occurrences belongs in the first place to the
+Egyptian system of government. How little the
+petty princes could expect, whether of good or
+evil, from their suzerain is shown by glaring
+examples. King Burnaburiash complained that
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page048">[pg 048]</span><a name="Pg048" id="Pg048" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+a Babylonian trading company established by his
+ambassador in the Canaanite city of Khinaton
+had, immediately after the ambassador's departure,
+been attacked and utterly plundered. The
+principals were killed, and the rest—some of them
+mutilated—were sent into slavery. <span class="tei tei-q">“Canaan is
+thy land; thou art king of it,”</span> continues Burnaburiash.
+<span class="tei tei-q">“It was in thy land that I suffered this
+injury; therefore restrain the doers of it. Replace
+the stolen gold, and slay the murderers of
+my subjects to avenge their blood.”</span> Whether
+this was done was extremely doubtful, for part of
+the plunder had in all probability already sufficed
+to secure a safe retreat for the brigands, who,
+furthermore, were officials from some of whom
+letters have been found. The natural consequence
+was that the ambassadors themselves were
+attacked. Their caravan with gifts for Napkhuria
+was robbed twice in succession, and they themselves
+were held to ransom. The Egyptian
+Government nevertheless remained outrageously
+slack as ever, as we may see from the following
+safe conduct granted on behalf of the Canaanite
+miscreants: <span class="tei tei-q">“To the princes in the land of
+Canaan, the vassals of my brother. Akiya, my
+messenger, I send to the King of Egypt my
+brother. Bring him safe and quickly to Egypt.
+Let no violence befall him.”</span>
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Prefects of Canaanite ports were naturally in
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page049">[pg 049]</span><a name="Pg049" id="Pg049" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+most active communication with Egypt. On some
+of the shrewder minds among these men it had
+dawned that it pleased and amused the king to
+have immediate news of messages by sea and
+land from far and near communicated in their
+letters. Abi-milki of Tyre had carried this practice
+farthest, and he was also admirably skilful in
+lodging complaints by the way. We owe to this
+worthy one of the choicest pieces in the whole
+collection, the elegant pæan of a place-hunter of
+more than three thousand years ago. It will be
+noticed that some of his rhetorical expressions
+repeatedly recall those of the Hebrew Psalter in
+the same way as do phrases in the letter of Tagi
+already quoted. In fact, the Bible critic has much
+to learn from the tablets as a whole. After
+the formal beginning, Abi-milki launches out as
+follows:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">My lord the king is the Sun-God, rising each
+day over the earth according to the will of his
+gracious father, the heavenly Sun-God (Aten). His
+words give life and prosperity. To all lands his
+might giveth peace. Like the (Phœnician) god Ram-man,
+so he thunders down from heaven, and the
+earth trembles before him. Behold, thy servant
+writeth as soon as he has good news to send the
+king. And the fear of my lord, the king, fell upon
+the whole land till the messenger made known the
+good news from the king my lord. When I heard
+through him the command of the king to me, </span><span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">‘</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Be at
+the disposal of my high officials,</span><span style="font-size: 90%">’</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> then thy servant
+</span><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page050">[pg 050]</span><a name="Pg050" id="Pg050" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">
+answered his lord, </span><span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">‘</span><span style="font-size: 90%">It is already done.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">’</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%"> On my
+breast and on my back write I down for myself the
+commands of the king. Verily, he who hearkeneth
+to the king his lord, and serveth him with love, the
+Sun-God riseth over him, and a good word from the
+mouth of his lord giveth him life. If he heed not
+the commands of his lord his city will fall, his house
+will perish, and his name will be known no more for
+ever in all lands. But he who followeth his lord as a
+faithful servant, his city is prosperous, his house is
+secure, and his name shall endure for ever.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The letter continues for some time in the same
+strain, but at the end the courtier bethinks him of
+his office of informer, and adds hastily:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Furthermore, Zimrida, the prefect of Sidon, sends
+a report every day to Aziru, Abd-Ashera's son. Every
+word that comes from Egypt he telleth to him. I,
+however, tell it to my lord, that it may serve thee, oh
+my lord!</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Two princes, Adad-nirari of Nukhashi and
+another whose name is now illegible, apparently
+take a higher rank than their neighbours. Nukhashi
+is often named in these tablets as well as in Egyptian
+inscriptions, and it must have been situated on
+the north-east slope of the Lebanon range. We
+have also letters from the towns of Biruta (Beyrout),
+Hashab, Hazi, Kumidi, Kadesh on the
+Orontes, Sidon, Akko, Rubiza, Megiddo, Hazor,
+Gezer, Gaza, Lachish, Shamhuna, Mushihuma,
+Dubu, and others, while there are many more so
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page051">[pg 051]</span><a name="Pg051" id="Pg051" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+mutilated that their origin can no longer be determined.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+These letters, though by no means all of them
+containing important contributions to the history
+of political intrigue, are often of interest from the
+light they throw on manners and customs. A
+few further extracts are therefore given here.
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">To the king my lord, my gods, my sun; Yabitiri
+is thy servant, the dust of thy feet, &amp;c. And a
+faithful servant of the king am I. I look hither, and
+I look thither, but it is not light; then I look to the
+king my lord, then there is light. A brick may be
+removed from its firm bed, but I move not away from
+the king's feet. Let my lord the king ask Yanhamu,
+his </span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">rabisu</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">. While I was still young he brought me
+to Egypt, and I served my lord the king and stood
+at the gate of the palace (as page). And to-day, let
+my lord the king ask his </span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">rabisu</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, I guard the gates
+of Gaza and of Joppa. I am also attached to the
+Pidati of my lord the king; whither they go thither
+do I go with them, as even now. On my neck rests
+the yoke of my lord the king, and I bear it.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The following tablet from the neighbourhood of
+the Jordan promises good results as the reward of
+future research for geographical details:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">To Yanhamu, my lord: Mut-Addi is thy servant
+at thy feet. I told thee before, and it is so indeed;
+Ayab hath fled in secret, as did also previously the
+king of Bihishi before the commissioners of the king
+his lord. Is Ayab now in Bihishi? [He is there]
+truly as the lord king liveth, truly as he liveth. For
+</span><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page052">[pg 052]</span><a name="Pg052" id="Pg052" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">
+two months he has been there. Behold, Benenima is
+present, Tadua is present, Yashua is present; ask
+them whether he hath fled from Shadi-Marduk, from
+Astarti. When all the cities in the land of Gari
+were in rebellion, Adma (Udumu), Aduri, Araru,
+Mishtu, Migdal, Ain-anab and Sarki were taken, then
+later Hawani and Yabesh. Behold, moreover, as
+soon as thou hadst written a letter to me I wrote to
+him (Ayab) that thou hadst returned from thy journey
+(to Palestine?). And behold he came to Bihishi and
+heard the command.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The names Ayab and Yashua recall Job and
+Joshua to our minds.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The great alacrity shown in this letter was, as
+we already know, most acceptable to Yanhamu.
+Another Syrian chief, whose name has been obliterated,
+complained bitterly that Yanhamu had
+refused him a passage through his territories,
+although he showed the royal summons to Court.
+This, indeed, may have been an indirect favour to
+his correspondent. Very amusing is a group of
+three synoptic letters, written by one scribe for
+Biri ... (the name is imperfect) of Hashab,
+Ildaya ... of Hazi, and another. These
+vassals had evidently taken the field together.
+They recite their tale like a chorus of schoolboys
+repeating a lesson.
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">Behold, we were besieging the cities of the king
+my lord in the land of Amki (</span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, cities that had
+fallen away and had ceased to pay tribute). Then
+</span><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page053">[pg 053]</span><a name="Pg053" id="Pg053" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">
+came Itakama, the Prince of Kinza (Kadesh), at the
+head of Hittites. Let my lord the king write to
+Itakama, and cause him to turn aside and give us
+troops that we may win the cities of my lord the
+king, and thenceforth dwell in them.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Itakama was specially unpopular with his neighbours.
+Apparently he was one of the more
+powerful allies of Aziru, and as such his special
+task was to press as hard as possible on the foes
+of the Amorites in southern Cœle-Syria. Perhaps,
+however, Aziru and Itakama did not come together
+till each for a time had fought his battles alone.
+The Hittites in Itakama's force were, of course,
+prominently mentioned to alarm Pharaoh. They
+may have been Hittite spearmen enrolled by the
+prince of Kadesh, much as the Habiri and Sutu
+had been enlisted by his chief rival Namyauza.
+It is even possible that the soldiers of Kadesh had
+always been armed in Hittite fashion; perhaps
+the town was already inhabited by people of
+Hittite stock. Later the Hittites actually seized
+Kadesh, and it is questionable whether it was for
+the first time. Itakama himself, however, scouts
+any thought of defection; nay, he writes:
+</p>
+
+<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
+<span class="tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">To the king my lord, &amp;c. I am thy servant,
+but Namyauza hath slandered me to thee, oh my
+master. And while he was doing that he occupied
+all the inheritance of my fathers in the land of
+Kadesh, and my villages hath he set on fire. Do not
+</span><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page054">[pg 054]</span><a name="Pg054" id="Pg054" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">
+the officers of my lord the king and his subjects
+know my faithfulness? I serve thee with all my
+brethren, and where there is rebellion against my
+lord the king, thither I march with my warriors, my
+chariots, and all my brethren. Behold, now Namyauza
+hath delivered up to the Habiri all the king's
+cities in the land of Kadesh and in Ube. But I
+will march forth, and if thy gods and thy sun go
+before me I will restore these places from the Habiri
+to the king that I may show myself subject to him.
+I will drive out these Habiri, and my lord the king
+shall rejoice in his servant Itakama. I will serve the
+king my lord, and all my brethren, and all lands shall
+serve him. But Namyauza will I destroy, for I am
+for ever a servant of the king my lord.</span><span style="font-size: 90%">”</span></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The land of Ube here named corresponds to the
+Hobah of the Bible, mentioned in Genesis xiv. 15,
+as the place to which Abram pursued the conquerors
+of Sodom, who had carried Lot away.
+According to the margin of the Revised Version,
+Hobah lay <span class="tei tei-q">“north of Damascus.”</span> In a letter
+from Akizzi of Katna (see p. 44), we read, however,
+<span class="tei tei-q">“Oh, my lord the king, as Damascus in the
+land of Ube stretches out her hand to thy feet, so
+Katna stretches out her hand to thy feet.”</span> The
+statements may be reconciled by the hypothesis
+that in the Old Testament the position of the town
+after which the district is named is more exactly
+indicated. Other lands named in the tablets are
+more difficult to identify. To mitigate a famine in
+Gebal, Rib-Addi intended to send for grain from
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page055">[pg 055]</span><a name="Pg055" id="Pg055" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+Zalukhi in Ugarit, but his enemies detained his
+ships and frustrated his intentions. Zalukhi does
+not seem to be mentioned again, and Rib-Addi in
+a later letter compares Ugarit with the region
+round Tyre as regards its administrative relation
+to Egypt. Abi-milki, the Tyrian prefect, once
+informs the king, <span class="tei tei-q">“Fire hath devoured the city of
+Ugarit; one half of it hath it destroyed and not
+the other.”</span> Finally, a certain Yapakhi-Addi, after
+an unsuccessful attempt to get provisions into
+Rib-Addi's city Simyra, reproachfully informs
+Yanhamu that Aziru has extended his dominions
+from Gebal to Ugarit. Ugarit must thus have
+been the most northerly of the Egyptian possessions
+in Asia, and therefore not far from the site
+of the modern Alexandretta. This outlying position
+made the little state a somewhat insecure
+jewel in the crown of Egypt. King Kadashman-Bel
+seems to have been of this opinion when (see
+p. <a href="#Pg027" class="tei tei-ref">27</a>) he included in his little list of ladies impossible
+for a royal harem <span class="tei tei-q">“a maiden from Ugarit.”</span>
+Evidently he meant to enumerate superciliously
+petty foreign <span class="tei tei-q">“princesses”</span> only.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Of a certain land of Danuna (considered a part
+of Canaan) we learn further that its king died,
+and that his brother succeeded to the throne
+unopposed. One of the two may be identical
+with the king of Tana; who, as Rib-Addi
+briefly mentions, was about to march to Gebal,
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page056">[pg 056]</span><a name="Pg056" id="Pg056" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+but was forced by scarcity of water to return
+home.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+A few letters from women are among the
+tablets. Two probably came from the wife of
+Milki-El, who was hard pressed by the Habiri
+when her husband was called to Egypt. Two
+others are addressed, <span class="tei tei-q">“The handmaid to my
+mistress”</span>; perhaps they were sent along with
+Tushratta's letters to his daughter in Egypt and
+were from one of her playfellows or relatives.
+Finally, the daughter of Napkhuria, married to
+Burnaburiash, sent a small tablet to her father
+by a special envoy named Kidin-Ramman.
+<span class="tei tei-q">“Before the face of my lord let him come”</span>
+indicates that the letter was <span class="tei tei-q">“to be delivered
+in person.”</span> It is a pity that this dainty little
+letter is for the most part illegible.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc11" id="toc11"></a>
+<a name="pdf12" id="pdf12"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">V. Political Conditions in the Tell el Amarna Period.</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+However favourably the religious reform of
+King Napkhuria may be estimated on its own
+merits, it by no means strengthened the authority
+of Egypt in Asia. Of course it could have in no
+way been the cause of the state of affairs in Syria
+and Canaan; perhaps Amenophis III., whatever
+his own great slackness, simply inherited the
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page057">[pg 057]</span><a name="Pg057" id="Pg057" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+confusion in this part of his empire. The heaviest
+blows could not in the long run prevent the
+Habiri from returning to the attack again and
+again at brief intervals. Their need of expansion
+was greater than their fear, and, after all, it
+mattered little to Pharaoh whether the Habirite
+or the Canaanite paid tribute in Palestine as soon
+as the intruder was prepared to acknowledge his
+rights. Napkhuria's great weakness was his
+obvious partiality for those of his officials who
+had become Aten worshippers, and the eagerness
+of these men to exploit the royal favour was in
+proportion to their disbelief in the permanence of
+the movement for reform.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In their Babylonian form the Tell el Amarna
+tablets are in the first place the product of the
+diplomatic custom of the time, but in many details
+of their contents they show that the civilisation
+of Western Asia had for centuries been based
+on a Babylonian foundation. With the lack of
+exact information so frequently to be deplored
+in Egyptian accounts, the wordy narratives of
+the campaigns of Thutmosis III. scarcely enable
+us to determine exactly from which of the greater
+powers he had succeeded in wresting districts of
+Syria and Palestine. As regards the political
+situation there, even at the beginning of the
+Kassite Dynasty—a change probably attended
+by long internecine struggles—Babylonia seems
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page058">[pg 058]</span><a name="Pg058" id="Pg058" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+to have lost its western possessions on the
+Mediterranean, and we may rather suppose that
+it was the kings of Mitani who ruled these territories
+in the time of Thutmosis III.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Mitani, though still an extensive power, had
+seen its best days at any rate when Tushratta
+with difficulty ascended the throne of his fathers.
+The name <span class="tei tei-q">“Hanirabbat”</span> by which it was known
+to all its neighbours, must be the older name, and
+also that of the original province to which later
+acquisitions had been united. It is an established
+fact that Eastern Cappadocia, the mountainous
+province of Melitene on the Upper Euphrates, was
+still known as Hanirabbat about 690 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">B.C.</span></span>, and
+that, on the other hand, Mitani, in the narrower
+sense of the term, must have corresponded to the
+later Macedonian province of Mygdonia, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, Mesopotamia
+proper. We have seen, however, that
+Ninua, afterwards the Assyrian capital Nineveh,
+was part of the dominion of Tushratta, otherwise
+he could hardly have sent Ishtar, the goddess of
+that city, to Egypt. The subsequent capital of
+Assyria may have been the most easterly possession
+of the kingdom of Hanirabbat-Mitani,
+the centre of gravity of which lay farther westward.
+In the letters there is a remark of the king
+of Alashia recommending Pharaoh to exchange
+no more gifts with <span class="tei tei-q">“the kings of the Hittites and
+of Shankhar.”</span> Mitani is, perhaps, here named
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page059">[pg 059]</span><a name="Pg059" id="Pg059" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+Shankhar from its dependencies in Asia Minor,
+or we may suppose it to have been the name of
+Tushratta's residence.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+In contrast to the Hittite empire, which was
+pressing forward from the neck of Asia Minor
+through the passes of Issus into Syria, and was
+rapidly increasing in power, Mitani stood on the
+eve of its fall. Babylonians and Hittites were
+alike watching to pluck the ripe fruit, and perhaps
+it lacked little to decide Tushratta, instead of
+fighting once more for the crown, to capitulate
+to the invading Hittites and see the end of the
+kingdom of Mitani. The great <span class="tei tei-q">“love”</span> of this
+king for Egypt was not, therefore, called forth
+merely by the glitter of gold, but also by dire
+political necessity. The catastrophe occurred
+some few decades after the correspondence comes
+to an end for us. Mitani vanished from the
+states of Western Asia and gave place to small
+Aramaic kingdoms, while the eastern boundary,
+together with Ninua, was seized by Assyria as
+the first step to her subsequent suzerainty in the
+East.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+But still more swiftly overtaken of fate was
+the XVIIIth Dynasty in Egypt. Napkhuria
+did not even see the completion of his city at
+Tell el Amarna, for he died in 1370 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">B.C.</span></span> His
+reform followed him, and the victorious champions
+of Amon could raze to the ground the hated City
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page060">[pg 060]</span><a name="Pg060" id="Pg060" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+of the Sun's Disk. They must already have been
+on the march when in a happy moment it
+occurred to a keeper of the royal archives to
+conceal the clay tablets in the earth and thus
+save them for remote posterity.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page061">[pg 061]</span><a name="Pg061" id="Pg061" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+
+<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+<a name="toc13" id="toc13"></a>
+<a name="pdf14" id="pdf14"></a>
+<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Bibliographical Appendix</span></h1>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The best translation of the Tell el Amarna tablets available
+for English readers is that from the German of H.
+Winckler, published by Luzac, London, 1896.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Professor Flinders Petrie's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Syria and Egypt from the
+Tell el Amarna Letters</span></span> (Methuen, 1898) is a synopsis of
+the letters as far as they belong to the relations of Egypt
+and Syria, with the addition of geographical and historical
+notes. In the Introduction Professor Petrie gives a
+harrowing account of the casual way in which the tablets
+were found and of the criminal carelessness with which
+these priceless records were subsequently handled.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Some years afterwards, in 1891-2, Professor Petrie
+himself excavated what was left of the ruins of the royal
+city of Amenhetep IV. An account of his discoveries on
+that site and of his deductions from them may be found
+in his finely illustrated memoir <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tell el Amarna</span></span> (Methuen,
+1894). He particularly emphasises the skill and originality
+displayed in the remains of the arts and crafts of the Tell
+el Amarna period, and emphatically points out the
+evidence of active connection between Egypt and Ægean
+<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page062">[pg 062]</span><a name="Pg062" id="Pg062" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
+(Mykenæan) civilisation at that time. His appreciation
+of the character of Akhenaten differs considerably from
+that formed by the author of the present pamphlet, and
+should be compared with it. In vol. ii. p. 205 <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">et seqq.</span></span> of
+his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">History of Egypt</span></span>, Professor Petrie maintains the same
+views. The same volume also contains his earlier
+synopsis of the Tell el Amarna tablets.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Professor Maspero's account of the historical bearing
+of these tablets is worked into the second volume of his
+great <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient</span></span>, which
+is entitled <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Les Premières Mélées des Peuples</span></span>. A translation
+of that work has been issued by the Society for the
+Propagation of Christian Knowledge, but in any parts
+relating to Biblical history the student will do well to
+consult the original.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+The bearings of the tablets on Biblical history, and
+particularly the evidence they have supplied as to the
+early date at which the art of writing was practised in
+Syria and Palestine, have been favourite themes of Professor
+Sayce. His arguments and conclusions on these
+points may be found in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Higher Criticism and the
+Verdict of the Monuments</span></span> (S.P.C.K. 1894); <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Patriarchal
+Palestine</span></span> (S.P.C.K. 1895); <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Egypt of the Hebrews
+and Herodotus</span></span> (Rivington, Percival &amp; Co., 1896), and
+elsewhere.
+</p>
+
+<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">
+Printed by <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Ballantyne, Hanson &amp; Co</span></span><br />
+London &amp; Edinburgh
+</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+<hr class="doublepage" /><div class="tei tei-back" style="margin-bottom: 2.00em; margin-top: 6.00em">
+  <hr class="doublepage" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
+    <div id="pgfooter" class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"><pre class="pre tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD***
+</pre><hr class="doublepage" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"><a name="rightpageheader15" id="rightpageheader15"></a><a name="pgtoc16" id="pgtoc16"></a><a name="pdf17" id="pdf17"></a><h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Credits</span></h1><table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"><tbody><tr><th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">July 29,  2008  </th></tr><tr><td class="tei tei-item"><table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"><tbody><tr class="tei tei-labelitem"><th class="tei tei-label"></th><td class="tei tei-item">Project Gutenberg TEI edition 1</td></tr><tr class="tei tei-labelitem"><th class="tei tei-label"></th><td class="tei tei-item"><span class="tei tei-respStmt">
+        <span class="tei tei-name">
+            Produced by Gerard Arthus, David King, and the Online Distributed
+            Proofreading Team at &lt;http://www.pgdp.net/&gt;. (This file was
+            produced from scans of public domain material produced by Microsoft for their
+            Live Search Books site.)
+        </span>
+      </span></td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr></tbody></table></div><hr class="doublepage" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"><a name="rightpageheader18" id="rightpageheader18"></a><a name="pgtoc19" id="pgtoc19"></a><a name="pdf20" id="pdf20"></a><h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">A Word from Project Gutenberg</span></h1><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This file should be named 
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+  <front>
+    <div>
+      <divGen type="pgheader" />
+    </div>
+    <div>
+      <divGen type="encodingDesc" />
+    </div>
+
+    <div rend="page-break-before: always">
+      <p rend="font-size: x-large; text-align: center">The Ancient East</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: x-large; text-align: center">No. II.</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: xx-large; text-align: center">THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: large; text-align: center">The Relations of Egypt and Western</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: large; text-align: center">Asia in the Fifteenth Century B.C.</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: large; text-align: center">According to</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: large; text-align: center">The Tell El Amarna Tablets</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: large; text-align: center">by</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: x-large; text-align: center">Carl Niebuhr</p>
+      <p rend="font-size: large; text-align: center">Translated by J. Hutchinson</p>
+      <p rend="text-align: center">London: David Nutt</p>
+      <p rend="text-align: center">57-59 Long Acre</p>
+      <p rend="text-align: center">1903</p>
+    </div>
+    <div rend="page-break-before: always">
+      <head>Contents</head>
+      <divGen type="toc" />
+    </div>
+  </front>
+<body>
+
+<pb n='005'/><anchor id='Pg005'/>
+
+<div rend="page-break-before: always">
+<index index="toc"/>
+<index index="pdf"/>
+<head>The Ancient East</head>
+
+<p>
+Under this title is being issued a series of short, popular,
+but thoroughly scientific studies, by the leading scholars of
+Germany, setting forth the recent discoveries and investigations
+in Babylonian, Assyrian and Egyptian History,
+Religion, and Archæology, especially as they bear upon the
+traditional views of early Eastern History. The German
+originals have been appearing during the last eighteen
+months. The English translations made by Miss Jane
+Hutchison have been submitted in each case to the Authors,
+and embody their latest views. Short, helpful bibliographies
+are added. Each study consists of some 64 to 80 pages,
+crown 8vo, and costs <hi rend='bold'>1s.</hi> sewed, or <hi rend='bold'>1s. 6d.</hi>
+cloth.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The following are issued:
+</p>
+
+<p>
+THE REALMS OF THE EGYPTIAN DEAD.<lb/>
+By Professor <hi rend='smallcaps'>Alfred Wiedemann</hi>.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD. By Dr. <hi rend='smallcaps'>C. Niebuhr</hi>.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+THE BABYLONIAN AND THE HEBREW GENESIS.<lb/>
+By Professor <hi rend='smallcaps'>H. Zimmern</hi>.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+THE BABYLONIAN CONCEPTION OF HEAVEN AND HELL.<lb/>
+By Dr. <hi rend='smallcaps'>Alfred Jeremias</hi>.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+POPULAR LITERATURE IN ANCIENT EGYPT.<lb/>
+By Professor <hi rend='smallcaps'>Alfred Wiedemann</hi>.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='009'/><anchor id='Pg009'/>
+
+<div rend="page-break-before: always">
+<index index="toc"/>
+<index index="pdf"/>
+<head>I. The Tablets, and How they were Found.</head>
+
+<p>
+As early as 1820 it was known in Europe that in
+Middle Egypt, on the east bank of the Nile, in
+the district between Minieh and Siut, there lay the
+remains of a great city of Ancient Egypt. The
+Prussian exploration expedition of 1842-45 gave
+special attention to this site, where indeed were
+found, about sixty miles south of Minieh, extensive
+ruins, beginning at the village of Haggi
+Kandil and covering the floor of a rock-bound
+valley named after the fellahin village, El Amarna.
+At that time the ground-plan of the city was still
+easy to distinguish; the regular lines of the streets
+could be traced, and enough could be seen of the
+great design of the principal temple to excite the
+admiration of the discoverers. This example of the
+laying out of an ancient Egyptian town still remains
+almost unique, for of old, as now, private buildings
+were constructed of flimsy material. That the
+<!-- djk 007.png is page 10, add 3 -->
+<pb n='010'/><anchor id='Pg010'/>
+Tell el Amarna remains have escaped rapid destruction
+is due entirely to the sudden and violent
+downfall of the original splendour of the city and
+the complete desolation which succeeded. The
+importance of the place was revealed on examination
+of the surrounding cliffs. Here were found,
+sculptured and inscribed in a new and peculiar
+style, the rock-cut tombs of the most distinguished
+inhabitants of Akhet-haten, the royal city built
+for himself about 1380 <hi rend='smallcaps'>B.C.</hi> by Amenophis IV.,
+and destroyed soon after his early death.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In the beginning of 1888 some fellahìn digging
+for marl not far from the ruins came upon a
+number of crumbling wooden chests, filled with
+clay tablets closely covered on both sides with
+writing. The dusky fellows must have been not
+a little delighted at finding themselves owners of
+hundreds of these marketable antiquities, for which
+a European purchaser would doubtless give plenty
+of good gold coins. To multiply their gains they
+broke up the largest tablets into three or four
+separate pieces, often to the grievous hindrance
+of the future decipherer. But very soon the
+matter was fruited abroad; the Government at
+once intervened, almost all the find was in due
+time secured, and a stop was put to any further
+dispersal of separate tablets and of fragments.
+The political situation in Egypt is pretty accurately
+indicated by the fact that about eighty of
+<pb n='011'/><anchor id='Pg011'/>
+the best preserved of the Tell el Amarna tablets
+at once found their way to the British Museum.
+Some sixty were left in the museum at Boulak,
+and about one hundred and eighty were secured
+for the Berlin Museum, many of them tiny fragments,
+but mostly containing important records.
+Few have remained in private hands.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Some alabaster slabs came to light at Tell el
+Amarna bearing the hieroglyphic names of King
+Amenophis IV. and his father, Amenophis III.
+These had evidently served as lids to the chests.
+Some tablets also were inscribed with notes in
+hieratic, written in red ink. But in spite of these
+exceptions, it was at once recognised that all the
+documents were written in Babylonian cuneiform.
+The reading of the introductory lines on various
+tablets served to show that the find consisted of
+part of the Egyptian state archives in the times
+of the two kings Amenophis III. and IV. Thus
+the first of the many startling discoveries that
+were to follow in such rapid succession was made
+in the recognition that about 1400 <hi rend='smallcaps'>B.C.</hi> the Semitic
+speech of Babylon served as the language of
+diplomacy in the East.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Apart from a few tablets dealing with mythological
+subjects and written in Babylonian, and
+two which contain inventories, all the tablets were
+letters. Most of them were from Egyptian officials
+in Syria and Canaan, and usually they were
+<pb n='012'/><anchor id='Pg012'/>
+addressed to the king. Among them were found
+many long letters from Asiatic kings to the
+Egyptian monarch, and also a few communications
+from the Foreign Office of <q>Pharaoh</q> himself.
+We must note, however, that this title of Egyptian
+kings, so commonly used in the Old Testament,
+is apparently never once employed in the
+Tell el Amarna documents. It is interesting to
+observe how difficulties of the script and of a
+language not entirely familiar to most of the
+scribes were overcome. Even the learned scribes
+of the royal <q>House of the Sun</q> in Egypt had
+obviously their own troubles in the matter, and
+made use of the Babylonian mythological texts
+already mentioned as a means of improving their
+fluency. Of this we have evidence in the thin
+red lines by which, on these tablets alone, the
+words have been separated from each other. The
+governors and officials must not be classified as
+educated or uneducated on the evidence of their
+letters; all alike employed professional scribes,
+of whom one might be skilful and the next a
+bungler whose communications must be guessed
+at rather than read. Occasionally a Babylonian
+word is followed by the corresponding Canaanite
+word, also in cuneiform, but marked as a translation.
+Like the Egyptian kings, so the Asiatic
+sovereigns had each his staff of scribes. One of
+the petty chiefs, Tarkhundarash of Arsapi, was
+<pb n='013'/><anchor id='Pg013'/>
+evidently so unhappy as to have none in his Court
+who could read or write a letter in Babylonian,
+for letters to him were written in his own tongue.
+The scribe of the Hittite king produced only a
+species of dog Latin, while the scribe of the
+king of Alashia trots out his whole vocabulary
+unhampered by grammar. On the other hand,
+the letters of the king of Mitani are drawn up in
+the characters known as Assyrian; and it is probable
+that the Assyrian system of cuneiform may
+have originated in Mitani. If so, for the Mitani
+scribe there could be no question of any special
+difficulty in using the acknowledged language of
+diplomacy in the Ancient East.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+It is evident that the Babylonian royal scribes
+at length showed some consideration for their
+unfortunate Egyptian correspondents by writing
+as a rule in phonograms which could be easily
+spelt out, since strange ideograms might have
+brought the reader to a standstill. The sources
+of the letters may be distinguished also by the
+colour and consistency of the material of the
+tablets, which are of all shades of clay, from pale
+yellow to red or dark brown. Side by side, too,
+with hard and legible pieces, lie broken and
+crumbling fragments which have suffered sadly
+during the few years that have elapsed since they
+were again exposed to the air.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='014'/><anchor id='Pg014'/>
+
+<div>
+<index index="toc"/>
+<index index="pdf"/>
+<head>II. The Egyptian Court and Administration.</head>
+
+<p>
+The two Pharaohs of the Tell el Amarna Period
+belong to the XVIIIth Dynasty, which about
+1560 <hi rend='smallcaps'>B.C.</hi> had freed the land from the yoke of certain
+Asiatic invaders known as the Shasu. The new
+dynasty soon began to encroach upon Asia. King
+Thutmosis III. (1503 to 1449 <hi rend='smallcaps'>B.C.</hi>) after many
+chequered campaigns conquered Syria as far as
+the Gulf of Iskanderun. On the African side he
+extended the bounds of his kingdom to the confluence
+of the Nile and the Atbara, so that the
+greater part of Nubia owned his sway. The
+terror of his name did not die with him, but for
+long did good service to his successors, the
+first of whom, Amenophis II., seems moreover
+himself to have maintained energetically the fame
+of Egyptian arms. To this influence our clay tablets
+bear witness by twice making emphatic reference
+to the days of the powerful <q>Manakhbiria</q>&mdash;the
+prenomen of King Thutmosis III. With the accession
+of Amenophis III. the warlike spirit ceased to
+prevail at the Court of Thebes. Nothing more was
+to be gained by Egypt in Western Asia, and the
+tastes of the new king lay in other directions than
+war. The two celebrated Colossi of Memnon
+(statues of himself), many great buildings, the important
+part played by his favourite wife Teye, the
+well-filled harem,  the cultivation of <q>wisdom</q>
+<pb n='015'/><anchor id='Pg015'/>
+(which practically, no doubt, was tantamount to
+what we should call <q>preciosity</q>); last, but not
+least, the solemn adoration of his own divine image&mdash;all
+these facts combine to indicate the altered
+condition of things which came about under Amenophis
+III. He reigned thirty-six years, long
+enough to allow the movement introduced by
+him to run its course. His son, Amenophis IV.,
+was, however, just as little inclined as his father
+to walk in the steps of his warlike ancestors.
+Hampered apparently by bodily defects, this Son
+of the Sun tried his strength in a field often
+far more dangerous than the battlefield. He
+began a reform of the Egyptian religion, apparently
+in the direction of a kind of monotheism
+in which the chief worship was reserved for the
+disk of the sun, the symbol under which the
+god Ra was adored at Heliopolis in the Delta.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Nothing being known of the life of this king
+as heir-apparent, probably we shall never understand
+what led him to take this new departure.
+From his conduct during the early years of his
+reign it may be concluded that he intended to
+proceed gradually, but was roused to more aggressive
+measures by the resistance of the powerful
+priests of Amon in Thebes. These men acted,
+of course, for their own interests in promptly
+resisting even mild attempts at reform. Perhaps
+also the king's aim had been from the outset to
+<pb n='016'/><anchor id='Pg016'/>
+weaken the influence of the Theban hierarchy
+by new doctrines and to strengthen the royal
+power by steady secularisation. Open strife between
+the adherents of Amon and those of the
+Sun's Disk, the <q>Aten,</q> broke out in the second
+or third year of Amenophis IV., that is, about
+1380 <hi rend='smallcaps'>B.C.</hi> The immediate removal of the Court
+from Thebes to Tell el Amarna points to a
+failure of the royal efforts, for the command to
+build the new city had not long been issued, and
+the place was still altogether unfinished. The
+official world promptly broke with the old religion.
+The king altered his throne-name, <q>Amen-hetep,</q>
+to <q>Akhen-Aten,</q> <q>The glory of the Sun's Disk</q>;
+his young daughters received names compounded
+with <q>Aten,</q> whilst the courtiers found it advisable
+to strike out <q>Amen,</q> if this chanced to form
+part of their own names, and to substitute for it
+<q>Ra,</q> as having more or less the same significance
+as <q>Aten.</q> <q>The doctrine,</q> as the new dogmas
+were called in inscriptions at Tell el Amarna,
+was regarded as so entirely a matter of home
+politics in Egypt, that the officials of Syria and
+Palestine&mdash;all foreigners&mdash;do not seem to have
+received any formal information regarding it.
+Most of them continue to refer to Amon in
+perfect innocence, and only a few who were
+better informed began rather later to take the
+change into account. Thus Yitia of Ashkelon,
+<pb n='017'/><anchor id='Pg017'/>
+Pu-Adda of Wurza, and a certain Addudaian
+correct the name of the Egyptian commissioner
+<q>Amanappa</q> into <q>Rianappa.</q> Abimilki of Tyre
+apparently even tried to give himself out as one
+initiated into <q>the doctrine,</q> and to represent his
+city as a servant of Aten. If this were the case
+he must have received a severe rebuff, for after
+his one attempt he falls back into the old style.
+Neither the royal nor the national pride of Egypt
+would suffer any such familiarities.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The new capital received the significant name
+of <q>Akhet-Aten</q> (<q>Horizon of the Sun</q>) and
+was solemnly consecrated long before it was half
+finished. The widow of Amenophis III., the
+queen-mother Teye, came occasionally to visit
+the new capital, and was received with all honour;
+evidently she had paid timely respect to her son's
+opinions. How far the Aten dogma represented
+real progress in religious thought can be gathered
+only from the contents of a few hymns remaining
+on the walls of some of the tombs. In these the
+expression of devout feeling seems to have become
+richer and more spontaneous, and the monotheistic
+tendency is evident. This characteristic, however,
+may often be observed by a sympathetic
+reader in the hymns to Amon, and even to less
+important deities: the deity adopted as a special
+object of worship by any individual is always
+favourably represented by him. The Aten dogma,
+<pb n='018'/><anchor id='Pg018'/>
+being based on natural phenomena and not on
+mythology, was, of course, heretical.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Those of his officials who had accepted <q>the
+doctrine</q> were regarded by Akhenaten as deserving
+men, and on this ground alone, Ai, called
+Haya in the Amarna letters, received golden
+honours to the full. This Haya, who was entitled
+<q>beloved royal scribe,</q> was probably a
+secretary of state, and was once sent as a special
+ambassador to Babylonia. Dudu occupied another
+important post; Amanappa, who has already been
+mentioned, seems from a letter written by him to
+Rib-Addi of Gebal, to have been a commander-in-chief.
+Hani, Salma, Paura, Pahamnata, Hatib
+Maya, Shuta, Hamashni, and Zitana all appear
+as the bearers of royal commissions in Syrian
+territory. An official named Shakhshi receives
+instruction as to the conducting of a royal
+caravan. But to the Asiatic vassals the most
+important office of all was the governorship of
+Lower Egypt, the country called <q>Yarimuta,</q> an
+office filled at this time by Yanhamu. The letters
+afford abundant evidence that any vassal who had
+incurred Yanhamu's enmity must walk warily.
+The minister of the king of Alashia, though his
+equal in rank, sent gifts to this dangerous man,
+who had harassed merchants of Alashia by demanding
+from them illegal dues. Rib-Addi of
+Gebal lost land and throne, in spite of the countenance
+<pb n='019'/><anchor id='Pg019'/>
+of Amanappa, because such was Yanhamu's
+pleasure; and of Milki-El of Gath he made a
+severe example, to which we shall refer later.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+On the whole, the Asiatic provinces enjoyed
+self-government under the supremacy of Egypt,
+and the disadvantages of this condition of things
+are revealed in numerous letters. These end
+almost invariably with a request to the king to
+come in person to the aid of his distressed
+vassals, or at least to send troops. Sometimes
+this was done, but usually such expeditions seem
+to have been undertaken with inadequate forces
+and seldom resulted in permanent peace. The
+native princes, chiefs, and village headmen were
+perpetually struggling with each other. They
+made alliances among themselves, or they entered
+into secret treaties with neighbouring states and
+afterwards brazenly denied them. This wretched
+state of affairs may be traced to two principal
+causes&mdash;the tribute question and the immigration
+of Bedawìn tribes.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The king was not to be trifled with when tribute
+was overdue. The most valid excuses&mdash;loss
+of territory, war, failure of the harvest&mdash;were
+received with a suspicion doubtless justified in
+general but which must have caused much hardship
+in individual cases. The ordinary tribute
+was fixed, as well as the regular subsidy for
+royal troops and the force which had to be raised
+<pb n='020'/><anchor id='Pg020'/>
+in emergencies. But the gifts&mdash;such as female
+slaves&mdash;which must needs be sent not only to the
+courtiers but even to the king himself, added
+enormously to the burden, so much so that to
+the poorer chiefs a summons from Egypt to
+appear in person meant little less than ruin.
+Resistance to it was so surely to be counted on
+that such a summons was often kept in the
+background more as a threat than anything else.
+Now and then petty chiefs in Palestine and Syria
+withheld their bushels of corn, their three oxen
+or their twenty sheep; or perhaps they were
+so sparing of bakshìsh that the tribute itself was
+swallowed up and vanished entirely from the
+accounts. It was scarcely possible to take costly
+measures to punish such delinquents, so the
+business was turned over to some kind neighbour
+of the recalcitrant chief, and a little war was
+soon fairly ablaze. But when direct commands
+of royal ambassadors were treated as of doubtful
+authenticity, it was hardly likely that the
+authority placed in the hands of an equal would
+meet with much respect. Both leaders received
+reinforcements; a third intervened at a moment
+favourable to himself; many and often very
+remote quarrels broke out, and when at length
+the royal commissioners hurried upon the scene
+it was hard for them to say whether or not
+the original sentence had been executed. Certainly
+<pb n='021'/><anchor id='Pg021'/>
+most of the property of the original
+offenders had been largely lost or destroyed,
+but the plunder had crumbled away in passing
+through countless hands, and the royal official
+might seek it from Dan to Beersheba, or farther,
+but in vain. Out of the first difficulty a dozen
+others had arisen, till the suzerain seized upon
+his dues by force, yet without leaving peace
+behind him. The tablets are full of references
+to these complicated struggles, which it is not
+always possible to follow in detail.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Additional confusion was caused by the immigration
+of Bedawìn tribes. In the north the
+nomadic Sutu, in the south the Habiri pressed
+forward and encroached upon Egyptian territory.
+It is evident that this further pressure was
+calculated to bring matters to a crisis, for, like
+the tribute, it affected pre-eminently the vassal
+chiefs and tribes. We find the Habiri especially
+in the very act of ruining some of these petty
+princes, others of whom preferred to make
+treaties with their unwelcome guests, though this
+indeed was apparently in secret only. But the
+Sutu reached the domains of more powerful
+vassals, and by two of these, Aziru and Namjauza,
+were openly taken into pay. Obviously such
+alliances with land-seeking plunderers could only
+prolong and embitter the strife. In Palestine, no
+doubt, peace as regards Egypt would soon have
+<pb n='022'/><anchor id='Pg022'/>
+been restored had not the Habiri proceeded to
+seize certain strongholds, which they used as
+centres for further expeditions, thus involving the
+settled inhabitants in wider quarrels. What with
+the help of the Bedawîn, and the universal unrest
+any ambitious vassal of Egypt must at length
+have seen a tempting prospect of establishing an
+independent kingdom, if only he could deceive
+the Egyptian Government long enough as to his
+intentions, and delay or thwart any measures that
+might be taken against him.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Certainly the government of Pharaoh did not
+lack for watchfulness and was well, if not too well,
+served in the matter of information. But in the
+face of perpetual complaints and counter-complaints,
+entreaties for help and what were for
+the most part incredible assurances of everlasting
+fidelity, there was no course for the king and his
+councillors to take but either to order a military
+expedition on a large scale, or to turn a sceptical
+ear to all alike and confine their attention simply
+to the tribute. Pride and weakness combined led
+them to take the dangerous middle course and
+send inadequate bodies of men singly into the
+disturbed districts. A certain amount of success
+attended the policy; the king's Nubian <q>Pidati</q>
+were dreaded from of old, and his mercenaries, the
+Shirtani, were looked upon as invincible. When
+it was a mere question of hundreds in the field
+<pb n='023'/><anchor id='Pg023'/>
+against hundreds, the appearance of a company,
+or of a few troops, restored peace for a time, but
+serious and aggravated hostilities between masses
+of rebels could not always be checked by such
+small numbers, and it was a severe blow to the
+prestige of the Shirtani when they were defeated
+at Gebal by the Sutu.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The knowledge that Egypt was far away, and
+that the Son of the Sun was highly exalted, led
+the chiefs and officials in Syria and Canaan to
+deeds of open defiance of their suzerain. Ambassadors
+from foreign states were robbed in
+passing on their journey to Egypt, caravans were
+plundered, and gifts sent to Pharaoh were intercepted.
+All this notwithstanding, still the stream
+of rhetorical devotion flowed on in the letters.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index="toc"/>
+<index index="pdf"/>
+<head>III. Letters from Asiatic Kings.</head>
+
+<p>
+Akhenaten had taken with him to the new
+capital part of the archives of his father. With
+few exceptions, it is not from the letters of vassals
+that we learn this, for these, as a rule, are
+addressed simply <q>To the King.</q> The foreign
+sovereigns, however, almost always addressed the
+Pharaoh by his prenomen. Thus neither <q>Amenhetep</q>
+nor <q>Akhenaten</q> appears in the Tell el
+Amarna letters, but always <q>Nimmuria</q> (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, Neb-maat-Ra)
+<pb n='024'/><anchor id='Pg024'/>
+for Amenophis III. and <q>Napkhuria</q>
+(<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, Nefer-khepru-Ra) for Akhenaten. Dating
+there was none in correspondence of that time
+and hence these addresses are of great chronological
+importance.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Four communications to <q>Nimmuria</q> from the
+Babylonian ruler Kadashman-Bel (at first incorrectly
+read Kallima-Sin) are among the most
+important in this respect. The writer calls his
+land Karduniash, a name for Babylonia used by
+the Assyrians after the native employment of it
+had long ceased. Kadashman-Bel himself belonged
+to the house of the Kassite chiefs, who,
+about two hundred and fifty years previously, had
+invaded and conquered Babylonia, but who afterwards
+fully adopted Babylonian manners and
+customs. It is at once apparent that Nimmuria
+and Kadashman-Bel approach each other as equals.
+The Egyptian, however, was supposed to possess
+one very precious thing in superfluity, namely,
+gold; for at that time the gold mines of Nubia
+were in good working. The Babylonian letters,
+therefore, seldom failed to contain a hint that the
+king desired some of the precious metal, sometimes
+as a return gift for rich presents he had
+given the Egyptian, sometimes as temple-offerings,
+or as a dowry. Matrimonial alliances were the
+principal means by which a ruler kept on good
+terms with neighbouring princes, and Oriental
+<pb n='025'/><anchor id='Pg025'/>
+polygamy allowed a great deal to be done in that
+line. It is noticeable that the claim made by the
+Egyptian king to divine honours soon began to
+cause little difficulties in diplomatic intercourse.
+Not that <q>the Son of the Sun</q> claimed adoration
+from his royal compeers: that was expected from
+his subjects only. But he showed the greatest
+reluctance to give away a daughter to any foreign
+king. Moreover, the fact must not be overlooked
+that it was precisely in the XVIIIth Dynasty that
+brothers and sisters of the royal house so frequently
+intermarried, a custom afterwards affected
+by the Ptolemies and implying simply that the
+royal race of the Pharaohs being emphatically
+divine was therefore essentially exalted above
+the world in general. According to this flattering
+fiction there could be no equal union for a king of
+Egypt except with his own sister. No such
+marriage seems to have been made by Nimmuria,
+but, as if in amends for that, he worshipped, as
+above stated, his own divine image. We need
+not wonder, then, that he regarded his children
+as divine manifestations and hesitated to bestow
+them in marriage.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Kadashman-Bel seems to have thoroughly
+appreciated this little weakness, and no doubt
+the mortal gods on the Nile were a subject for
+mockery at the Courts of Western Asia, even in
+those days. Thus, a remark of Nimmuria's to
+<pb n='026'/><anchor id='Pg026'/>
+the effect that no princess had ever been given
+away from Egypt is answered with delightful
+dryness:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>Why so? A king art thou, and canst do according
+to thy will. If thou give her, who shall say
+anything against it? I wrote before, <q>Send, at least,
+a beautiful woman.</q> Who is there to say that she is
+not a king's daughter? If thou wilt not do this,
+thou hast no regard for our brotherhood and friendship.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+Kadashman-Bel threatened that he in his turn
+would hesitate to give his daughter in marriage,
+and would make similar evasive excuses. At
+last, however, the negotiations came to the desired
+conclusion, and for a time gifts flowed more freely
+on both sides.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Valuable, though in many respects puzzling, is
+a large tablet containing a letter of Nimmuria to
+Kadashman-Bel. Possibly it may have been kept
+as a copy, and in that case it must belong to the
+early part of the correspondence. More probably
+however, the letter is an original which came back
+<q>undelivered</q> to Egypt, the addressee having
+died in the meantime. Kadashman-Bel had complained
+that his sister, who had been given by his
+father in marriage to the Egyptian, had subsequently
+never once been seen by any Babylonian
+ambassadors. Certainly a woman in royal garb
+had been pointed out, but not one of them had
+<pb n='027'/><anchor id='Pg027'/>
+recognised her as their own princess. <q>Who
+knows that it was not some beggar's daughter,
+a Gagaian, or a maiden of Hanirabbat or
+Ugarit whom my messengers saw?</q> Then
+Nimmuria took up the tale, and complained that
+Kadashman-Bel sent only ambassadors who had
+never frequented his father's Court, and were moreover
+of adverse bias. <q>Send a <hi rend='italic'>kamiru</hi></q> (evidently
+a eunuch is meant) <q>who knows thy sister.</q>
+Further misunderstandings come under discussion,
+from which it is evident that the general situation
+between the two princes was very much strained.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+King Tushratta of Mitani was a phenomenon
+in his way. In Egyptian inscriptions his kingdom
+is called Naharina&mdash;<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, <q>Mesopotamia.</q> One of
+his tablets bears the following official memorandum,
+written in red ink and in hieratic:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>[Received] in the two-[and-thirtieth year of the
+reign of Nimmuria], in the first winter month, on the
+tenth day, the Court being at the southern residence
+(Thebes), in the Residence Ka-em-Ekhut. Duplicate
+of the Naharina letter brought by the messenger
+Pirizzi and (another).</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+Tushratta's dominion was wide, extending from
+south-eastern Cappadocia to beyond the later
+Assyrian capital, Nineveh. But the kingdom of
+Mitani, occasionally called after the northern
+fatherland of its people, Hanirabbat, was nearing
+its fall.   In the south it had a dangerous enemy
+<pb n='028'/><anchor id='Pg028'/>
+in Babylonia; in the north and west the Hittites
+were hostile and all the more to be dreaded
+since Mitani-Hanirabbat was inhabited by a
+people related to the Hittite stock. The kings
+of Mitani soon realised that their existence was
+best secured by a steady alliance with Egypt.
+To this end Artatama and Shutarna, the two predecessors
+of Tushratta, had sent their daughters
+to the harem of the Pharaohs. The so-called
+<q>marriage scarab</q> of Nimmuria bears witness
+to this, and reference to the bond is often made
+by Tushratta. Before he could ascend the throne
+he had various difficulties to contend against, of
+which a faithful account is sent to Egypt:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>When I ascended my father's throne I was still
+young, for Pirhi did evil to my land and had slain its
+lord. Therefore he did evil to me also and to all my
+friends. But I quailed not before the crimes that were
+committed in my land, but slew the murderers of
+Artashumara my brother, with all their adherents.
+Know also, oh, my royal brother! that the whole
+army of the Hittites marched against my land. But
+the God Teshup, the lord, delivered them into my
+hand and I destroyed them. Not one man from
+their midst returned to his own land. And now I
+have sent to thee a chariot and two horses, a youth
+and a maiden, the booty of the land of the Hittites.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+This letter betrays itself as one of the earliest
+written for Tushratta by the fact that it makes no
+request for gold. All his later letters are filled
+<pb n='029'/><anchor id='Pg029'/>
+with greedy entreaties, completely giving the lie
+to the immediate pretext under which they were
+professedly written. One of them, more than a
+yard long and proportionately broad, still keeps
+its charms to itself, since for some unknown
+reason, though written in cuneiform character
+like the rest, the language is that of Hanirabbat
+and this we are still unable to read. Nimmuria
+indeed, seems to have had a weakness for this
+worthy brother-in-law and his ingenuous manner
+of approaching him, and spared neither presents
+nor promises; at his death, however, some of the
+latter remained unfulfilled. Evidently neighbouring
+kings heard at length of Tushratta's financial
+success and were naturally envious. An extract
+will give the reader a more definite notion of this
+royal correspondence with its stylisms and turns of
+thought. The following is taken from Letter VIII.
+in the British Museum edition. The long-winded
+introduction was already a fixed convention, and
+occurs in all the letters from whatever country,
+but the declaration of affection is peculiar to
+Tushratta:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>To Nimmuria, the great king, the king of Egypt,
+my brother, my brother-in-law; who loves me and
+whom I love: Tushratta, the great king, thy (future)
+father-in-law, king of Mitani; who loves thee and is
+thy brother. It is well with me; may it be well
+with thee, with thy house, with my sister and thy
+<pb n='030'/><anchor id='Pg030'/>
+other wives, with thy sons, thy chariots, thy horses,
+thy nobles, thy land, and all that is thine, may it be
+well with them indeed! Whereas thy fathers in their
+time kept fast friendship with my fathers, thou hast
+increased the friendship. Now, therefore, that thou
+and I are friends thou hast made it ten times closer
+than with my father. May the gods cause our friendship
+to prosper! May Teshup, the lord, and Amon
+ordain it eternally as it now is! I write this to my
+brother that he may show me even more love than he
+showed my father. Now I ask gold from my brother,
+and it behoves me to ask this gold for two causes:
+in the first place for war equipment (to be provided
+later), and secondly, for the dowry (likewise to be
+provided). So, then, let my brother send me much
+gold, without measure, more than to my father. For
+in my brother's land gold is as the dust of the earth.
+May the gods grant that in the land of my brother,
+where already so much gold is, there may be ten
+times more in times to come! Certainly the gold
+that I require will not trouble my brother's heart, but
+let him also not grieve my heart. Therefore let my
+brother send gold without measure, in great quantity.
+And I also will grant all the gifts that my brother
+asks. For this land is my brother's land, and this
+my house is his house.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+All Tushratta's letters are written in this tone
+with the exception of the last. Nimmuria felt his
+end approaching, and entreated the aid of <q>Our
+Lady of Nineveh.</q> Such an expedient was not
+foreign to Egyptian thought. A late inscription
+professes to tell how a certain divine image was
+sent from Thebes to a distant land for the healing
+<pb n='031'/><anchor id='Pg031'/>
+of a foreign princess. From Tushratta's answer
+also it appears that the statue of the goddess
+Ishtar had once before been taken from Nineveh
+to Thebes.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+This letter begins solemnly:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>The words of Ishtar of Nineveh, mistress of all
+lands. <q>To Egypt, to the land that I love will I go,
+and there will I sojourn.</q> Now I send her and she
+goes. Let my brother worship her and then let her
+go in gladness that she may return. May Ishtar
+protect my brother and me for a hundred thousand
+years. May she grant unto us both great gladness;
+may we know nothing but happiness.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+All this notwithstanding, Nimmuria must die, and
+later Tushratta describes his own grief on the
+occasion:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>And on that day I wept, I sat in sorrow. Food
+and drink I touched not on that day; grieved was my
+heart. I said, <q>Oh, that it had been I who died !</q></q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+When he wrote thus the feelings expressed were
+probably genuine, for times had changed sadly for
+him and men of his type.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+We have now come to the accession of the
+reforming king Napkhuria&mdash;<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, Akhenaten.
+This zealot succeeded in bringing into the foreign
+relations of Egypt some of the unrest caused by
+his measures in home politics. To begin with,
+he sought for new political alliances and sacrificed
+those already existing, not by breaking off
+the connections, but by turning a deaf ear to
+<pb n='032'/><anchor id='Pg032'/>
+requests, or by adopting an insolent tone in his
+answers. On one occasion he showered on the
+old beggar Tushratta derision which was no
+doubt well deserved, but which it was most impolitic
+to express so plainly. He gives one the
+impression of an inexperienced prince, brought
+up in Oriental seclusion, who persists at all
+hazards in playing the part of a shrewd and
+worldly-wise ruler. He strained after novelty at
+the expense of his own security, and attempted
+to demonstrate the strength of the supports of his
+throne by sawing them through.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+About the time of Nimmuria's death Kadashman-Bel
+of Babylonia also died, and Burnaburiash,
+probably his brother or cousin, was prepared on
+his accession to maintain the traditional friendship
+with Egypt. But at the very beginning
+Napkhuria was guilty of a breach of etiquette in
+neglecting to send any expression of sympathy
+during a long illness of Burnaburiash. In spite
+of many fine words, the usual matrimonial negotiations
+did not run smoothly; moreover, attacks
+were made on travelling messengers, and at length
+Napkhuria's avarice forced the Babylonian to
+measures of retaliation, and he writes:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>Since ambassadors from thy fathers came to my
+fathers, they also have lived on friendly terms. We
+should continue in the same. Messengers have now
+come from thee thrice, but thou hast sent with them
+<pb n='033'/><anchor id='Pg033'/>
+no gift worthy the name. I also shall desist in the
+same way. If nothing is denied me I shall deny thee
+nothing.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+Meanwhile, the dear brother in Egypt was continually
+finding opportunities to annoy the Babylonian.
+Assyria was then a small state on the
+middle Tigris, in exactly the same relation to the
+suzerainty of Babylonia as Canaan was to that of
+Egypt. Disregarding this fact, Napkhuria sent a
+very large quantity of gold to the prince Assurnadinakhi
+and ostentatiously received an Assyrian
+embassy. Burnaburiash, in remonstrating, referred
+to the loyal conduct of his father, Kurigalzu,
+who had answered the Canaanites with threats
+when, in an attempted rising against Nimmuria,
+they offered to do homage to Kurigalzu.
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>Now there are the Assyrians, my vassals. Have
+not I already written to thee in regard to them? If
+thou lovest me they will gain nothing from thee. Let
+them depart unsuccessful.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+This exhortation seems to have been vain, for a
+letter of the next Assyrian king, Assuruballit,
+speaks of a regular exchange of messengers, and
+indicates that the Sutu of the desert&mdash;doubtless
+at the instigation of the Babylonians&mdash;were about
+to kill every Egyptian who showed himself in
+their territory.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+A prince of Alashia, who never mentions either
+<pb n='034'/><anchor id='Pg034'/>
+his own name or that of the Egyptian king, wrote
+short letters, for the most part of a business
+character. Alashia probably lay on the Cilician
+coast. Gold did not tempt him; he asked modestly
+for silver in return for copper, for oil,
+textiles and manufactured articles in return for
+wood for building. Thus the tablets from Alashia
+are rich in information regarding commercial
+matters and questions of public rights. They are
+of special interest for us, owing to the fact that
+one of them contains the first historic mention of
+the plague.
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>Behold! my brother, I have sent thee five hundred
+talents of copper as a gift. Let it not grieve
+my brother's heart that it is too little. For in my
+land the hand of Nergal (the god of pestilence) has
+slain all the workers, and copper cannot be produced.
+And, my brother, take it not to heart that thy messenger
+stayed three years in my land. For the hand
+of Nergal is in it, and in my house my young wife
+died.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+Yet this ruler also had to guard himself against
+embassies unworthy of a king sent by Napkhuria.
+Another prince, in a letter unfortunately much
+damaged, made the complaint that Napkhuria had
+once caused his own name to be written first in a
+letter. This was, indeed, unparalleled; the title
+of the recipient stands first even in a severe reprimand
+sent to the Egyptian vassal Aziru. As if
+<pb n='035'/><anchor id='Pg035'/>
+to equalise matters, in royal letters the greetings
+that follow the address begin with a mention of
+the welfare of the writer. <q>It is well with me.
+May it be well with thee,</q> &amp;c. There is, however,
+one tablet addressed to Napkhuria that committed
+the offence complained of, and it was perhaps for
+this reason that the introductory address was
+scratched through anciently. It is fairly certain
+that this letter, as well as the one complaining of
+Napkhuria's breach of etiquette, came from the
+Hittite king. The tone throughout is very decided,
+and complaints of neglect of proper consideration
+are not wanting.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+A short time before his death Nimmuria had
+married another daughter of Tushratta, Tadukhipa,
+the long inventory of whose dowry was found at
+Tell el Amarna. On receiving the news&mdash;for
+which he was already prepared&mdash;of the death of
+his hoary-headed son-in-law, Tushratta at once
+sent Pirizzi and Bubri <q>with lamentations</q> to
+Napkhuria. He managed to suppress his personal
+wishes up to the third message, but prepared the
+way for them by calling Teye, the chief wife of
+Nimmuria, as a witness. <q>And all the matters
+that I negotiated with thy father, Teye, thy mother,
+knoweth them; none other besides knoweth of
+them.</q> Immediately after this came the request
+that Napkhuria should send him the <q>golden
+images</q> (statuettes) that Nimmuria had promised
+<pb n='036'/><anchor id='Pg036'/>
+him. And Napkhuria wasted no words, but sent
+by the messenger Hamashi&mdash;the wooden models!
+He seems to have thought he was acting as a
+good son and a shrewd man of business in fulfilling
+his father's promises at so cheap a rate.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+But Tushratta was not easily shaken off. His
+next move was to send Teye and her son each a
+letter at the same time. He gave polite greetings
+from his wife Yuni to the widow, whose influence
+was evidently still strong, sent her presents, and
+entreated her intercession. This remarkable
+letter runs as follows:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>To Teye, Queen of Egypt, Tushratta, King of
+Mitani. May it be well with thee, may it be well with
+thy son, may it be well with Tadukhipa, my daughter,
+thy young companion in widowhood. Thou knowest
+that I was in friendship with Nimmuria, thy husband,
+and that Nimmuria was in friendship with me. What
+I wrote to him and negotiated with him, and likewise
+what Nimmuria thy husband wrote to me and negotiated
+with me, thou and Gilia and Mani (Tushratta's
+messengers), ye know it. But thou knowest it better
+than all others. And none other knows it. Now
+thou hast said to Gilia: <q>Say to thy lord, Nimmuria
+my husband was in friendship with thy father and
+sent him the military standards, which he kept. The
+embassies between them were never interrupted. But
+now, forget not thou thine old friendship with thy
+brother Nimmuria and extend it to his son Napkhuria.
+Send joyful embassies; let them not be omitted.</q>
+Lo, I will not forget the friendship with Nimmuria!
+More, tenfold more, words of friendship will I exchange
+<pb n='037'/><anchor id='Pg037'/>
+with Napkhuria thy son and keep up right
+good friendship. But the promise of Nimmuria, the
+gift that thy husband ordered to be brought to me,
+thou hast not sent. I asked for golden statuettes.
+But now Napkhuria thy son has had them made of
+wood, though gold is as dust in thy land. Why
+does this happen just now? Should not Napkhuria
+deliver that to me which his father gave me? And
+he wishes to increase our friendship tenfold! Wherefore
+then dost thou not bring this matter before thy
+son Napkhuria? Even though thou do it not he
+ought nevertheless to deliver unto me statuettes of
+gold and in no way to slight me. Thus friendship
+will reign between us tenfold. Let thy messengers
+to Yuni my wife depart with Napkhuria's ambassador,
+and Yuni's messenger shall come to thee. Lo, I send
+gifts for thee; boxes filled with good oil (perfume),</q>
+&amp;c. &amp;c.
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+To Napkhuria also Tushratta insists on his
+rights in detail. The messengers from Mitani
+were said to have been present at the casting of
+the images, and even to have started on their
+journey home when Nimmuria died. It may thus
+be assumed that Napkhuria at once ordered the
+transport to be brought back. Queen Teye evidently
+showed no desire to be mixed up in so
+unpleasant a business, but Napkhuria demanded
+that the messenger Gilia should be sent to him.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Most probably this often-mentioned Gilia was
+the witness present at the casting and despatching
+of the images. Tushratta gave evasive answers,
+<pb n='038'/><anchor id='Pg038'/>
+and his last letter (more than two hundred lines
+in length) is something in the nature of an ultimatum.
+On both sides fresh complaints are
+brought forward, and the settlement of each one
+of them was made dependent on the settlement
+of the principal question. Napkhuria threatened
+to close his land against all subjects of Mitani,
+and, as no later document has been found, it is
+probable that at this point all intercourse ceased.
+A much mutilated letter from Gebal to Egypt
+announces the departure of the king of Mitani
+with an armed force; but it is doubtful whether
+this can be quoted in the present connection.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The characters of the two irreconcilable
+monarchs, who show each other up so admirably
+for our edification, make any question as to which
+had right on his side seem comparatively trifling.
+Tushratta was evidently much distressed that he
+dared not venture to send his Gilia back again
+and that none of the later letters which he had
+from Nimmuria contained any word of the golden
+images. It is evident also that Napkhuria, supported by
+Teye, had actually recalled embassies
+that his father had already sent out. The old
+king, who had called Ishtar of Nineveh to his
+help, may have been brought by the approach of
+death into a generous state of mind not uncommon
+in such cases. Even now we say, <q>He
+must be near his end,</q> when a man shows unexpected
+<pb n='039'/><anchor id='Pg039'/>
+and unusual gentleness. It is quite
+possible that Nimmuria had ordered the images
+in question to be made for his worthy friend
+without giving any formal promise to send them,
+and that as soon as Tushratta learned what had
+happened, he promptly interposed with a lie, in
+hope of appealing to Napkhuria's sense of the
+fitness of things. That, however, was expecting
+too much.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index="toc"/>
+<index index="pdf"/>
+<head>IV. Letters from Asiatic Vassals.</head>
+
+<p>
+Four-fifths of the number of letters consist of
+reports and communications from Egyptian governors,
+military commanders, magistrates, and
+other officials in Western Asia. The form of
+address from these subordinates to the Pharaoh
+is naturally very different from <q>Royal Brother,</q>
+and in hurried announcements it is often contracted.
+Written in full the long formula runs:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>To the king, my lord, my gods, my sun, the sun
+of heaven; Yitia, prefect of Askelon is thy servant,
+the dust at thy feet, the servant of thy horses. At
+the feet of the king my lord seven times and again
+seven times I prostrate myself upon my back and
+upon my breast.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+The importance of these letters, however, consists
+in the substance of what they report and in
+<pb n='040'/><anchor id='Pg040'/>
+what they tell us as to the doings of the writers.
+They are the data by reason of which the Tell el
+Amarna archives constitute a unique store of
+historical material for the study of the history of
+civilisation.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Warlike expeditions among the vassal chiefs
+were the order of the day. Most dangerous of
+all the chiefs was Aziru, prefect of the land of the
+Amorites, whose territory included the district
+north of Damascus and part of the valley of the
+Orontes. In the hope of founding an independent
+kingdom, Aziru had swiftly seized on the dominions
+of all the chiefs on his northern boundary,
+and in this action his admirable understanding
+with the Egyptian officials afforded him invaluable
+help. The town of Tunip sent a truly pathetic
+letter to Pharaoh from which we learn that Aziru
+had already taken Nii, was besieging Simyra in
+Phœnicia, and at the same time, by the aid of his
+creatures at Court, had succeeded in preventing
+the king from reinstating a prince of Tunip who
+had been sent into Egypt as a hostage. This
+prince, a certain Yadi Addu, had already been
+released and was on his way home when the allies
+of Aziru caused him to be recalled.
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>If, however, we have to mourn,</q> so the complaint
+proceeds, <q>the king himself will soon have to mourn
+over those things which Aziru has committed against
+us, for next he will turn his hand against his lord.
+<pb n='041'/><anchor id='Pg041'/>
+But Tunip, thy city, weeps; her tears flow; nowhere
+is there help for us.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+The most bitter complaints against Aziru and
+his father Abd-Ashera come from Rib-Addi of
+Gebal. His utterances rival the Lamentations of
+Jeremiah both in volume and in monotonous
+pathos. One of these many letters, the contents
+of which are often stereotyped enough, is also
+noticeable for its revelation of the connection of
+Rib-Addi, who must already have been an elderly
+man, with Amanappa:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>To Amanappa, my father; Rib-Addi, thy son!
+At my father's feet I fall. Again and again I asked
+thee, <q>Canst thou not rescue me from the hand of
+Abd-Ashera? All the Habiri are on his side; the
+princes will hear no remonstrances, but are in alliance
+with him; thereby is he become mighty.</q> But thou
+hast answered me, <q>Send thy messenger with me to
+Court, and then will I, if nothing be said against it
+(<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, by the king), send him again and again with
+royal troops to thee till the Pidati march forth to
+secure thy life.</q> Then I answered thee, <q>I will not
+delay to send the man, but nothing of this must come
+to the ears of Abd-Ashera, for [Yanhamu has] taken
+[silver] from his hand.</q> (As much as to say that if
+Abd-Ashera gives Yanhamu a hint, the messenger
+will never get beyond Lower Egypt.) But thou hast
+said, <q>Fear not, but send a ship to the Yarimuta,
+and money and garments will come to thee thence.</q>
+Now, behold, the troops which thou hast given me
+have fled, because thou hast neglected me, while I
+have obeyed thee. He hath spoken with the official
+<pb n='042'/><anchor id='Pg042'/>
+(Yanhamu?) nine times [in vain]. Behold, thou art
+delaying with regard to this offence as with the others.
+What then can save me? If I receive no troops I
+shall forsake my city, and flee, doing that which seems
+good to me to preserve my life.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+Yanhamu's bias against Rib-Addi is made
+evident in many other letters which the poor
+wretch addressed to the Court:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>If I should make a treaty with Abd-Ashera as
+did Yap-Addi and Zimrida, then I should be safe.
+Furthermore, since Simyra is indeed lost to me, and
+Yanhamu hath received Bit-Arti, he ought to send
+me provision of grain that I may defend the king's
+city for him. Thou, oh king, speak to Yanhamu;
+<q>Behold, Rib-Addi is in thy hand, and all injury done
+to him falls on thee.</q></q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+This desire was not complied with, for the
+Phœnician vassal was at length robbed of all
+his cities and possessions, so that even the callous
+Egyptian Government felt obliged at last to send
+a threatening embassy to Aziru, the son of Abd-Ashera,
+and the real author of the difficulties in
+Gebal. At the same time the surrender was
+demanded of certain <q>enemies of the king,</q> who
+were in all probability principal adherents of
+Aziru. When the messenger Hani arrived with
+this note, Aziru, evidently warned in good time,
+had promptly vanished over the hills, and none of
+the royal commands could be carried out. He
+<pb n='043'/><anchor id='Pg043'/>
+pretends to have settled down in Tunip, which he
+must previously have seized, but at once returned
+home on hearing of Hani's arrival. Unfortunately
+it was too late. The cunning Amorite brought
+forward one excuse after another. <q>Even if thy
+actions be just, yet if thou dissemble in thy letters
+at thy pleasure, the king must at length come to
+think that thou liest in every case,</q> is a passage
+in the letter brought by Hani. Aziru replies in a
+tone of injured innocence:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>To the great king, my lord, my god, my sun;
+Aziru, thy servant. Seven times and again seven
+times, &amp;c. Oh, lord, I am indeed thy servant; and
+only when prostrate on the ground before the king,
+my lord, can I speak what I have to say. But
+hearken not, O lord, to the foes who slander me
+before thee. I remain thy servant for ever.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+This trusty vassal added to his other known
+faults the peculiarity of conspiring readily with
+the Hittite foes of the Court. His insolence
+helped him successfully out of these awkward
+difficulties also whenever the matter came under
+discussion. When preparing fresh raids he did
+not hesitate to invent news of Hittite invasions
+which he was bound to resist, and all territory
+which he then took from his co-vassals would,
+according to his own account, otherwise certainly
+have fallen into the hands of the enemy. But
+as the result was always the same&mdash;<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, to the
+<pb n='044'/><anchor id='Pg044'/>
+advantage of Aziru alone&mdash;the opinion began to
+prevail in Egyptian councils that this restless
+vassal should be summoned to Court and tried.
+For many years Aziru succeeded in evading these
+fatal and dangerous, or at best very costly orders.
+But finally he was forced to obey, and with heavy
+heart and well-filled treasure chests set off for
+Egypt. Apparently he relied on his principal
+ally Dudu, whom in his letters he always addresses
+as <q>father</q>; but this pleasant alliance
+did not avail to protect the disturber of the
+peace from provisional arrest. The last letter
+in the Aziru series, which had obviously been
+confiscated and subsequently found its way back
+into the archives, is a letter of condolence from
+the adherents or sons of Aziru to their imprisoned
+chief. Nevertheless, the political activity of the
+Amorite chief seemed to many Syrian, and
+especially to Phœnician princes as on the whole
+for the good of the land, and, therefore, to be
+supported. His appearance put the longed-for
+end to a far less endurable condition of things.
+Two communications from Akizzi, the headman of
+the city of Katna, near Damascus, exhibit the
+difference clearly. When Akizzi sent his first
+communication to Nimmuria every petty chief
+went raiding on his own account: Teuwatta of
+Lapana, Dasha, Arzawia and all the rest of them.
+These vanished with the entrance of Aziru upon
+<pb n='045'/><anchor id='Pg045'/>
+the scene, though the change was by no means
+welcome to Akizzi. In the Lebanon things were
+no better. Here Namyauza was struggling with
+the headmen of Puzruna and Khalunni. <q>They
+began hostilities together with Biridashwi against
+me and said: <q>Come, let us kill Namyauza.</q> But
+I escaped.</q> This promiscuous warfare raged
+most fiercely in the south. Here a certain Labaya
+tried to play the part taken by Aziru in the north.
+But fortune was less favourable to Labaya. Probably
+he failed to induce his undisciplined officers
+to act in unison, and the unhappy man's sole
+achievement seems to have been the welding of
+his foes into a compact body against himself. He
+lost his territory, kept up the struggle a little
+longer as a freebooter, was taken captive at
+Megiddo, escaped again on the eve of being
+shipped to Egypt, and fell in battle or died a
+natural death after at length meeting apparently
+with some success in Judæa.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Jerusalem was under a royal <q>Uweu,</q> a term
+perhaps best rendered <q>captain,</q> named Abdikheba.
+A neighbouring prefect, Shuwardata,
+asserted occasionally that he had entered into
+conspiracies with Labaya, and Abdikheba in fact
+complained of hostilities on all sides. Milki-El
+and his father-in-law Tagi, chiefs in the Philistian
+plain near Gath, were his principal opponents.
+They recruited troops from among the Habiri in
+<pb n='046'/><anchor id='Pg046'/>
+the hope that Abdikheba, finding himself practically
+blockaded, would weary of the struggle and
+abandon the field. He was evidently very nearly
+driven to this when he wrote:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>Infamous things have been wrought against me.
+To see it would draw tears from the eyes of the king,
+so do my foes press me. Shall the royal cities fall a
+prey to the Habiri? If the Pidati do not come in
+the course of this year, let the king send messengers
+to fetch me and all my brethren that we may die in
+the presence of the king, our lord.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+By the Habiri we must here understand no
+other than the Hebrews, who were therefore
+already to be found in the <q>Promised Land,</q> but
+had not yet firmly established themselves there.
+They swarmed in the Lebanon, where Namyauza
+had formally enlisted one of their hordes; and
+yet it seems as if they already held Shechem and
+Mount Ephraim as free tribal property. At any
+rate, no letter thence to the king has been discovered,
+although there is one mention of the
+city Shakmi (Shechem). The genuinely ancient
+passages in the scriptural accounts of the conquest
+in the Book of Joshua, and still more the
+valuable fragments in the first chapter of Judges,
+are fairly in accordance with what we here learn
+from the tablets.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Abdikheba's letters may be considered along
+with those of Milki-El and Tagi, of whom Yanhamu,
+<pb n='047'/><anchor id='Pg047'/>
+the powerful official, had just made an
+example. Their voices take up the chorus of
+complaint:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>Abdikheba.</hi> <q>Lo! Milki-El and Tagi have done
+as follows.... Thus, as the king liveth, hath Milki-El
+committed treachery against me. Send Yanhamu
+that he may see what is done in the king's land.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>Milki-El.</hi> <q>The king, my lord, shall know the
+deed done by Yanhamu after I had been dismissed
+by the king. Lo, he took three thousand talents from
+me and said to me, <q>Give me thy wife and thy sons
+that I may slay them.</q> May my lord, the king,
+remember this deed and send us chariots to bring us
+away.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>Tagi.</hi> <q>Am I not a servant of the king? But
+my brother is full of wounds so that I can send no
+message by him to the king. Ask the <hi rend='italic'>rabisu</hi> (a
+title of Yanhamu) whether my brother is not full of
+wounds. But we turn our eyes to thee, to know
+whether we may rise to heaven or creep into the
+earth; our heads remain in thy hand. Behold, I
+shall try to make my way to the king by the hand of
+the surgeons.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<hi rend='smallcaps'>Milki-El.</hi> <q>I have received the king's message.
+Let him send the Pidati to protect his servant, and
+grains of myrrh gum for healing.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+As already pointed out, the blame for such
+occurrences belongs in the first place to the
+Egyptian system of government. How little the
+petty princes could expect, whether of good or
+evil, from their suzerain is shown by glaring
+examples. King Burnaburiash complained that
+<pb n='048'/><anchor id='Pg048'/>
+a Babylonian trading company established by his
+ambassador in the Canaanite city of Khinaton
+had, immediately after the ambassador's departure,
+been attacked and utterly plundered. The
+principals were killed, and the rest&mdash;some of them
+mutilated&mdash;were sent into slavery. <q>Canaan is
+thy land; thou art king of it,</q> continues Burnaburiash.
+<q>It was in thy land that I suffered this
+injury; therefore restrain the doers of it. Replace
+the stolen gold, and slay the murderers of
+my subjects to avenge their blood.</q> Whether
+this was done was extremely doubtful, for part of
+the plunder had in all probability already sufficed
+to secure a safe retreat for the brigands, who,
+furthermore, were officials from some of whom
+letters have been found. The natural consequence
+was that the ambassadors themselves were
+attacked. Their caravan with gifts for Napkhuria
+was robbed twice in succession, and they themselves
+were held to ransom. The Egyptian
+Government nevertheless remained outrageously
+slack as ever, as we may see from the following
+safe conduct granted on behalf of the Canaanite
+miscreants: <q>To the princes in the land of
+Canaan, the vassals of my brother. Akiya, my
+messenger, I send to the King of Egypt my
+brother. Bring him safe and quickly to Egypt.
+Let no violence befall him.</q>
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Prefects of Canaanite ports were naturally in
+<pb n='049'/><anchor id='Pg049'/>
+most active communication with Egypt. On some
+of the shrewder minds among these men it had
+dawned that it pleased and amused the king to
+have immediate news of messages by sea and
+land from far and near communicated in their
+letters. Abi-milki of Tyre had carried this practice
+farthest, and he was also admirably skilful in
+lodging complaints by the way. We owe to this
+worthy one of the choicest pieces in the whole
+collection, the elegant pæan of a place-hunter of
+more than three thousand years ago. It will be
+noticed that some of his rhetorical expressions
+repeatedly recall those of the Hebrew Psalter in
+the same way as do phrases in the letter of Tagi
+already quoted. In fact, the Bible critic has much
+to learn from the tablets as a whole. After
+the formal beginning, Abi-milki launches out as
+follows:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>My lord the king is the Sun-God, rising each
+day over the earth according to the will of his
+gracious father, the heavenly Sun-God (Aten). His
+words give life and prosperity. To all lands his
+might giveth peace. Like the (Phœnician) god Ram-man,
+so he thunders down from heaven, and the
+earth trembles before him. Behold, thy servant
+writeth as soon as he has good news to send the
+king. And the fear of my lord, the king, fell upon
+the whole land till the messenger made known the
+good news from the king my lord. When I heard
+through him the command of the king to me, <q>Be at
+the disposal of my high officials,</q> then thy servant
+<pb n='050'/><anchor id='Pg050'/>
+answered his lord, <q>It is already done.</q> On my
+breast and on my back write I down for myself the
+commands of the king. Verily, he who hearkeneth
+to the king his lord, and serveth him with love, the
+Sun-God riseth over him, and a good word from the
+mouth of his lord giveth him life. If he heed not
+the commands of his lord his city will fall, his house
+will perish, and his name will be known no more for
+ever in all lands. But he who followeth his lord as a
+faithful servant, his city is prosperous, his house is
+secure, and his name shall endure for ever.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+The letter continues for some time in the same
+strain, but at the end the courtier bethinks him of
+his office of informer, and adds hastily:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>Furthermore, Zimrida, the prefect of Sidon, sends
+a report every day to Aziru, Abd-Ashera's son. Every
+word that comes from Egypt he telleth to him. I,
+however, tell it to my lord, that it may serve thee, oh
+my lord!</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+Two princes, Adad-nirari of Nukhashi and
+another whose name is now illegible, apparently
+take a higher rank than their neighbours. Nukhashi
+is often named in these tablets as well as in Egyptian
+inscriptions, and it must have been situated on
+the north-east slope of the Lebanon range. We
+have also letters from the towns of Biruta (Beyrout),
+Hashab, Hazi, Kumidi, Kadesh on the
+Orontes, Sidon, Akko, Rubiza, Megiddo, Hazor,
+Gezer, Gaza, Lachish, Shamhuna, Mushihuma,
+Dubu, and others, while there are many more so
+<pb n='051'/><anchor id='Pg051'/>
+mutilated that their origin can no longer be determined.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+These letters, though by no means all of them
+containing important contributions to the history
+of political intrigue, are often of interest from the
+light they throw on manners and customs. A
+few further extracts are therefore given here.
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>To the king my lord, my gods, my sun; Yabitiri
+is thy servant, the dust of thy feet, &amp;c. And a
+faithful servant of the king am I. I look hither, and
+I look thither, but it is not light; then I look to the
+king my lord, then there is light. A brick may be
+removed from its firm bed, but I move not away from
+the king's feet. Let my lord the king ask Yanhamu,
+his <hi rend='italic'>rabisu</hi>. While I was still young he brought me
+to Egypt, and I served my lord the king and stood
+at the gate of the palace (as page). And to-day, let
+my lord the king ask his <hi rend='italic'>rabisu</hi>, I guard the gates
+of Gaza and of Joppa. I am also attached to the
+Pidati of my lord the king; whither they go thither
+do I go with them, as even now. On my neck rests
+the yoke of my lord the king, and I bear it.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+The following tablet from the neighbourhood of
+the Jordan promises good results as the reward of
+future research for geographical details:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>To Yanhamu, my lord: Mut-Addi is thy servant
+at thy feet. I told thee before, and it is so indeed;
+Ayab hath fled in secret, as did also previously the
+king of Bihishi before the commissioners of the king
+his lord. Is Ayab now in Bihishi? [He is there]
+truly as the lord king liveth, truly as he liveth. For
+<pb n='052'/><anchor id='Pg052'/>
+two months he has been there. Behold, Benenima is
+present, Tadua is present, Yashua is present; ask
+them whether he hath fled from Shadi-Marduk, from
+Astarti. When all the cities in the land of Gari
+were in rebellion, Adma (Udumu), Aduri, Araru,
+Mishtu, Migdal, Ain-anab and Sarki were taken, then
+later Hawani and Yabesh. Behold, moreover, as
+soon as thou hadst written a letter to me I wrote to
+him (Ayab) that thou hadst returned from thy journey
+(to Palestine?). And behold he came to Bihishi and
+heard the command.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+The names Ayab and Yashua recall Job and
+Joshua to our minds.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The great alacrity shown in this letter was, as
+we already know, most acceptable to Yanhamu.
+Another Syrian chief, whose name has been obliterated,
+complained bitterly that Yanhamu had
+refused him a passage through his territories,
+although he showed the royal summons to Court.
+This, indeed, may have been an indirect favour to
+his correspondent. Very amusing is a group of
+three synoptic letters, written by one scribe for
+Biri ... (the name is imperfect) of Hashab,
+Ildaya ... of Hazi, and another. These
+vassals had evidently taken the field together.
+They recite their tale like a chorus of schoolboys
+repeating a lesson.
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>Behold, we were besieging the cities of the king
+my lord in the land of Amki (<hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, cities that had
+fallen away and had ceased to pay tribute). Then
+<pb n='053'/><anchor id='Pg053'/>
+came Itakama, the Prince of Kinza (Kadesh), at the
+head of Hittites. Let my lord the king write to
+Itakama, and cause him to turn aside and give us
+troops that we may win the cities of my lord the
+king, and thenceforth dwell in them.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+Itakama was specially unpopular with his neighbours.
+Apparently he was one of the more
+powerful allies of Aziru, and as such his special
+task was to press as hard as possible on the foes
+of the Amorites in southern Cœle-Syria. Perhaps,
+however, Aziru and Itakama did not come together
+till each for a time had fought his battles alone.
+The Hittites in Itakama's force were, of course,
+prominently mentioned to alarm Pharaoh. They
+may have been Hittite spearmen enrolled by the
+prince of Kadesh, much as the Habiri and Sutu
+had been enlisted by his chief rival Namyauza.
+It is even possible that the soldiers of Kadesh had
+always been armed in Hittite fashion; perhaps
+the town was already inhabited by people of
+Hittite stock. Later the Hittites actually seized
+Kadesh, and it is questionable whether it was for
+the first time. Itakama himself, however, scouts
+any thought of defection; nay, he writes:
+</p>
+
+<quote rend="display">
+<q>To the king my lord, &amp;c. I am thy servant,
+but Namyauza hath slandered me to thee, oh my
+master. And while he was doing that he occupied
+all the inheritance of my fathers in the land of
+Kadesh, and my villages hath he set on fire. Do not
+<pb n='054'/><anchor id='Pg054'/>
+the officers of my lord the king and his subjects
+know my faithfulness? I serve thee with all my
+brethren, and where there is rebellion against my
+lord the king, thither I march with my warriors, my
+chariots, and all my brethren. Behold, now Namyauza
+hath delivered up to the Habiri all the king's
+cities in the land of Kadesh and in Ube. But I
+will march forth, and if thy gods and thy sun go
+before me I will restore these places from the Habiri
+to the king that I may show myself subject to him.
+I will drive out these Habiri, and my lord the king
+shall rejoice in his servant Itakama. I will serve the
+king my lord, and all my brethren, and all lands shall
+serve him. But Namyauza will I destroy, for I am
+for ever a servant of the king my lord.</q>
+</quote>
+
+<p>
+The land of Ube here named corresponds to the
+Hobah of the Bible, mentioned in Genesis xiv. 15,
+as the place to which Abram pursued the conquerors
+of Sodom, who had carried Lot away.
+According to the margin of the Revised Version,
+Hobah lay <q>north of Damascus.</q> In a letter
+from Akizzi of Katna (see p. 44), we read, however,
+<q>Oh, my lord the king, as Damascus in the
+land of Ube stretches out her hand to thy feet, so
+Katna stretches out her hand to thy feet.</q> The
+statements may be reconciled by the hypothesis
+that in the Old Testament the position of the town
+after which the district is named is more exactly
+indicated. Other lands named in the tablets are
+more difficult to identify. To mitigate a famine in
+Gebal, Rib-Addi intended to send for grain from
+<pb n='055'/><anchor id='Pg055'/>
+Zalukhi in Ugarit, but his enemies detained his
+ships and frustrated his intentions. Zalukhi does
+not seem to be mentioned again, and Rib-Addi in
+a later letter compares Ugarit with the region
+round Tyre as regards its administrative relation
+to Egypt. Abi-milki, the Tyrian prefect, once
+informs the king, <q>Fire hath devoured the city of
+Ugarit; one half of it hath it destroyed and not
+the other.</q> Finally, a certain Yapakhi-Addi, after
+an unsuccessful attempt to get provisions into
+Rib-Addi's city Simyra, reproachfully informs
+Yanhamu that Aziru has extended his dominions
+from Gebal to Ugarit. Ugarit must thus have
+been the most northerly of the Egyptian possessions
+in Asia, and therefore not far from the site
+of the modern Alexandretta. This outlying position
+made the little state a somewhat insecure
+jewel in the crown of Egypt. King Kadashman-Bel
+seems to have been of this opinion when (see
+p. <ref target="Pg027">27</ref>) he included in his little list of ladies impossible
+for a royal harem <q>a maiden from Ugarit.</q>
+Evidently he meant to enumerate superciliously
+petty foreign <q>princesses</q> only.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Of a certain land of Danuna (considered a part
+of Canaan) we learn further that its king died,
+and that his brother succeeded to the throne
+unopposed. One of the two may be identical
+with the king of Tana; who, as Rib-Addi
+briefly mentions, was about to march to Gebal,
+<pb n='056'/><anchor id='Pg056'/>
+but was forced by scarcity of water to return
+home.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+A few letters from women are among the
+tablets. Two probably came from the wife of
+Milki-El, who was hard pressed by the Habiri
+when her husband was called to Egypt. Two
+others are addressed, <q>The handmaid to my
+mistress</q>; perhaps they were sent along with
+Tushratta's letters to his daughter in Egypt and
+were from one of her playfellows or relatives.
+Finally, the daughter of Napkhuria, married to
+Burnaburiash, sent a small tablet to her father
+by a special envoy named Kidin-Ramman.
+<q>Before the face of my lord let him come</q>
+indicates that the letter was <q>to be delivered
+in person.</q> It is a pity that this dainty little
+letter is for the most part illegible.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div>
+<index index="toc"/>
+<index index="pdf"/>
+<head>V. Political Conditions in the Tell el Amarna Period.</head>
+
+<p>
+However favourably the religious reform of
+King Napkhuria may be estimated on its own
+merits, it by no means strengthened the authority
+of Egypt in Asia. Of course it could have in no
+way been the cause of the state of affairs in Syria
+and Canaan; perhaps Amenophis III., whatever
+his own great slackness, simply inherited the
+<pb n='057'/><anchor id='Pg057'/>
+confusion in this part of his empire. The heaviest
+blows could not in the long run prevent the
+Habiri from returning to the attack again and
+again at brief intervals. Their need of expansion
+was greater than their fear, and, after all, it
+mattered little to Pharaoh whether the Habirite
+or the Canaanite paid tribute in Palestine as soon
+as the intruder was prepared to acknowledge his
+rights. Napkhuria's great weakness was his
+obvious partiality for those of his officials who
+had become Aten worshippers, and the eagerness
+of these men to exploit the royal favour was in
+proportion to their disbelief in the permanence of
+the movement for reform.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In their Babylonian form the Tell el Amarna
+tablets are in the first place the product of the
+diplomatic custom of the time, but in many details
+of their contents they show that the civilisation
+of Western Asia had for centuries been based
+on a Babylonian foundation. With the lack of
+exact information so frequently to be deplored
+in Egyptian accounts, the wordy narratives of
+the campaigns of Thutmosis III. scarcely enable
+us to determine exactly from which of the greater
+powers he had succeeded in wresting districts of
+Syria and Palestine. As regards the political
+situation there, even at the beginning of the
+Kassite Dynasty&mdash;a change probably attended
+by long internecine struggles&mdash;Babylonia seems
+<pb n='058'/><anchor id='Pg058'/>
+to have lost its western possessions on the
+Mediterranean, and we may rather suppose that
+it was the kings of Mitani who ruled these territories
+in the time of Thutmosis III.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Mitani, though still an extensive power, had
+seen its best days at any rate when Tushratta
+with difficulty ascended the throne of his fathers.
+The name <q>Hanirabbat</q> by which it was known
+to all its neighbours, must be the older name, and
+also that of the original province to which later
+acquisitions had been united. It is an established
+fact that Eastern Cappadocia, the mountainous
+province of Melitene on the Upper Euphrates, was
+still known as Hanirabbat about 690 <hi rend='smallcaps'>B.C.</hi>, and
+that, on the other hand, Mitani, in the narrower
+sense of the term, must have corresponded to the
+later Macedonian province of Mygdonia, <hi rend='italic'>i.e.</hi>, Mesopotamia
+proper. We have seen, however, that
+Ninua, afterwards the Assyrian capital Nineveh,
+was part of the dominion of Tushratta, otherwise
+he could hardly have sent Ishtar, the goddess of
+that city, to Egypt. The subsequent capital of
+Assyria may have been the most easterly possession
+of the kingdom of Hanirabbat-Mitani,
+the centre of gravity of which lay farther westward.
+In the letters there is a remark of the king
+of Alashia recommending Pharaoh to exchange
+no more gifts with <q>the kings of the Hittites and
+of Shankhar.</q> Mitani is, perhaps, here named
+<pb n='059'/><anchor id='Pg059'/>
+Shankhar from its dependencies in Asia Minor,
+or we may suppose it to have been the name of
+Tushratta's residence.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In contrast to the Hittite empire, which was
+pressing forward from the neck of Asia Minor
+through the passes of Issus into Syria, and was
+rapidly increasing in power, Mitani stood on the
+eve of its fall. Babylonians and Hittites were
+alike watching to pluck the ripe fruit, and perhaps
+it lacked little to decide Tushratta, instead of
+fighting once more for the crown, to capitulate
+to the invading Hittites and see the end of the
+kingdom of Mitani. The great <q>love</q> of this
+king for Egypt was not, therefore, called forth
+merely by the glitter of gold, but also by dire
+political necessity. The catastrophe occurred
+some few decades after the correspondence comes
+to an end for us. Mitani vanished from the
+states of Western Asia and gave place to small
+Aramaic kingdoms, while the eastern boundary,
+together with Ninua, was seized by Assyria as
+the first step to her subsequent suzerainty in the
+East.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+But still more swiftly overtaken of fate was
+the XVIIIth Dynasty in Egypt. Napkhuria
+did not even see the completion of his city at
+Tell el Amarna, for he died in 1370 <hi rend='smallcaps'>B.C.</hi> His
+reform followed him, and the victorious champions
+of Amon could raze to the ground the hated City
+<pb n='060'/><anchor id='Pg060'/>
+of the Sun's Disk. They must already have been
+on the march when in a happy moment it
+occurred to a keeper of the royal archives to
+conceal the clay tablets in the earth and thus
+save them for remote posterity.
+</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<pb n='061'/><anchor id='Pg061'/>
+
+<div rend="page-break-before: always">
+<index index="toc"/>
+<index index="pdf"/>
+<head>Bibliographical Appendix</head>
+
+<p>
+The best translation of the Tell el Amarna tablets available
+for English readers is that from the German of H.
+Winckler, published by Luzac, London, 1896.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Professor Flinders Petrie's <hi rend='italic'>Syria and Egypt from the
+Tell el Amarna Letters</hi> (Methuen, 1898) is a synopsis of
+the letters as far as they belong to the relations of Egypt
+and Syria, with the addition of geographical and historical
+notes. In the Introduction Professor Petrie gives a
+harrowing account of the casual way in which the tablets
+were found and of the criminal carelessness with which
+these priceless records were subsequently handled.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Some years afterwards, in 1891-2, Professor Petrie
+himself excavated what was left of the ruins of the royal
+city of Amenhetep IV. An account of his discoveries on
+that site and of his deductions from them may be found
+in his finely illustrated memoir <hi rend='italic'>Tell el Amarna</hi> (Methuen,
+1894). He particularly emphasises the skill and originality
+displayed in the remains of the arts and crafts of the Tell
+el Amarna period, and emphatically points out the
+evidence of active connection between Egypt and Ægean
+<pb n='062'/><anchor id='Pg062'/>
+(Mykenæan) civilisation at that time. His appreciation
+of the character of Akhenaten differs considerably from
+that formed by the author of the present pamphlet, and
+should be compared with it. In vol. ii. p. 205 <hi rend='italic'>et seqq.</hi> of
+his <hi rend='italic'>History of Egypt</hi>, Professor Petrie maintains the same
+views. The same volume also contains his earlier
+synopsis of the Tell el Amarna tablets.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Professor Maspero's account of the historical bearing
+of these tablets is worked into the second volume of his
+great <hi rend='italic'>Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient</hi>, which
+is entitled <hi rend='italic'>Les Premières Mélées des Peuples</hi>. A translation
+of that work has been issued by the Society for the
+Propagation of Christian Knowledge, but in any parts
+relating to Biblical history the student will do well to
+consult the original.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The bearings of the tablets on Biblical history, and
+particularly the evidence they have supplied as to the
+early date at which the art of writing was practised in
+Syria and Palestine, have been favourite themes of Professor
+Sayce. His arguments and conclusions on these
+points may be found in <hi rend='italic'>The Higher Criticism and the
+Verdict of the Monuments</hi> (S.P.C.K. 1894); <hi rend='italic'>Patriarchal
+Palestine</hi> (S.P.C.K. 1895); <hi rend='italic'>The Egypt of the Hebrews
+and Herodotus</hi> (Rivington, Percival &amp; Co., 1896), and
+elsewhere.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Printed by <hi rend='smallcaps'>Ballantyne, Hanson &amp; Co</hi><lb/>
+London &amp; Edinburgh
+</p>
+</div>
+</body>
+<back rend="page-break-before: right">
+  <div rend="page-break-before: right">
+    <divGen type="pgfooter" />
+  </div>
+</back>
+</text>
+</TEI.2>
diff --git a/26145.txt b/26145.txt
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+++ b/26145.txt
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Tell El Amarna Period by Carl Niebuhr
+
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no
+restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under
+the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or
+online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+
+Title: The Tell El Amarna Period
+
+Author: Carl Niebuhr
+
+Release Date: July 29, 2008 [Ebook #26145]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: US-ASCII
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD***
+
+
+
+
+
+                             The Ancient East
+
+                                 No. II.
+
+                        THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD
+
+                    The Relations of Egypt and Western
+
+                    Asia in the Fifteenth Century B.C.
+
+                               According to
+
+                        The Tell El Amarna Tablets
+
+                                    by
+
+                               Carl Niebuhr
+
+                       Translated by J. Hutchinson
+
+                            London: David Nutt
+
+                             57-59 Long Acre
+
+                                   1903
+
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+The Ancient East
+I. The Tablets, and How they were Found.
+II. The Egyptian Court and Administration.
+III. Letters from Asiatic Kings.
+IV. Letters from Asiatic Vassals.
+V. Political Conditions in the Tell el Amarna Period.
+Bibliographical Appendix
+
+
+
+
+
+
+THE ANCIENT EAST
+
+
+Under this title is being issued a series of short, popular, but
+thoroughly scientific studies, by the leading scholars of Germany, setting
+forth the recent discoveries and investigations in Babylonian, Assyrian
+and Egyptian History, Religion, and Archaeology, especially as they bear
+upon the traditional views of early Eastern History. The German originals
+have been appearing during the last eighteen months. The English
+translations made by Miss Jane Hutchison have been submitted in each case
+to the Authors, and embody their latest views. Short, helpful
+bibliographies are added. Each study consists of some 64 to 80 pages,
+crown 8vo, and costs *1s.* sewed, or *1s. 6d.* cloth.
+
+The following are issued:
+
+THE REALMS OF THE EGYPTIAN DEAD.
+By Professor ALFRED WIEDEMANN.
+
+THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD. By Dr. C. NIEBUHR.
+
+THE BABYLONIAN AND THE HEBREW GENESIS.
+By Professor H. ZIMMERN.
+
+THE BABYLONIAN CONCEPTION OF HEAVEN AND HELL.
+By Dr. ALFRED JEREMIAS.
+
+POPULAR LITERATURE IN ANCIENT EGYPT.
+By Professor ALFRED WIEDEMANN.
+
+
+
+
+
+I. THE TABLETS, AND HOW THEY WERE FOUND.
+
+
+As early as 1820 it was known in Europe that in Middle Egypt, on the east
+bank of the Nile, in the district between Minieh and Siut, there lay the
+remains of a great city of Ancient Egypt. The Prussian exploration
+expedition of 1842-45 gave special attention to this site, where indeed
+were found, about sixty miles south of Minieh, extensive ruins, beginning
+at the village of Haggi Kandil and covering the floor of a rock-bound
+valley named after the fellahin village, El Amarna. At that time the
+ground-plan of the city was still easy to distinguish; the regular lines
+of the streets could be traced, and enough could be seen of the great
+design of the principal temple to excite the admiration of the
+discoverers. This example of the laying out of an ancient Egyptian town
+still remains almost unique, for of old, as now, private buildings were
+constructed of flimsy material. That the Tell el Amarna remains have
+escaped rapid destruction is due entirely to the sudden and violent
+downfall of the original splendour of the city and the complete desolation
+which succeeded. The importance of the place was revealed on examination
+of the surrounding cliffs. Here were found, sculptured and inscribed in a
+new and peculiar style, the rock-cut tombs of the most distinguished
+inhabitants of Akhet-haten, the royal city built for himself about 1380
+B.C. by Amenophis IV., and destroyed soon after his early death.
+
+In the beginning of 1888 some fellahin digging for marl not far from the
+ruins came upon a number of crumbling wooden chests, filled with clay
+tablets closely covered on both sides with writing. The dusky fellows must
+have been not a little delighted at finding themselves owners of hundreds
+of these marketable antiquities, for which a European purchaser would
+doubtless give plenty of good gold coins. To multiply their gains they
+broke up the largest tablets into three or four separate pieces, often to
+the grievous hindrance of the future decipherer. But very soon the matter
+was fruited abroad; the Government at once intervened, almost all the find
+was in due time secured, and a stop was put to any further dispersal of
+separate tablets and of fragments. The political situation in Egypt is
+pretty accurately indicated by the fact that about eighty of the best
+preserved of the Tell el Amarna tablets at once found their way to the
+British Museum. Some sixty were left in the museum at Boulak, and about
+one hundred and eighty were secured for the Berlin Museum, many of them
+tiny fragments, but mostly containing important records. Few have remained
+in private hands.
+
+Some alabaster slabs came to light at Tell el Amarna bearing the
+hieroglyphic names of King Amenophis IV. and his father, Amenophis III.
+These had evidently served as lids to the chests. Some tablets also were
+inscribed with notes in hieratic, written in red ink. But in spite of
+these exceptions, it was at once recognised that all the documents were
+written in Babylonian cuneiform. The reading of the introductory lines on
+various tablets served to show that the find consisted of part of the
+Egyptian state archives in the times of the two kings Amenophis III. and
+IV. Thus the first of the many startling discoveries that were to follow
+in such rapid succession was made in the recognition that about 1400 B.C.
+the Semitic speech of Babylon served as the language of diplomacy in the
+East.
+
+Apart from a few tablets dealing with mythological subjects and written in
+Babylonian, and two which contain inventories, all the tablets were
+letters. Most of them were from Egyptian officials in Syria and Canaan,
+and usually they were addressed to the king. Among them were found many
+long letters from Asiatic kings to the Egyptian monarch, and also a few
+communications from the Foreign Office of "Pharaoh" himself. We must note,
+however, that this title of Egyptian kings, so commonly used in the Old
+Testament, is apparently never once employed in the Tell el Amarna
+documents. It is interesting to observe how difficulties of the script and
+of a language not entirely familiar to most of the scribes were overcome.
+Even the learned scribes of the royal "House of the Sun" in Egypt had
+obviously their own troubles in the matter, and made use of the Babylonian
+mythological texts already mentioned as a means of improving their
+fluency. Of this we have evidence in the thin red lines by which, on these
+tablets alone, the words have been separated from each other. The
+governors and officials must not be classified as educated or uneducated
+on the evidence of their letters; all alike employed professional scribes,
+of whom one might be skilful and the next a bungler whose communications
+must be guessed at rather than read. Occasionally a Babylonian word is
+followed by the corresponding Canaanite word, also in cuneiform, but
+marked as a translation. Like the Egyptian kings, so the Asiatic
+sovereigns had each his staff of scribes. One of the petty chiefs,
+Tarkhundarash of Arsapi, was evidently so unhappy as to have none in his
+Court who could read or write a letter in Babylonian, for letters to him
+were written in his own tongue. The scribe of the Hittite king produced
+only a species of dog Latin, while the scribe of the king of Alashia trots
+out his whole vocabulary unhampered by grammar. On the other hand, the
+letters of the king of Mitani are drawn up in the characters known as
+Assyrian; and it is probable that the Assyrian system of cuneiform may
+have originated in Mitani. If so, for the Mitani scribe there could be no
+question of any special difficulty in using the acknowledged language of
+diplomacy in the Ancient East.
+
+It is evident that the Babylonian royal scribes at length showed some
+consideration for their unfortunate Egyptian correspondents by writing as
+a rule in phonograms which could be easily spelt out, since strange
+ideograms might have brought the reader to a standstill. The sources of
+the letters may be distinguished also by the colour and consistency of the
+material of the tablets, which are of all shades of clay, from pale yellow
+to red or dark brown. Side by side, too, with hard and legible pieces, lie
+broken and crumbling fragments which have suffered sadly during the few
+years that have elapsed since they were again exposed to the air.
+
+
+
+
+
+II. THE EGYPTIAN COURT AND ADMINISTRATION.
+
+
+The two Pharaohs of the Tell el Amarna Period belong to the XVIIIth
+Dynasty, which about 1560 B.C. had freed the land from the yoke of certain
+Asiatic invaders known as the Shasu. The new dynasty soon began to
+encroach upon Asia. King Thutmosis III. (1503 to 1449 B.C.) after many
+chequered campaigns conquered Syria as far as the Gulf of Iskanderun. On
+the African side he extended the bounds of his kingdom to the confluence
+of the Nile and the Atbara, so that the greater part of Nubia owned his
+sway. The terror of his name did not die with him, but for long did good
+service to his successors, the first of whom, Amenophis II., seems
+moreover himself to have maintained energetically the fame of Egyptian
+arms. To this influence our clay tablets bear witness by twice making
+emphatic reference to the days of the powerful "Manakhbiria"--the prenomen
+of King Thutmosis III. With the accession of Amenophis III. the warlike
+spirit ceased to prevail at the Court of Thebes. Nothing more was to be
+gained by Egypt in Western Asia, and the tastes of the new king lay in
+other directions than war. The two celebrated Colossi of Memnon (statues
+of himself), many great buildings, the important part played by his
+favourite wife Teye, the well-filled harem,  the cultivation of "wisdom"
+(which practically, no doubt, was tantamount to what we should call
+"preciosity"); last, but not least, the solemn adoration of his own divine
+image--all these facts combine to indicate the altered condition of things
+which came about under Amenophis III. He reigned thirty-six years, long
+enough to allow the movement introduced by him to run its course. His son,
+Amenophis IV., was, however, just as little inclined as his father to walk
+in the steps of his warlike ancestors. Hampered apparently by bodily
+defects, this Son of the Sun tried his strength in a field often far more
+dangerous than the battlefield. He began a reform of the Egyptian
+religion, apparently in the direction of a kind of monotheism in which the
+chief worship was reserved for the disk of the sun, the symbol under which
+the god Ra was adored at Heliopolis in the Delta.
+
+Nothing being known of the life of this king as heir-apparent, probably we
+shall never understand what led him to take this new departure. From his
+conduct during the early years of his reign it may be concluded that he
+intended to proceed gradually, but was roused to more aggressive measures
+by the resistance of the powerful priests of Amon in Thebes. These men
+acted, of course, for their own interests in promptly resisting even mild
+attempts at reform. Perhaps also the king's aim had been from the outset
+to weaken the influence of the Theban hierarchy by new doctrines and to
+strengthen the royal power by steady secularisation. Open strife between
+the adherents of Amon and those of the Sun's Disk, the "Aten," broke out
+in the second or third year of Amenophis IV., that is, about 1380 B.C. The
+immediate removal of the Court from Thebes to Tell el Amarna points to a
+failure of the royal efforts, for the command to build the new city had
+not long been issued, and the place was still altogether unfinished. The
+official world promptly broke with the old religion. The king altered his
+throne-name, "Amen-hetep," to "Akhen-Aten," "The glory of the Sun's Disk";
+his young daughters received names compounded with "Aten," whilst the
+courtiers found it advisable to strike out "Amen," if this chanced to form
+part of their own names, and to substitute for it "Ra," as having more or
+less the same significance as "Aten." "The doctrine," as the new dogmas
+were called in inscriptions at Tell el Amarna, was regarded as so entirely
+a matter of home politics in Egypt, that the officials of Syria and
+Palestine--all foreigners--do not seem to have received any formal
+information regarding it. Most of them continue to refer to Amon in
+perfect innocence, and only a few who were better informed began rather
+later to take the change into account. Thus Yitia of Ashkelon, Pu-Adda of
+Wurza, and a certain Addudaian correct the name of the Egyptian
+commissioner "Amanappa" into "Rianappa." Abimilki of Tyre apparently even
+tried to give himself out as one initiated into "the doctrine," and to
+represent his city as a servant of Aten. If this were the case he must
+have received a severe rebuff, for after his one attempt he falls back
+into the old style. Neither the royal nor the national pride of Egypt
+would suffer any such familiarities.
+
+The new capital received the significant name of "Akhet-Aten" ("Horizon of
+the Sun") and was solemnly consecrated long before it was half finished.
+The widow of Amenophis III., the queen-mother Teye, came occasionally to
+visit the new capital, and was received with all honour; evidently she had
+paid timely respect to her son's opinions. How far the Aten dogma
+represented real progress in religious thought can be gathered only from
+the contents of a few hymns remaining on the walls of some of the tombs.
+In these the expression of devout feeling seems to have become richer and
+more spontaneous, and the monotheistic tendency is evident. This
+characteristic, however, may often be observed by a sympathetic reader in
+the hymns to Amon, and even to less important deities: the deity adopted
+as a special object of worship by any individual is always favourably
+represented by him. The Aten dogma, being based on natural phenomena and
+not on mythology, was, of course, heretical.
+
+Those of his officials who had accepted "the doctrine" were regarded by
+Akhenaten as deserving men, and on this ground alone, Ai, called Haya in
+the Amarna letters, received golden honours to the full. This Haya, who
+was entitled "beloved royal scribe," was probably a secretary of state,
+and was once sent as a special ambassador to Babylonia. Dudu occupied
+another important post; Amanappa, who has already been mentioned, seems
+from a letter written by him to Rib-Addi of Gebal, to have been a
+commander-in-chief. Hani, Salma, Paura, Pahamnata, Hatib Maya, Shuta,
+Hamashni, and Zitana all appear as the bearers of royal commissions in
+Syrian territory. An official named Shakhshi receives instruction as to
+the conducting of a royal caravan. But to the Asiatic vassals the most
+important office of all was the governorship of Lower Egypt, the country
+called "Yarimuta," an office filled at this time by Yanhamu. The letters
+afford abundant evidence that any vassal who had incurred Yanhamu's enmity
+must walk warily. The minister of the king of Alashia, though his equal in
+rank, sent gifts to this dangerous man, who had harassed merchants of
+Alashia by demanding from them illegal dues. Rib-Addi of Gebal lost land
+and throne, in spite of the countenance of Amanappa, because such was
+Yanhamu's pleasure; and of Milki-El of Gath he made a severe example, to
+which we shall refer later.
+
+On the whole, the Asiatic provinces enjoyed self-government under the
+supremacy of Egypt, and the disadvantages of this condition of things are
+revealed in numerous letters. These end almost invariably with a request
+to the king to come in person to the aid of his distressed vassals, or at
+least to send troops. Sometimes this was done, but usually such
+expeditions seem to have been undertaken with inadequate forces and seldom
+resulted in permanent peace. The native princes, chiefs, and village
+headmen were perpetually struggling with each other. They made alliances
+among themselves, or they entered into secret treaties with neighbouring
+states and afterwards brazenly denied them. This wretched state of affairs
+may be traced to two principal causes--the tribute question and the
+immigration of Bedawin tribes.
+
+The king was not to be trifled with when tribute was overdue. The most
+valid excuses--loss of territory, war, failure of the harvest--were received
+with a suspicion doubtless justified in general but which must have caused
+much hardship in individual cases. The ordinary tribute was fixed, as well
+as the regular subsidy for royal troops and the force which had to be
+raised in emergencies. But the gifts--such as female slaves--which must
+needs be sent not only to the courtiers but even to the king himself,
+added enormously to the burden, so much so that to the poorer chiefs a
+summons from Egypt to appear in person meant little less than ruin.
+Resistance to it was so surely to be counted on that such a summons was
+often kept in the background more as a threat than anything else. Now and
+then petty chiefs in Palestine and Syria withheld their bushels of corn,
+their three oxen or their twenty sheep; or perhaps they were so sparing of
+bakshish that the tribute itself was swallowed up and vanished entirely
+from the accounts. It was scarcely possible to take costly measures to
+punish such delinquents, so the business was turned over to some kind
+neighbour of the recalcitrant chief, and a little war was soon fairly
+ablaze. But when direct commands of royal ambassadors were treated as of
+doubtful authenticity, it was hardly likely that the authority placed in
+the hands of an equal would meet with much respect. Both leaders received
+reinforcements; a third intervened at a moment favourable to himself; many
+and often very remote quarrels broke out, and when at length the royal
+commissioners hurried upon the scene it was hard for them to say whether
+or not the original sentence had been executed. Certainly most of the
+property of the original offenders had been largely lost or destroyed, but
+the plunder had crumbled away in passing through countless hands, and the
+royal official might seek it from Dan to Beersheba, or farther, but in
+vain. Out of the first difficulty a dozen others had arisen, till the
+suzerain seized upon his dues by force, yet without leaving peace behind
+him. The tablets are full of references to these complicated struggles,
+which it is not always possible to follow in detail.
+
+Additional confusion was caused by the immigration of Bedawin tribes. In
+the north the nomadic Sutu, in the south the Habiri pressed forward and
+encroached upon Egyptian territory. It is evident that this further
+pressure was calculated to bring matters to a crisis, for, like the
+tribute, it affected pre-eminently the vassal chiefs and tribes. We find
+the Habiri especially in the very act of ruining some of these petty
+princes, others of whom preferred to make treaties with their unwelcome
+guests, though this indeed was apparently in secret only. But the Sutu
+reached the domains of more powerful vassals, and by two of these, Aziru
+and Namjauza, were openly taken into pay. Obviously such alliances with
+land-seeking plunderers could only prolong and embitter the strife. In
+Palestine, no doubt, peace as regards Egypt would soon have been restored
+had not the Habiri proceeded to seize certain strongholds, which they used
+as centres for further expeditions, thus involving the settled inhabitants
+in wider quarrels. What with the help of the Bedawin, and the universal
+unrest any ambitious vassal of Egypt must at length have seen a tempting
+prospect of establishing an independent kingdom, if only he could deceive
+the Egyptian Government long enough as to his intentions, and delay or
+thwart any measures that might be taken against him.
+
+Certainly the government of Pharaoh did not lack for watchfulness and was
+well, if not too well, served in the matter of information. But in the
+face of perpetual complaints and counter-complaints, entreaties for help
+and what were for the most part incredible assurances of everlasting
+fidelity, there was no course for the king and his councillors to take but
+either to order a military expedition on a large scale, or to turn a
+sceptical ear to all alike and confine their attention simply to the
+tribute. Pride and weakness combined led them to take the dangerous middle
+course and send inadequate bodies of men singly into the disturbed
+districts. A certain amount of success attended the policy; the king's
+Nubian "Pidati" were dreaded from of old, and his mercenaries, the
+Shirtani, were looked upon as invincible. When it was a mere question of
+hundreds in the field against hundreds, the appearance of a company, or of
+a few troops, restored peace for a time, but serious and aggravated
+hostilities between masses of rebels could not always be checked by such
+small numbers, and it was a severe blow to the prestige of the Shirtani
+when they were defeated at Gebal by the Sutu.
+
+The knowledge that Egypt was far away, and that the Son of the Sun was
+highly exalted, led the chiefs and officials in Syria and Canaan to deeds
+of open defiance of their suzerain. Ambassadors from foreign states were
+robbed in passing on their journey to Egypt, caravans were plundered, and
+gifts sent to Pharaoh were intercepted. All this notwithstanding, still
+the stream of rhetorical devotion flowed on in the letters.
+
+
+
+
+
+III. LETTERS FROM ASIATIC KINGS.
+
+
+Akhenaten had taken with him to the new capital part of the archives of
+his father. With few exceptions, it is not from the letters of vassals
+that we learn this, for these, as a rule, are addressed simply "To the
+King." The foreign sovereigns, however, almost always addressed the
+Pharaoh by his prenomen. Thus neither "Amenhetep" nor "Akhenaten" appears
+in the Tell el Amarna letters, but always "Nimmuria" (_i.e._, Neb-maat-Ra)
+for Amenophis III. and "Napkhuria" (_i.e._, Nefer-khepru-Ra) for
+Akhenaten. Dating there was none in correspondence of that time and hence
+these addresses are of great chronological importance.
+
+Four communications to "Nimmuria" from the Babylonian ruler Kadashman-Bel
+(at first incorrectly read Kallima-Sin) are among the most important in
+this respect. The writer calls his land Karduniash, a name for Babylonia
+used by the Assyrians after the native employment of it had long ceased.
+Kadashman-Bel himself belonged to the house of the Kassite chiefs, who,
+about two hundred and fifty years previously, had invaded and conquered
+Babylonia, but who afterwards fully adopted Babylonian manners and
+customs. It is at once apparent that Nimmuria and Kadashman-Bel approach
+each other as equals. The Egyptian, however, was supposed to possess one
+very precious thing in superfluity, namely, gold; for at that time the
+gold mines of Nubia were in good working. The Babylonian letters,
+therefore, seldom failed to contain a hint that the king desired some of
+the precious metal, sometimes as a return gift for rich presents he had
+given the Egyptian, sometimes as temple-offerings, or as a dowry.
+Matrimonial alliances were the principal means by which a ruler kept on
+good terms with neighbouring princes, and Oriental polygamy allowed a
+great deal to be done in that line. It is noticeable that the claim made
+by the Egyptian king to divine honours soon began to cause little
+difficulties in diplomatic intercourse. Not that "the Son of the Sun"
+claimed adoration from his royal compeers: that was expected from his
+subjects only. But he showed the greatest reluctance to give away a
+daughter to any foreign king. Moreover, the fact must not be overlooked
+that it was precisely in the XVIIIth Dynasty that brothers and sisters of
+the royal house so frequently intermarried, a custom afterwards affected
+by the Ptolemies and implying simply that the royal race of the Pharaohs
+being emphatically divine was therefore essentially exalted above the
+world in general. According to this flattering fiction there could be no
+equal union for a king of Egypt except with his own sister. No such
+marriage seems to have been made by Nimmuria, but, as if in amends for
+that, he worshipped, as above stated, his own divine image. We need not
+wonder, then, that he regarded his children as divine manifestations and
+hesitated to bestow them in marriage.
+
+Kadashman-Bel seems to have thoroughly appreciated this little weakness,
+and no doubt the mortal gods on the Nile were a subject for mockery at the
+Courts of Western Asia, even in those days. Thus, a remark of Nimmuria's
+to the effect that no princess had ever been given away from Egypt is
+answered with delightful dryness:
+
+
+    "Why so? A king art thou, and canst do according to thy will. If
+    thou give her, who shall say anything against it? I wrote before,
+    'Send, at least, a beautiful woman.' Who is there to say that she
+    is not a king's daughter? If thou wilt not do this, thou hast no
+    regard for our brotherhood and friendship."
+
+
+Kadashman-Bel threatened that he in his turn would hesitate to give his
+daughter in marriage, and would make similar evasive excuses. At last,
+however, the negotiations came to the desired conclusion, and for a time
+gifts flowed more freely on both sides.
+
+Valuable, though in many respects puzzling, is a large tablet containing a
+letter of Nimmuria to Kadashman-Bel. Possibly it may have been kept as a
+copy, and in that case it must belong to the early part of the
+correspondence. More probably however, the letter is an original which
+came back "undelivered" to Egypt, the addressee having died in the
+meantime. Kadashman-Bel had complained that his sister, who had been given
+by his father in marriage to the Egyptian, had subsequently never once
+been seen by any Babylonian ambassadors. Certainly a woman in royal garb
+had been pointed out, but not one of them had recognised her as their own
+princess. "Who knows that it was not some beggar's daughter, a Gagaian, or
+a maiden of Hanirabbat or Ugarit whom my messengers saw?" Then Nimmuria
+took up the tale, and complained that Kadashman-Bel sent only ambassadors
+who had never frequented his father's Court, and were moreover of adverse
+bias. "Send a _kamiru_" (evidently a eunuch is meant) "who knows thy
+sister." Further misunderstandings come under discussion, from which it is
+evident that the general situation between the two princes was very much
+strained.
+
+King Tushratta of Mitani was a phenomenon in his way. In Egyptian
+inscriptions his kingdom is called Naharina--_i.e._, "Mesopotamia." One of
+his tablets bears the following official memorandum, written in red ink
+and in hieratic:
+
+
+    "[Received] in the two-[and-thirtieth year of the reign of
+    Nimmuria], in the first winter month, on the tenth day, the Court
+    being at the southern residence (Thebes), in the Residence
+    Ka-em-Ekhut. Duplicate of the Naharina letter brought by the
+    messenger Pirizzi and (another)."
+
+
+Tushratta's dominion was wide, extending from south-eastern Cappadocia to
+beyond the later Assyrian capital, Nineveh. But the kingdom of Mitani,
+occasionally called after the northern fatherland of its people,
+Hanirabbat, was nearing its fall.   In the south it had a dangerous enemy
+in Babylonia; in the north and west the Hittites were hostile and all the
+more to be dreaded since Mitani-Hanirabbat was inhabited by a people
+related to the Hittite stock. The kings of Mitani soon realised that their
+existence was best secured by a steady alliance with Egypt. To this end
+Artatama and Shutarna, the two predecessors of Tushratta, had sent their
+daughters to the harem of the Pharaohs. The so-called "marriage scarab" of
+Nimmuria bears witness to this, and reference to the bond is often made by
+Tushratta. Before he could ascend the throne he had various difficulties
+to contend against, of which a faithful account is sent to Egypt:
+
+
+    "When I ascended my father's throne I was still young, for Pirhi
+    did evil to my land and had slain its lord. Therefore he did evil
+    to me also and to all my friends. But I quailed not before the
+    crimes that were committed in my land, but slew the murderers of
+    Artashumara my brother, with all their adherents. Know also, oh,
+    my royal brother! that the whole army of the Hittites marched
+    against my land. But the God Teshup, the lord, delivered them into
+    my hand and I destroyed them. Not one man from their midst
+    returned to his own land. And now I have sent to thee a chariot
+    and two horses, a youth and a maiden, the booty of the land of the
+    Hittites."
+
+
+This letter betrays itself as one of the earliest written for Tushratta by
+the fact that it makes no request for gold. All his later letters are
+filled with greedy entreaties, completely giving the lie to the immediate
+pretext under which they were professedly written. One of them, more than
+a yard long and proportionately broad, still keeps its charms to itself,
+since for some unknown reason, though written in cuneiform character like
+the rest, the language is that of Hanirabbat and this we are still unable
+to read. Nimmuria indeed, seems to have had a weakness for this worthy
+brother-in-law and his ingenuous manner of approaching him, and spared
+neither presents nor promises; at his death, however, some of the latter
+remained unfulfilled. Evidently neighbouring kings heard at length of
+Tushratta's financial success and were naturally envious. An extract will
+give the reader a more definite notion of this royal correspondence with
+its stylisms and turns of thought. The following is taken from Letter
+VIII. in the British Museum edition. The long-winded introduction was
+already a fixed convention, and occurs in all the letters from whatever
+country, but the declaration of affection is peculiar to Tushratta:
+
+
+    "To Nimmuria, the great king, the king of Egypt, my brother, my
+    brother-in-law; who loves me and whom I love: Tushratta, the great
+    king, thy (future) father-in-law, king of Mitani; who loves thee
+    and is thy brother. It is well with me; may it be well with thee,
+    with thy house, with my sister and thy other wives, with thy sons,
+    thy chariots, thy horses, thy nobles, thy land, and all that is
+    thine, may it be well with them indeed! Whereas thy fathers in
+    their time kept fast friendship with my fathers, thou hast
+    increased the friendship. Now, therefore, that thou and I are
+    friends thou hast made it ten times closer than with my father.
+    May the gods cause our friendship to prosper! May Teshup, the
+    lord, and Amon ordain it eternally as it now is! I write this to
+    my brother that he may show me even more love than he showed my
+    father. Now I ask gold from my brother, and it behoves me to ask
+    this gold for two causes: in the first place for war equipment (to
+    be provided later), and secondly, for the dowry (likewise to be
+    provided). So, then, let my brother send me much gold, without
+    measure, more than to my father. For in my brother's land gold is
+    as the dust of the earth. May the gods grant that in the land of
+    my brother, where already so much gold is, there may be ten times
+    more in times to come! Certainly the gold that I require will not
+    trouble my brother's heart, but let him also not grieve my heart.
+    Therefore let my brother send gold without measure, in great
+    quantity. And I also will grant all the gifts that my brother
+    asks. For this land is my brother's land, and this my house is his
+    house."
+
+
+All Tushratta's letters are written in this tone with the exception of the
+last. Nimmuria felt his end approaching, and entreated the aid of "Our
+Lady of Nineveh." Such an expedient was not foreign to Egyptian thought. A
+late inscription professes to tell how a certain divine image was sent
+from Thebes to a distant land for the healing of a foreign princess. From
+Tushratta's answer also it appears that the statue of the goddess Ishtar
+had once before been taken from Nineveh to Thebes.
+
+This letter begins solemnly:
+
+
+    "The words of Ishtar of Nineveh, mistress of all lands. 'To Egypt,
+    to the land that I love will I go, and there will I sojourn.' Now
+    I send her and she goes. Let my brother worship her and then let
+    her go in gladness that she may return. May Ishtar protect my
+    brother and me for a hundred thousand years. May she grant unto us
+    both great gladness; may we know nothing but happiness."
+
+
+All this notwithstanding, Nimmuria must die, and later Tushratta describes
+his own grief on the occasion:
+
+
+    "And on that day I wept, I sat in sorrow. Food and drink I touched
+    not on that day; grieved was my heart. I said, 'Oh, that it had
+    been I who died !' "
+
+
+When he wrote thus the feelings expressed were probably genuine, for times
+had changed sadly for him and men of his type.
+
+We have now come to the accession of the reforming king Napkhuria--_i.e._,
+Akhenaten. This zealot succeeded in bringing into the foreign relations of
+Egypt some of the unrest caused by his measures in home politics. To begin
+with, he sought for new political alliances and sacrificed those already
+existing, not by breaking off the connections, but by turning a deaf ear
+to requests, or by adopting an insolent tone in his answers. On one
+occasion he showered on the old beggar Tushratta derision which was no
+doubt well deserved, but which it was most impolitic to express so
+plainly. He gives one the impression of an inexperienced prince, brought
+up in Oriental seclusion, who persists at all hazards in playing the part
+of a shrewd and worldly-wise ruler. He strained after novelty at the
+expense of his own security, and attempted to demonstrate the strength of
+the supports of his throne by sawing them through.
+
+About the time of Nimmuria's death Kadashman-Bel of Babylonia also died,
+and Burnaburiash, probably his brother or cousin, was prepared on his
+accession to maintain the traditional friendship with Egypt. But at the
+very beginning Napkhuria was guilty of a breach of etiquette in neglecting
+to send any expression of sympathy during a long illness of Burnaburiash.
+In spite of many fine words, the usual matrimonial negotiations did not
+run smoothly; moreover, attacks were made on travelling messengers, and at
+length Napkhuria's avarice forced the Babylonian to measures of
+retaliation, and he writes:
+
+
+    "Since ambassadors from thy fathers came to my fathers, they also
+    have lived on friendly terms. We should continue in the same.
+    Messengers have now come from thee thrice, but thou hast sent with
+    them no gift worthy the name. I also shall desist in the same way.
+    If nothing is denied me I shall deny thee nothing."
+
+
+Meanwhile, the dear brother in Egypt was continually finding opportunities
+to annoy the Babylonian. Assyria was then a small state on the middle
+Tigris, in exactly the same relation to the suzerainty of Babylonia as
+Canaan was to that of Egypt. Disregarding this fact, Napkhuria sent a very
+large quantity of gold to the prince Assurnadinakhi and ostentatiously
+received an Assyrian embassy. Burnaburiash, in remonstrating, referred to
+the loyal conduct of his father, Kurigalzu, who had answered the
+Canaanites with threats when, in an attempted rising against Nimmuria,
+they offered to do homage to Kurigalzu.
+
+
+    "Now there are the Assyrians, my vassals. Have not I already
+    written to thee in regard to them? If thou lovest me they will
+    gain nothing from thee. Let them depart unsuccessful."
+
+
+This exhortation seems to have been vain, for a letter of the next
+Assyrian king, Assuruballit, speaks of a regular exchange of messengers,
+and indicates that the Sutu of the desert--doubtless at the instigation of
+the Babylonians--were about to kill every Egyptian who showed himself in
+their territory.
+
+A prince of Alashia, who never mentions either his own name or that of the
+Egyptian king, wrote short letters, for the most part of a business
+character. Alashia probably lay on the Cilician coast. Gold did not tempt
+him; he asked modestly for silver in return for copper, for oil, textiles
+and manufactured articles in return for wood for building. Thus the
+tablets from Alashia are rich in information regarding commercial matters
+and questions of public rights. They are of special interest for us, owing
+to the fact that one of them contains the first historic mention of the
+plague.
+
+
+    "Behold! my brother, I have sent thee five hundred talents of
+    copper as a gift. Let it not grieve my brother's heart that it is
+    too little. For in my land the hand of Nergal (the god of
+    pestilence) has slain all the workers, and copper cannot be
+    produced. And, my brother, take it not to heart that thy messenger
+    stayed three years in my land. For the hand of Nergal is in it,
+    and in my house my young wife died."
+
+
+Yet this ruler also had to guard himself against embassies unworthy of a
+king sent by Napkhuria. Another prince, in a letter unfortunately much
+damaged, made the complaint that Napkhuria had once caused his own name to
+be written first in a letter. This was, indeed, unparalleled; the title of
+the recipient stands first even in a severe reprimand sent to the Egyptian
+vassal Aziru. As if to equalise matters, in royal letters the greetings
+that follow the address begin with a mention of the welfare of the writer.
+"It is well with me. May it be well with thee," &c. There is, however, one
+tablet addressed to Napkhuria that committed the offence complained of,
+and it was perhaps for this reason that the introductory address was
+scratched through anciently. It is fairly certain that this letter, as
+well as the one complaining of Napkhuria's breach of etiquette, came from
+the Hittite king. The tone throughout is very decided, and complaints of
+neglect of proper consideration are not wanting.
+
+A short time before his death Nimmuria had married another daughter of
+Tushratta, Tadukhipa, the long inventory of whose dowry was found at Tell
+el Amarna. On receiving the news--for which he was already prepared--of the
+death of his hoary-headed son-in-law, Tushratta at once sent Pirizzi and
+Bubri "with lamentations" to Napkhuria. He managed to suppress his
+personal wishes up to the third message, but prepared the way for them by
+calling Teye, the chief wife of Nimmuria, as a witness. "And all the
+matters that I negotiated with thy father, Teye, thy mother, knoweth them;
+none other besides knoweth of them." Immediately after this came the
+request that Napkhuria should send him the "golden images" (statuettes)
+that Nimmuria had promised him. And Napkhuria wasted no words, but sent by
+the messenger Hamashi--the wooden models! He seems to have thought he was
+acting as a good son and a shrewd man of business in fulfilling his
+father's promises at so cheap a rate.
+
+But Tushratta was not easily shaken off. His next move was to send Teye
+and her son each a letter at the same time. He gave polite greetings from
+his wife Yuni to the widow, whose influence was evidently still strong,
+sent her presents, and entreated her intercession. This remarkable letter
+runs as follows:
+
+
+    "To Teye, Queen of Egypt, Tushratta, King of Mitani. May it be
+    well with thee, may it be well with thy son, may it be well with
+    Tadukhipa, my daughter, thy young companion in widowhood. Thou
+    knowest that I was in friendship with Nimmuria, thy husband, and
+    that Nimmuria was in friendship with me. What I wrote to him and
+    negotiated with him, and likewise what Nimmuria thy husband wrote
+    to me and negotiated with me, thou and Gilia and Mani (Tushratta's
+    messengers), ye know it. But thou knowest it better than all
+    others. And none other knows it. Now thou hast said to Gilia: 'Say
+    to thy lord, Nimmuria my husband was in friendship with thy father
+    and sent him the military standards, which he kept. The embassies
+    between them were never interrupted. But now, forget not thou
+    thine old friendship with thy brother Nimmuria and extend it to
+    his son Napkhuria. Send joyful embassies; let them not be
+    omitted.' Lo, I will not forget the friendship with Nimmuria!
+    More, tenfold more, words of friendship will I exchange with
+    Napkhuria thy son and keep up right good friendship. But the
+    promise of Nimmuria, the gift that thy husband ordered to be
+    brought to me, thou hast not sent. I asked for golden statuettes.
+    But now Napkhuria thy son has had them made of wood, though gold
+    is as dust in thy land. Why does this happen just now? Should not
+    Napkhuria deliver that to me which his father gave me? And he
+    wishes to increase our friendship tenfold! Wherefore then dost
+    thou not bring this matter before thy son Napkhuria? Even though
+    thou do it not he ought nevertheless to deliver unto me statuettes
+    of gold and in no way to slight me. Thus friendship will reign
+    between us tenfold. Let thy messengers to Yuni my wife depart with
+    Napkhuria's ambassador, and Yuni's messenger shall come to thee.
+    Lo, I send gifts for thee; boxes filled with good oil (perfume),"
+    &c. &c.
+
+
+To Napkhuria also Tushratta insists on his rights in detail. The
+messengers from Mitani were said to have been present at the casting of
+the images, and even to have started on their journey home when Nimmuria
+died. It may thus be assumed that Napkhuria at once ordered the transport
+to be brought back. Queen Teye evidently showed no desire to be mixed up
+in so unpleasant a business, but Napkhuria demanded that the messenger
+Gilia should be sent to him.
+
+Most probably this often-mentioned Gilia was the witness present at the
+casting and despatching of the images. Tushratta gave evasive answers, and
+his last letter (more than two hundred lines in length) is something in
+the nature of an ultimatum. On both sides fresh complaints are brought
+forward, and the settlement of each one of them was made dependent on the
+settlement of the principal question. Napkhuria threatened to close his
+land against all subjects of Mitani, and, as no later document has been
+found, it is probable that at this point all intercourse ceased. A much
+mutilated letter from Gebal to Egypt announces the departure of the king
+of Mitani with an armed force; but it is doubtful whether this can be
+quoted in the present connection.
+
+The characters of the two irreconcilable monarchs, who show each other up
+so admirably for our edification, make any question as to which had right
+on his side seem comparatively trifling. Tushratta was evidently much
+distressed that he dared not venture to send his Gilia back again and that
+none of the later letters which he had from Nimmuria contained any word of
+the golden images. It is evident also that Napkhuria, supported by Teye,
+had actually recalled embassies that his father had already sent out. The
+old king, who had called Ishtar of Nineveh to his help, may have been
+brought by the approach of death into a generous state of mind not
+uncommon in such cases. Even now we say, "He must be near his end," when a
+man shows unexpected and unusual gentleness. It is quite possible that
+Nimmuria had ordered the images in question to be made for his worthy
+friend without giving any formal promise to send them, and that as soon as
+Tushratta learned what had happened, he promptly interposed with a lie, in
+hope of appealing to Napkhuria's sense of the fitness of things. That,
+however, was expecting too much.
+
+
+
+
+
+IV. LETTERS FROM ASIATIC VASSALS.
+
+
+Four-fifths of the number of letters consist of reports and communications
+from Egyptian governors, military commanders, magistrates, and other
+officials in Western Asia. The form of address from these subordinates to
+the Pharaoh is naturally very different from "Royal Brother," and in
+hurried announcements it is often contracted. Written in full the long
+formula runs:
+
+
+    "To the king, my lord, my gods, my sun, the sun of heaven; Yitia,
+    prefect of Askelon is thy servant, the dust at thy feet, the
+    servant of thy horses. At the feet of the king my lord seven times
+    and again seven times I prostrate myself upon my back and upon my
+    breast."
+
+
+The importance of these letters, however, consists in the substance of
+what they report and in what they tell us as to the doings of the writers.
+They are the data by reason of which the Tell el Amarna archives
+constitute a unique store of historical material for the study of the
+history of civilisation.
+
+Warlike expeditions among the vassal chiefs were the order of the day.
+Most dangerous of all the chiefs was Aziru, prefect of the land of the
+Amorites, whose territory included the district north of Damascus and part
+of the valley of the Orontes. In the hope of founding an independent
+kingdom, Aziru had swiftly seized on the dominions of all the chiefs on
+his northern boundary, and in this action his admirable understanding with
+the Egyptian officials afforded him invaluable help. The town of Tunip
+sent a truly pathetic letter to Pharaoh from which we learn that Aziru had
+already taken Nii, was besieging Simyra in Phoenicia, and at the same time,
+by the aid of his creatures at Court, had succeeded in preventing the king
+from reinstating a prince of Tunip who had been sent into Egypt as a
+hostage. This prince, a certain Yadi Addu, had already been released and
+was on his way home when the allies of Aziru caused him to be recalled.
+
+
+    "If, however, we have to mourn," so the complaint proceeds, "the
+    king himself will soon have to mourn over those things which Aziru
+    has committed against us, for next he will turn his hand against
+    his lord. But Tunip, thy city, weeps; her tears flow; nowhere is
+    there help for us."
+
+
+The most bitter complaints against Aziru and his father Abd-Ashera come
+from Rib-Addi of Gebal. His utterances rival the Lamentations of Jeremiah
+both in volume and in monotonous pathos. One of these many letters, the
+contents of which are often stereotyped enough, is also noticeable for its
+revelation of the connection of Rib-Addi, who must already have been an
+elderly man, with Amanappa:
+
+
+    "To Amanappa, my father; Rib-Addi, thy son! At my father's feet I
+    fall. Again and again I asked thee, 'Canst thou not rescue me from
+    the hand of Abd-Ashera? All the Habiri are on his side; the
+    princes will hear no remonstrances, but are in alliance with him;
+    thereby is he become mighty.' But thou hast answered me, 'Send thy
+    messenger with me to Court, and then will I, if nothing be said
+    against it (_i.e._, by the king), send him again and again with
+    royal troops to thee till the Pidati march forth to secure thy
+    life.' Then I answered thee, 'I will not delay to send the man,
+    but nothing of this must come to the ears of Abd-Ashera, for
+    [Yanhamu has] taken [silver] from his hand.' (As much as to say
+    that if Abd-Ashera gives Yanhamu a hint, the messenger will never
+    get beyond Lower Egypt.) But thou hast said, 'Fear not, but send a
+    ship to the Yarimuta, and money and garments will come to thee
+    thence.' Now, behold, the troops which thou hast given me have
+    fled, because thou hast neglected me, while I have obeyed thee. He
+    hath spoken with the official (Yanhamu?) nine times [in vain].
+    Behold, thou art delaying with regard to this offence as with the
+    others. What then can save me? If I receive no troops I shall
+    forsake my city, and flee, doing that which seems good to me to
+    preserve my life."
+
+
+Yanhamu's bias against Rib-Addi is made evident in many other letters
+which the poor wretch addressed to the Court:
+
+
+    "If I should make a treaty with Abd-Ashera as did Yap-Addi and
+    Zimrida, then I should be safe. Furthermore, since Simyra is
+    indeed lost to me, and Yanhamu hath received Bit-Arti, he ought to
+    send me provision of grain that I may defend the king's city for
+    him. Thou, oh king, speak to Yanhamu; 'Behold, Rib-Addi is in thy
+    hand, and all injury done to him falls on thee.' "
+
+
+This desire was not complied with, for the Phoenician vassal was at length
+robbed of all his cities and possessions, so that even the callous
+Egyptian Government felt obliged at last to send a threatening embassy to
+Aziru, the son of Abd-Ashera, and the real author of the difficulties in
+Gebal. At the same time the surrender was demanded of certain "enemies of
+the king," who were in all probability principal adherents of Aziru. When
+the messenger Hani arrived with this note, Aziru, evidently warned in good
+time, had promptly vanished over the hills, and none of the royal commands
+could be carried out. He pretends to have settled down in Tunip, which he
+must previously have seized, but at once returned home on hearing of
+Hani's arrival. Unfortunately it was too late. The cunning Amorite brought
+forward one excuse after another. "Even if thy actions be just, yet if
+thou dissemble in thy letters at thy pleasure, the king must at length
+come to think that thou liest in every case," is a passage in the letter
+brought by Hani. Aziru replies in a tone of injured innocence:
+
+
+    "To the great king, my lord, my god, my sun; Aziru, thy servant.
+    Seven times and again seven times, &c. Oh, lord, I am indeed thy
+    servant; and only when prostrate on the ground before the king, my
+    lord, can I speak what I have to say. But hearken not, O lord, to
+    the foes who slander me before thee. I remain thy servant for
+    ever."
+
+
+This trusty vassal added to his other known faults the peculiarity of
+conspiring readily with the Hittite foes of the Court. His insolence
+helped him successfully out of these awkward difficulties also whenever
+the matter came under discussion. When preparing fresh raids he did not
+hesitate to invent news of Hittite invasions which he was bound to resist,
+and all territory which he then took from his co-vassals would, according
+to his own account, otherwise certainly have fallen into the hands of the
+enemy. But as the result was always the same--_i.e._, to the advantage of
+Aziru alone--the opinion began to prevail in Egyptian councils that this
+restless vassal should be summoned to Court and tried. For many years
+Aziru succeeded in evading these fatal and dangerous, or at best very
+costly orders. But finally he was forced to obey, and with heavy heart and
+well-filled treasure chests set off for Egypt. Apparently he relied on his
+principal ally Dudu, whom in his letters he always addresses as "father";
+but this pleasant alliance did not avail to protect the disturber of the
+peace from provisional arrest. The last letter in the Aziru series, which
+had obviously been confiscated and subsequently found its way back into
+the archives, is a letter of condolence from the adherents or sons of
+Aziru to their imprisoned chief. Nevertheless, the political activity of
+the Amorite chief seemed to many Syrian, and especially to Phoenician
+princes as on the whole for the good of the land, and, therefore, to be
+supported. His appearance put the longed-for end to a far less endurable
+condition of things. Two communications from Akizzi, the headman of the
+city of Katna, near Damascus, exhibit the difference clearly. When Akizzi
+sent his first communication to Nimmuria every petty chief went raiding on
+his own account: Teuwatta of Lapana, Dasha, Arzawia and all the rest of
+them. These vanished with the entrance of Aziru upon the scene, though the
+change was by no means welcome to Akizzi. In the Lebanon things were no
+better. Here Namyauza was struggling with the headmen of Puzruna and
+Khalunni. "They began hostilities together with Biridashwi against me and
+said: 'Come, let us kill Namyauza.' But I escaped." This promiscuous
+warfare raged most fiercely in the south. Here a certain Labaya tried to
+play the part taken by Aziru in the north. But fortune was less favourable
+to Labaya. Probably he failed to induce his undisciplined officers to act
+in unison, and the unhappy man's sole achievement seems to have been the
+welding of his foes into a compact body against himself. He lost his
+territory, kept up the struggle a little longer as a freebooter, was taken
+captive at Megiddo, escaped again on the eve of being shipped to Egypt,
+and fell in battle or died a natural death after at length meeting
+apparently with some success in Judaea.
+
+Jerusalem was under a royal "Uweu," a term perhaps best rendered
+"captain," named Abdikheba. A neighbouring prefect, Shuwardata, asserted
+occasionally that he had entered into conspiracies with Labaya, and
+Abdikheba in fact complained of hostilities on all sides. Milki-El and his
+father-in-law Tagi, chiefs in the Philistian plain near Gath, were his
+principal opponents. They recruited troops from among the Habiri in the
+hope that Abdikheba, finding himself practically blockaded, would weary of
+the struggle and abandon the field. He was evidently very nearly driven to
+this when he wrote:
+
+
+    "Infamous things have been wrought against me. To see it would
+    draw tears from the eyes of the king, so do my foes press me.
+    Shall the royal cities fall a prey to the Habiri? If the Pidati do
+    not come in the course of this year, let the king send messengers
+    to fetch me and all my brethren that we may die in the presence of
+    the king, our lord."
+
+
+By the Habiri we must here understand no other than the Hebrews, who were
+therefore already to be found in the "Promised Land," but had not yet
+firmly established themselves there. They swarmed in the Lebanon, where
+Namyauza had formally enlisted one of their hordes; and yet it seems as if
+they already held Shechem and Mount Ephraim as free tribal property. At
+any rate, no letter thence to the king has been discovered, although there
+is one mention of the city Shakmi (Shechem). The genuinely ancient
+passages in the scriptural accounts of the conquest in the Book of Joshua,
+and still more the valuable fragments in the first chapter of Judges, are
+fairly in accordance with what we here learn from the tablets.
+
+Abdikheba's letters may be considered along with those of Milki-El and
+Tagi, of whom Yanhamu, the powerful official, had just made an example.
+Their voices take up the chorus of complaint:
+
+
+    ABDIKHEBA. "Lo! Milki-El and Tagi have done as follows.... Thus,
+    as the king liveth, hath Milki-El committed treachery against me.
+    Send Yanhamu that he may see what is done in the king's land."
+
+
+    MILKI-EL. "The king, my lord, shall know the deed done by Yanhamu
+    after I had been dismissed by the king. Lo, he took three thousand
+    talents from me and said to me, 'Give me thy wife and thy sons
+    that I may slay them.' May my lord, the king, remember this deed
+    and send us chariots to bring us away."
+
+
+    TAGI. "Am I not a servant of the king? But my brother is full of
+    wounds so that I can send no message by him to the king. Ask the
+    _rabisu_ (a title of Yanhamu) whether my brother is not full of
+    wounds. But we turn our eyes to thee, to know whether we may rise
+    to heaven or creep into the earth; our heads remain in thy hand.
+    Behold, I shall try to make my way to the king by the hand of the
+    surgeons."
+
+
+    MILKI-EL. "I have received the king's message. Let him send the
+    Pidati to protect his servant, and grains of myrrh gum for
+    healing."
+
+
+As already pointed out, the blame for such occurrences belongs in the
+first place to the Egyptian system of government. How little the petty
+princes could expect, whether of good or evil, from their suzerain is
+shown by glaring examples. King Burnaburiash complained that a Babylonian
+trading company established by his ambassador in the Canaanite city of
+Khinaton had, immediately after the ambassador's departure, been attacked
+and utterly plundered. The principals were killed, and the rest--some of
+them mutilated--were sent into slavery. "Canaan is thy land; thou art king
+of it," continues Burnaburiash. "It was in thy land that I suffered this
+injury; therefore restrain the doers of it. Replace the stolen gold, and
+slay the murderers of my subjects to avenge their blood." Whether this was
+done was extremely doubtful, for part of the plunder had in all
+probability already sufficed to secure a safe retreat for the brigands,
+who, furthermore, were officials from some of whom letters have been
+found. The natural consequence was that the ambassadors themselves were
+attacked. Their caravan with gifts for Napkhuria was robbed twice in
+succession, and they themselves were held to ransom. The Egyptian
+Government nevertheless remained outrageously slack as ever, as we may see
+from the following safe conduct granted on behalf of the Canaanite
+miscreants: "To the princes in the land of Canaan, the vassals of my
+brother. Akiya, my messenger, I send to the King of Egypt my brother.
+Bring him safe and quickly to Egypt. Let no violence befall him."
+
+Prefects of Canaanite ports were naturally in most active communication
+with Egypt. On some of the shrewder minds among these men it had dawned
+that it pleased and amused the king to have immediate news of messages by
+sea and land from far and near communicated in their letters. Abi-milki of
+Tyre had carried this practice farthest, and he was also admirably skilful
+in lodging complaints by the way. We owe to this worthy one of the
+choicest pieces in the whole collection, the elegant paean of a
+place-hunter of more than three thousand years ago. It will be noticed
+that some of his rhetorical expressions repeatedly recall those of the
+Hebrew Psalter in the same way as do phrases in the letter of Tagi already
+quoted. In fact, the Bible critic has much to learn from the tablets as a
+whole. After the formal beginning, Abi-milki launches out as follows:
+
+
+    "My lord the king is the Sun-God, rising each day over the earth
+    according to the will of his gracious father, the heavenly Sun-God
+    (Aten). His words give life and prosperity. To all lands his might
+    giveth peace. Like the (Phoenician) god Ram-man, so he thunders
+    down from heaven, and the earth trembles before him. Behold, thy
+    servant writeth as soon as he has good news to send the king. And
+    the fear of my lord, the king, fell upon the whole land till the
+    messenger made known the good news from the king my lord. When I
+    heard through him the command of the king to me, 'Be at the
+    disposal of my high officials,' then thy servant answered his
+    lord, 'It is already done.' On my breast and on my back write I
+    down for myself the commands of the king. Verily, he who
+    hearkeneth to the king his lord, and serveth him with love, the
+    Sun-God riseth over him, and a good word from the mouth of his
+    lord giveth him life. If he heed not the commands of his lord his
+    city will fall, his house will perish, and his name will be known
+    no more for ever in all lands. But he who followeth his lord as a
+    faithful servant, his city is prosperous, his house is secure, and
+    his name shall endure for ever."
+
+
+The letter continues for some time in the same strain, but at the end the
+courtier bethinks him of his office of informer, and adds hastily:
+
+
+    "Furthermore, Zimrida, the prefect of Sidon, sends a report every
+    day to Aziru, Abd-Ashera's son. Every word that comes from Egypt
+    he telleth to him. I, however, tell it to my lord, that it may
+    serve thee, oh my lord!"
+
+
+Two princes, Adad-nirari of Nukhashi and another whose name is now
+illegible, apparently take a higher rank than their neighbours. Nukhashi
+is often named in these tablets as well as in Egyptian inscriptions, and
+it must have been situated on the north-east slope of the Lebanon range.
+We have also letters from the towns of Biruta (Beyrout), Hashab, Hazi,
+Kumidi, Kadesh on the Orontes, Sidon, Akko, Rubiza, Megiddo, Hazor, Gezer,
+Gaza, Lachish, Shamhuna, Mushihuma, Dubu, and others, while there are many
+more so mutilated that their origin can no longer be determined.
+
+These letters, though by no means all of them containing important
+contributions to the history of political intrigue, are often of interest
+from the light they throw on manners and customs. A few further extracts
+are therefore given here.
+
+
+    "To the king my lord, my gods, my sun; Yabitiri is thy servant,
+    the dust of thy feet, &c. And a faithful servant of the king am I.
+    I look hither, and I look thither, but it is not light; then I
+    look to the king my lord, then there is light. A brick may be
+    removed from its firm bed, but I move not away from the king's
+    feet. Let my lord the king ask Yanhamu, his _rabisu_. While I was
+    still young he brought me to Egypt, and I served my lord the king
+    and stood at the gate of the palace (as page). And to-day, let my
+    lord the king ask his _rabisu_, I guard the gates of Gaza and of
+    Joppa. I am also attached to the Pidati of my lord the king;
+    whither they go thither do I go with them, as even now. On my neck
+    rests the yoke of my lord the king, and I bear it."
+
+
+The following tablet from the neighbourhood of the Jordan promises good
+results as the reward of future research for geographical details:
+
+
+    "To Yanhamu, my lord: Mut-Addi is thy servant at thy feet. I told
+    thee before, and it is so indeed; Ayab hath fled in secret, as did
+    also previously the king of Bihishi before the commissioners of
+    the king his lord. Is Ayab now in Bihishi? [He is there] truly as
+    the lord king liveth, truly as he liveth. For two months he has
+    been there. Behold, Benenima is present, Tadua is present, Yashua
+    is present; ask them whether he hath fled from Shadi-Marduk, from
+    Astarti. When all the cities in the land of Gari were in
+    rebellion, Adma (Udumu), Aduri, Araru, Mishtu, Migdal, Ain-anab
+    and Sarki were taken, then later Hawani and Yabesh. Behold,
+    moreover, as soon as thou hadst written a letter to me I wrote to
+    him (Ayab) that thou hadst returned from thy journey (to
+    Palestine?). And behold he came to Bihishi and heard the command."
+
+
+The names Ayab and Yashua recall Job and Joshua to our minds.
+
+The great alacrity shown in this letter was, as we already know, most
+acceptable to Yanhamu. Another Syrian chief, whose name has been
+obliterated, complained bitterly that Yanhamu had refused him a passage
+through his territories, although he showed the royal summons to Court.
+This, indeed, may have been an indirect favour to his correspondent. Very
+amusing is a group of three synoptic letters, written by one scribe for
+Biri ... (the name is imperfect) of Hashab, Ildaya ... of Hazi, and
+another. These vassals had evidently taken the field together. They recite
+their tale like a chorus of schoolboys repeating a lesson.
+
+
+    "Behold, we were besieging the cities of the king my lord in the
+    land of Amki (_i.e._, cities that had fallen away and had ceased
+    to pay tribute). Then came Itakama, the Prince of Kinza (Kadesh),
+    at the head of Hittites. Let my lord the king write to Itakama,
+    and cause him to turn aside and give us troops that we may win the
+    cities of my lord the king, and thenceforth dwell in them."
+
+
+Itakama was specially unpopular with his neighbours. Apparently he was one
+of the more powerful allies of Aziru, and as such his special task was to
+press as hard as possible on the foes of the Amorites in southern
+Coele-Syria. Perhaps, however, Aziru and Itakama did not come together till
+each for a time had fought his battles alone. The Hittites in Itakama's
+force were, of course, prominently mentioned to alarm Pharaoh. They may
+have been Hittite spearmen enrolled by the prince of Kadesh, much as the
+Habiri and Sutu had been enlisted by his chief rival Namyauza. It is even
+possible that the soldiers of Kadesh had always been armed in Hittite
+fashion; perhaps the town was already inhabited by people of Hittite
+stock. Later the Hittites actually seized Kadesh, and it is questionable
+whether it was for the first time. Itakama himself, however, scouts any
+thought of defection; nay, he writes:
+
+
+    "To the king my lord, &c. I am thy servant, but Namyauza hath
+    slandered me to thee, oh my master. And while he was doing that he
+    occupied all the inheritance of my fathers in the land of Kadesh,
+    and my villages hath he set on fire. Do not the officers of my
+    lord the king and his subjects know my faithfulness? I serve thee
+    with all my brethren, and where there is rebellion against my lord
+    the king, thither I march with my warriors, my chariots, and all
+    my brethren. Behold, now Namyauza hath delivered up to the Habiri
+    all the king's cities in the land of Kadesh and in Ube. But I will
+    march forth, and if thy gods and thy sun go before me I will
+    restore these places from the Habiri to the king that I may show
+    myself subject to him. I will drive out these Habiri, and my lord
+    the king shall rejoice in his servant Itakama. I will serve the
+    king my lord, and all my brethren, and all lands shall serve him.
+    But Namyauza will I destroy, for I am for ever a servant of the
+    king my lord."
+
+
+The land of Ube here named corresponds to the Hobah of the Bible,
+mentioned in Genesis xiv. 15, as the place to which Abram pursued the
+conquerors of Sodom, who had carried Lot away. According to the margin of
+the Revised Version, Hobah lay "north of Damascus." In a letter from
+Akizzi of Katna (see p. 44), we read, however, "Oh, my lord the king, as
+Damascus in the land of Ube stretches out her hand to thy feet, so Katna
+stretches out her hand to thy feet." The statements may be reconciled by
+the hypothesis that in the Old Testament the position of the town after
+which the district is named is more exactly indicated. Other lands named
+in the tablets are more difficult to identify. To mitigate a famine in
+Gebal, Rib-Addi intended to send for grain from Zalukhi in Ugarit, but his
+enemies detained his ships and frustrated his intentions. Zalukhi does not
+seem to be mentioned again, and Rib-Addi in a later letter compares Ugarit
+with the region round Tyre as regards its administrative relation to
+Egypt. Abi-milki, the Tyrian prefect, once informs the king, "Fire hath
+devoured the city of Ugarit; one half of it hath it destroyed and not the
+other." Finally, a certain Yapakhi-Addi, after an unsuccessful attempt to
+get provisions into Rib-Addi's city Simyra, reproachfully informs Yanhamu
+that Aziru has extended his dominions from Gebal to Ugarit. Ugarit must
+thus have been the most northerly of the Egyptian possessions in Asia, and
+therefore not far from the site of the modern Alexandretta. This outlying
+position made the little state a somewhat insecure jewel in the crown of
+Egypt. King Kadashman-Bel seems to have been of this opinion when (see p.
+27) he included in his little list of ladies impossible for a royal harem
+"a maiden from Ugarit." Evidently he meant to enumerate superciliously
+petty foreign "princesses" only.
+
+Of a certain land of Danuna (considered a part of Canaan) we learn further
+that its king died, and that his brother succeeded to the throne
+unopposed. One of the two may be identical with the king of Tana; who, as
+Rib-Addi briefly mentions, was about to march to Gebal, but was forced by
+scarcity of water to return home.
+
+A few letters from women are among the tablets. Two probably came from the
+wife of Milki-El, who was hard pressed by the Habiri when her husband was
+called to Egypt. Two others are addressed, "The handmaid to my mistress";
+perhaps they were sent along with Tushratta's letters to his daughter in
+Egypt and were from one of her playfellows or relatives. Finally, the
+daughter of Napkhuria, married to Burnaburiash, sent a small tablet to her
+father by a special envoy named Kidin-Ramman. "Before the face of my lord
+let him come" indicates that the letter was "to be delivered in person."
+It is a pity that this dainty little letter is for the most part
+illegible.
+
+
+
+
+
+V. POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD.
+
+
+However favourably the religious reform of King Napkhuria may be estimated
+on its own merits, it by no means strengthened the authority of Egypt in
+Asia. Of course it could have in no way been the cause of the state of
+affairs in Syria and Canaan; perhaps Amenophis III., whatever his own
+great slackness, simply inherited the confusion in this part of his
+empire. The heaviest blows could not in the long run prevent the Habiri
+from returning to the attack again and again at brief intervals. Their
+need of expansion was greater than their fear, and, after all, it mattered
+little to Pharaoh whether the Habirite or the Canaanite paid tribute in
+Palestine as soon as the intruder was prepared to acknowledge his rights.
+Napkhuria's great weakness was his obvious partiality for those of his
+officials who had become Aten worshippers, and the eagerness of these men
+to exploit the royal favour was in proportion to their disbelief in the
+permanence of the movement for reform.
+
+In their Babylonian form the Tell el Amarna tablets are in the first place
+the product of the diplomatic custom of the time, but in many details of
+their contents they show that the civilisation of Western Asia had for
+centuries been based on a Babylonian foundation. With the lack of exact
+information so frequently to be deplored in Egyptian accounts, the wordy
+narratives of the campaigns of Thutmosis III. scarcely enable us to
+determine exactly from which of the greater powers he had succeeded in
+wresting districts of Syria and Palestine. As regards the political
+situation there, even at the beginning of the Kassite Dynasty--a change
+probably attended by long internecine struggles--Babylonia seems to have
+lost its western possessions on the Mediterranean, and we may rather
+suppose that it was the kings of Mitani who ruled these territories in the
+time of Thutmosis III.
+
+Mitani, though still an extensive power, had seen its best days at any
+rate when Tushratta with difficulty ascended the throne of his fathers.
+The name "Hanirabbat" by which it was known to all its neighbours, must be
+the older name, and also that of the original province to which later
+acquisitions had been united. It is an established fact that Eastern
+Cappadocia, the mountainous province of Melitene on the Upper Euphrates,
+was still known as Hanirabbat about 690 B.C., and that, on the other hand,
+Mitani, in the narrower sense of the term, must have corresponded to the
+later Macedonian province of Mygdonia, _i.e._, Mesopotamia proper. We have
+seen, however, that Ninua, afterwards the Assyrian capital Nineveh, was
+part of the dominion of Tushratta, otherwise he could hardly have sent
+Ishtar, the goddess of that city, to Egypt. The subsequent capital of
+Assyria may have been the most easterly possession of the kingdom of
+Hanirabbat-Mitani, the centre of gravity of which lay farther westward. In
+the letters there is a remark of the king of Alashia recommending Pharaoh
+to exchange no more gifts with "the kings of the Hittites and of
+Shankhar." Mitani is, perhaps, here named Shankhar from its dependencies
+in Asia Minor, or we may suppose it to have been the name of Tushratta's
+residence.
+
+In contrast to the Hittite empire, which was pressing forward from the
+neck of Asia Minor through the passes of Issus into Syria, and was rapidly
+increasing in power, Mitani stood on the eve of its fall. Babylonians and
+Hittites were alike watching to pluck the ripe fruit, and perhaps it
+lacked little to decide Tushratta, instead of fighting once more for the
+crown, to capitulate to the invading Hittites and see the end of the
+kingdom of Mitani. The great "love" of this king for Egypt was not,
+therefore, called forth merely by the glitter of gold, but also by dire
+political necessity. The catastrophe occurred some few decades after the
+correspondence comes to an end for us. Mitani vanished from the states of
+Western Asia and gave place to small Aramaic kingdoms, while the eastern
+boundary, together with Ninua, was seized by Assyria as the first step to
+her subsequent suzerainty in the East.
+
+But still more swiftly overtaken of fate was the XVIIIth Dynasty in Egypt.
+Napkhuria did not even see the completion of his city at Tell el Amarna,
+for he died in 1370 B.C. His reform followed him, and the victorious
+champions of Amon could raze to the ground the hated City of the Sun's
+Disk. They must already have been on the march when in a happy moment it
+occurred to a keeper of the royal archives to conceal the clay tablets in
+the earth and thus save them for remote posterity.
+
+
+
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX
+
+
+The best translation of the Tell el Amarna tablets available for English
+readers is that from the German of H. Winckler, published by Luzac,
+London, 1896.
+
+Professor Flinders Petrie's _Syria and Egypt from the Tell el Amarna
+Letters_ (Methuen, 1898) is a synopsis of the letters as far as they
+belong to the relations of Egypt and Syria, with the addition of
+geographical and historical notes. In the Introduction Professor Petrie
+gives a harrowing account of the casual way in which the tablets were
+found and of the criminal carelessness with which these priceless records
+were subsequently handled.
+
+Some years afterwards, in 1891-2, Professor Petrie himself excavated what
+was left of the ruins of the royal city of Amenhetep IV. An account of his
+discoveries on that site and of his deductions from them may be found in
+his finely illustrated memoir _Tell el Amarna_ (Methuen, 1894). He
+particularly emphasises the skill and originality displayed in the remains
+of the arts and crafts of the Tell el Amarna period, and emphatically
+points out the evidence of active connection between Egypt and AEgean
+(Mykenaean) civilisation at that time. His appreciation of the character of
+Akhenaten differs considerably from that formed by the author of the
+present pamphlet, and should be compared with it. In vol. ii. p. 205 _et
+seqq._ of his _History of Egypt_, Professor Petrie maintains the same
+views. The same volume also contains his earlier synopsis of the Tell el
+Amarna tablets.
+
+Professor Maspero's account of the historical bearing of these tablets is
+worked into the second volume of his great _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples
+de l'Orient_, which is entitled _Les Premieres Melees des Peuples_. A
+translation of that work has been issued by the Society for the
+Propagation of Christian Knowledge, but in any parts relating to Biblical
+history the student will do well to consult the original.
+
+The bearings of the tablets on Biblical history, and particularly the
+evidence they have supplied as to the early date at which the art of
+writing was practised in Syria and Palestine, have been favourite themes
+of Professor Sayce. His arguments and conclusions on these points may be
+found in _The Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments_ (S.P.C.K.
+1894); _Patriarchal Palestine_ (S.P.C.K. 1895); _The Egypt of the Hebrews
+and Herodotus_ (Rivington, Percival & Co., 1896), and elsewhere.
+
+Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & CO
+London & Edinburgh
+
+
+
+
+
+
+***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TELL EL AMARNA PERIOD***
+
+
+
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