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diff --git a/26123-8.txt b/26123-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..487a2fe --- /dev/null +++ b/26123-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,3099 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay on Slavery and Abolitionism, by +Catharine E. Beecher + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: An Essay on Slavery and Abolitionism + With reference to the duty of American females + +Author: Catharine E. Beecher + +Release Date: July 25, 2008 [EBook #26123] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAY - SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM *** + + + + +Produced by K Nordquist, Emanuela Piasentini and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This +file was produced from images generously made available +by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + + + + + + + + + +-------------------------------------------------------------+ + |Transcriber's Note: | + | | + |The adjective 'Christian' is sometimes spelled 'christian' | + |and its use is inconsistent throughout the book. The original| + |punctuation, language and spelling have been retained, except| + |where noted at the end of the text. | + +-------------------------------------------------------------+ + + + + + AN ESSAY + + + ON + + + SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM, + + + WITH REFERENCE TO THE + + + DUTY OF AMERICAN FEMALES. + + + BY + + CATHARINE E. BEECHER. + + + Philadelphia: + HENRY PERKINS, 134 CHESTNUT STREET. + PERKINS & MARVIN, BOSTON. + + + 1837. + + +Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1837, by _Henry +Perkins_, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern +District of Pennsylvania. + + L. ASHMEAD AND CO. PRINTERS. + + + + +PREFACE. + + +THE following are the circumstances which occasioned the succeeding +pages. A gentleman and a friend, requested the writer to assign reasons +why he should not join the Abolition Society. While preparing a reply +to this request, MISS GRIMKÉ's Address was presented, and the +information communicated, of her intention to visit the North, for the +purpose of using her influence among northern ladies to induce them to +unite with Abolition Societies. The writer then began a private letter +to Miss Grimké as a personal friend. But by the wishes and advice of +others, these two efforts were finally combined in the following Essay, +to be presented to the public. + +The honoured and beloved name which that lady bears, so associated as it +is at the South, North, and West, with all that is elegant in a scholar, +refined in a gentleman, and elevated in a Christian,--the respectable +sect with which she is connected,--the interesting effusions of her +pen,--and her own intellectual and moral worth, must secure respect for +her opinions and much personal influence. This seems to be a sufficient +apology for presenting to the public some considerations in connexion +with her name; considerations which may exhibit in another aspect the +cause she advocates, and which it may be appropriate to consider. As +such, they are respectfully commended to the public, and especially to +that portion of it for which they are particularly designed. + + + + +ESSAY + +ON + +SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM. + +ADDRESSED TO MISS A. D. GRIMKÉ. + + +MY DEAR FRIEND, + +Your public address to Christian females at the South has reached me, +and I have been urged to aid in circulating it at the North. I have also +been informed, that you contemplate a tour, during the ensuing year, for +the purpose of exerting your influence to form Abolition Societies among +ladies of the non-slave-holding States. + +Our acquaintance and friendship give me a claim to your private ear; but +there are reasons why it seems more desirable to address you, who now +stand before the public as an advocate of Abolition measures, in a more +public manner. + +The object I have in view, is to present some reasons why it seems +unwise and inexpedient for ladies of the non-slave-holding States to +unite themselves in Abolition Societies; and thus, at the same time, +to exhibit the inexpediency of the course you propose to adopt. + +I would first remark, that your public address leads me to infer, that +you are not sufficiently informed in regard to the feelings and opinions +of Christian females at the North. Your remarks seem to assume, that the +_principles_ held by Abolitionists on the subject of slavery, are +peculiar to them, and are not generally adopted by those at the North +who oppose their _measures_. In this you are not correctly informed. In +the sense in which Abolitionists explain the terms they employ, there is +little, if any, difference between them and most northern persons. +Especially is this true of northern persons of religious principles. I +know not where to look for northern Christians, who would deny that +every slave-holder is bound to treat his slaves exactly as he would +claim that his own children ought to be treated in similar +circumstances; that the holding of our fellow men as property, or the +withholding any of the rights of freedom, for mere purposes of gain, is +a sin, and ought to be immediately abandoned; and that where the laws +are such, that a slave-holder cannot _legally_ emancipate his slaves, +without throwing them into worse bondage, he is bound to use all his +influence to alter those laws, and, in the meantime, to treat his slaves, +as nearly as he can, _as if_ they were free. + +I do not suppose there is one person in a thousand, at the North, who +would dissent from these principles. They would only differ in the use +of terms, and call this the doctrine of _gradual emancipation_, while +Abolitionists would call it the doctrine of _immediate emancipation_. + +As this is the state of public opinion at the North, there is no +necessity for using any influence with northern ladies, in order that +they may adopt your _principles_ on the subject of slavery; for they +hold them in common with yourself, and it would seem unwise, and might +prove irritating, to approach them as if they held opposite sentiments. + +In regard to the duty of making efforts to bring the people of the +Southern States to adopt these principles, and act on them, it is +entirely another matter. On this point you would find a large majority +opposed to your views. Most persons in the non-slave-holding States have +considered the matter of Southern slavery, as one in which they were no +more called to interfere, than in the abolition of the press-gang system +in England, or the tythe system of Ireland. Public opinion may have been +wrong on this point, and yet have been right on all those great +principles of rectitude and justice relating to slavery, which +Abolitionists claim as their _distinctive_ peculiarities. + +The distinctive peculiarity of the Abolition Society is this: it is a +voluntary association in one section of the country, designed to awaken +public sentiment against a moral evil existing in another section of the +country, and the principal point of effort seems to be, to enlarge the +numbers of this association as a means of influencing public sentiment. +The principal object of your proposed tour, I suppose, is to present +facts, arguments, and persuasions to influence northern ladies to enrol +themselves as members of this association. + +I will therefore proceed to present some of the reasons which may be +brought against such a measure as the one you would urge. + +In the first place, the main principle of action in that society rests +wholly on a false deduction from past experience. Experience has shown, +that when certain moral evils exist in a community, efforts to awaken +public sentiment against such practices, and combinations for the +exercise of personal influence and example, have in various cases tended +to rectify these evils. Thus in respect to intemperance;--the collecting +of facts, the labours of public lecturers and the distribution of +publications, have had much effect in diminishing the evil. So in +reference to the slave-trade and slavery in England. The English nation +possessed the power of regulating their own trade, and of giving liberty +to every slave in their dominions; and yet they were entirely unmindful +of their duty on this subject. Clarkson, Wilberforce, and their +coadjutors, commenced a system of operations to arouse and influence +public sentiment, and they succeeded in securing the suppression of the +slave trade, and the gradual abolition of slavery in the English +colonies. In both these cases, the effort was to enlighten and direct +public sentiment in a community, of which the actors were a portion, in +order to lead them to rectify an evil existing among THEMSELVES, which +was entirely under their control. + +From the success of such efforts, the Abolitionists of this country have +drawn inferences, which appear to be not only illogical, but false. +Because individuals in _their own_ community have aroused their fellow +citizens to correct their own evils, therefore they infer that attempts +to convince their fellow-citizens of the faults of _another_ community +will lead that community to forsake their evil practices. An example +will more clearly illustrate the case. Suppose two rival cities, which +have always been in competition, and always jealous of each other's +reputation and prosperity. Certain individuals in one of these cities +become convinced, that the sin of intemperance is destroying their +prosperity and domestic happiness. They proceed to collect facts, they +arrange statistics, they call public meetings, they form voluntary +associations, they use arguments, entreaties and personal example, and +by these means they arrest the evil. + +Suppose another set of men, in this same community, become convinced +that certain practices in trade and business in the rival city, are +dishonest, and have an oppressive bearing on certain classes in that +city, and are injurious to the interests of general commerce. Suppose +also, that these are practices, which, by those who allow them, are +considered as honourable and right. Those who are convinced of their +immorality, wish to alter the opinions and the practices of the citizens +of their rival city, and to do this, they commence the collection of +facts, that exhibit the tendencies of these practices and the evils they +have engendered. But instead of going among the community in which the +evils exist, and endeavouring to convince and persuade them, they +proceed to form voluntary associations among their neighbours at home, +and spend their time, money and efforts to convince their fellow +citizens that the inhabitants of their rival city are guilty of a great +sin. They also publish papers and tracts and send out agents, not to the +guilty city, but to all the neighbouring towns and villages, to convince +them of the sins of the city in their vicinity. And they claim that they +shall succeed in making that city break off its sins, by these measures, +because other men succeeded in banishing intemperance by labouring among +their own friends and fellow citizens. Is not this example exactly +parallel with the exertions of the Abolitionists? Are not the northern +and southern sections of our country distinct communities, with +different feelings and interests? Are they not rival, and jealous in +feeling? Have the northern States the power to rectify evils at the +South, as they have to remove their own moral deformities; or have they +any such power over the southern States as the British people had over +their own trade and their dependent colonies in the West Indies? Have +not Abolitionists been sending out papers, tracts, and agents to +convince the people of the North of the sins of the South? Have they not +refrained from going to the South with their facts, arguments, and +appeals, because they feared personal evils to themselves? And do not +Abolitionists found their hopes of success in their project, on the +success which crowned the efforts of British philanthropists in the case +of slavery, and on the success that has attended efforts to banish +intemperance? And do not these two cases differ entirely from the +Abolition movement in this main point, that one is an effort to convince +men of _their own_ sins, and the other is an effort to convince men of +the sins of _other persons_? + +The second reason I would urge against joining the Abolition Society is, +that its character and measures are not either peaceful or Christian in +tendency, but they rather are those which tend to generate party spirit, +denunciation, recrimination, and angry passions. + +But before bringing evidence to sustain this position, I wish to make a +distinction between the _men_ who constitute an association, and the +_measures_ which are advocated and adopted. + +I believe, that as a body, Abolitionists are men of pure morals, of +great honesty of purpose, of real benevolence and piety, and of great +activity in efforts to promote what they consider the best interests of +their fellow men. I believe, that, in making efforts to abolish slavery, +they have taken measures, which they supposed were best calculated to +bring this evil to an end, with the greatest speed, and with the least +danger and suffering to the South. I do not believe they ever designed +to promote disunion, or insurrection, or to stir up strife, or that they +suppose that their measures can be justly characterized by the +peculiarities I have specified. I believe they have been urged forward +by a strong feeling of patriotism, as well as of religious duty, and +that they have made great sacrifices of feeling, character, time, and +money to promote what they believed to be the cause of humanity and the +service of God. I regard individuals among them, as having taken a bold +and courageous stand, in maintaining the liberty of free discussion, the +liberty of speech and of the press; though this however is somewhat +abated by the needless provocations by which they caused those +difficulties and hazards they so courageously sustained. In speaking +thus of Abolitionists as a body, it is not assumed that there are not +bad men found in this party as well as in every other; nor that among +those who are good men, there are not those who may have allowed party +spirit to take the place of Christian principle; men who have exhibited +a mournful destitution of Christian charity; who have indulged in an +overbearing, denouncing, and self-willed pertinacity as to measures. Yet +with these reservations, I believe that the above is no more than a fair +and just exhibition of that class of men who are embraced in the party +of Abolitionists. And all this can be admitted, and yet the objection I +am to urge against joining their ranks may stand in its full force. + +To make the position clearer, an illustration may be allowed. Suppose a +body of good men become convinced that the inspired direction, "them +that sin, rebuke before all, that others may fear," imposes upon them +the duty of openly rebuking every body whom they discover in the +practice of any sin. Suppose these men are daily in the habit of going +into the streets, and calling all by-standers around them, pointing out +certain men, some as liars, some as dishonest, some as licentious, and +then bringing proofs of their guilt and rebuking them before all; at the +same time exhorting all around to point at them the finger of scorn. + +They persevere in this course till the whole community is thrown into an +uproar; and assaults, and even bloodshed ensue. They then call on all +good citizens to protect their persons from abuse, and to maintain the +liberty of speech and of free opinion. + +Now the men may be as pure in morals, as conscientious and upright in +intention, as any Abolitionist, and yet every one would say, that their +measures were unwise and unchristian. + +In like manner, although Abolitionists may be lauded for many virtues, +still much evidence can be presented, that the character and measures of +the Abolition Society are not either peaceful or christian in tendency, +but that they are in their nature calculated to generate party spirit, +denunciation, recrimination, and angry passions. + +The first thing I would present to establish this, is the character of +the leaders of this association. Every combined effort is necessarily +directed by leaders; and the spirit of the leaders will inevitably be +communicated to their coadjutors, and appear in the measures of the +whole body. + +In attempting to characterize these leaders, I would first present +another leader of a similar enterprise, the beloved and venerated +WILBERFORCE. It is thus that his prominent traits are delineated by an +intimate friend. + +"His extreme benevolence contributed largely to his success. I have +heard him say, that it was one of his constant rules, and on the +question of slavery especially, never to provoke an adversary--to allow +him credit fully for sincerity and purity of motive--to abstain from all +irritating expressions--to avoid even such political attacks as would +indispose his opponents for his great cause. In fact, the benignity, the +gentleness, the kind-heartedness of the man, disarmed the bitterest +foes. Not only on this question did he restrain himself, but generally. +Once he had been called during a whole debate 'the religious member,' in +a kind of scorn. He remarked afterwards, that he was much inclined to +have retorted, by calling his opponent the _irreligious_ member, but +that he refrained, as it would have been a returning of evil for evil. +Next to his general consistency, and love of the Scriptures, the +_humility_ of his character always appeared remarkable. The modest, +shrinking, simple Christian statesman and friend always appeared in him. +And the nearer you approached him, the more his habit of mind obviously +appeared to be modest and lowly. His _charity in judging of others_, is +a farther trait of his Christian character. Of his benevolence I need +not speak, but his _kind construction of doubtful actions_, his +_charitable language_ toward those with whom he most widely differed, +his thorough forgetfulness of little affronts, were fruits of that +general benevolence which continually appeared." + +This was the leader, both in and out of Parliament, of that body of men +who combined to bring to an end slavery and the slave trade, in the +dominions of Great Britain. With him, as principal leaders, were +associated CLARKSON, SHARPE, MACAULAY, and others of a similar spirit. +These men were all of them characterized by that mild, benevolent, +peaceful, gentlemanly and forbearing spirit, which has been described as +so conspicuous in Wilberforce. And when their measures are examined, it +will be found that they were eminently mild, peaceful, and forbearing. +Though no effort that is to encounter the selfish interests of men, can +escape without odium and opposition, from those who are thwarted, and +from all whom they can influence, these men carefully took those +measures that were calculated to bring about their end with the least +opposition and evil possible. They avoided prejudices, strove to +conciliate opposers, shunned every thing that would give needless +offence and exasperation, began slowly and cautiously, with points which +could be the most easily carried, and advanced toward others only as +public sentiment became more and more enlightened. They did not beard +the lion in full face, by coming out as the first thing with the maxim, +that all slavery ought and must be abandoned immediately. They began +with "inquiries as to the _impolicy_ of the _slave trade_," and it was +years before they came to the point of the abolition of slavery. And +they carried their measures through, without producing warring parties +among _good men_, who held common principles with themselves. As a +general fact, the pious men of Great Britain acted harmoniously in this +great effort. + +Let us now look at the leaders of the Abolition movement in America. The +man who first took the lead was William L. Garrison, who, though he +professes a belief in the Christian religion, is an avowed opponent of +most of its institutions. The character and spirit of this man have for +years been exhibited in "the Liberator," of which he is the editor. That +there is to be found in that paper, or in any thing else, any evidence +of his possessing the peculiar traits of Wilberforce, not even his +warmest admirers will maintain. How many of the opposite traits can be +found, those can best judge who have read his paper. Gradually others +joined themselves in the effort commenced by Garrison; but for a long +time they consisted chiefly of men who would fall into one of these +three classes; either good men who were so excited by a knowledge of the +enormous evils of slavery, that _any thing_ was considered better than +entire inactivity, or else men accustomed to a contracted field of +observation, and more qualified to judge of immediate results than of +general tendencies, or else men of ardent and impulsive temperament, +whose feelings are likely to take the lead, rather than their judgment. + +There are no men who act more efficiently as the leaders of an +enterprise than the editors of the periodicals that advocate and defend +it. The editors of the Emancipator, the Friend of Man, the New York +Evangelist, and the other abolition periodicals, may therefore be +considered as among the chief leaders of the enterprise, and their +papers are the mirror from which their spirit and character are +reflected. + +I wish the friends of these editors would cull from their papers all the +indications they can find of the peculiarities that distinguished +Wilberforce and his associates; all the evidence of "a modest and lowly +spirit,"--all the exhibitions of "charity in judging of the motives of +those who oppose their measures,"--all the "indications of benignity, +gentleness, and kind-heartedness,"--all the "kind constructions of +doubtful actions,"--all the "charitable language used toward those who +differ in opinion or measures,"--all the "thorough forgetfulness of +little affronts,"--all the cases where "opponents are allowed full +credit for purity and sincerity of motive,"--all cases where they have +been careful "never to provoke an adversary,"--all cases where they have +"refrained from all irritating expressions,"--all cases where they have +avoided every thing that would "indispose their opponents for their +great cause," and then compare the result with what may be found of an +opposite character, and I think it would not be unsafe to infer that an +association whose measures, on an exciting subject, were guided by such +men, would be more likely to be aggressive than peaceful. The position I +would establish will appear more clearly, by examining in detail some of +the prominent measures which have been adopted by this association. + +One of the first measures of Abolitionists was an attack on a benevolent +society, originated and sustained by some of the most pious and devoted +men of the age. It was imagined by Abolitionists, that the influence and +measures of the Colonization Society tended to retard the abolition of +slavery, and to perpetuate injurious prejudices against the coloured +race. The peaceful and christian method of meeting this difficulty would +have been, to collect all the evidence of this supposed hurtful tendency, +and privately, and in a respectful and conciliating way, to have +presented it to the attention of the wise and benevolent men, who were +most interested in sustaining this institution. If this measure did not +avail to convince them, then it would have been safe and justifiable to +present to the public a temperate statement of facts, and of the +deductions based on them, drawn up in a respectful and candid manner, +with every charitable allowance which truth could warrant. Instead of +this, when the attempt was first made to turn public opinion against the +Colonization Society, I met one of the most influential supporters of +that institution, just after he had had an interview with a leading +Abolitionist. This gentleman was most remarkable for his urbanity, +meekness, and benevolence, and his remark to me in reference to this +interview, shows what was its nature. "I love truth and sound argument," +said he, "but when a man comes at me with a sledge hammer, I cannot help +dodging." This is a specimen of their private manner of dealing. In +public, the enterprise was attacked as a plan for promoting the selfish +interests and prejudices of the whites, at the expense of the coloured +population; and in many cases, it was assumed that the conductors of +this association were aware of this, and accessory to it. And the style +in which the thing was done was at once offensive, inflammatory, and +exasperating. Denunciation, sneers, and public rebuke, were bestowed +indiscriminately upon the conductors of the enterprise, and of course +they fell upon many sincere, upright, and conscientious men, whose +feelings were harrowed by a sense of the injustice, the indecorum, and +the unchristian treatment, they received. And when a temporary +impression was made on the public mind, and its opponents supposed they +had succeeded in crushing this society, the most public and triumphant +exultation was not repressed. Compare this method of carrying a point, +with that adopted by Wilberforce and his compeers, and I think you will +allow that there was a way that was peaceful and christian, and that +this was not the way which was chosen. + +The next measure of Abolitionism was an attempt to remove the prejudices +of the whites against the blacks, on account of natural peculiarities. +Now, prejudice is an _unreasonable_ and _groundless_ dislike of persons +or things. Of course, as it is unreasonable, it is the most difficult of +all things to conquer, and the worst and most irritating method that +could be attempted would be, to attack a man as guilty of sin, as +unreasonable, as ungenerous, or as proud, for allowing a certain +prejudice. + +This is the sure way to produce anger, self-justification, and an +increase of the strength of prejudice, against that which has caused him +this rebuke and irritation. + +The best way to make a person like a thing which is disagreeable, is to +try in some way to make it agreeable; and if a certain class of persons +is the subject of unreasonable prejudice, the peaceful and christian way +of removing it would be to endeavour to render the unfortunate persons +who compose this class, so useful, so humble and unassuming, so kind in +their feelings, and so full of love and good works, that prejudice would +be supplanted by complacency in their goodness, and pity and sympathy +for their disabilities. If the friends of the blacks had quietly set +themselves to work to increase their intelligence, their usefulness, +their respectability, their meekness, gentleness, and benevolence, and +then had appealed to the pity, generosity, and christian feelings of +their fellow citizens, a very different result would have appeared. +Instead of this, reproaches, rebukes, and sneers, were employed to +convince the whites that their prejudices were sinful, and without any +just cause. They were accused of pride, of selfish indifference, of +unchristian neglect. This tended to irritate the whites, and to increase +their prejudice against the blacks, who thus were made the causes of +rebuke and exasperation. Then, on the other hand, the blacks extensively +received the Liberator, and learned to imbibe the spirit of its +conductor. + +They were taught to feel that they were injured and abused, the objects +of a guilty and unreasonable prejudice--that they occupied a lower place +in society than was right--that they ought to be treated as if they were +whites; and in repeated instances, attempts were made by their friends +to mingle them with whites, so as to break down the existing +distinctions of society. Now, the question is not, whether these things, +that were urged by Abolitionists, were true. The thing maintained is, +that the method taken by them to remove this prejudice was neither +peaceful nor christian in its tendency, but, on the contrary, was +calculated to increase the evil, and to generate anger, pride, and +recrimination, on one side, and envy, discontent, and revengeful +feelings, on the other. + +These are some of the general measures which have been exhibited in the +Abolition movement. The same peculiarities may be as distinctly seen in +specific cases, where the peaceful and quiet way of accomplishing the +good was neglected, and the one most calculated to excite wrath and +strife was chosen. Take, for example, the effort to establish a college +for coloured persons. The quiet, peaceful, and christian way of doing +such a thing, would have been, for those who were interested in the +plan, to furnish the money necessary, and then to have selected a +retired place, where there would be the least prejudice and opposition +to be met, and there, in an unostentatious way, commenced the education +of the youth to be thus sustained. Instead of this, at a time when the +public mind was excited on the subject, it was noised abroad that a +college for blacks was to be founded. Then a city was selected for its +location, where was another college, so large as to demand constant +effort and vigilance to preserve quiet subordination; where contests +with "sailors and town boys" were barely kept at bay; a college +embracing a large proportion of southern students, who were highly +excited on the subject of slavery and emancipation; a college where half +the shoe-blacks and waiters were coloured men. Beside the very walls of +this college, it was proposed to found a college for coloured young men. +Could it be otherwise than that opposition, and that for the best of +reasons, would arise against such an attempt, both from the faculty of +the college and the citizens of the place? Could it be reasonably +expected that they would not oppose a measure so calculated to increase +their own difficulties and liabilities, and at the same time so certain +to place the proposed institution in the most unfavourable of all +circumstances? But when the measure was opposed, instead of yielding +meekly and peaceably to such reasonable objections, and soothing the +feelings and apprehensions that had been excited, by putting the best +construction on the matter, and seeking another place, it was claimed as +an evidence of opposition to the interests of the blacks, and as a mark +of the force of sinful prejudice. The worst, rather than the best, +motives were ascribed to some of the most respectable, and venerated, +and pious men, who opposed the measure; and a great deal was said and +done that was calculated to throw the community into an angry ferment. + +Take another example. If a prudent and benevolent female had selected +almost any village in New England, and commenced a school for coloured +females, in a quiet, appropriate, and unostentatious way, the world +would never have heard of the case, except to applaud her benevolence, +and the kindness of the villagers, who aided her in the effort. But +instead of this, there appeared public advertisements, (which I saw at +the time,) stating that a seminary for the education of young ladies of +colour was to be opened in Canterbury, in the state of Connecticut, +where would be taught music on the piano forte, drawing, &c., together +with a course of English education. Now, there are not a dozen coloured +families in New England, in such pecuniary circumstances, that if they +were whites it would not be thought ridiculous to attempt to give their +daughters such a course of education, and Canterbury was a place where +but few of the wealthiest families ever thought of furnishing such +accomplishments for their children. Several other particulars might be +added that were exceedingly irritating, but this may serve as a specimen +of the method in which the whole affair was conducted. It was an entire +disregard of the prejudices and the proprieties of society, and +calculated to stimulate pride, anger, ill-will, contention, and all the +bitter feelings that spring from such collisions. Then, instead of +adopting measures to soothe and conciliate, rebukes, sneers and +denunciations, were employed, and Canterbury and Connecticut were held +up to public scorn and rebuke for doing what most other communities +would probably have done, if similarly tempted and provoked. + +Take another case. It was deemed expedient by Abolitionists to establish +an Abolition paper, first in Kentucky, a slave State. It was driven from +that State, either by violence or by threats. It retreated to Ohio, one +of the free States. In selecting a place for its location, it might have +been established in a small place, where the people were of similar +views, or were not exposed to dangerous popular excitements. But +Cincinnati was selected; and when the most intelligent, the most +reasonable, and the most patriotic of the citizens remonstrated,--when +they represented that there were peculiar and unusual liabilities to +popular excitement on this subject,--that the organization and power of +the police made it extremely dangerous to excite a mob, and almost +impossible to control it,--that all the good aimed at could be +accomplished by locating the press in another place, where there were +not such dangerous liabilities,--when they kindly and respectfully urged +these considerations, they were disregarded. I myself was present when a +sincere friend urged upon the one who controlled that paper, the +obligations of good men, not merely to avoid breaking wholesome laws +themselves, but the duty of regarding the liabilities of others to +temptation; and that where Christians could foresee that by placing +certain temptations in the way of their fellow-men, all the +probabilities were, that they would yield, and yet persisted in doing +it, the tempters became partakers in the guilt of those who yielded to +the temptation. But these remonstrances were ineffectual. The paper must +not only be printed and circulated, but it must be stationed where were +the greatest probabilities that measures of illegal violence would +ensue. And when the evil was perpetrated, and a mob destroyed the press, +then those who had urged on these measures of temptation, turned upon +those who had advised and remonstrated, as the guilty authors of the +violence, because, in a season of excitement, the measures adopted to +restrain and control the mob, were not such as were deemed suitable and +right. + +Now, in all the above cases, I would by no means justify the wrong or +the injudicious measures that may have been pursued, under this course +of provocation. The greatness of temptation does by no means release men +from obligation; but Christians are bound to remember that it is a +certain consequence of throwing men into strong excitement, that they +will act unwisely and wrong, and that the tempter as well as the tempted +are held responsible, both by God and man. In all these cases, it cannot +but appear that the good aimed at might have been accomplished in a +quiet, peaceable, and christian way, and that this was not the way which +was chosen. + +The whole system of Abolition measures seems to leave entirely out of +view, the obligation of Christians to save their fellow men from all +needless temptations. If the thing to be done is only lawful and right, +it does not appear to have been a matter of effort to do it in such a +way as would not provoke and irritate; but often, if the chief aim had +been to do the good in the most injurious and offensive way, no more +certain and appropriate methods could have been devised. + +So much has this been the character of Abolition movements, that many +have supposed it to be a deliberate and systematized plan of the leaders +to do nothing but what was strictly a _right_ guaranteed by law, and +yet, in such a manner, as to provoke men to anger, so that unjust and +illegal acts might ensue, knowing, that as a consequence, the opposers +of Abolition would be thrown into the wrong, and sympathy be aroused for +Abolitionists as injured and persecuted men. It is a fact, that +Abolitionists have taken the course most calculated to awaken illegal +acts of violence, and that when they have ensued, they have seemed to +rejoice in them, as calculated to advance and strengthen their cause. +The violence of mobs, the denunciations and unreasonable requirements of +the South, the denial of the right of petition, the restrictions +attempted to be laid upon freedom of speech, and freedom of the press, +are generally spoken of with exultation by Abolitionists, as what are +among the chief means of promoting their cause. It is not so much by +exciting feelings of pity and humanity, and Christian love, towards the +oppressed, as it is by awakening indignation at the treatment of +Abolitionists themselves, that their cause has prospered. How many men +have declared or implied, that in joining the ranks of Abolition, they +were influenced, not by their arguments, or by the wisdom of their +course, but because the violence of opposers had identified that cause +with the question of freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and civil +liberty. + +But when I say that many have supposed that it was the deliberate +intention of the Abolitionists to foment illegal acts and violence, I +would by no means justify a supposition, which is contrary to the +dictates of justice and charity. The leaders of the Abolition Society +disclaim all such wishes or intentions; they only act apparently on the +assumption that they are exercising just rights, which they are not +bound to give up, because other men will act unreasonably and wickedly. + +Another measure of Abolitionists, calculated to awaken evil feelings, +has been the treatment of those who objected to their proceedings. + +A large majority of the philanthropic and pious, who hold common views +with the Abolitionists, as to the sin and evils of slavery, and the duty +of using all appropriate means to bring it to an end, have opposed their +measures, because they have believed them not calculated to promote, but +rather to retard the end proposed to be accomplished by them. The +peaceful and Christian method of encountering such opposition, would +have been to allow the opponents full credit for purity and integrity of +motive, to have avoided all harsh and censorious language, and to have +employed facts, arguments and persuasions, in a kind and respectful way +with the hope of modifying their views and allaying their fears. Instead +of this, the wise and good who opposed Abolition measures, have been +treated as though they were the friends and defenders of slavery, or as +those who, from a guilty, timid, time-serving policy, refused to take +the course which duty demanded. They have been addressed either as if it +were necessary to convince them that slavery is wrong and ought to be +abandoned, or else, as if they needed to be exhorted to give up their +timidity and selfish interest, and to perform a manifest duty, which +they were knowingly neglecting. + +Now there is nothing more irritating, when a man is conscientious and +acting according to his own views of right, than to be dealt with in +this manner. The more men are treated as if they were honest and +sincere--the more they are treated with respect, fairness, and +benevolence, the more likely they are to be moved by evidence and +arguments. On the contrary, harshness, uncharitableness, and rebuke, for +opinions and conduct that are in agreement with a man's own views of +duty and rectitude, tend to awaken evil feelings, and indispose the mind +properly to regard evidence. Abolitionists have not only taken this +course, but in many cases, have seemed to act on the principle, that the +abolition of Slavery, in the particular mode in which they were aiming +to accomplish it, was of such paramount importance, that every thing +must be overthrown that stood in the way. + +No matter what respect a man had gained for talents, virtue, and piety, +if he stood in the way of Abolitionism, he must be attacked as to +character and motives. No matter how important an institution might be, +if its influence was against the measures of Abolitionism, it must be +attacked openly, or sapped privately, till its influence was destroyed. +By such measures, the most direct means have been taken to awaken anger +at injury, and resentment at injustice, and to provoke retaliation on +those who inflict the wrong. All the partialities of personal +friendship; all the feelings of respect accorded to good and useful men; +all the interests that cluster around public institutions, entrenched +in the hearts of the multitudes who sustain them, were outraged by such +a course. + +Another measure of Abolitionists, which has greatly tended to promote +wrath and strife, is their indiscreet and incorrect use of terms. + +To make this apparent, it must be premised, that words have no inherent +meaning, but always signify that which they are commonly _understood_ to +mean. The question never should be asked, what _ought_ a word to mean? +but simply, what is the meaning generally attached to this word by those +who use it? Vocabularies and standard writers are the proper umpires to +decide this question. Now if men take words and give them a new and +peculiar use, and are consequently misunderstood, they are guilty of a +species of deception, and are accountable for all the evils that may +ensue as a consequence. + +For example; if physicians should come out and declare, that it was +their opinion that they ought to poison all their patients, and they had +determined to do it, and then all the community should be thrown into +terror and excitement, it would be no justification for them to say, +that all they intended by that language was, that they should administer +as medicines, articles which are usually called poisons. + +Now Abolitionists are before the community, and declare that all slavery +is sin, which ought to be immediately forsaken; and that it is their +object and intention to promote the _immediate emancipation_ of all the +slaves in this nation. + +Now what is it that makes a man cease to be a slave and become free? It +is not kind treatment from a master; it is not paying wages to the +slave; it is not the intention to bestow freedom at a future time; it is +not treating a slave as if he were free; it is not feeling toward a +slave as if he were free. No instance can be found of any dictionary, or +any standard writer, nor any case in common discourse, where any of +these significations are attached to the word as constituting its +peculiar and appropriate meaning. It always signifies _that legal_ act, +which, by the laws of the land, changes a slave to a freeman. + +What then is the _proper_ meaning of the language used by Abolitionists, +when they say that all slavery is a sin which ought to be immediately +abandoned, and that it is their object to secure the immediate +emancipation of all slaves? + +The true and only proper meaning of such language is, that it is the +duty of every slave-holder in this nation, to go immediately and make +out the legal instruments, that, by the laws of the land, change all his +slaves to freemen. If their maxim is true, no exception can be made for +those who live in States where the act of emancipation, by a master, +makes a slave the property of the State, to be sold for the benefit of +the State; and no exception can be made for those, who, by the will of +testators, and by the law of the land, have no power to perform the +legal act, which alone can emancipate their slaves. + +To meet this difficulty, Abolitionists affirm, that, in such cases, men +are physically unable to emancipate their slaves, and of course are not +bound to do it; and to save their great maxim, maintain that, in such +cases, the slaves are not slaves, and the slave-holders are not +slave-holders, although all their legal relations remain unchanged. + +The meaning which the Abolitionist attaches to his language is this, +that every man is bound to treat his slaves, as nearly as he can, like +freemen; and to use all his influence to bring the system of slavery to +an end as soon as possible. And they allow that when men do this they +are free from guilt, in the matter of slavery, and undeserving of +censure. + +But men at the North, and men at the South, understand the language used +in its true and proper sense; and Abolitionists have been using these +terms in a new and peculiar sense, which is inevitably and universally +misunderstood, and this is an occasion of much of the strife and alarm +which has prevailed both at the South and at the North. There are none +but these defenders of slavery who maintain that it is a relation +justifiable by the laws of the Gospel, who differ from Abolitionists in +regard to the real thing which is meant. The great mistake of +Abolitionists is in using terms which inculcate the immediate +annihilation of the relation, when they only intend to urge the +Christian duty of treating slaves according to the gospel rules of +justice and benevolence, and using all lawful and appropriate means for +bringing a most pernicious system to a speedy end. + +If Abolitionists will only cease to teach that _all_ slave-holding is a +sin which ought to be _immediately abolished_; if they will cease to +urge their plan as one of _immediate emancipation_, and teach simply and +exactly that which they do mean, much strife and misunderstanding will +cease. But so long as they persevere in using these terms in a new and +peculiar sense, which will always be misunderstood, they are guilty of a +species of deception and accountable for the evils that follow. + +One other instance of a similar misuse of terms may be mentioned. The +word "man-stealer" has one peculiar signification, and it is no more +synonymous with "slave-holder" than it is with "sheep-stealer." But +Abolitionists show that a slave-holder, in fact, does very many of the +evils that are perpetrated by a man-stealer, and that the crime is quite +as evil in its nature, and very similar in character, and, therefore, he +calls a slave-holder a man-stealer. + +On this principle there is no abusive language that may not be employed +to render any man odious--for every man commits sin of some kind, and +every sin is like some other sin, in many respects, and in certain +aggravated cases, may be bad, or even worse, than another sin with a +much more odious name. It is easy to show that a man who neglects all +religious duty is very much like an atheist, and if he has had great +advantages, and the atheist very few, he may be much more guilty than an +atheist. And so, half the respectable men in our religious communities, +may be called atheists, with as much propriety as a slave-holder can be +called a man-stealer. Abolitionists have proceeded on this principle, in +their various publications, until the terms of odium that have been +showered upon slave-holders, would form a large page in the vocabulary +of Billingsgate. This method of dealing with those whom we wish to +convince and persuade, is as contrary to the dictates of common sense, +as it is to the rules of good breeding and the laws of the gospel. + +The preceding particulars are selected, as the evidence to be presented, +that the character and measures of the Abolition Society are neither +peaceful nor Christian in their tendency; but that in their nature they +are calculated to generate party-spirit, denunciation, recrimination, +and angry passions. If such be the tendency of this institution, it +follows, that it is wrong for a Christian, or any lover of peace, to be +connected with it. + +The assertion that Christianity itself has led to strife and contention, +is not a safe method of evading this argument. Christianity is a system +of _persuasion_, tending, by kind and gentle influences, to make men +_willing_ to leave off their sins--and it comes, not to convince those +who are not sinners, but to sinners themselves. + +Abolitionism, on the contrary, is a system of _coercion_ by public +opinion; and in its present operation, its influence is not to convince +the erring, but to convince those who are not guilty, of the sins of +those who are. + +Another prominent peculiarity of the Abolitionists, (which is an +objection to joining this association,) is their advocacy of a +principle, which is wrong and very pernicious in its tendency. I refer +to their views in regard to what is called "the doctrine of expediency." +Their difficulty on this subject seems to have arisen from want of a +clear distinction between the duty of those who are guilty of sin, and +the duty of those who are aiming to turn men from their sins. The +principle is assumed, that because certain men ought to abandon every +sin immediately, therefore, certain other men are bound _immediately_ to +try and make them do it. Now the question of expediency does not relate +to what men are bound to do, who are in the practice of sin +themselves--for the immediate relinquishment of sin is the duty of all; +but it relates to the duty of those who are to make efforts to induce +others to break off their wickedness. + +Here, the wisdom and rectitude of a given course, depend entirely on the +_probabilities of success_. If a father has a son of a very peculiar +temperament, and he knows by observation, that the use of the rod will +make him more irritable and more liable to a certain fault, and that +kind arguments, and tender measures will more probably accomplish the +desired object, it is a rule of expediency to try the most probable +course. If a companion sees a friend committing a sin, and has, from +past experience, learned that remonstrances excite anger and obstinacy, +while a look of silent sorrow and disapprobation tends far more to +prevent the evil, expediency and duty demand silence rather than +remonstrance. + +There are cases also, where differences in age, and station, and +character, forbid all interference to modify the conduct and character +of others. + +A nursery maid may see that a father misgoverns his children, and +ill-treats his wife. But her station makes it inexpedient for her to +turn reprover. It is a case where reproof would do no good, but only +evil. + +So in communities, the propriety and rectitude of measures can be +decided, not by the rules of duty that should govern those who are to +renounce sin, but by the probabilities of good or evil consequence. + +The Abolitionists seem to lose sight of this distinction. They form +voluntary associations in free States, to convince their fellow +citizens of the sins of other men in other communities. They are blamed +and opposed, because their measures are deemed inexpedient, and +calculated to increase, rather than diminish the evils to be cured. + +In return, they show that slavery is a sin which ought to be abandoned +immediately, and seem to suppose that it follows as a correct inference, +that they themselves ought to engage in a system of agitation against +it, and that it is needless for them to inquire whether preaching the +truth in the manner they propose, will increase or diminish the evil. +They assume that whenever sin is committed, not only ought the sinner +immediately to cease, but all his fellow-sinners are bound to take +measures to make him cease, and to take measures, without any reference +to the probabilities of success. + +That this is a correct representation of the views of Abolitionists +generally, is evident from their periodicals and conversation. All their +remarks about preaching the truth and leaving consequences to God--all +their depreciation of the doctrine of expediency, are rendered relevant +only by this supposition. + +The impression made by their writings is, that God has made rules of +duty; that all men are in all cases to remonstrate against the violation +of those rules; and that God will take the responsibility of bringing +good out of this course; so that we ourselves are relieved from any +necessity of inquiring as to probable results. + +If this be not the theory of duty adopted by this association, then they +stand on common ground with those who oppose their measures, viz: that +the propriety and duty of a given course is to be decided by +_probabilities as to its results_; and these probabilities are to be +determined by the _known laws of mind_, and the _records of past +experience_. + +For only one of two positions can be held. Either that it is the duty of +all men to remonstrate at all times against all violations of duty, and +leave the consequences with God; or else that men are to use their +judgment, and take the part of remonstrance only at such a time and +place, and in such a manner, as promise the best results. + +That the Abolitionists have not held the second of these positions, must +be obvious to all who have read their documents. It would therefore be +unwise and wrong to join an association which sustains a principle false +in itself, and one which, if acted out, would tend to wrath and strife +and every evil word and work. + +Another reason, and the most important of all, against promoting the +plans of the Abolitionists, is involved in the main question--_what are +the probabilities as to the results of their movements?_ The only way to +judge of the future results of certain measures is, by the known laws of +mind, and the recorded experience of the past. + +Now what is the evil to be cured? + +SLAVERY IN THIS NATION. + +That this evil is at no distant period to come to an end, is the +unanimous opinion of all who either notice the tendencies of the age, or +believe in the prophecies of the Bible. All who act on Christian +principles in regard to slavery, believe that in a given period +(variously estimated) it will end. The only question then, in regard to +the benefits to be gained, or the evils to be dreaded in the present +agitation of the subject, relates to the _time_ and the _manner_ of its +extinction. The Abolitionists claim that their method will bring it to +an end in the shortest time, and in the safest and best way. Their +opponents believe, that it will tend to bring it to an end, if at all, +at the most distant period, and in the most dangerous way. + +As neither party are gifted with prescience, and as the Deity has made +no revelations as to the future results of any given measures, all the +means of judging that remain to us, as before stated, are the laws of +mind, and the records of the past. + +The position then I would aim to establish is, that the method taken by +the Abolitionists is the one that, according to the laws of mind and +past experience, is least likely to bring about the results they aim +to accomplish. The general statement is this. + +The object to be accomplished is: + +First. To convince a certain community, that they are in the practice of +a great sin, and + +Secondly. To make them willing to relinquish it. + +The method taken to accomplish this is, by voluntary associations in a +foreign community, seeking to excite public sentiment against the +perpetrators of the evil; exhibiting the enormity of the crime in full +measure, without palliation, excuse or sympathy, by means of periodicals +and agents circulating, not in the community committing the sin, but in +that which does not practise it. + +Now that this method may, in conjunction with other causes, have an +influence to bring slavery to an end, is not denied. But it is believed, +and from the following considerations, that it is the least calculated +to do the _good_, and that it involves the greatest evils. + +It is a known law of mind first seen in the nursery and school, +afterwards developed in society, that a person is least likely to judge +correctly of truth, and least likely to yield to duty, when excited by +passion. + +It is a law of experience, that when wrong is done, if repentance and +reformation are sought, then love and kindness, mingled with +remonstrance, coming from one who has a _right_ to speak, are more +successful than rebuke and scorn from others who are not beloved, and +who are regarded as impertinent intruders. + +In the nursery, if the child does wrong, the finger of scorn, the +taunting rebuke, or even the fair and deserved reproof of equals, will +make the young culprit only frown with rage, and perhaps repeat and +increase the injury. But the voice of maternal love, or even the gentle +remonstrances of an elder sister, may bring tears of sorrow and +contrition. + +So in society. Let a man's enemies, or those who have no interest in his +welfare, join to rebuke and rail at his offences, and no signs of +penitence will be seen. But let the clergyman whom he respects and loves, +or his bosom friend approach him, with kindness, forbearance and true +sincerity, and all that is possible to human agency will be effected. + +It is the maxim then of experience, that when men are to be turned from +evils, and brought to repent and reform, those only should interfere who +are most loved and respected, and who have the best right to approach +the offender. While on the other hand, rebuke from those who are deemed +obtrusive and inimical, or even indifferent, will do more harm than +good. + +It is another maxim of experience, that such dealings with the erring +should be in private, not in public. The moment a man is publicly +rebuked, shame, anger, and pride of opinion, all combine to make him +defend his practice, and refuse either to own himself wrong, or to cease +from his evil ways. + +The Abolitionists have violated all these laws of mind and of +experience, in dealing with their southern brethren. + +Their course has been most calculated to awaken anger, fear, pride, +hatred, and all the passions most likely to blind the mind to truth, and +make it averse to duty. + +They have not approached them with the spirit of love, courtesy, and +forbearance. + +They are not the persons who would be regarded by the South, as having +any _right_ to interfere; and therefore, whether they have such right or +not, the probabilities of good are removed. For it is not only demanded +for the benefit of the offender, that there should really be a right, +but it is necessary that he should feel that there is such a right. + +In dealing with their brethren, too, they have not tried silent, +retired, private measures. It has been public denunciation of crime and +shame in newspapers, addressed as it were to by-standers, in order to +arouse the guilty. + +In reply to this, it has been urged, that men could not go to the +South--that they would be murdered there--that the only way was, to +convince the North, and excite public odium against the sins of the +South, and thus gradually conviction, repentance, and reformation would +ensue. + +Here is another case where men are to judge of their duty, by estimating +probabilities of future results; and it may first be observed, that it +involves the principle of expediency, in just that form to which +Abolitionists object. + +It is allowed that the immediate abolition of slavery is to be produced +by means of "light and love," and yet it is maintained as right to +withdraw personally from the field of operation, because of +_consequences_; because of the probable danger of approaching. "If we go +to the South, and present truth, argument, and entreaty, _we shall be +slain_, and therefore we are not under obligation to go." If this +justifies Abolitionists in their neglect of their offending brethren, +because they fear evil results to themselves, it also justifies those +who refuse to act with Abolitionists in their measures, because they +fear other evil results. + +But what proof is there, that if the Abolitionists had taken another +method, the one more in accordance with the laws of mind and the +dictates of experience, that there would have been at the South all this +violence? Before the abolition movement commenced, both northern and +southern men, expressed their views freely at the South. The dangers, +evils, and mischiefs of slavery were exhibited and discussed even in the +legislative halls of more than one of the Southern States, and many +minds were anxiously devising measures, to bring this evil to an end. + +Now let us look at some of the records of past experience. Clarkson was +the first person who devoted himself to the cause of Abolition in +England. His object was to convince the people of England that they were +guilty of a great impolicy, and great sin, in permitting the +slave-trade. He was to meet the force of public sentiment, and power, +and selfishness, and wealth, which sustained this traffic, in that +nation. What were his measures? He did not go to Sweden, or Russia, or +France, to awaken public sentiment against the sins of the English.--He +began by first publishing an inquiry in England whether it was right to +seize men, and make them slaves. He went unostentatiously to some of the +best and most pious men there, and endeavoured to interest them in the +inquiry. + +Then he published an article on the impolicy of the slave-trade, showing +its disadvantages. Then he collected information of the evils and +enormities involved in the traffic, and went quietly around among those +most likely to be moved by motives of humanity and Christianity. In this +manner he toiled for more than fourteen years, slowly implanting the +leaven among the good men, until he gained a noble band of patriots and +Christians, with Wilberforce at their head. + +The following extract from a memoir of Clarkson discloses the manner and +spirit in which he commenced his enterprise, and toiled through to its +accomplishment. + +"In 1785 Dr. Peckhard, Vice-Chancellor of the University, deeply +impressed with the iniquity of the slave-trade, announced as a subject +for a Latin Dissertation to the Senior Bachelors of Arts: '_Anne liceat +invitos in servitutem dare?_' 'Is it right to make slaves of others +against their will?' However benevolent the feelings of the +Vice-Chancellor, and however strong and clear the opinions he held on +the inhuman traffic, it is probable that he little thought that this +discussion would secure for the object so dear to his own heart, efforts +and advocacy equally enlightened and efficient, that should be +continued, until his country had declared, not that the slave-trade +only, but that slavery itself should cease. + +"Mr. Clarkson, having in the preceding year gained the first prize for +the Latin Dissertation, was naturally anxious to maintain his honourable +position; and no efforts were spared, during the few intervening weeks, +in collecting information and evidence. Important facts were gained from +Anthony Benezet's Historical Account of Guinea, which Mr. Clarkson +hastened to London to purchase. Furnished with these and other valuable +information, he commenced his difficult task. How it was accomplished, +he thus informs us. + +"'No person,' he states,[1] 'can tell the severe trial which the writing +of it proved to me. I had expected pleasure from the invention of the +arguments, from the arrangement of them, from the putting of them +together, and from the thought, in the interim, that I was engaged in an +innocent contest for literary honour. But all my pleasure was damped by +the facts which were now continually before me. It was but one gloomy +subject from morning to night. In the day-time I was uneasy; in the +night I had little rest. I sometimes never closed my eyelids for grief. +It became now not so much a trial for academical reputation, as for the +production of a work which might be useful to injured Africa. And +keeping this idea in my mind ever after the perusal of Benezet, I always +slept with a candle in my room, that I might rise out of bed, and put +down such thoughts as might occur to me in the night, if I judged them +valuable, conceiving that no arguments of any moment should be lost in +so great a cause. Having at length finished this painful task, I sent my +Essay to the Vice-Chancellor, and soon afterwards found myself honoured, +as before, with the first prize. + + [1] History of the Abolition of the Slave Trade. + +"'As it is usual to read these essays publicly in the senate-house soon +after the prize is adjudged, I was called to Cambridge for this purpose. +I went, and performed my office. On returning, however, to London, the +subject of it almost wholly engrossed my thoughts. I became at times +very seriously affected while upon the road. I stopped my horse +occasionally, and dismounted, and walked. I frequently tried to persuade +myself in these intervals that the contents of my Essay could not be +true. The more, however, I reflected upon them, or rather upon the +authorities on which they were founded, the more I gave them credit. +Coming in sight of Wade's Mill, in Hertfordshire, I sat down +disconsolate on the turf by the road-side, and held my horse. Here a +thought came into my mind, that if the contents of the Essay were true, +it was time some person should see these calamities to their end. +Agitated in this manner, I reached home. This was in the summer of 1785. + +"'In the course of the autumn of the same year I experienced similar +impressions. I walked frequently into the woods, that I might think on +the subject in solitude, and find relief to my mind there. But there the +question still recurred, 'Are these things true?' Still the answer +followed as instantaneously,--'They are.' Still the result accompanied +it; 'Then, surely, some person should interfere.' I then began to envy +those who had seats in parliament, and who had great riches, and widely +extended connexions, which would enable them to take up this cause. +Finding scarcely any one at that time who thought of it, I was turned +frequently to myself. But here many difficulties arose. It struck me, +among others, that a young man of only twenty-four years of age could +not have that solid judgment, or knowledge of men, manners, and things, +which were requisite to qualify him to undertake a task of such +magnitude and importance: and with whom was I to unite? I believed also, +that it looked so much like one of the feigned labours of Hercules, that +my understanding would be suspected if I proposed it. On ruminating, +however, on the subject, I found one thing at least practicable, and +that this was also in my power. I could translate my Latin Dissertation. +I could enlarge it usefully. I could see how the public received it, or +how far they were likely to favour any serious measures, which should +have a tendency to produce the abolition of the slave-trade. Upon this, +then, I determined; and in the middle of the month of November, 1785, I +began my work.' + +"Such is the characteristic and ingenuous account given by Clarkson of +his introduction to that work to which the energies of his life were +devoted, and in reference to which, and to the account whence the +foregoing extract has been made, one of the most benevolent and gifted +writers of our country[2] has justly observed,-- + + [2] Coleridge. + +"'This interesting tale is related, not by a descendant, but a +cotemporary; not by a distant spectator, but by a participator of the +contest; and of all the many participators, by the man confessedly the +most efficient; the man whose unparalleled labours in this work of love +and peril, leave on the mind of a reflecting reader the sublime doubt, +which of the two will have been the greater final gain to the moral +world,--the removal of the evil, or the proof, thereby given, what +mighty effects single good men may realize by self-devotion and +perseverance.' + +"When Mr. Clarkson went to London to publish his book, he was introduced +to many friends of the cause of Abolition, who aided in giving it +extensive circulation. Whilst thus employed, he received an invitation, +which he accepted, to visit the Rev. James Ramsay, vicar of Teston, in +Kent, who had resided nineteen years in the island of St. Christopher. + +"Shortly afterwards, dining one day at Sir Charles Middleton's, +(afterwards Lord Barham,) the conversation turned upon the subject, and +Mr. Clarkson declared that he was ready to devote himself to the cause. +This avowal met with great encouragement from the company, and Sir C. +Middleton, then Comptroller to the Navy, offered every possible +assistance. The friends of Mr. Clarkson increased, and this encouraged +him to proceed. Dr. Porteus, then Bishop of Chester, and Lord Scarsdale, +were secured in the House of Lords. Mr. Bennet Langton, and Dr. Baker, +who were acquainted with many members of both houses of parliament; the +honoured Granville Sharpe, James and Richard Phillips, could be depended +upon, as well as the entire body of the Society of Friends, to many of +whom he had been introduced by Mr. Joseph Hancock, his fellow-townsman. +Seeking information in every direction, Mr. Clarkson boarded a number of +vessels engaged in the African trade, and obtained specimens of the +natural productions of the country. The beauty of the cloth made from +African cotton, &c. enhanced his estimate of the skill and ingenuity of +the people, and gave a fresh stimulus to his exertions on their behalf. +He next visited a slave-ship; the rooms below, the gratings above, and +the barricade across the deck, with the explanation of their uses, +though the sight of them filled him with sadness and horror, gave new +energy to all his movements. In his indefatigable endeavours to collect +evidence and facts, he visited most of the sea-ports in the kingdom, +pursuing his great object with invincible ardour, although sometimes at +the peril of his life. The following circumstance, among others, evinces +the eminent degree in which he possessed that untiring perseverance, on +which the success of a great enterprise often depends. + +"Clarkson and his friends had reason to fear that slaves brought from +the interior of Africa by certain rivers, had been kidnapped; and it was +deemed of great importance to ascertain the fact. A friend one day +mentioned to Mr. Clarkson, that he had, above twelve months before, seen +a sailor who had been up these rivers. The name of the sailor was +unknown, and all the friend could say was, that he was going to, or +belonged to, some man-of-war in ordinary. The evidence of this +individual was important, and, aided by his friend Sir Charles +Middleton, who gave him permission to board all the ships of war in +ordinary, Mr. Clarkson commenced his search:--beginning at Deptford, he +visited successfully Woolwich, Chatham, Sheerness, and Portsmouth; +examining in his progress the different persons on board upwards of two +hundred and sixty vessels, without discovering the object of his search. +The feelings under which the search was continued, and the success with +which it was crowned, he has himself thus described:-- + +"'Matters now began to look rather disheartening,--I mean as far as my +grand object was concerned. There was but one other port left, and this +was between two and three hundred miles distant. I determined, however, +to go to Plymouth. I had already been more successful in this tour, with +respect to obtaining general evidence, than in any other of the same +length; and the probability was, that as I should continue to move among +the same kind of people, my success would be in a similar proportion, +according to the number visited. These were great encouragements to me +to proceed. At length I arrived at the place of my last hope. On my +first day's expedition I boarded forty vessels, but found no one in +these who had been on the coast of Africa in the slave-trade. One or two +had been there in king's ships; but they never had been on shore. Things +were now drawing near to a close; and notwithstanding my success, as to +general evidence, in this journey, my heart began to beat. I was +restless and uneasy during the night. The next morning I felt agitated +again between the alternate pressure of hope and fear; and in this state +I entered my boat. The fifty-seventh vessel I boarded was the Melampus +frigate.--One person belonging to it, on examining him in the captain's +cabin, said he had been two voyages to Africa; and I had not long +discoursed with him, before I found, to my inexpressible joy, that he +was the man. I found, too, that he unravelled the question in dispute +precisely as our inferences had determined it. He had been two +expeditions up the river Calabar, in the canoes of the natives. In the +first of these they came within a certain distance of a village: they +then concealed themselves under the bushes, which hung over the water +from the banks. In this position they remained during the day-light; but +at night they went up to it armed, and seized all the inhabitants who +had not time to make their escape. They obtained forty-five persons in +this manner. In the second, they were out eight or nine days, when they +made a similar attempt, and with nearly similar success. They seized +men, women, and children, as they could find them in the huts. They then +bound their arms, and drove them before them to the canoes. The name of +the person thus discovered on board of the Melampus was Isaac Parker. On +inquiring into his character, from the master of the division, I found +it highly respectable. I found also afterward that he had sailed with +Captain Cook, with great credit to himself, round the world. It was also +remarkable, that my brother, on seeing him in London, when he went to +deliver his evidence, recognized him as having served on board the +Monarch, man-of-war, and as one of the most exemplary men in that ship.' + +"Mr. Clarkson became, early in his career, acquainted with Mr. +Wilberforce. At their first interview, the latter frankly stated, 'that +the subject had often employed his thoughts, and was near his heart,' +and learning his visitor's intention to devote himself to this +benevolent object, congratulated him on his decision; desired to be made +acquainted with his progress, expressing his willingness, in return, to +afford every assistance in his power. In his intercourse with members of +parliament, Mr. Clarkson was now frequently associated with Mr. +Wilberforce, who daily became more interested in the fate of Africa. The +intercourse of the two philanthropists was mutually cordial and +encouraging; Mr. Clarkson imparting his discoveries in the custom-houses +of London, Liverpool, and other places; and Mr. Wilberforce +communicating the information he had gained from those with whom he +associated. + +"In 1788, Mr. Clarkson published his important work on the Impolicy of +the Slave-Trade. + +"In 1789, this indefatigable man went to France, by the advice of the +Committee which he had been instrumental in forming two years before; +Mr. Wilberforce, always solicitous for the good of the oppressed +Africans, being of opinion that advantage might be taken of the +commotions in that country, to induce the leading persons there to take +the slave-trade into their consideration, and incorporate it among the +abuses to be removed. Several of Mr. Clarkson's friends advised him to +travel by another name, as accounts had arrived in England of the +excesses which had taken place in Paris; but to this he could not +consent. On his arrival in that city he was speedily introduced to those +who were favourable to the great object of his life; and at the house of +M. Necker dined with the six deputies of colour from St. Domingo,--who +had been sent to France at this juncture, to demand that the free people +of colour in their country might be placed upon an equality with the +whites. Their communications to the English philanthropist were important +and interesting; they hailed him as their friend, and were abundant in +their commendations of his conduct. + +"Copies of the Essay on the Impolicy of the Slave-Trade, translated into +French, with engravings of the plan and section of a slave ship, were +distributed with apparent good effect. The virtuous Abbé Gregoire, and +several members of the National Assembly, called upon Mr. Clarkson. The +Archbishop of Aix was so struck with horror, when the plan of the slave +ship was shown to him, that he could scarcely speak; and Mirabeau ordered +a model of it in wood to be placed in his dining-room. + +"The circulation of intelligence, although contributing to make many +friends, called forth the extraordinary exertions of enemies. Merchants, +and others interested in the continuance of the slave-trade, wrote +letters to the Archbishop of Aix, beseeching him not to ruin France; +which they said he would inevitably do, if, as the president, he were +to grant a day for hearing the question of the abolition. Offers of +money were made to Mirabeau, if he would totally abandon his intended +motion. Books were circulated in opposition to Mr. Clarkson's; resort +was had to the public papers, and he was denounced as a spy. The clamour +raised by these efforts pervaded all Paris, and reached the ears of the +king. M. Necker had a long conversation with his royal master upon it, +who requested to see the Essay, and the specimens of African +manufactures, and bestowed considerable time upon them, being surprised +at the state of the arts there. M. Necker did not exhibit the section of +the slave ship, thinking that as the king was indisposed, he might be +too much affected by it. Louis returned the specimens, commissioning M. +Necker to convey his thanks to Mr. Clarkson, and express his +gratification at what he had seen. + +"No decided benefit appears at this time to have followed the visit: but +though much depressed by his ill success in France, Mr. Clarkson +continued his labours, till excess of exertion, joined to repeated and +bitter disappointments, impaired his health, and, after a hard struggle, +subdued a constitution, naturally strong and vigorous beyond the lot of +men in general, but shattered by anxiety and fatigue, and the sad +probability, often forced upon his understanding, that all might at last +have been in vain. Under these feelings, he retired in 1794 to the +beautiful banks of Ulleswater; there to seek that rest which, without +peril to his life, could no longer be delayed. + +"For seven years he had maintained a correspondence with four hundred +persons; he annually wrote a book upon the subject of the abolition, and +travelled more than thirty-five thousand miles in search of evidence, +making a great part of these journeys in the night. 'All this time,' Mr. +Clarkson writes, 'my mind had been on the stretch; it had been bent too +to this one subject; for I had not even leisure to attend to my own +concerns. The various instances of barbarity, which had come +successively to my knowledge within this period, had vexed, harassed, +and afflicted it. The wound which these had produced was rendered still +deeper by the reiterated refusal of persons to give their testimony, +after I had travelled hundreds of miles in quest of them. But the +severest stroke was that inflicted by the persecution begun and pursued +by persons interested in the continuance of the trade, of such witnesses +as had been examined against them; and whom, on account of their +dependent situation in life, it was most easy to oppress. As I had been +the means of bringing them forward on these occasions, they naturally +came to me, as the author of their miseries and their ruin.[3] These +different circumstances, by acting together, had at length brought me +into the situation just mentioned; and I was, therefore, obliged, though +very reluctantly, to be borne out of the field where I had placed the +great honour and glory of my life.'" + + [3] The father of the late Samuel Whitbread, Esq., generously + undertook, in order to make Mr. Clarkson's mind easy upon the + subject, "to make good all injuries which any individuals might + suffer from such persecution;" and he honourably and nobly + fulfilled his engagement. + +It was while thus recruiting the energies exhausted in the conflict, +that Clarkson, and the compatriot band with which he had been associated +in the long and arduous struggle, were crowned with victory, and +received the grateful reward of their honourable toil in the final +abolition of the slave-trade by the British nation, in 1807, the last +but most glorious act of the Grenville administration. + +The preceding shows something of the career of Clarkson while labouring +to convince the people of Great Britain of the iniquity of _their own_ +trade, a trade which they had the power to abolish. During all this +time, Clarkson, Wilberforce, and their associates avoided touching the +matter of _slavery_. They knew that one thing must be gained at a time, +and they as a matter of expediency, avoided discussing the duty of the +British nation in regard to the system of slavery in their Colonies +which was entirely under their own control. During all the time that was +employed in efforts to end the slave-trade, slavery was existing in the +control of the British people, and yet Clarkson and Wilberforce decided +that it was right to let that matter entirely alone. + +The following shows Clarkson's proceedings after the British nation had +abolished the slave-trade. + +"By the publication of his Thoughts on the Abolition of Slavery, Mr. +Clarkson showed that neither he nor those connected with him, considered +their work as accomplished, when the laws of his country clasped with +its felons those engaged in the nefarious traffic of slaves. But the +efforts of Mr. Clarkson were not confined to his pen. In 1818, he +proceeded to Aix la Chapelle, at the time when the sovereigns of Europe +met in congress. He was received with marked attention by the Emperor of +Russia, who listened to his statements (respecting the _slave-trade_,) +and promised to use his influence with the assembled monarchs, to secure +the entire suppression of the trade in human beings, as speedily as +possible. Describing his interview with this amiable monarch, in which +the subject of peace societies, as well as the abolition of the +slave-trade was discussed, Mr. Clarkson, in a letter to a friend, thus +writes: + +"'It was about nine at night, when I was shown into the emperor's +apartment. I found him alone. He met me at the door, and shaking me by +the hand, said, 'I had the pleasure of making your acquaintance at +Paris.' He then led me some little way into the room, and leaving me +there, went forward and brought me a chair with his own hand, and +desired me to sit down. This being done, he went for another chair, and +bringing it very near to mine, placed himself close to me, so that we +sat opposite to each other. + +"'I began the conversation by informing the emperor that as I supposed +the congress of Aix la Chapelle might possibly be the last congress of +sovereigns for settling the affairs of Europe, its connexions and +dependencies, I had availed myself of the kind permission he gave me at +Paris, of applying to him in behalf of the oppressed Africans, being +unwilling to lose the last opportunity of rendering him serviceable to +the cause. + +"'The emperor replied, that he had read both my letter and my address to +the sovereigns, and that what I asked him and the other sovereigns to +do, was only reasonable. + +"'Here I repeated the two great propositions in the address--the +necessity of bringing the Portuguese time for continuing the trade +(which did not expire till 1825, and then only with a condition,) down +to the Spanish time, which expired in 1820; and secondly, when the two +times should legally have expired, (that is, both of them in 1820,) then +to make any farther continuance _piracy_. I entreated him not to be +deceived by any other propositions; for that Mr. Wilberforce, myself, +and others, who had devoted our time to this subject, were sure that no +other measure would be effectual. + +"'He then said very feelingly in these words, 'By the providence of God, +I and my kingdom have been saved from a merciless tyranny, (alluding to +the invasion of Napoleon,) and I should but ill repay the blessing, if I +were not to do every thing in my power to protect the poor Africans +against their oppression also.' + +"'The emperor then asked if he could do any thing else for our cause. I +told him he could; and that I should be greatly obliged to him if he +would present one of the addresses to the Emperor of Austria, and +another to the King of Prussia, _with his own hand_. I had brought two +of them in my pocket for the purpose. He asked me why I had not +presented them before. I replied that I had not the honour of knowing +either of those sovereigns as I knew him; nor any of their ministers; +and that I was not only fearful lest these addresses would not be +presented to them, but even if they were, that coming into their hands +without any recommendation, they would be laid aside and not read; on +the other hand, if he (the emperor,) would condescend to present them, +I was sure they would be read, and that coming from him, they would come +with a weight of influence, which would secure an attention to their +contents. Upon this, the emperor promised, in the most kind and affable +manner, that he would perform the task I had assigned to him. + +"'We then rose from our seats to inspect some articles of manufacture, +which I had brought with me as a present to him, and which had been laid +upon the table. We examined the articles in leather first, one by one, +with which he was uncommonly gratified. He said they exhibited not only +genius but taste. He inquired if they tanned their own leather, and how: +I replied to his question. He said he had never seen neater work, either +in Petersburg or in London. He then looked at a dagger and its scabbard +or sheath. I said the sheath was intended as a further, but more +beautiful specimen of the work of the poor Africans in leather; and the +blade of their dagger as a specimen of their work in iron. Their works +in cotton next came under our notice. There was one piece which +attracted his particular notice, and which was undoubtedly very +beautiful. It called from him this observation, 'Manchester,' said he, +'I think is your great place for manufactures of this sort--do you think +they could make a better piece of cotton there?' I told him I had never +seen a better piece of workmanship of the kind any where. Having gone +over all the articles, the emperor desired me to inform him whether he +was to understand that these articles were made by the Africans in their +own country, that is, in their native villages, or _after they had +arrived in America_, where they would have an opportunity of seeing +European manufactures, and experienced workmen in the arts? I replied +that such articles might be found in every African village, both on the +coast and in the interior, and that they were samples of their own +ingenuity, without any connexion with Europeans. 'Then,' said the +emperor, 'you astonish me--you have given me a new idea of the state of +these poor people. I was not aware that they were so advanced in +society. The works you have shown me are not the works of brutes--but of +men, endued with rational and intellectual powers, and capable of being +brought to as high a degree of proficiency as any other men. _Africa +ought to have a fair chance of raising her character in the scale of the +civilized world._' I replied that it was this cruel traffic alone, which +had prevented Africa from rising to a level with other nations; and that +it was only astonishing to me that the natives there had, under its +impeding influence, arrived at the perfection which had displayed itself +in the specimens of workmanship he had just seen.'" + +Animated by a growing conviction of the righteousness of the cause in +which he was engaged, and encouraged by the success with which past +endeavours had been crowned, Mr. Clarkson continued his efficient +co-operation with the friends of Abolition, advocating its claims on all +suitable occasions. + +It would be superfluous to recount the steps by which, even before the +venerated Wilberforce was called to his rest, this glorious event was +realized, and Clarkson beheld the great object of his own life, and +those with whom he had acted, triumphantly achieved. The gratitude +cherished towards the Supreme Ruler for the boon thus secured to the +oppressed--the satisfaction which a review of past exertions afforded, +were heightened by the joyous sympathy of a large portion of his +countrymen.[4] + + [4] This account of Clarkson, and the preceding one of Wilberforce, + are taken from the Christian Keepsake of 1836 and 1837. + +The History of the Abolition of the Slave-trade, by Clarkson himself, +presents a more detailed account of his own labours and of the labours +of others, and whoever will read it, will observe the following +particulars in which this effort differed from the Abolition movement +in America. + +In the first place, it was conducted by some of the wisest and most +talented statesmen, as well as the most pious men, in the British +nation. Pitt, Fox, and some of the highest of the nobility and bishops +in England, were the firmest friends of the enterprise from the first. +It was conducted by men who had the intellect, knowledge, discretion, +and wisdom demanded for so great an enterprise. + +Secondly. It was conducted slowly, peaceably, and by eminently judicious +influences. + +Thirdly. It included, to the full extent, the doctrine of expediency +denounced by Abolitionists. + +One of the first decisions of the "Committee for the Abolition of the +Slave-trade," which conducted all Abolition movements, was that +_slavery_ should not be attacked, but only the _slave-trade_; and +Clarkson expressly says, that it was owing to this, more than to any +other measure, that success was gained. + +Fourthly. Good men were not divided, and thrown into contending +parties.--The opponents to the measure, were only those who were +personally interested in the perpetuation of slavery or the slave-trade. + +Fifthly. This effort was one to convince men of their _own_ obligations, +and not an effort to arouse public sentiment against the sinful +practices of another community over which they had no control. + +I would now ask, why could not some southern gentleman, such for example +as Mr. Birney, whose manners, education, character, and habits give him +abundant facilities, have acted the part of Clarkson, and quietly have +gone to work at the South, collecting facts, exhibiting the impolicy and +the evils, to good men at the South, by the fire-side of the planter, +the known home of hospitality and chivalry. Why could he not have +commenced with the most vulnerable point, the _domestic slave-trade_, +leaving emancipation for a future and more favourable period? What right +has any one to say that there was no southern Wilberforce that would +have arisen, no southern Grant, Macaulay or Sharpe, who, like the +English philanthropists, would have stood the fierce beating of angry +billows, and by patience, kindness, arguments, facts, eloquence, and +Christian love, convinced the skeptical, enlightened the ignorant, +excited the benevolent, and finally have carried the day at the South, +by the same means and measures, as secured the event in England? All +experience is in favour of the method which the Abolitionists have +rejected, because it involves _danger to themselves_. The cause they +have selected is one that stands alone.--No case parallel on earth can +be brought to sustain it, with probabilities of good results. No +instance can be found, where exciting the public sentiment of one +community against evil practices in another, was ever made the means of +eradicating those evils. All the laws of mind, all the records of +experience, go against the measures that Abolitionists have taken, and +in favour of the one they have rejected. And when we look still farther +ahead, at results which time is to develope, how stand the probabilities, +when we, in judging, again take, as data, the laws of mind and the +records of experience? + +What are the plans, hopes, and expectations of Abolitionists, in +reference to their measures? They are now labouring to make the North a +great Abolition Society,--to convince every northern man that slavery at +the South is a great sin, and that it ought immediately to cease. +Suppose they accomplish this to the extent they hope,--so far as we have +seen, the more the North is convinced, the more firmly the South rejects +the light, and turns from the truth. + +While Abolition Societies did not exist, men could talk and write, at +the South, against the evils of slavery, and northern men had free +access and liberty of speech, both at the South and at the North. But +now all is changed. Every avenue of approach to the South is shut. No +paper, pamphlet, or preacher, that touches on that topic, is admitted in +their bounds. Their own citizens, that once laboured and remonstrated, +are silenced; their own clergy, under the influence of the exasperated +feelings of their people, and their own sympathy and sense of wrong, +either entirely hold their peace, or become the defenders of a system +they once lamented, and attempted to bring to an end. This is the record +of experience as to the tendencies of Abolitionism, as thus far +developed. The South are now in just that state of high exasperation, at +the sense of wanton injury and impertinent interference, which makes the +influence of truth and reason most useless and powerless. + +But suppose the Abolitionists succeed, not only in making northern men +Abolitionists, but also in sending a portion of light into the South, +such as to form a body of Abolitionists there also. What is the thing +that is to be done to end slavery at the South? It is to _alter the +laws_, and to do this, a small minority must begin a long, bitter, +terrible conflict with a powerful and exasperated majority. Now if, as +the Abolitionists hope, there will arise at the South such a minority, +it will doubtless consist of men of religious and benevolent +feelings,--men of that humane, and generous, and upright spirit, that +most keenly feel the injuries inflicted on their fellow men. Suppose +such a band of men begin their efforts, sustained by the northern +Abolitionists, already so odious. How will the exasperated majority act, +according to the known laws of mind and of experience? Instead of +lessening the evils of slavery, they will increase them. The more they +are goaded by a sense of aggressive wrong without, or by fears of +dangers within, the more they will restrain their slaves, and diminish +their liberty, and increase their disabilities. They will make laws so +unjust and oppressive, not only to slaves, but to their Abolitionist +advocates, that by degrees such men will withdraw from their bounds. +Laws will be made expressly to harass them, and to render them so +uncomfortable that they must withdraw. Then gradually the righteous will +flee from the devoted city. Then the numerical proportion of whites will +decrease, and the cruelty and unrestrained wickedness of the system will +increase, till a period will come when the physical power will be so +much with the blacks, their sense of suffering so increased, that the +volcano will burst,--insurrection and servile wars will begin. Oh, the +countless horrors of such a day! And will the South stand alone in that +burning hour? When she sends forth the wailing of her agonies, shall not +the North and the West hear, and lift up together the voice of wo? Will +not fathers hear the cries of children, and brothers the cries of +sisters? Will the terrors of insurrection sweep over the South, and no +Northern and Western blood be shed? Will the slaves be cut down, in such +a strife, when they raise the same pæan song of liberty and human +rights, that was the watchword of our redemption from far less dreadful +tyranny, and which is now thrilling the nations and shaking monarchs on +their thrones--will this be heard, and none of the sons of liberty be +found to appear on their side? This is no picture of fancied dangers, +which are not near. The day has come, when already the feelings are so +excited on both sides, that I have heard intelligent men, good men, +benevolent and pious men, in moments of excitement, declare themselves +ready to take up the sword--some for the defence of the master, some for +the protection and right of the slave. It is my full conviction, that if +insurrection does burst forth, and there be the least prospect of +success to the cause of the slave, there will be men from the North and +West, standing breast to breast, with murderous weapons, in opposing +ranks. + +Such apprehensions many would regard as needless, and exclaim against +such melancholy predictions. But in a case where the whole point of +duty and expediency turns upon the probabilities as to results, those +probabilities ought to be the chief subjects of inquiry. True, no one +has a right to say with confidence what will or what will not be; and it +has often amazed and disturbed my mind to perceive how men, with so +small a field of vision,--with so little data for judging,--with so few +years, and so little experience, can pronounce concerning the results of +measures bearing upon the complicated relations and duties of millions, +and in a case where the wisest and best are dismayed and baffled. It +sometimes has seemed to me that the prescience of Deity alone should +dare to take such positions as are both carelessly assumed, and +pertinaciously defended, by the advocates of Abolitionism. + +But if we are to judge of the wisdom or folly of any measures on this +subject, it must be with reference to future results. One course of +measures, it is claimed, tends to perpetuate slavery, or to end it by +scenes of terror and bloodshed. Another course tends to bring it to an +end sooner, and by safe and peaceful influences. And the whole +discussion of duty rests on these probabilities. But where do the laws +of mind and experience oppose the terrific tendencies of Abolitionism +that have been portrayed? Are not the minds of men thrown into a +ferment, and excited by those passions which blind the reason, and warp +the moral sense? Is not the South in a state of high exasperation +against Abolitionists? Does she not regard them as enemies, as reckless +madmen, as impertinent intermeddlers? Will the increase of their numbers +tend to allay this exasperation? Will the appearance of a similar body +in their own boundaries have any tendency to soothe? Will it not still +more alarm and exasperate? If a movement of a minority of such men +attempt to alter the laws, are not the probabilities strong that still +more unjust and oppressive measures will be adopted?--measures that will +tend to increase the hardships of the slave, and to drive out of the +community all humane, conscientious and pious men? As the evils and +dangers increase, will not the alarm constantly diminish the proportion +of whites, and make it more and more needful to increase such +disabilities and restraints as will chafe and inflame the blacks? When +this point is reached, will the blacks, knowing, as they will know, the +sympathies of their Abolition friends, refrain from exerting their +physical power? _The Southampton insurrection occurred with far less +chance of sympathy and success._ + +If that most horrible of all scourges, a servile war, breaks forth, will +the slaughter of fathers, sons, infants, and of aged,--will the cries of +wives, daughters, sisters, and kindred, suffering barbarities worse than +death, bring no fathers, brothers, and friends to their aid, from the +North and West? + +And if the sympathies and indignation of freemen can already look such +an event in the face, and feel that it would be the slave, rather than +the master, whom they would defend, what will be the probability, after +a few years' chafing shall have driven away the most christian and +humane from scenes of cruelty and inhumanity, which they could neither +alleviate nor redress? I should like to see any data of past experience, +that will show that these results are not more probable than that the +South will, by the system of means now urged upon her, finally be +convinced of her sins, and voluntarily bring the system of slavery to an +end. I claim not that the predictions I present will be fulfilled. I +only say, that if Abolitionists go on as they propose, such results are +_more_ probable than those they hope to attain. + +I have not here alluded to the probabilities of the severing of the +Union by the present mode of agitating the question. This may be one of +the results, and, if so, what are the probabilities for a Southern +republic, that has torn itself off for the purpose of excluding foreign +interference, and for the purpose of perpetuating slavery? Can any +Abolitionist suppose that, in such a state of things, the great cause of +emancipation is as likely to progress favourably, as it was when we were +one nation, and mingling on those fraternal terms that existed before +the Abolition movement began? + +The preceding are some of the reasons which, on the general view, I +would present as opposed to the proposal of forming Abolition Societies; +and they apply equally to either sex. There are some others which seem +to oppose peculiar objections to the action of females in the way you +would urge. + +To appreciate more fully these objections, it will be necessary to recur +to some general views in relation to the place woman is appointed to +fill by the dispensations of heaven. + +It has of late become quite fashionable in all benevolent efforts, to +shower upon our sex an abundance of compliments, not only for what they +have done, but also for what they can do; and so injudicious and so +frequent, are these oblations, that while I feel an increasing respect +for my countrywomen, that their good sense has not been decoyed by these +appeals to their vanity and ambition, I cannot but apprehend that there +is some need of inquiry as to the just bounds of female influence, and +the times, places, and manner in which it can be appropriately exerted. + +It is the grand feature of the Divine economy, that there should be +different stations of superiority and subordination, and it is +impossible to annihilate this beneficent and immutable law. On its first +entrance into life, the child is a dependent on parental love, and of +necessity takes a place of subordination and obedience. As he advances +in life these new relations of superiority and subordination multiply. +The teacher must be the superior in station, the pupil a subordinate. +The master of a family the superior, the domestic a subordinate--the +ruler a superior, the subject a subordinate. Nor do these relations at +all depend upon superiority either in intellectual or moral worth. +However weak the parents, or intelligent the child, there is no +reference to this, in the immutable law. However incompetent the +teacher, or superior the pupil, no alteration of station can be allowed. +However unworthy the master or worthy the servant, while their mutual +relations continue, no change in station as to subordination can be +allowed. In fulfilling the duties of these relations, true dignity +consists in conforming to all those relations that demand subordination, +with propriety and cheerfulness. When does a man, however high his +character or station, appear more interesting or dignified than when +yielding reverence and deferential attentions to an aged parent, however +weak and infirm? And the pupil, the servant, or the subject, all equally +sustain their own claims to self-respect, and to the esteem of others, +by equally sustaining the appropriate relations and duties of +subordination. In this arrangement of the duties of life, Heaven has +appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate +station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of +either. It is therefore as much for the dignity as it is for the +interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this +relation. And it is as much a duty as it is for the child to fulfil +similar relations to parents, or subjects to rulers. But while woman +holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not +because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any +the less important, or all-pervading. But it was designed that the mode +of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether +different and peculiar. + +It is Christianity that has given to woman her true place in society. +And it is the peculiar trait of Christianity alone that can sustain her +therein. "Peace on earth and good will to men" is the character of all +the rights and privileges, the influence, and the power of woman. A man +may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he +may urge his measures by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal +interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may +drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his +sphere. But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to +woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and +benevolent principles. + +Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so +much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to +gratify her wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But +this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. There +let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her +taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling and +action, that her motives will be reverenced;--so unassuming and +unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;--so +"gentle and easy to be entreated," as that every heart will repose in +her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the sons, will find +an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only +willingly but proudly. A man is never ashamed to own such influences, +but feels dignified and ennobled in acknowledging them. But the moment +woman begins to feel the promptings of ambition, or the thirst for +power, her ægis of defence is gone. All the sacred protection of +religion, all the generous promptings of chivalry, all the poetry of +romantic gallantry, depend upon woman's retaining her place as +dependent and defenceless, and making no claims, and maintaining no +right but what are the gifts of honour, rectitude and love. + +A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own +sex, to assist her in her appropriate offices of piety, charity, +maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman +into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others--whatever +binds her in a party conflict--whatever obliges her in any way to exert +coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these +general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of +arraying females in any Abolition movement; because it enlists them in +an effort to coerce the South by the public sentiment of the North; +because it brings them forward as partisans in a conflict that has been +begun and carried forward by measures that are any thing rather than +peaceful in their tendencies; because it draws them forth from their +appropriate retirement, to expose themselves to the ungoverned violence +of mobs, and to sneers and ridicule in public places; because it leads +them into the arena of political collision, not as peaceful mediators to +hush the opposing elements, but as combatants to cheer up and carry +forward the measures of strife. + +If it is asked, "May not woman appropriately come forward as a suppliant +for a portion of her sex who are bound in cruel bondage?" It is replied, +that, the rectitude and propriety of any such measure, depend entirely +on its probable results. If petitions from females will operate to +exasperate; if they will be deemed obtrusive, indecorous, and unwise, by +those to whom they are addressed; if they will increase, rather than +diminish the evil which it is wished to remove; if they will be the +opening wedge, that will tend eventually to bring females as petitioners +and partisans into every political measure that may tend to injure and +oppress their sex, in various parts of the nation, and under the various +public measures that may hereafter be enforced, then it is neither +appropriate nor wise, nor right, for a woman to petition for the relief +of oppressed females. + +The case of Queen Esther is one often appealed to as a precedent. When a +woman is placed in similar circumstances, where death to herself and all +her nation is one alternative, and there is nothing worse to fear, but +something to hope as the other alternative, then she may safely follow +such an example. But when a woman is asked to join an Abolition Society, +or to put her name to a petition to congress, for the purpose of +contributing her measure of influence to keep up agitation in congress, +to promote the excitement of the North against the iniquities of the +South, to coerce the South by fear, shame, anger, and a sense of odium +to do what she has determined not to do, the case of Queen Esther is not +at all to be regarded as a suitable example for imitation. + +In this country, petitions to congress, in reference to the official +duties of legislators, seem, IN ALL CASES, to fall entirely without the +sphere of female duty. Men are the proper persons to make appeals to +the rulers whom they appoint, and if their female friends, by arguments +and persuasions, can induce them to petition, all the good that can be +done by such measures will be secured. But if females cannot influence +their nearest friends, to urge forward a public measure in this way, +they surely are out of their place, in attempting to do it themselves. + +There are some other considerations, which should make the American +females peculiarly sensitive in reference to any measure, which should +even _seem_ to draw them from their appropriate relations in society. + +It is allowed by all reflecting minds, that the safety and happiness of +this nation depends upon having the _children_ educated, and not only +intellectually, but morally and religiously. There are now nearly two +millions of children and adults in this country who cannot read, and who +have no schools of any kind. To give only a small supply of teachers to +these destitute children, who are generally where the population is +sparse, will demand _thirty thousand teachers_; and _six thousand_ more +will be needed every year, barely to meet the increase of juvenile +population. But if we allow that we need not reach this point, in order +to save ourselves from that destruction which awaits a people, when +governed by an ignorant and unprincipled democracy; if we can weather +the storms of democratic liberty with only one-third of our ignorant +children properly educated, still we need _ten thousand_ teachers at +this moment, and an addition of _two thousand every year_. Where is this +army of teachers to be found? Is it at all probable that the other sex +will afford even a moderate portion of this supply? The field for +enterprise and excitement in the political arena, in the arts, the +sciences, the liberal professions, in agriculture, manufactures, and +commerce, is opening with such temptations, as never yet bore upon the +mind of any nation. Will men turn aside from these high and exciting +objects to become the patient labourers in the school-room, and for only +the small pittance that rewards such toil? No, they will not do it. Men +will be educators in the college, in the high school, in some of the +most honourable and lucrative common schools, but the _children_, the +_little children_ of this nation must, to a wide extent, be taught by +females, or remain untaught. The drudgery of education, as it is now too +generally regarded, in this country, will be given to the female hand. +And as the value of education rises in the public mind, and the +importance of a teacher's office is more highly estimated, women will +more and more be furnished with those intellectual advantages which they +need to fit them for such duties. + +The result will be, that America will be distinguished above all other +nations, for well-educated females, and for the influence they will +exert on the general interests of society. But if females, as they +approach the other sex, in intellectual elevation, begin to claim, or to +exercise in any manner, the peculiar prerogatives of that sex, education +will prove a doubtful and dangerous blessing. But this will never be the +result. For the more intelligent a woman becomes, the more she can +appreciate the wisdom of that ordinance that appointed her subordinate +station, and the more her taste will conform to the graceful and +dignified retirement and submission it involves. + +An ignorant, a narrow-minded, or a stupid woman, cannot feel nor +understand the rationality, the propriety, or the beauty of this +relation; and she it is, that will be most likely to carry her measures +by tormenting, when she cannot please, or by petulant complaints or +obtrusive interference, in matters which are out of her sphere, and +which she cannot comprehend. + +And experience testifies to this result. By the concession of all +travellers, American females are distinguished above all others for +their general intelligence, and yet they are complimented for their +retiring modesty, virtue, and domestic faithfulness, while the other sex +is as much distinguished for their respectful kindness and attentive +gallantry. There is no other country where females have so much public +respect and kindness accorded to them as in America, by the concession +of all travellers. And it will ever be so, while intellectual culture in +the female mind, is combined with the spirit of that religion which so +strongly enforces the appropriate duties of a woman's sphere. + +But it may be asked, is there nothing to be done to bring this national +sin of slavery to an end? Must the internal slave-trade, a trade now +ranked as piracy among all civilized nations, still prosper in our +bounds? Must the very seat of our government stand as one of the chief +slave-markets of the land; and must not Christian females open their +lips, nor lift a finger, to bring such a shame and sin to an end? + +To this it may be replied, that Christian females may, and can say and +do much to bring these evils to an end; and the present is a time and an +occasion when it seems most desirable that they should know, and +appreciate, and _exercise_ the power which they do possess for so +desirable an end. + +And in pointing out the methods of exerting female influence for this +object, I am inspired with great confidence, from the conviction that +what will be suggested, is that which none will oppose, but all will +allow to be not only practicable, but safe, suitable, and Christian. + +To appreciate these suggestions, however, it is needful previously to +consider some particulars that exhibit the spirit of the age and the +tendencies of our peculiar form of government. + +The prominent principle, now in development, as indicating the spirit of +the age, is the perfect right of all men to entire freedom of opinion. +By this I do not mean that men are coming to think that "it is no matter +what a man believes, if he is only honest and sincere," or that they are +growing any more lenient towards their fellow-men, for the evil +consequences they bring on themselves or on others for believing wrong. + +But they are coming to adopt the maxim, that no man shall be forced by +pains and penalties to adopt the opinions of other minds, but that every +man shall be free to form his own opinions, and to propagate them by +all lawful means. + +At the same time another right is claimed, which is of necessity +involved in the preceding,--the right to oppose, by all lawful means, +the opinions and the practices of others, when they are deemed +pernicious either to individuals or to the community. _Facts_, +_arguments_ and _persuasions_ are, by all, conceded to be lawful means +to employ in propagating our own views, and in opposing the opinions and +practices of others. + +These fundamental principles of liberty have in all past ages been +restrained by coercive influences, either of civil or of ecclesiastical +power. But in this nation, all such coercive influences, both of church +and state, have ceased. Every man may think what he pleases about +government, or religion, or any thing else; he may propagate his +opinions, he may controvert opposite opinions, and no magistrate or +ecclesiastic can in any legal way restrain or punish. + +But the form of our government is such, that every measure that bears +upon the public or private interest of every citizen, is decided by +_public sentiment_. All laws and regulations in civil, or religious, or +social concerns, are decided by the _majority of votes_. And the present +is a time when every doctrine, every principle, and every practice which +influences the happiness of man, either in this, or in a future life, is +under discussion. The whole nation is thrown into parties about almost +every possible question, and every man is stimulated in his efforts to +promote his own plans by the conviction that success depends entirely +upon bringing his fellow citizens to think as he does. Hence every man +is fierce in maintaining his own right of free discussion, his own right +to propagate his opinions, and his own right to oppose, by all lawful +means, the opinions that conflict with his own. + +But the difficulty is, that a right which all men claim for themselves, +with the most sensitive and pertinacious inflexibility, they have not +yet learned to accord to their fellow men, in cases where their own +interests are involved. Every man is saying, "Let me have full liberty +to propagate my opinions, and to oppose all that I deem wrong and +injurious, but let no man take this liberty with my opinions and +practices. Every man may believe what he pleases, and propagate what he +pleases, provided he takes care not to attack any thing which belongs to +me." + +And how do men exert themselves to restrain this corresponding right of +their fellow men? Not by going to the magistrate to inform, or to the +spiritual despot to obtain ecclesiastical penalties, but he resorts to +methods, which, if successful, are in effect the most severe pains and +penalties that can restrain freedom of opinion. + +What is dearer to a man than _his character_, involving as it does, the +esteem, respect and affection of friends, neighbours and society, with +all the confidence, honour, trust and emolument that flow from general +esteem? How sensitive is every man to any thing that depreciates his +intellectual character! What torture, to be ridiculed or pitied for such +deficiencies! How cruel the suffering, when his moral delinquencies are +held up to public scorn and reprehension! Confiscation, stripes, +chains, and even death itself, are often less dreaded. + +It is this method of punishment to which men resort, to deter their +fellow-men from exercising those rights of liberty which they so +tenaciously claim for themselves. Examine now the methods adopted by +almost all who are engaged in the various conflicts of opinion in this +nation, and you will find that there are certain measures which +combatants almost invariably employ. + +They either attack the intellectual character of opponents, or they +labour to make them appear narrow-minded, illiberal and bigoted, or they +impeach their honesty and veracity, or they stigmatize their motives as +mean, selfish, ambitious, or in some other respect unworthy and +degrading. Instead of truth, and evidence, and argument, personal +depreciation, sneers, insinuations, or open abuse, are the weapons +employed. This method of resisting freedom of opinions, by pains and +penalties, arises in part from the natural selfishness of man, and in +part from want of clear distinctions as to the rights and duties +involved in freedom of opinion and freedom of speech. + +The great fundamental principle that makes this matter clear, is this, +that a broad and invariable distinction should ever be preserved between +the _opinions_ and _practices_ that are discussed, and the _advocates_ +of these opinions and practices. + +It is a sacred and imperious duty, that rests on every human being, to +exert all his influence in opposing every thing that he believes is +dangerous and wrong, and in sustaining all that he believes is safe and +right. And in doing this, no compromise is to be made, in order to +shield country, party, friends, or even self, from any just censure. +Every man is bound by duty to God and to his country, to lay his finger +on every false principle, or injurious practice, and boldly say, "this +is wrong--this is dangerous--this I will oppose with all my influence, +whoever it may be that advocates or practises it." And every man is +bound to use his efforts to turn public sentiment against all that he +believes to be wrong and injurious, either in regard to this life, or +to the future world. And every man deserves to be respected and +applauded, just in proportion as he fearlessly and impartially, and in a +_proper spirit_, _time_ and _manner_, fulfils this duty. + +The doctrine, just now alluded to, that it is "no matter what a man +believes, if he is only honest and sincere," is as pernicious, as it is +contrary to religion and to common sense. It is as absurd, and as +impracticable, as it would be to urge on the mariner the maxim, "no +matter which way you believe to be north, if you only steer aright." A +man's character, feelings, and conduct, all depend upon his opinions. If +a man can reason himself into the belief that it is right to take the +property of others and to deceive by false statements, he will probably +prove a thief and a liar. It is of the greatest concern, therefore, to +every man, that his fellow-men should _believe right_, and one of his +most sacred duties is to use all his influence to promote correct +opinions. + +But the performance of this duty, does by no means involve the necessity +of attacking the character or motives of the _advocates_ of false +opinions, or of holding them up, individually, to public odium. + +Erroneous opinions are sometimes the consequence of unavoidable +ignorance, or of mental imbecility, or of a weak and erring judgment, or +of false testimony from others, which cannot be rectified. In such +cases, the advocates of false opinions are to be pitied rather than +blamed; and while the opinions and their tendencies may be publicly +exposed, the men may be objects of affection and kindness. + +In other cases, erroneous opinions spring from criminal indifference, +from prejudice, from indolence, from pride, from evil passions, or from +selfish interest. In all such cases, men deserve blame for their +pernicious opinions, and the evils which flow from them. + +But, it maybe asked, how are men to decide, when their fellow-men are +guilty for holding wrong opinions; when they deserve blame, and when +they are to be regarded only with pity and commiseration by those who +believe them to be in the wrong? Here, surely, is a place where some +correct principle is greatly needed. + +Is every man to sit in judgment upon his fellow-man, and decide what are +his intellectual capacities, and what the measure of his judgment? Is +every man to take the office of the Searcher of Hearts, to try the +feelings and motives of his fellow-man? Is that most difficult of all +analysis, the estimating of the feelings, purposes, and motives, which +every man, who examines his own secret thoughts, finds to be so complex, +so recondite, so intricate; is this to be the basis, not only of +individual opinion, but of public reward and censure? Is every man to +constitute himself a judge of the amount of time and interest given to +the proper investigation of truth by his fellow-man? Surely, this cannot +be a correct principle. + +Though there may be single cases in which we can know that our +fellow-men are weak in intellect, or erring in judgment, or perverse in +feeling, or misled by passion, or biased by selfish interest, as a +general fact we are not competent to decide these matters, in regard to +those who differ from us in opinion. + +For this reason it is manifestly wrong and irrelevant, when discussing +questions of duty or expediency, to bring before the public the +character or the motives of the individual advocates of opinions. + +But, it may be urged, how can the evil tendencies of opinions or of +practices be investigated, without involving a consideration of the +character and conduct of those who advocate them? To this it may be +replied, that the tendencies of opinions and practices can never be +ascertained by discussing individual character. It is _classes_ of +persons, or large _communities_, embracing persons of all varieties of +character and circumstances, that are the only proper subjects of +investigation for this object. For example, a community of Catholics, +and a community of Protestants, may be compared, for the purpose of +learning the moral tendencies of their different opinions. Scotland and +New England, where the principles opposite to Catholicism have most +prevailed, may properly be compared with Spain and Italy, where the +Catholic system has been most fairly tried. But to select certain +individuals who are defenders of these two different systems, as +examples to illustrate their tendencies, would be as improper as it +would be to select a kernel of grain to prove the good or bad character +of a whole crop. + +To illustrate by a more particular example. The doctrines of the Atheist +school are now under discussion, and Robert Owen and Fanny Wright have +been their prominent advocates. + +In agreement with the above principles, it is a right, and the duty of +every man who has any influence and opportunity, to show the absurdity +of their doctrines, the weakness of their arguments, and the fatal +tendencies of their opinions. It is right to show that the _practical_ +adoption of their principles indicates a want of common sense, just as +sowing the ocean with grain and expecting a crop would indicate the same +deficiency. If the advocates of these doctrines carry out their +principles into practice, in any such way as to offend the taste, or +infringe on the rights of others, it is proper to express disgust and +disapprobation. If the female advocate chooses to come upon a stage, and +expose her person, dress, and elocution to public criticism, it is right +to express disgust at whatever is offensive and indecorous, as it is to +criticize the book of an author, or the dancing of an actress, or any +thing else that is presented to public observation. And it is right to +make all these things appear as odious and reprehensible to others as +they do to ourselves. + +But what is the private character of Robert Owen or Fanny Wright? +Whether they are ignorant or weak in intellect; whether they have +properly examined the sources of truth; how much they have been biased +by pride, passion, or vice, in adopting their opinions; whether they are +honest and sincere in their belief; whether they are selfish or +benevolent in their aims, are not matters which in any way pertain to +the discussion. They are questions about which none are qualified to +judge, except those in close and intimate communion with them. We may +inquire with propriety as to the character of a _community_ of Atheists, +or of a community where such sentiments extensively prevail, as compared +with a community of opposite sentiments. But the private character, +feelings, and motives of the individual advocates of these doctrines, +are not proper subjects of investigation in any public discussion. + +If, then, it be true, that attacks on the character and motives of the +advocates of opinions are entirely irrelevant and not at all necessary +for the discovery of truth; if injury inflicted on character is the most +severe penalty that can be employed to restrain freedom of opinions and +freedom of speech, what are we to say of the state of things in this +nation? + +Where is there a party which does not in effect say to every man, "if +you dare to oppose the principles or practices we sustain, you shall be +punished with personal odium?" which does not say to every member of the +party, "uphold your party, right or wrong; oppose all that is adverse to +your party, right or wrong, or else suffer the penalty of having your +motives, character, and conduct, impeached?" + +Look first at the political arena. Where is the advocate of any measure +that does not suffer sneers, ridicule, contempt, and all that tends to +depreciate character in public estimation? Where is the partisan that is +not attacked, as either weak in intellect, or dishonest in principle, or +selfish in motives? And where is the man who is linked with any +political party, that dares to stand up fearlessly and defend what is +good in opposers, and reprove what is wrong in his own party? + +Look into the religious world. There, even those who take their party +name from their professed liberality, are saying, "whoever shall adopt +principles that exclude us from the Christian church, and our clergy +from the pulpit, shall be held up either as intellectually degraded, or +as narrow-minded and bigoted, or as ambitious, partisan and persecuting +in spirit. No man shall believe a creed that excludes us from the pale +of Christianity, under penalty of all the odium we can inflict." + +So in the Catholic controversy. Catholics and their friends practically +declare war against all free discussion on this point. The decree has +gone forth, that "no man shall appear for the purpose of proving that +Catholicism is contrary to Scripture, or immoral and anti-republican in +tendency, under penalty of being denounced as a dupe, or a hypocrite, or +a persecutor, or a narrow-minded and prejudiced bigot." + +On the contrary, those who attack what is called liberal Christianity, +or who aim to oppose the progress of Catholicism, how often do they +exhibit a severe and uncharitable spirit towards the individuals whose +opinions they controvert. Instead of loving the men, and rendering to +them all the offices of Christian kindness, and according to them all +due credit for whatever is desirable in character and conduct, how often +do opposers seem to feel, that it will not answer to allow that there is +any thing good, either in the system or in those who have adopted it. +"Every thing about my party is right, and every thing in the opposing +party is wrong," seems to be the universal maxim of the times. And it +is the remark of some of the most intelligent foreign travellers among +us, and of our own citizens who go abroad, that there is no country to +be found, where freedom of opinion, and freedom of speech is more really +influenced and controlled by the fear of pains and penalties, than in +this land of boasted freedom. In other nations, the control is exercised +by government, in respect to a very few matters; in this country it is +party-spirit that rules with an iron rod, and shakes its scorpion whips +over every interest and every employment of man. + +From this mighty source spring constant detraction, gossiping, +tale-bearing, falsehood, anger, pride, malice, revenge, and every evil +word and work. + +Every man sets himself up as the judge of the intellectual character, +the honesty, the sincerity, the feelings, opportunities, motives, and +intentions, of his fellow-man. And so they fall upon each other, not +with swords and spears, but with the tongue, "that unruly member, that +setteth on fire the course of nature, and is set on fire of hell." + +Can any person who seeks to maintain the peaceful, loving, and gentle +spirit of Christianity, go out into the world at this day, without being +bewildered at the endless conflicts, and grieved and dismayed at the +bitter and unhallowed passions they engender? Can an honest, upright and +Christian man, go into these conflicts, and with unflinching firmness +stand up for all that is good, and oppose all that is evil, in whatever +party it may be found, without a measure of moral courage such as few +can command? And if he carries himself through with an unyielding +integrity, and maintains his consistency, is he not exposed to storms of +bitter revilings, and to peltings from both parties between which he may +stand? + +What is the end of these things to be? Must we give up free discussion, +and again chain up the human mind under the despotism of past ages? No, +this will never be. God designs that every intelligent mind shall be +governed, not by coercion, but by reason, and conscience, and truth. +Man must reason, and experiment, and compare past and present results, +and hear and know all that can be said on _both_ sides of every question +which influences either private or public happiness, either for this +life or for the life to come. + +But while this process is going on, must we be distracted and tortured +by the baleful passions and wicked works that unrestrained party-spirit +and ungoverned factions will bring upon us, under such a government as +ours? Must we rush on to disunion, and civil wars, and servile wars, +till all their train of horrors pass over us like devouring fire? + +There is an influence that can avert these dangers--a spirit that can +allay the storm--that can say to the troubled winds and waters, "peace, +be still." + +It is that spirit which is gentle and easy to be entreated, which +thinketh no evil, which rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the +truth, which is not easily provoked, which hopeth all things, which +beareth all things. Let this spirit be infused into the mass of the +nation, and then truth may be sought, defended, and propagated, and +error detected, and its evils exposed; and yet we may escape the evils +that now rage through this nation, and threaten us with such fiery +plagues. + +And is there not a peculiar propriety in such an emergency, in looking +for the especial agency and assistance of females, who are shut out from +the many temptations that assail the other sex,--who are the appointed +ministers of all the gentler charities of life,--who are mingled +throughout the whole mass of the community,--who dwell in those +retirements where only peace and love ought ever to enter,--whose +comfort, influence, and dearest blessings, all depend on preserving +peace and good will among men? + +In the present aspect of affairs among us, when everything seems to be +tending to disunion and distraction, it surely has become the duty of +every female instantly to relinquish the attitude of a partisan, in +every matter of clashing interests, and to assume the office of a +mediator, and an advocate of peace. And to do this, it is not necessary +that a woman should in any manner relinquish her opinion as to the +evils or the benefits, the right or the wrong, of any principle or +practice. But, while quietly holding her own opinions, and calmly +avowing them, when conscience and integrity make the duty imperative, +every female can employ her influence, not for the purpose of exciting +or regulating public sentiment, but rather for the purpose of promoting +a spirit of candour, forbearance, charity, and peace. + +And there are certain prominent maxims which every woman can adopt as +peculiarly belonging to her, as the advocate of charity and peace, and +which it should be her especial office to illustrate, enforce, and +sustain, by every method in her power. + +The first is, that every person ought to be sustained, not only in the +right of propagating his own opinions and practices, but in opposing all +those principles and practices which he deems erroneous. For there is no +opinion which a man can propagate, that does not oppose some adverse +interest; and if a man must cease to advocate his own views of truth and +rectitude, because he opposes the interest or prejudices of some other +man or party, all freedom of opinion, of speech, and of action, is gone. +All that can be demanded is, that a man shall not resort to falsehood, +false reasoning, or to attacks on character, in maintaining his own +rights. If he states things which are false, it is right to show the +falsehood,--if he reasons falsely, it is right to point out his +sophistry,--if he impeaches the character or motives of opponents, it is +right to express disapprobation and disgust; but if he uses only facts, +arguments, and persuasions, he is to be honoured and sustained for all +the efforts he makes to uphold what he deems to be right, and to put +down what he believes to be wrong. + +Another maxim, which is partially involved in the first, is, that every +man ought to allow his own principles and practices to be freely +discussed, with patience and magnanimity, and not to complain of +persecution, or to attack the character or motives of those who claim +that he is in the wrong. If he is belied, if his character is impeached, +if his motives are assailed, if his intellectual capabilities are made +the objects of sneers or commiseration, he has a right to complain, and +to seek sympathy as an injured man; but no man is a consistent friend +and defender of liberty of speech, who cannot bear to have his own +principles and practices subjected to the same ordeal as he demands +should be imposed on others. + +Another maxim of peace and charity is, that every man's own testimony is +to be taken in regard to his motives, feelings, and intentions. Though +we may fear that a fellow-man is mistaken in his views of his own +feelings, or that he does not speak the truth, it is as contrary to the +rules of good breeding as it is to the laws of Christianity, to assume +or even insinuate that this is the case. If a man's word cannot be taken +in regard to his own motives, feelings, and intentions, he can find no +redress for the wrong that may be done to him. It is unjust and +unreasonable in the extreme to take any other course than the one here +urged. + +Another most important maxim of candour and charity is, that when we are +to assign motives for the conduct of our fellow-men, especially of +those who oppose our interests, we are obligated to put the best, rather +than the worst construction, on all they say and do. Instead of +assigning the worst as the probable motive, it is always a duty to +_hope_ that it is the best, until evidence is so unequivocal that there +is no place for such a hope. + +Another maxim of peace and charity respects the subject of +_retaliation_. Whatever may be said respecting the literal construction +of some of the rules of the gospel, no one can deny that they do, +whether figurative or not, forbid retaliation and revenge; that they do +assume that men are not to be judges and executioners of their own +wrongs; but that injuries are to be borne with meekness, and that +retributive justice must be left to God, and to the laws. If a man +strikes, we are not to return the blow, but appeal to the laws. If a man +uses abusive or invidious language, we are not to return railing for +railing. If a man impeaches our motives and attacks our character, we +are not to return the evil. If a man sneers and ridicules, we are not to +retaliate with ridicule and sneers. If a man reports our weaknesses and +failings, we are not to revenge ourselves by reporting his. No man has a +right to report evil of others, except when the justification of the +innocent, or a regard for public or individual safety, demands it. This +is the strict law of the gospel, inscribed in all its pages, and meeting +in the face all those unchristian and indecent violations that now are +so common, in almost every conflict of intellect or of interest. + +Another most important maxim of peace and charity imposes the obligation +to guard our fellow-men from all unnecessary temptation. We are taught +daily to pray, "lead us not into temptation;" and thus are admonished +not only to avoid all unnecessary temptation ourselves, but to save our +fellow-men from the danger. Can we ask our Heavenly Parent to protect us +from temptation, while we recklessly spread baits and snares for our +fellow-men? No, we are bound in every measure to have a tender regard +for the weaknesses and liabilities of all around, and ever to be ready +to yield even our just rights, when we can lawfully do it, rather than +to tempt others to sin. The generous and high-minded Apostle declares, +"if meat make my brother to offend, I will eat no flesh while the world +standeth;" and it is the spirit of this maxim that every Christian ought +to cultivate. There are no occasions when this maxim is more needed, +than when we wish to modify the opinions, or alter the practices of our +fellow-men. If, in such cases, we find that the probabilities are, that +any interference of ours will increase the power of temptation, and lead +to greater evils than those we wish to remedy, we are bound to forbear. +If we find that one mode of attempting a measure will increase the power +of temptation, and another will not involve this danger, we are bound to +take the safest course. In all cases we are obligated to be as careful +to protect our fellow-men from temptation, as we are to watch and pray +against it in regard to ourselves. + +Another maxim of peace and charity requires a most scrupulous regard to +the reputation, character, and feelings of our fellow-men, and +especially of those who are opposed in any way to our wishes and +interests. Every man and every woman feels that it is wrong for others +to propagate their faults and weakness through the community. Every one +feels wounded and injured to find that others are making his defects and +infirmities the subject of sneers and ridicule. And what, then, is the +rule of duty? "As ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to +them." With this rule before his eyes and in his mind, can a man retail +his neighbour's faults, or sneer at his deficiencies, or ridicule his +infirmities, with a clear conscience? There are cases when the safety of +individuals, or public justice, demands that a man's defects of +character, or crimes, be made public; but no man is justified in +communicating to others any evil respecting any of his fellow-men, when +he cannot appeal to God as his witness that he does it from benevolent +interest in the welfare of his fellow-men--from a desire to save +individuals or the public from some evil--and not from a malevolent or +gossiping propensity. Oh, that this law of love and charity could find +an illustration and an advocate in every female of this nation! Oh, that +every current slander, and every injurious report, might stand abashed, +whenever it meets the notice of a woman! + +These are the maxims of peace and charity, which it is in the power of +the females of our country to advocate, both by example and by +entreaties. These are the principles which alone can protect and +preserve the right of free discussion, the freedom of speech, and +liberty of the press. And with our form of government, and our +liabilities to faction and party-spirit, the country will be safe and +happy only in proportion to the prevalence of these maxims among the +mass of the community. There probably will never arrive a period in the +history of this nation, when the influence of these principles will be +more needed, than the present. The question of slavery involves more +pecuniary interests, touches more private relations, involves more +prejudices, is entwined with more sectional, party, and political +interests, than any other which can ever again arise. It is a matter +which, if discussed and controlled without the influence of these +principles of charity and peace, will shake this nation like an +earthquake, and pour over us the volcanic waves of every terrific +passion. The trembling earth, the low murmuring thunders, already +admonish us of our danger; and if females can exert any saving influence +in this emergency, it is time for them to awake. + +And there are topics that they may urge upon the attention of their +friends, at least as matters worthy of serious consideration and +inquiry. + +Is a woman surrounded by those who favour the Abolition measures? Can +she not with propriety urge such inquiries as these? + +Is not slavery to be brought to an end by free discussion, and is it not +a war upon the right of free discussion to impeach the motives and +depreciate the character of the opposers of Abolition measures? When the +opposers of Abolition movements claim that they honestly and sincerely +believe that these measures tend to perpetuate slavery, or to bring it +to an end by servile wars, and civil disunion, and the most terrific +miseries--when they object to the use of their pulpits, to the embodying +of literary students, to the agitation of the community, by Abolition +agents--when they object to the circulation of such papers and tracts as +Abolitionists prepare, because they believe them most pernicious in +their influence and tendencies, is it not as much persecution to use +invidious insinuations, depreciating accusation and impeachment of +motive, in order to intimidate, as it is for the opposers of +Abolitionism to use physical force? Is not the only method by which the +South can be brought to relinquish slavery, a conviction that not only +her _duty_, but her highest _interest_, requires her to do it? And is +not _calm, rational Christian_ discussion the only proper method of +securing this end? Can a community that are thrown into such a state of +high exasperation as now exists at the South, ever engage in such +discussions, till the storm of excitement and passion is allayed? Ought +not every friend of liberty and of free discussion, to take every +possible means to soothe exasperated feelings, and to avoid all those +offensive peculiarities that in their nature tend to inflame and offend? + +Is a woman among those who oppose Abolition movements? She can urge such +inquiries as these: Ought not Abolitionists to be treated as if they +were actuated by the motives of benevolence which they profess? Ought +not every patriot and every Christian to throw all his influence against +the impeachment of motives, the personal detraction, and the violent +measures that are turned upon this body of men, who, however they may +err in judgment or in spirit, are among the most exemplary and +benevolent in the land? If Abolitionists are censurable for taking +measures that exasperate rather than convince and persuade, are not +their opponents, who take exactly the same measures to exasperate +Abolitionists and their friends, as much to blame? If Abolitionism +prospers by the abuse of its advocates, are not the authors of this +abuse accountable for the increase of the very evils they deprecate? + +It is the opinion of intelligent and well informed men, that a very +large proportion of the best members of the Abolition party were placed +there, not by the arguments of Abolitionists, but by the abuse of their +opposers. And I know some of the noblest minds that stand there, chiefly +from the influence of those generous impulses that defend the injured +and sustain the persecuted, while many others have joined these ranks +from the impression that Abolitionism and the right of free discussion +have become identical interests. Although I cannot perceive why the +right of free discussion, the right of petition, and other rights that +have become involved in this matter, cannot be sustained without joining +an association that has sustained such injurious action and such +erroneous principles, yet other minds, and those which are worthy of +esteem, have been led to an opposite conclusion. + +The South, in the moments of angry excitement, have made unreasonable +demands upon the non-slave-holding States, and have employed overbearing +and provoking language. This has provoked re-action again at the North, +and men, who heretofore were unexcited, are beginning to feel +indignant, and to say, "Let the Union be sundered." Thus anger begets +anger, and unreasonable measures provoke equally unreasonable returns. + +But when men, in moments of excitement rush on to such results, little +do they think of the momentous consequences that may follow. Suppose the +South in her anger unites with Texas, and forms a Southern slave-holding +republic, under all the exasperating influences that such an avulsion +will excite? What will be the prospects of the slave then, compared with +what they are while we dwell together, united by all the ties of +brotherhood, and having free access to those whom we wish to convince +and persuade? + +But who can estimate the mischiefs that we must encounter while this +dismemberment, this tearing asunder of the joints and members of the +body politic, is going on? What will be the commotion and dismay, when +all our sources of wealth, prosperity, and comfort, are turned to +occasions for angry and selfish strife? + +What agitation will ensue in individual States, when it is to be decided +by majorities which State shall go to the North and which to the South, +and when the discontented minority must either give up or fight! Who +shall divide our public lands between contending factions? What shall be +done with our navy and all the various items of the nation's property? +What shall be done when the post-office stops its steady movement to +divide its efforts among contending parties? What shall be done when +public credit staggers, when commerce furls her slackened sail, when +property all over the nation changes its owners and relations? What +shall be done with our canals and railways, now the bands of love to +bind us, then the causes of contention and jealousy? What umpire will +appear to settle all these questions of interest and strife, between +communities thrown asunder by passion, pride, and mutual injury? + +It is said that the American people, though heedless and sometimes +reckless at the approach of danger, are endowed with a strong and +latent principle of common sense, which, when they fairly approach the +precipice, always brings them to a stand, and makes them as wise to +devise a remedy as they were rash in hastening to the danger. Are we not +approaching the very verge of the precipice? Can we not already hear the +roar of the waters below? Is not now the time, if ever, when our stern +principles and sound common sense must wake to the rescue? + +Cannot the South be a little more patient under the injurious action +that she feels she has suffered, and cease demanding those concessions +from the North, that never will be made? For the North, though slower to +manifest feeling, is as sensitive to her right of freedom of speech, as +the South can be to her rights of property. + +Cannot the North bear with some unreasonable action from the South, when +it is remembered that, as the provocation came from the North, it is +wise and Christian that the aggressive party should not so strictly +hold their tempted brethren to the rules of right and reason? + +Cannot the South bear in mind that at the North the colour of the skin +does not take away the feeling of brotherhood, and though it is a badge +of degradation in station and intellect, yet it is oftener regarded with +pity and sympathy than with contempt? Cannot the South remember their +generous feelings for the Greeks and Poles, and imagine that some such +feelings may be awakened for the African race, among a people who do not +believe either in the policy or the right of slavery? + +Cannot the North remember how jealous every man feels of his domestic +relations and rights, and how sorely their Southern brethren are tried +in these respects? How would the husbands and fathers at the North +endure it, if Southern associations should be formed to bring forth to +the world the sins of Northern men, as husbands and fathers? What if the +South should send to the North to collect all the sins and neglects of +Northern husbands and fathers, to retail them at the South in tracts +and periodicals? What if the English nation should join in the outcry, +and English females should send forth an agent, not indeed to visit the +offending North, but to circulate at the South, denouncing all who did +not join in this crusade, as the defenders of bad husbands and bad +fathers? How would Northern men conduct under such provocations? There +is indeed a difference in the two cases, but it is not in the nature and +amount of irritating influence, for the Southerner feels the +interference of strangers to regulate his domestic duty to his servants, +as much as the Northern man would feel the same interference in regard +to his wife and children. Do not Northern men owe a debt of forbearance +and sympathy toward their Southern brethren, who have been so sorely +tried? + +It is by urging these considerations, and by exhibiting and advocating +the principles of charity and peace, that females may exert a wise and +appropriate influence, and one which will most certainly tend to bring +to an end, not only slavery, but unnumbered other evils and wrongs. No +one can object to such an influence, but all parties will bid God speed +to every woman who modestly, wisely and benevolently attempts it. + +I do not suppose that any Abolitionists are to be deterred by any thing +I can offer, from prosecuting the course of measures they have adopted. +They doubtless will continue to agitate the subject, and to form +voluntary associations all over the land, in order to excite public +sentiment at the North against the moral evils existing at the South. +Yet I cannot but hope that some considerations may have influence to +modify in a degree the spirit and measures of some who are included in +that party. + +Abolitionists are men who come before the public in the character of +_reprovers_. That the gospel requires Christians sometimes to assume +this office, cannot be denied; but it does as unequivocally point out +those qualifications which alone can entitle a man to do it. And no man +acts wisely or consistently, unless he can satisfy himself that he +possesses the qualifications for this duty, before he assumes it. + +The first of these qualifications is more than common exemption from the +faults that are reproved. The inspired interrogatory, "thou therefore +which teachest another, teachest thou not thyself?" enforces this +principle; and the maxim of common sense, that "reprovers must have +clean hands," is no less unequivocal. Abolitionists are reprovers for +the violation of duties in the domestic relations. Of course they are +men who are especially bound to be exemplary in the discharge of all +their domestic duties. If a man cannot govern his temper and his tongue; +if he inflicts that moral castigation on those who cross his will, which +is more severe than physical stripes; if he is overbearing or exacting +with those under his control; if he cannot secure respect for a kind and +faithful discharge of all his social and relative duties, it is as +unwise and improper for him to join an Abolition Society, as it would be +for a drunkard to preach temperance, or a slave-holder Abolitionism. + +Another indispensable requisite for the office of reprover is a +character distinguished for humility and meekness. There is nothing more +difficult than to approach men for the purpose of convincing them of +their own deficiencies and faults; and whoever attempts it in a +self-complacent and dictatorial spirit, always does more evil than good. +However exemplary a man may be in the sight of men, there is abundant +cause for the exercise of humility. For a man is to judge of himself, +not by a comparison with other men, but as he stands before God, when +compared with a perfect law, and in reference to all his peculiar +opportunities and restraints. Who is there that in this comparison, +cannot find cause for the deepest humiliation? Who can go from the +presence of Infinite Purity after such an investigation, to "take his +brother by the throat?" Who rather, should not go to a brother, who may +have sinned, with the deepest sympathy and love, as one who, amid +greater temptations and with fewer advantages, may be the least offender +of the two? A man who goes with this spirit, has the best hope of doing +good to those who may offend. And yet even this spirit will not always +save a man from angry retort, vexatious insinuation, jealous suspicion, +and the misconstruction of his motives. A reprover, therefore, if he +would avoid a quarrel and do the good he aims to secure, must be +possessed of that meekness which can receive evil for good, with patient +benevolence. And a man is not fitted for the duties of a reprover, until +he can bring his feelings under this control. + +The last, and not the least important requisite for a reprover, is +_discretion_. This is no where so much needed as in cases where the +domestic relations are concerned, for here is the place above all +others, where men are most sensitive and unreasonable. There are none +who have more opportunities for learning this, than those who act as +teachers, especially if they feel the responsibility of a Christian and +a friend, in regard to the moral interests of pupils. A teacher who +shares with parents the responsibilities of educating their children, +whose efforts may all be rendered useless by parental influences at +home; who feels an affectionate interest in both parent and child, is +surely the one who might seem to have a right to seek, and a chance of +success in seeking, some modifications of domestic influences. And yet +teachers will probably testify, that it is a most discouraging task, and +often as likely to result in jealous alienation and the loss of +influence over both parent and child, as in any good. It is one of the +greatest compliments that can be paid to the good sense and the good +feeling of a parent to dare to attempt any such measure. This may show +how much discretion, and tact, and delicacy, are needed by those who aim +to rectify evils in the domestic relations of mankind. + +The peculiar qualifications, then, which make it suitable for a man to +be an Abolitionist are, an exemplary discharge of all the domestic +duties; humility, meekness, delicacy, tact, and discretion, and these +should especially be the distinctive traits of those who take the place +of _leaders_ in devising measures. + +And in performing these difficult and self-denying duties, there are no +men who need more carefully to study the character and imitate the +example of the Redeemer of mankind. He, indeed, was the searcher of +hearts, and those reproofs which were based on the perfect knowledge of +"all that is in man," we may not imitate. But we may imitate him, where +he with so much gentleness, patience, and pitying love, encountered the +weakness, the rashness, the selfishness, the worldliness of men. When +the young man came with such self-complacency to ask what more he could +do, how kindly he was received, how gently convinced of his great +deficiency! When fire would have been called from heaven by his angry +followers, how forbearing the rebuke! When denied and forsaken with +oaths and curses by one of his nearest friends, what was it but a look +of pitying love that sent the disciple out so bitterly to weep? When, in +his last extremity of sorrow, his friends all fell asleep, how gently +he drew over them the mantle of love! Oh blessed Saviour, impart more of +thy own spirit to those who profess to follow thee! + + + THE END. + + + +------------------------------------------------------------------+ + |Transcriber's Notes. | + | | + | | + |The following changes were made to the original text (correction | + |in brackets): | + | | + |Page 3: to this request, MISS GRIMKE's(Grimké) Address was | + | | + |Page 19: associated CLARKSON, SHARPE, MACAULEY(Macaulay), and | + | | + |Page 44: (than) it is with "sheep-stealer." But Abolitionists | + | | + |Page 53: Secondly,(.) To make them willing to relinquish | + | | + |Page 59: sustained this trafic(traffic), in that nation. What | + | | + |Page 71: visiter's(visitor's) intention to devote himself to this| + | | + |Page 77: Footnote 3: suffer from such persecution;(") and he | + |honourably and nobly | + | | + |Page 84: Mr. Clarkson continued his efficient | + |co-opetion(co-operation) | + | | + |Page 101: so benevolent in feeling and action;(,) that her | + | | + |Page 108: when she cannot please, or by petulent(petulant) | + |complaints | + | | + |Page 112: Every man is saying, "let(Let) me have | + | | + |Page 124: and prejudiced bigot.(") | + | | + |Page 134: tempation(temptation), and lead to greater evils than | + +------------------------------------------------------------------+ + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay on Slavery and Abolitionism, by +Catharine E. 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