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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay on Slavery and Abolitionism, by 
+Catharine E. Beecher
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: An Essay on Slavery and Abolitionism
+       With reference to the duty of American females
+
+Author: Catharine E. Beecher
+
+Release Date: July 25, 2008 [EBook #26123]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAY - SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by K Nordquist, Emanuela Piasentini and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
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+
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+
+    +-------------------------------------------------------------+
+    |Transcriber's Note:                                          |
+    |                                                             |
+    |The adjective 'Christian' is sometimes spelled 'christian'   |
+    |and its use is inconsistent throughout the book. The original|
+    |punctuation, language and spelling have been retained, except|
+    |where noted at the end of the text.                          |
+    +-------------------------------------------------------------+
+
+
+
+
+                                AN ESSAY
+
+
+                                   ON
+
+
+                        SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM,
+
+
+                          WITH REFERENCE TO THE
+
+
+                        DUTY OF AMERICAN FEMALES.
+
+
+                                   BY
+
+                          CATHARINE E. BEECHER.
+
+
+                             Philadelphia:
+                   HENRY PERKINS, 134 CHESTNUT STREET.
+                        PERKINS & MARVIN, BOSTON.
+
+
+                                 1837.
+
+
+Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1837, by _Henry
+Perkins_, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern
+District of Pennsylvania.
+
+                      L. ASHMEAD AND CO. PRINTERS.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+THE following are the circumstances which occasioned the succeeding
+pages. A gentleman and a friend, requested the writer to assign reasons
+why he should not join the Abolition Society. While preparing a reply
+to this request, MISS GRIMKÉ's Address was presented, and the
+information communicated, of her intention to visit the North, for the
+purpose of using her influence among northern ladies to induce them to
+unite with Abolition Societies. The writer then began a private letter
+to Miss Grimké as a personal friend. But by the wishes and advice of
+others, these two efforts were finally combined in the following Essay,
+to be presented to the public.
+
+The honoured and beloved name which that lady bears, so associated as it
+is at the South, North, and West, with all that is elegant in a scholar,
+refined in a gentleman, and elevated in a Christian,--the respectable
+sect with which she is connected,--the interesting effusions of her
+pen,--and her own intellectual and moral worth, must secure respect for
+her opinions and much personal influence. This seems to be a sufficient
+apology for presenting to the public some considerations in connexion
+with her name; considerations which may exhibit in another aspect the
+cause she advocates, and which it may be appropriate to consider. As
+such, they are respectfully commended to the public, and especially to
+that portion of it for which they are particularly designed.
+
+
+
+
+ESSAY
+
+ON
+
+SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM.
+
+ADDRESSED TO MISS A. D. GRIMKÉ.
+
+
+MY DEAR FRIEND,
+
+Your public address to Christian females at the South has reached me,
+and I have been urged to aid in circulating it at the North. I have also
+been informed, that you contemplate a tour, during the ensuing year, for
+the purpose of exerting your influence to form Abolition Societies among
+ladies of the non-slave-holding States.
+
+Our acquaintance and friendship give me a claim to your private ear; but
+there are reasons why it seems more desirable to address you, who now
+stand before the public as an advocate of Abolition measures, in a more
+public manner.
+
+The object I have in view, is to present some reasons why it seems
+unwise and inexpedient for ladies of the non-slave-holding States to
+unite themselves in Abolition Societies; and thus, at the same time,
+to exhibit the inexpediency of the course you propose to adopt.
+
+I would first remark, that your public address leads me to infer, that
+you are not sufficiently informed in regard to the feelings and opinions
+of Christian females at the North. Your remarks seem to assume, that the
+_principles_ held by Abolitionists on the subject of slavery, are
+peculiar to them, and are not generally adopted by those at the North
+who oppose their _measures_. In this you are not correctly informed. In
+the sense in which Abolitionists explain the terms they employ, there is
+little, if any, difference between them and most northern persons.
+Especially is this true of northern persons of religious principles. I
+know not where to look for northern Christians, who would deny that
+every slave-holder is bound to treat his slaves exactly as he would
+claim that his own children ought to be treated in similar
+circumstances; that the holding of our fellow men as property, or the
+withholding any of the rights of freedom, for mere purposes of gain, is
+a sin, and ought to be immediately abandoned; and that where the laws
+are such, that a slave-holder cannot _legally_ emancipate his slaves,
+without throwing them into worse bondage, he is bound to use all his
+influence to alter those laws, and, in the meantime, to treat his slaves,
+as nearly as he can, _as if_ they were free.
+
+I do not suppose there is one person in a thousand, at the North, who
+would dissent from these principles. They would only differ in the use
+of terms, and call this the doctrine of _gradual emancipation_, while
+Abolitionists would call it the doctrine of _immediate emancipation_.
+
+As this is the state of public opinion at the North, there is no
+necessity for using any influence with northern ladies, in order that
+they may adopt your _principles_ on the subject of slavery; for they
+hold them in common with yourself, and it would seem unwise, and might
+prove irritating, to approach them as if they held opposite sentiments.
+
+In regard to the duty of making efforts to bring the people of the
+Southern States to adopt these principles, and act on them, it is
+entirely another matter. On this point you would find a large majority
+opposed to your views. Most persons in the non-slave-holding States have
+considered the matter of Southern slavery, as one in which they were no
+more called to interfere, than in the abolition of the press-gang system
+in England, or the tythe system of Ireland. Public opinion may have been
+wrong on this point, and yet have been right on all those great
+principles of rectitude and justice relating to slavery, which
+Abolitionists claim as their _distinctive_ peculiarities.
+
+The distinctive peculiarity of the Abolition Society is this: it is a
+voluntary association in one section of the country, designed to awaken
+public sentiment against a moral evil existing in another section of the
+country, and the principal point of effort seems to be, to enlarge the
+numbers of this association as a means of influencing public sentiment.
+The principal object of your proposed tour, I suppose, is to present
+facts, arguments, and persuasions to influence northern ladies to enrol
+themselves as members of this association.
+
+I will therefore proceed to present some of the reasons which may be
+brought against such a measure as the one you would urge.
+
+In the first place, the main principle of action in that society rests
+wholly on a false deduction from past experience. Experience has shown,
+that when certain moral evils exist in a community, efforts to awaken
+public sentiment against such practices, and combinations for the
+exercise of personal influence and example, have in various cases tended
+to rectify these evils. Thus in respect to intemperance;--the collecting
+of facts, the labours of public lecturers and the distribution of
+publications, have had much effect in diminishing the evil. So in
+reference to the slave-trade and slavery in England. The English nation
+possessed the power of regulating their own trade, and of giving liberty
+to every slave in their dominions; and yet they were entirely unmindful
+of their duty on this subject. Clarkson, Wilberforce, and their
+coadjutors, commenced a system of operations to arouse and influence
+public sentiment, and they succeeded in securing the suppression of the
+slave trade, and the gradual abolition of slavery in the English
+colonies. In both these cases, the effort was to enlighten and direct
+public sentiment in a community, of which the actors were a portion, in
+order to lead them to rectify an evil existing among THEMSELVES, which
+was entirely under their control.
+
+From the success of such efforts, the Abolitionists of this country have
+drawn inferences, which appear to be not only illogical, but false.
+Because individuals in _their own_ community have aroused their fellow
+citizens to correct their own evils, therefore they infer that attempts
+to convince their fellow-citizens of the faults of _another_ community
+will lead that community to forsake their evil practices. An example
+will more clearly illustrate the case. Suppose two rival cities, which
+have always been in competition, and always jealous of each other's
+reputation and prosperity. Certain individuals in one of these cities
+become convinced, that the sin of intemperance is destroying their
+prosperity and domestic happiness. They proceed to collect facts, they
+arrange statistics, they call public meetings, they form voluntary
+associations, they use arguments, entreaties and personal example, and
+by these means they arrest the evil.
+
+Suppose another set of men, in this same community, become convinced
+that certain practices in trade and business in the rival city, are
+dishonest, and have an oppressive bearing on certain classes in that
+city, and are injurious to the interests of general commerce. Suppose
+also, that these are practices, which, by those who allow them, are
+considered as honourable and right. Those who are convinced of their
+immorality, wish to alter the opinions and the practices of the citizens
+of their rival city, and to do this, they commence the collection of
+facts, that exhibit the tendencies of these practices and the evils they
+have engendered. But instead of going among the community in which the
+evils exist, and endeavouring to convince and persuade them, they
+proceed to form voluntary associations among their neighbours at home,
+and spend their time, money and efforts to convince their fellow
+citizens that the inhabitants of their rival city are guilty of a great
+sin. They also publish papers and tracts and send out agents, not to the
+guilty city, but to all the neighbouring towns and villages, to convince
+them of the sins of the city in their vicinity. And they claim that they
+shall succeed in making that city break off its sins, by these measures,
+because other men succeeded in banishing intemperance by labouring among
+their own friends and fellow citizens. Is not this example exactly
+parallel with the exertions of the Abolitionists? Are not the northern
+and southern sections of our country distinct communities, with
+different feelings and interests? Are they not rival, and jealous in
+feeling? Have the northern States the power to rectify evils at the
+South, as they have to remove their own moral deformities; or have they
+any such power over the southern States as the British people had over
+their own trade and their dependent colonies in the West Indies? Have
+not Abolitionists been sending out papers, tracts, and agents to
+convince the people of the North of the sins of the South? Have they not
+refrained from going to the South with their facts, arguments, and
+appeals, because they feared personal evils to themselves? And do not
+Abolitionists found their hopes of success in their project, on the
+success which crowned the efforts of British philanthropists in the case
+of slavery, and on the success that has attended efforts to banish
+intemperance? And do not these two cases differ entirely from the
+Abolition movement in this main point, that one is an effort to convince
+men of _their own_ sins, and the other is an effort to convince men of
+the sins of _other persons_?
+
+The second reason I would urge against joining the Abolition Society is,
+that its character and measures are not either peaceful or Christian in
+tendency, but they rather are those which tend to generate party spirit,
+denunciation, recrimination, and angry passions.
+
+But before bringing evidence to sustain this position, I wish to make a
+distinction between the _men_ who constitute an association, and the
+_measures_ which are advocated and adopted.
+
+I believe, that as a body, Abolitionists are men of pure morals, of
+great honesty of purpose, of real benevolence and piety, and of great
+activity in efforts to promote what they consider the best interests of
+their fellow men. I believe, that, in making efforts to abolish slavery,
+they have taken measures, which they supposed were best calculated to
+bring this evil to an end, with the greatest speed, and with the least
+danger and suffering to the South. I do not believe they ever designed
+to promote disunion, or insurrection, or to stir up strife, or that they
+suppose that their measures can be justly characterized by the
+peculiarities I have specified. I believe they have been urged forward
+by a strong feeling of patriotism, as well as of religious duty, and
+that they have made great sacrifices of feeling, character, time, and
+money to promote what they believed to be the cause of humanity and the
+service of God. I regard individuals among them, as having taken a bold
+and courageous stand, in maintaining the liberty of free discussion, the
+liberty of speech and of the press; though this however is somewhat
+abated by the needless provocations by which they caused those
+difficulties and hazards they so courageously sustained. In speaking
+thus of Abolitionists as a body, it is not assumed that there are not
+bad men found in this party as well as in every other; nor that among
+those who are good men, there are not those who may have allowed party
+spirit to take the place of Christian principle; men who have exhibited
+a mournful destitution of Christian charity; who have indulged in an
+overbearing, denouncing, and self-willed pertinacity as to measures. Yet
+with these reservations, I believe that the above is no more than a fair
+and just exhibition of that class of men who are embraced in the party
+of Abolitionists. And all this can be admitted, and yet the objection I
+am to urge against joining their ranks may stand in its full force.
+
+To make the position clearer, an illustration may be allowed. Suppose a
+body of good men become convinced that the inspired direction, "them
+that sin, rebuke before all, that others may fear," imposes upon them
+the duty of openly rebuking every body whom they discover in the
+practice of any sin. Suppose these men are daily in the habit of going
+into the streets, and calling all by-standers around them, pointing out
+certain men, some as liars, some as dishonest, some as licentious, and
+then bringing proofs of their guilt and rebuking them before all; at the
+same time exhorting all around to point at them the finger of scorn.
+
+They persevere in this course till the whole community is thrown into an
+uproar; and assaults, and even bloodshed ensue. They then call on all
+good citizens to protect their persons from abuse, and to maintain the
+liberty of speech and of free opinion.
+
+Now the men may be as pure in morals, as conscientious and upright in
+intention, as any Abolitionist, and yet every one would say, that their
+measures were unwise and unchristian.
+
+In like manner, although Abolitionists may be lauded for many virtues,
+still much evidence can be presented, that the character and measures of
+the Abolition Society are not either peaceful or christian in tendency,
+but that they are in their nature calculated to generate party spirit,
+denunciation, recrimination, and angry passions.
+
+The first thing I would present to establish this, is the character of
+the leaders of this association. Every combined effort is necessarily
+directed by leaders; and the spirit of the leaders will inevitably be
+communicated to their coadjutors, and appear in the measures of the
+whole body.
+
+In attempting to characterize these leaders, I would first present
+another leader of a similar enterprise, the beloved and venerated
+WILBERFORCE. It is thus that his prominent traits are delineated by an
+intimate friend.
+
+"His extreme benevolence contributed largely to his success. I have
+heard him say, that it was one of his constant rules, and on the
+question of slavery especially, never to provoke an adversary--to allow
+him credit fully for sincerity and purity of motive--to abstain from all
+irritating expressions--to avoid even such political attacks as would
+indispose his opponents for his great cause. In fact, the benignity, the
+gentleness, the kind-heartedness of the man, disarmed the bitterest
+foes. Not only on this question did he restrain himself, but generally.
+Once he had been called during a whole debate 'the religious member,' in
+a kind of scorn. He remarked afterwards, that he was much inclined to
+have retorted, by calling his opponent the _irreligious_ member, but
+that he refrained, as it would have been a returning of evil for evil.
+Next to his general consistency, and love of the Scriptures, the
+_humility_ of his character always appeared remarkable. The modest,
+shrinking, simple Christian statesman and friend always appeared in him.
+And the nearer you approached him, the more his habit of mind obviously
+appeared to be modest and lowly. His _charity in judging of others_, is
+a farther trait of his Christian character. Of his benevolence I need
+not speak, but his _kind construction of doubtful actions_, his
+_charitable language_ toward those with whom he most widely differed,
+his thorough forgetfulness of little affronts, were fruits of that
+general benevolence which continually appeared."
+
+This was the leader, both in and out of Parliament, of that body of men
+who combined to bring to an end slavery and the slave trade, in the
+dominions of Great Britain. With him, as principal leaders, were
+associated CLARKSON, SHARPE, MACAULAY, and others of a similar spirit.
+These men were all of them characterized by that mild, benevolent,
+peaceful, gentlemanly and forbearing spirit, which has been described as
+so conspicuous in Wilberforce. And when their measures are examined, it
+will be found that they were eminently mild, peaceful, and forbearing.
+Though no effort that is to encounter the selfish interests of men, can
+escape without odium and opposition, from those who are thwarted, and
+from all whom they can influence, these men carefully took those
+measures that were calculated to bring about their end with the least
+opposition and evil possible. They avoided prejudices, strove to
+conciliate opposers, shunned every thing that would give needless
+offence and exasperation, began slowly and cautiously, with points which
+could be the most easily carried, and advanced toward others only as
+public sentiment became more and more enlightened. They did not beard
+the lion in full face, by coming out as the first thing with the maxim,
+that all slavery ought and must be abandoned immediately. They began
+with "inquiries as to the _impolicy_ of the _slave trade_," and it was
+years before they came to the point of the abolition of slavery. And
+they carried their measures through, without producing warring parties
+among _good men_, who held common principles with themselves. As a
+general fact, the pious men of Great Britain acted harmoniously in this
+great effort.
+
+Let us now look at the leaders of the Abolition movement in America. The
+man who first took the lead was William L. Garrison, who, though he
+professes a belief in the Christian religion, is an avowed opponent of
+most of its institutions. The character and spirit of this man have for
+years been exhibited in "the Liberator," of which he is the editor. That
+there is to be found in that paper, or in any thing else, any evidence
+of his possessing the peculiar traits of Wilberforce, not even his
+warmest admirers will maintain. How many of the opposite traits can be
+found, those can best judge who have read his paper. Gradually others
+joined themselves in the effort commenced by Garrison; but for a long
+time they consisted chiefly of men who would fall into one of these
+three classes; either good men who were so excited by a knowledge of the
+enormous evils of slavery, that _any thing_ was considered better than
+entire inactivity, or else men accustomed to a contracted field of
+observation, and more qualified to judge of immediate results than of
+general tendencies, or else men of ardent and impulsive temperament,
+whose feelings are likely to take the lead, rather than their judgment.
+
+There are no men who act more efficiently as the leaders of an
+enterprise than the editors of the periodicals that advocate and defend
+it. The editors of the Emancipator, the Friend of Man, the New York
+Evangelist, and the other abolition periodicals, may therefore be
+considered as among the chief leaders of the enterprise, and their
+papers are the mirror from which their spirit and character are
+reflected.
+
+I wish the friends of these editors would cull from their papers all the
+indications they can find of the peculiarities that distinguished
+Wilberforce and his associates; all the evidence of "a modest and lowly
+spirit,"--all the exhibitions of "charity in judging of the motives of
+those who oppose their measures,"--all the "indications of benignity,
+gentleness, and kind-heartedness,"--all the "kind constructions of
+doubtful actions,"--all the "charitable language used toward those who
+differ in opinion or measures,"--all the "thorough forgetfulness of
+little affronts,"--all the cases where "opponents are allowed full
+credit for purity and sincerity of motive,"--all cases where they have
+been careful "never to provoke an adversary,"--all cases where they have
+"refrained from all irritating expressions,"--all cases where they have
+avoided every thing that would "indispose their opponents for their
+great cause," and then compare the result with what may be found of an
+opposite character, and I think it would not be unsafe to infer that an
+association whose measures, on an exciting subject, were guided by such
+men, would be more likely to be aggressive than peaceful. The position I
+would establish will appear more clearly, by examining in detail some of
+the prominent measures which have been adopted by this association.
+
+One of the first measures of Abolitionists was an attack on a benevolent
+society, originated and sustained by some of the most pious and devoted
+men of the age. It was imagined by Abolitionists, that the influence and
+measures of the Colonization Society tended to retard the abolition of
+slavery, and to perpetuate injurious prejudices against the coloured
+race. The peaceful and christian method of meeting this difficulty would
+have been, to collect all the evidence of this supposed hurtful tendency,
+and privately, and in a respectful and conciliating way, to have
+presented it to the attention of the wise and benevolent men, who were
+most interested in sustaining this institution. If this measure did not
+avail to convince them, then it would have been safe and justifiable to
+present to the public a temperate statement of facts, and of the
+deductions based on them, drawn up in a respectful and candid manner,
+with every charitable allowance which truth could warrant. Instead of
+this, when the attempt was first made to turn public opinion against the
+Colonization Society, I met one of the most influential supporters of
+that institution, just after he had had an interview with a leading
+Abolitionist. This gentleman was most remarkable for his urbanity,
+meekness, and benevolence, and his remark to me in reference to this
+interview, shows what was its nature. "I love truth and sound argument,"
+said he, "but when a man comes at me with a sledge hammer, I cannot help
+dodging." This is a specimen of their private manner of dealing. In
+public, the enterprise was attacked as a plan for promoting the selfish
+interests and prejudices of the whites, at the expense of the coloured
+population; and in many cases, it was assumed that the conductors of
+this association were aware of this, and accessory to it. And the style
+in which the thing was done was at once offensive, inflammatory, and
+exasperating. Denunciation, sneers, and public rebuke, were bestowed
+indiscriminately upon the conductors of the enterprise, and of course
+they fell upon many sincere, upright, and conscientious men, whose
+feelings were harrowed by a sense of the injustice, the indecorum, and
+the unchristian treatment, they received. And when a temporary
+impression was made on the public mind, and its opponents supposed they
+had succeeded in crushing this society, the most public and triumphant
+exultation was not repressed. Compare this method of carrying a point,
+with that adopted by Wilberforce and his compeers, and I think you will
+allow that there was a way that was peaceful and christian, and that
+this was not the way which was chosen.
+
+The next measure of Abolitionism was an attempt to remove the prejudices
+of the whites against the blacks, on account of natural peculiarities.
+Now, prejudice is an _unreasonable_ and _groundless_ dislike of persons
+or things. Of course, as it is unreasonable, it is the most difficult of
+all things to conquer, and the worst and most irritating method that
+could be attempted would be, to attack a man as guilty of sin, as
+unreasonable, as ungenerous, or as proud, for allowing a certain
+prejudice.
+
+This is the sure way to produce anger, self-justification, and an
+increase of the strength of prejudice, against that which has caused him
+this rebuke and irritation.
+
+The best way to make a person like a thing which is disagreeable, is to
+try in some way to make it agreeable; and if a certain class of persons
+is the subject of unreasonable prejudice, the peaceful and christian way
+of removing it would be to endeavour to render the unfortunate persons
+who compose this class, so useful, so humble and unassuming, so kind in
+their feelings, and so full of love and good works, that prejudice would
+be supplanted by complacency in their goodness, and pity and sympathy
+for their disabilities. If the friends of the blacks had quietly set
+themselves to work to increase their intelligence, their usefulness,
+their respectability, their meekness, gentleness, and benevolence, and
+then had appealed to the pity, generosity, and christian feelings of
+their fellow citizens, a very different result would have appeared.
+Instead of this, reproaches, rebukes, and sneers, were employed to
+convince the whites that their prejudices were sinful, and without any
+just cause. They were accused of pride, of selfish indifference, of
+unchristian neglect. This tended to irritate the whites, and to increase
+their prejudice against the blacks, who thus were made the causes of
+rebuke and exasperation. Then, on the other hand, the blacks extensively
+received the Liberator, and learned to imbibe the spirit of its
+conductor.
+
+They were taught to feel that they were injured and abused, the objects
+of a guilty and unreasonable prejudice--that they occupied a lower place
+in society than was right--that they ought to be treated as if they were
+whites; and in repeated instances, attempts were made by their friends
+to mingle them with whites, so as to break down the existing
+distinctions of society. Now, the question is not, whether these things,
+that were urged by Abolitionists, were true. The thing maintained is,
+that the method taken by them to remove this prejudice was neither
+peaceful nor christian in its tendency, but, on the contrary, was
+calculated to increase the evil, and to generate anger, pride, and
+recrimination, on one side, and envy, discontent, and revengeful
+feelings, on the other.
+
+These are some of the general measures which have been exhibited in the
+Abolition movement. The same peculiarities may be as distinctly seen in
+specific cases, where the peaceful and quiet way of accomplishing the
+good was neglected, and the one most calculated to excite wrath and
+strife was chosen. Take, for example, the effort to establish a college
+for coloured persons. The quiet, peaceful, and christian way of doing
+such a thing, would have been, for those who were interested in the
+plan, to furnish the money necessary, and then to have selected a
+retired place, where there would be the least prejudice and opposition
+to be met, and there, in an unostentatious way, commenced the education
+of the youth to be thus sustained. Instead of this, at a time when the
+public mind was excited on the subject, it was noised abroad that a
+college for blacks was to be founded. Then a city was selected for its
+location, where was another college, so large as to demand constant
+effort and vigilance to preserve quiet subordination; where contests
+with "sailors and town boys" were barely kept at bay; a college
+embracing a large proportion of southern students, who were highly
+excited on the subject of slavery and emancipation; a college where half
+the shoe-blacks and waiters were coloured men. Beside the very walls of
+this college, it was proposed to found a college for coloured young men.
+Could it be otherwise than that opposition, and that for the best of
+reasons, would arise against such an attempt, both from the faculty of
+the college and the citizens of the place? Could it be reasonably
+expected that they would not oppose a measure so calculated to increase
+their own difficulties and liabilities, and at the same time so certain
+to place the proposed institution in the most unfavourable of all
+circumstances? But when the measure was opposed, instead of yielding
+meekly and peaceably to such reasonable objections, and soothing the
+feelings and apprehensions that had been excited, by putting the best
+construction on the matter, and seeking another place, it was claimed as
+an evidence of opposition to the interests of the blacks, and as a mark
+of the force of sinful prejudice. The worst, rather than the best,
+motives were ascribed to some of the most respectable, and venerated,
+and pious men, who opposed the measure; and a great deal was said and
+done that was calculated to throw the community into an angry ferment.
+
+Take another example. If a prudent and benevolent female had selected
+almost any village in New England, and commenced a school for coloured
+females, in a quiet, appropriate, and unostentatious way, the world
+would never have heard of the case, except to applaud her benevolence,
+and the kindness of the villagers, who aided her in the effort. But
+instead of this, there appeared public advertisements, (which I saw at
+the time,) stating that a seminary for the education of young ladies of
+colour was to be opened in Canterbury, in the state of Connecticut,
+where would be taught music on the piano forte, drawing, &c., together
+with a course of English education. Now, there are not a dozen coloured
+families in New England, in such pecuniary circumstances, that if they
+were whites it would not be thought ridiculous to attempt to give their
+daughters such a course of education, and Canterbury was a place where
+but few of the wealthiest families ever thought of furnishing such
+accomplishments for their children. Several other particulars might be
+added that were exceedingly irritating, but this may serve as a specimen
+of the method in which the whole affair was conducted. It was an entire
+disregard of the prejudices and the proprieties of society, and
+calculated to stimulate pride, anger, ill-will, contention, and all the
+bitter feelings that spring from such collisions. Then, instead of
+adopting measures to soothe and conciliate, rebukes, sneers and
+denunciations, were employed, and Canterbury and Connecticut were held
+up to public scorn and rebuke for doing what most other communities
+would probably have done, if similarly tempted and provoked.
+
+Take another case. It was deemed expedient by Abolitionists to establish
+an Abolition paper, first in Kentucky, a slave State. It was driven from
+that State, either by violence or by threats. It retreated to Ohio, one
+of the free States. In selecting a place for its location, it might have
+been established in a small place, where the people were of similar
+views, or were not exposed to dangerous popular excitements. But
+Cincinnati was selected; and when the most intelligent, the most
+reasonable, and the most patriotic of the citizens remonstrated,--when
+they represented that there were peculiar and unusual liabilities to
+popular excitement on this subject,--that the organization and power of
+the police made it extremely dangerous to excite a mob, and almost
+impossible to control it,--that all the good aimed at could be
+accomplished by locating the press in another place, where there were
+not such dangerous liabilities,--when they kindly and respectfully urged
+these considerations, they were disregarded. I myself was present when a
+sincere friend urged upon the one who controlled that paper, the
+obligations of good men, not merely to avoid breaking wholesome laws
+themselves, but the duty of regarding the liabilities of others to
+temptation; and that where Christians could foresee that by placing
+certain temptations in the way of their fellow-men, all the
+probabilities were, that they would yield, and yet persisted in doing
+it, the tempters became partakers in the guilt of those who yielded to
+the temptation. But these remonstrances were ineffectual. The paper must
+not only be printed and circulated, but it must be stationed where were
+the greatest probabilities that measures of illegal violence would
+ensue. And when the evil was perpetrated, and a mob destroyed the press,
+then those who had urged on these measures of temptation, turned upon
+those who had advised and remonstrated, as the guilty authors of the
+violence, because, in a season of excitement, the measures adopted to
+restrain and control the mob, were not such as were deemed suitable and
+right.
+
+Now, in all the above cases, I would by no means justify the wrong or
+the injudicious measures that may have been pursued, under this course
+of provocation. The greatness of temptation does by no means release men
+from obligation; but Christians are bound to remember that it is a
+certain consequence of throwing men into strong excitement, that they
+will act unwisely and wrong, and that the tempter as well as the tempted
+are held responsible, both by God and man. In all these cases, it cannot
+but appear that the good aimed at might have been accomplished in a
+quiet, peaceable, and christian way, and that this was not the way which
+was chosen.
+
+The whole system of Abolition measures seems to leave entirely out of
+view, the obligation of Christians to save their fellow men from all
+needless temptations. If the thing to be done is only lawful and right,
+it does not appear to have been a matter of effort to do it in such a
+way as would not provoke and irritate; but often, if the chief aim had
+been to do the good in the most injurious and offensive way, no more
+certain and appropriate methods could have been devised.
+
+So much has this been the character of Abolition movements, that many
+have supposed it to be a deliberate and systematized plan of the leaders
+to do nothing but what was strictly a _right_ guaranteed by law, and
+yet, in such a manner, as to provoke men to anger, so that unjust and
+illegal acts might ensue, knowing, that as a consequence, the opposers
+of Abolition would be thrown into the wrong, and sympathy be aroused for
+Abolitionists as injured and persecuted men. It is a fact, that
+Abolitionists have taken the course most calculated to awaken illegal
+acts of violence, and that when they have ensued, they have seemed to
+rejoice in them, as calculated to advance and strengthen their cause.
+The violence of mobs, the denunciations and unreasonable requirements of
+the South, the denial of the right of petition, the restrictions
+attempted to be laid upon freedom of speech, and freedom of the press,
+are generally spoken of with exultation by Abolitionists, as what are
+among the chief means of promoting their cause. It is not so much by
+exciting feelings of pity and humanity, and Christian love, towards the
+oppressed, as it is by awakening indignation at the treatment of
+Abolitionists themselves, that their cause has prospered. How many men
+have declared or implied, that in joining the ranks of Abolition, they
+were influenced, not by their arguments, or by the wisdom of their
+course, but because the violence of opposers had identified that cause
+with the question of freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and civil
+liberty.
+
+But when I say that many have supposed that it was the deliberate
+intention of the Abolitionists to foment illegal acts and violence, I
+would by no means justify a supposition, which is contrary to the
+dictates of justice and charity. The leaders of the Abolition Society
+disclaim all such wishes or intentions; they only act apparently on the
+assumption that they are exercising just rights, which they are not
+bound to give up, because other men will act unreasonably and wickedly.
+
+Another measure of Abolitionists, calculated to awaken evil feelings,
+has been the treatment of those who objected to their proceedings.
+
+A large majority of the philanthropic and pious, who hold common views
+with the Abolitionists, as to the sin and evils of slavery, and the duty
+of using all appropriate means to bring it to an end, have opposed their
+measures, because they have believed them not calculated to promote, but
+rather to retard the end proposed to be accomplished by them. The
+peaceful and Christian method of encountering such opposition, would
+have been to allow the opponents full credit for purity and integrity of
+motive, to have avoided all harsh and censorious language, and to have
+employed facts, arguments and persuasions, in a kind and respectful way
+with the hope of modifying their views and allaying their fears. Instead
+of this, the wise and good who opposed Abolition measures, have been
+treated as though they were the friends and defenders of slavery, or as
+those who, from a guilty, timid, time-serving policy, refused to take
+the course which duty demanded. They have been addressed either as if it
+were necessary to convince them that slavery is wrong and ought to be
+abandoned, or else, as if they needed to be exhorted to give up their
+timidity and selfish interest, and to perform a manifest duty, which
+they were knowingly neglecting.
+
+Now there is nothing more irritating, when a man is conscientious and
+acting according to his own views of right, than to be dealt with in
+this manner. The more men are treated as if they were honest and
+sincere--the more they are treated with respect, fairness, and
+benevolence, the more likely they are to be moved by evidence and
+arguments. On the contrary, harshness, uncharitableness, and rebuke, for
+opinions and conduct that are in agreement with a man's own views of
+duty and rectitude, tend to awaken evil feelings, and indispose the mind
+properly to regard evidence. Abolitionists have not only taken this
+course, but in many cases, have seemed to act on the principle, that the
+abolition of Slavery, in the particular mode in which they were aiming
+to accomplish it, was of such paramount importance, that every thing
+must be overthrown that stood in the way.
+
+No matter what respect a man had gained for talents, virtue, and piety,
+if he stood in the way of Abolitionism, he must be attacked as to
+character and motives. No matter how important an institution might be,
+if its influence was against the measures of Abolitionism, it must be
+attacked openly, or sapped privately, till its influence was destroyed.
+By such measures, the most direct means have been taken to awaken anger
+at injury, and resentment at injustice, and to provoke retaliation on
+those who inflict the wrong. All the partialities of personal
+friendship; all the feelings of respect accorded to good and useful men;
+all the interests that cluster around public institutions, entrenched
+in the hearts of the multitudes who sustain them, were outraged by such
+a course.
+
+Another measure of Abolitionists, which has greatly tended to promote
+wrath and strife, is their indiscreet and incorrect use of terms.
+
+To make this apparent, it must be premised, that words have no inherent
+meaning, but always signify that which they are commonly _understood_ to
+mean. The question never should be asked, what _ought_ a word to mean?
+but simply, what is the meaning generally attached to this word by those
+who use it? Vocabularies and standard writers are the proper umpires to
+decide this question. Now if men take words and give them a new and
+peculiar use, and are consequently misunderstood, they are guilty of a
+species of deception, and are accountable for all the evils that may
+ensue as a consequence.
+
+For example; if physicians should come out and declare, that it was
+their opinion that they ought to poison all their patients, and they had
+determined to do it, and then all the community should be thrown into
+terror and excitement, it would be no justification for them to say,
+that all they intended by that language was, that they should administer
+as medicines, articles which are usually called poisons.
+
+Now Abolitionists are before the community, and declare that all slavery
+is sin, which ought to be immediately forsaken; and that it is their
+object and intention to promote the _immediate emancipation_ of all the
+slaves in this nation.
+
+Now what is it that makes a man cease to be a slave and become free? It
+is not kind treatment from a master; it is not paying wages to the
+slave; it is not the intention to bestow freedom at a future time; it is
+not treating a slave as if he were free; it is not feeling toward a
+slave as if he were free. No instance can be found of any dictionary, or
+any standard writer, nor any case in common discourse, where any of
+these significations are attached to the word as constituting its
+peculiar and appropriate meaning. It always signifies _that legal_ act,
+which, by the laws of the land, changes a slave to a freeman.
+
+What then is the _proper_ meaning of the language used by Abolitionists,
+when they say that all slavery is a sin which ought to be immediately
+abandoned, and that it is their object to secure the immediate
+emancipation of all slaves?
+
+The true and only proper meaning of such language is, that it is the
+duty of every slave-holder in this nation, to go immediately and make
+out the legal instruments, that, by the laws of the land, change all his
+slaves to freemen. If their maxim is true, no exception can be made for
+those who live in States where the act of emancipation, by a master,
+makes a slave the property of the State, to be sold for the benefit of
+the State; and no exception can be made for those, who, by the will of
+testators, and by the law of the land, have no power to perform the
+legal act, which alone can emancipate their slaves.
+
+To meet this difficulty, Abolitionists affirm, that, in such cases, men
+are physically unable to emancipate their slaves, and of course are not
+bound to do it; and to save their great maxim, maintain that, in such
+cases, the slaves are not slaves, and the slave-holders are not
+slave-holders, although all their legal relations remain unchanged.
+
+The meaning which the Abolitionist attaches to his language is this,
+that every man is bound to treat his slaves, as nearly as he can, like
+freemen; and to use all his influence to bring the system of slavery to
+an end as soon as possible. And they allow that when men do this they
+are free from guilt, in the matter of slavery, and undeserving of
+censure.
+
+But men at the North, and men at the South, understand the language used
+in its true and proper sense; and Abolitionists have been using these
+terms in a new and peculiar sense, which is inevitably and universally
+misunderstood, and this is an occasion of much of the strife and alarm
+which has prevailed both at the South and at the North. There are none
+but these defenders of slavery who maintain that it is a relation
+justifiable by the laws of the Gospel, who differ from Abolitionists in
+regard to the real thing which is meant. The great mistake of
+Abolitionists is in using terms which inculcate the immediate
+annihilation of the relation, when they only intend to urge the
+Christian duty of treating slaves according to the gospel rules of
+justice and benevolence, and using all lawful and appropriate means for
+bringing a most pernicious system to a speedy end.
+
+If Abolitionists will only cease to teach that _all_ slave-holding is a
+sin which ought to be _immediately abolished_; if they will cease to
+urge their plan as one of _immediate emancipation_, and teach simply and
+exactly that which they do mean, much strife and misunderstanding will
+cease. But so long as they persevere in using these terms in a new and
+peculiar sense, which will always be misunderstood, they are guilty of a
+species of deception and accountable for the evils that follow.
+
+One other instance of a similar misuse of terms may be mentioned. The
+word "man-stealer" has one peculiar signification, and it is no more
+synonymous with "slave-holder" than it is with "sheep-stealer." But
+Abolitionists show that a slave-holder, in fact, does very many of the
+evils that are perpetrated by a man-stealer, and that the crime is quite
+as evil in its nature, and very similar in character, and, therefore, he
+calls a slave-holder a man-stealer.
+
+On this principle there is no abusive language that may not be employed
+to render any man odious--for every man commits sin of some kind, and
+every sin is like some other sin, in many respects, and in certain
+aggravated cases, may be bad, or even worse, than another sin with a
+much more odious name. It is easy to show that a man who neglects all
+religious duty is very much like an atheist, and if he has had great
+advantages, and the atheist very few, he may be much more guilty than an
+atheist. And so, half the respectable men in our religious communities,
+may be called atheists, with as much propriety as a slave-holder can be
+called a man-stealer. Abolitionists have proceeded on this principle, in
+their various publications, until the terms of odium that have been
+showered upon slave-holders, would form a large page in the vocabulary
+of Billingsgate. This method of dealing with those whom we wish to
+convince and persuade, is as contrary to the dictates of common sense,
+as it is to the rules of good breeding and the laws of the gospel.
+
+The preceding particulars are selected, as the evidence to be presented,
+that the character and measures of the Abolition Society are neither
+peaceful nor Christian in their tendency; but that in their nature they
+are calculated to generate party-spirit, denunciation, recrimination,
+and angry passions. If such be the tendency of this institution, it
+follows, that it is wrong for a Christian, or any lover of peace, to be
+connected with it.
+
+The assertion that Christianity itself has led to strife and contention,
+is not a safe method of evading this argument. Christianity is a system
+of _persuasion_, tending, by kind and gentle influences, to make men
+_willing_ to leave off their sins--and it comes, not to convince those
+who are not sinners, but to sinners themselves.
+
+Abolitionism, on the contrary, is a system of _coercion_ by public
+opinion; and in its present operation, its influence is not to convince
+the erring, but to convince those who are not guilty, of the sins of
+those who are.
+
+Another prominent peculiarity of the Abolitionists, (which is an
+objection to joining this association,) is their advocacy of a
+principle, which is wrong and very pernicious in its tendency. I refer
+to their views in regard to what is called "the doctrine of expediency."
+Their difficulty on this subject seems to have arisen from want of a
+clear distinction between the duty of those who are guilty of sin, and
+the duty of those who are aiming to turn men from their sins. The
+principle is assumed, that because certain men ought to abandon every
+sin immediately, therefore, certain other men are bound _immediately_ to
+try and make them do it. Now the question of expediency does not relate
+to what men are bound to do, who are in the practice of sin
+themselves--for the immediate relinquishment of sin is the duty of all;
+but it relates to the duty of those who are to make efforts to induce
+others to break off their wickedness.
+
+Here, the wisdom and rectitude of a given course, depend entirely on the
+_probabilities of success_. If a father has a son of a very peculiar
+temperament, and he knows by observation, that the use of the rod will
+make him more irritable and more liable to a certain fault, and that
+kind arguments, and tender measures will more probably accomplish the
+desired object, it is a rule of expediency to try the most probable
+course. If a companion sees a friend committing a sin, and has, from
+past experience, learned that remonstrances excite anger and obstinacy,
+while a look of silent sorrow and disapprobation tends far more to
+prevent the evil, expediency and duty demand silence rather than
+remonstrance.
+
+There are cases also, where differences in age, and station, and
+character, forbid all interference to modify the conduct and character
+of others.
+
+A nursery maid may see that a father misgoverns his children, and
+ill-treats his wife. But her station makes it inexpedient for her to
+turn reprover. It is a case where reproof would do no good, but only
+evil.
+
+So in communities, the propriety and rectitude of measures can be
+decided, not by the rules of duty that should govern those who are to
+renounce sin, but by the probabilities of good or evil consequence.
+
+The Abolitionists seem to lose sight of this distinction. They form
+voluntary associations in free States, to convince their fellow
+citizens of the sins of other men in other communities. They are blamed
+and opposed, because their measures are deemed inexpedient, and
+calculated to increase, rather than diminish the evils to be cured.
+
+In return, they show that slavery is a sin which ought to be abandoned
+immediately, and seem to suppose that it follows as a correct inference,
+that they themselves ought to engage in a system of agitation against
+it, and that it is needless for them to inquire whether preaching the
+truth in the manner they propose, will increase or diminish the evil.
+They assume that whenever sin is committed, not only ought the sinner
+immediately to cease, but all his fellow-sinners are bound to take
+measures to make him cease, and to take measures, without any reference
+to the probabilities of success.
+
+That this is a correct representation of the views of Abolitionists
+generally, is evident from their periodicals and conversation. All their
+remarks about preaching the truth and leaving consequences to God--all
+their depreciation of the doctrine of expediency, are rendered relevant
+only by this supposition.
+
+The impression made by their writings is, that God has made rules of
+duty; that all men are in all cases to remonstrate against the violation
+of those rules; and that God will take the responsibility of bringing
+good out of this course; so that we ourselves are relieved from any
+necessity of inquiring as to probable results.
+
+If this be not the theory of duty adopted by this association, then they
+stand on common ground with those who oppose their measures, viz: that
+the propriety and duty of a given course is to be decided by
+_probabilities as to its results_; and these probabilities are to be
+determined by the _known laws of mind_, and the _records of past
+experience_.
+
+For only one of two positions can be held. Either that it is the duty of
+all men to remonstrate at all times against all violations of duty, and
+leave the consequences with God; or else that men are to use their
+judgment, and take the part of remonstrance only at such a time and
+place, and in such a manner, as promise the best results.
+
+That the Abolitionists have not held the second of these positions, must
+be obvious to all who have read their documents. It would therefore be
+unwise and wrong to join an association which sustains a principle false
+in itself, and one which, if acted out, would tend to wrath and strife
+and every evil word and work.
+
+Another reason, and the most important of all, against promoting the
+plans of the Abolitionists, is involved in the main question--_what are
+the probabilities as to the results of their movements?_ The only way to
+judge of the future results of certain measures is, by the known laws of
+mind, and the recorded experience of the past.
+
+Now what is the evil to be cured?
+
+SLAVERY IN THIS NATION.
+
+That this evil is at no distant period to come to an end, is the
+unanimous opinion of all who either notice the tendencies of the age, or
+believe in the prophecies of the Bible. All who act on Christian
+principles in regard to slavery, believe that in a given period
+(variously estimated) it will end. The only question then, in regard to
+the benefits to be gained, or the evils to be dreaded in the present
+agitation of the subject, relates to the _time_ and the _manner_ of its
+extinction. The Abolitionists claim that their method will bring it to
+an end in the shortest time, and in the safest and best way. Their
+opponents believe, that it will tend to bring it to an end, if at all,
+at the most distant period, and in the most dangerous way.
+
+As neither party are gifted with prescience, and as the Deity has made
+no revelations as to the future results of any given measures, all the
+means of judging that remain to us, as before stated, are the laws of
+mind, and the records of the past.
+
+The position then I would aim to establish is, that the method taken by
+the Abolitionists is the one that, according to the laws of mind and
+past experience, is least likely to bring about the results they aim
+to accomplish. The general statement is this.
+
+The object to be accomplished is:
+
+First. To convince a certain community, that they are in the practice of
+a great sin, and
+
+Secondly. To make them willing to relinquish it.
+
+The method taken to accomplish this is, by voluntary associations in a
+foreign community, seeking to excite public sentiment against the
+perpetrators of the evil; exhibiting the enormity of the crime in full
+measure, without palliation, excuse or sympathy, by means of periodicals
+and agents circulating, not in the community committing the sin, but in
+that which does not practise it.
+
+Now that this method may, in conjunction with other causes, have an
+influence to bring slavery to an end, is not denied. But it is believed,
+and from the following considerations, that it is the least calculated
+to do the _good_, and that it involves the greatest evils.
+
+It is a known law of mind first seen in the nursery and school,
+afterwards developed in society, that a person is least likely to judge
+correctly of truth, and least likely to yield to duty, when excited by
+passion.
+
+It is a law of experience, that when wrong is done, if repentance and
+reformation are sought, then love and kindness, mingled with
+remonstrance, coming from one who has a _right_ to speak, are more
+successful than rebuke and scorn from others who are not beloved, and
+who are regarded as impertinent intruders.
+
+In the nursery, if the child does wrong, the finger of scorn, the
+taunting rebuke, or even the fair and deserved reproof of equals, will
+make the young culprit only frown with rage, and perhaps repeat and
+increase the injury. But the voice of maternal love, or even the gentle
+remonstrances of an elder sister, may bring tears of sorrow and
+contrition.
+
+So in society. Let a man's enemies, or those who have no interest in his
+welfare, join to rebuke and rail at his offences, and no signs of
+penitence will be seen. But let the clergyman whom he respects and loves,
+or his bosom friend approach him, with kindness, forbearance and true
+sincerity, and all that is possible to human agency will be effected.
+
+It is the maxim then of experience, that when men are to be turned from
+evils, and brought to repent and reform, those only should interfere who
+are most loved and respected, and who have the best right to approach
+the offender. While on the other hand, rebuke from those who are deemed
+obtrusive and inimical, or even indifferent, will do more harm than
+good.
+
+It is another maxim of experience, that such dealings with the erring
+should be in private, not in public. The moment a man is publicly
+rebuked, shame, anger, and pride of opinion, all combine to make him
+defend his practice, and refuse either to own himself wrong, or to cease
+from his evil ways.
+
+The Abolitionists have violated all these laws of mind and of
+experience, in dealing with their southern brethren.
+
+Their course has been most calculated to awaken anger, fear, pride,
+hatred, and all the passions most likely to blind the mind to truth, and
+make it averse to duty.
+
+They have not approached them with the spirit of love, courtesy, and
+forbearance.
+
+They are not the persons who would be regarded by the South, as having
+any _right_ to interfere; and therefore, whether they have such right or
+not, the probabilities of good are removed. For it is not only demanded
+for the benefit of the offender, that there should really be a right,
+but it is necessary that he should feel that there is such a right.
+
+In dealing with their brethren, too, they have not tried silent,
+retired, private measures. It has been public denunciation of crime and
+shame in newspapers, addressed as it were to by-standers, in order to
+arouse the guilty.
+
+In reply to this, it has been urged, that men could not go to the
+South--that they would be murdered there--that the only way was, to
+convince the North, and excite public odium against the sins of the
+South, and thus gradually conviction, repentance, and reformation would
+ensue.
+
+Here is another case where men are to judge of their duty, by estimating
+probabilities of future results; and it may first be observed, that it
+involves the principle of expediency, in just that form to which
+Abolitionists object.
+
+It is allowed that the immediate abolition of slavery is to be produced
+by means of "light and love," and yet it is maintained as right to
+withdraw personally from the field of operation, because of
+_consequences_; because of the probable danger of approaching. "If we go
+to the South, and present truth, argument, and entreaty, _we shall be
+slain_, and therefore we are not under obligation to go." If this
+justifies Abolitionists in their neglect of their offending brethren,
+because they fear evil results to themselves, it also justifies those
+who refuse to act with Abolitionists in their measures, because they
+fear other evil results.
+
+But what proof is there, that if the Abolitionists had taken another
+method, the one more in accordance with the laws of mind and the
+dictates of experience, that there would have been at the South all this
+violence? Before the abolition movement commenced, both northern and
+southern men, expressed their views freely at the South. The dangers,
+evils, and mischiefs of slavery were exhibited and discussed even in the
+legislative halls of more than one of the Southern States, and many
+minds were anxiously devising measures, to bring this evil to an end.
+
+Now let us look at some of the records of past experience. Clarkson was
+the first person who devoted himself to the cause of Abolition in
+England. His object was to convince the people of England that they were
+guilty of a great impolicy, and great sin, in permitting the
+slave-trade. He was to meet the force of public sentiment, and power,
+and selfishness, and wealth, which sustained this traffic, in that
+nation. What were his measures? He did not go to Sweden, or Russia, or
+France, to awaken public sentiment against the sins of the English.--He
+began by first publishing an inquiry in England whether it was right to
+seize men, and make them slaves. He went unostentatiously to some of the
+best and most pious men there, and endeavoured to interest them in the
+inquiry.
+
+Then he published an article on the impolicy of the slave-trade, showing
+its disadvantages. Then he collected information of the evils and
+enormities involved in the traffic, and went quietly around among those
+most likely to be moved by motives of humanity and Christianity. In this
+manner he toiled for more than fourteen years, slowly implanting the
+leaven among the good men, until he gained a noble band of patriots and
+Christians, with Wilberforce at their head.
+
+The following extract from a memoir of Clarkson discloses the manner and
+spirit in which he commenced his enterprise, and toiled through to its
+accomplishment.
+
+"In 1785 Dr. Peckhard, Vice-Chancellor of the University, deeply
+impressed with the iniquity of the slave-trade, announced as a subject
+for a Latin Dissertation to the Senior Bachelors of Arts: '_Anne liceat
+invitos in servitutem dare?_' 'Is it right to make slaves of others
+against their will?' However benevolent the feelings of the
+Vice-Chancellor, and however strong and clear the opinions he held on
+the inhuman traffic, it is probable that he little thought that this
+discussion would secure for the object so dear to his own heart, efforts
+and advocacy equally enlightened and efficient, that should be
+continued, until his country had declared, not that the slave-trade
+only, but that slavery itself should cease.
+
+"Mr. Clarkson, having in the preceding year gained the first prize for
+the Latin Dissertation, was naturally anxious to maintain his honourable
+position; and no efforts were spared, during the few intervening weeks,
+in collecting information and evidence. Important facts were gained from
+Anthony Benezet's Historical Account of Guinea, which Mr. Clarkson
+hastened to London to purchase. Furnished with these and other valuable
+information, he commenced his difficult task. How it was accomplished,
+he thus informs us.
+
+"'No person,' he states,[1] 'can tell the severe trial which the writing
+of it proved to me. I had expected pleasure from the invention of the
+arguments, from the arrangement of them, from the putting of them
+together, and from the thought, in the interim, that I was engaged in an
+innocent contest for literary honour. But all my pleasure was damped by
+the facts which were now continually before me. It was but one gloomy
+subject from morning to night. In the day-time I was uneasy; in the
+night I had little rest. I sometimes never closed my eyelids for grief.
+It became now not so much a trial for academical reputation, as for the
+production of a work which might be useful to injured Africa. And
+keeping this idea in my mind ever after the perusal of Benezet, I always
+slept with a candle in my room, that I might rise out of bed, and put
+down such thoughts as might occur to me in the night, if I judged them
+valuable, conceiving that no arguments of any moment should be lost in
+so great a cause. Having at length finished this painful task, I sent my
+Essay to the Vice-Chancellor, and soon afterwards found myself honoured,
+as before, with the first prize.
+
+    [1] History of the Abolition of the Slave Trade.
+
+"'As it is usual to read these essays publicly in the senate-house soon
+after the prize is adjudged, I was called to Cambridge for this purpose.
+I went, and performed my office. On returning, however, to London, the
+subject of it almost wholly engrossed my thoughts. I became at times
+very seriously affected while upon the road. I stopped my horse
+occasionally, and dismounted, and walked. I frequently tried to persuade
+myself in these intervals that the contents of my Essay could not be
+true. The more, however, I reflected upon them, or rather upon the
+authorities on which they were founded, the more I gave them credit.
+Coming in sight of Wade's Mill, in Hertfordshire, I sat down
+disconsolate on the turf by the road-side, and held my horse. Here a
+thought came into my mind, that if the contents of the Essay were true,
+it was time some person should see these calamities to their end.
+Agitated in this manner, I reached home. This was in the summer of 1785.
+
+"'In the course of the autumn of the same year I experienced similar
+impressions. I walked frequently into the woods, that I might think on
+the subject in solitude, and find relief to my mind there. But there the
+question still recurred, 'Are these things true?' Still the answer
+followed as instantaneously,--'They are.' Still the result accompanied
+it; 'Then, surely, some person should interfere.' I then began to envy
+those who had seats in parliament, and who had great riches, and widely
+extended connexions, which would enable them to take up this cause.
+Finding scarcely any one at that time who thought of it, I was turned
+frequently to myself. But here many difficulties arose. It struck me,
+among others, that a young man of only twenty-four years of age could
+not have that solid judgment, or knowledge of men, manners, and things,
+which were requisite to qualify him to undertake a task of such
+magnitude and importance: and with whom was I to unite? I believed also,
+that it looked so much like one of the feigned labours of Hercules, that
+my understanding would be suspected if I proposed it. On ruminating,
+however, on the subject, I found one thing at least practicable, and
+that this was also in my power. I could translate my Latin Dissertation.
+I could enlarge it usefully. I could see how the public received it, or
+how far they were likely to favour any serious measures, which should
+have a tendency to produce the abolition of the slave-trade. Upon this,
+then, I determined; and in the middle of the month of November, 1785, I
+began my work.'
+
+"Such is the characteristic and ingenuous account given by Clarkson of
+his introduction to that work to which the energies of his life were
+devoted, and in reference to which, and to the account whence the
+foregoing extract has been made, one of the most benevolent and gifted
+writers of our country[2] has justly observed,--
+
+    [2] Coleridge.
+
+"'This interesting tale is related, not by a descendant, but a
+cotemporary; not by a distant spectator, but by a participator of the
+contest; and of all the many participators, by the man confessedly the
+most efficient; the man whose unparalleled labours in this work of love
+and peril, leave on the mind of a reflecting reader the sublime doubt,
+which of the two will have been the greater final gain to the moral
+world,--the removal of the evil, or the proof, thereby given, what
+mighty effects single good men may realize by self-devotion and
+perseverance.'
+
+"When Mr. Clarkson went to London to publish his book, he was introduced
+to many friends of the cause of Abolition, who aided in giving it
+extensive circulation. Whilst thus employed, he received an invitation,
+which he accepted, to visit the Rev. James Ramsay, vicar of Teston, in
+Kent, who had resided nineteen years in the island of St. Christopher.
+
+"Shortly afterwards, dining one day at Sir Charles Middleton's,
+(afterwards Lord Barham,) the conversation turned upon the subject, and
+Mr. Clarkson declared that he was ready to devote himself to the cause.
+This avowal met with great encouragement from the company, and Sir C.
+Middleton, then Comptroller to the Navy, offered every possible
+assistance. The friends of Mr. Clarkson increased, and this encouraged
+him to proceed. Dr. Porteus, then Bishop of Chester, and Lord Scarsdale,
+were secured in the House of Lords. Mr. Bennet Langton, and Dr. Baker,
+who were acquainted with many members of both houses of parliament; the
+honoured Granville Sharpe, James and Richard Phillips, could be depended
+upon, as well as the entire body of the Society of Friends, to many of
+whom he had been introduced by Mr. Joseph Hancock, his fellow-townsman.
+Seeking information in every direction, Mr. Clarkson boarded a number of
+vessels engaged in the African trade, and obtained specimens of the
+natural productions of the country. The beauty of the cloth made from
+African cotton, &c. enhanced his estimate of the skill and ingenuity of
+the people, and gave a fresh stimulus to his exertions on their behalf.
+He next visited a slave-ship; the rooms below, the gratings above, and
+the barricade across the deck, with the explanation of their uses,
+though the sight of them filled him with sadness and horror, gave new
+energy to all his movements. In his indefatigable endeavours to collect
+evidence and facts, he visited most of the sea-ports in the kingdom,
+pursuing his great object with invincible ardour, although sometimes at
+the peril of his life. The following circumstance, among others, evinces
+the eminent degree in which he possessed that untiring perseverance, on
+which the success of a great enterprise often depends.
+
+"Clarkson and his friends had reason to fear that slaves brought from
+the interior of Africa by certain rivers, had been kidnapped; and it was
+deemed of great importance to ascertain the fact. A friend one day
+mentioned to Mr. Clarkson, that he had, above twelve months before, seen
+a sailor who had been up these rivers. The name of the sailor was
+unknown, and all the friend could say was, that he was going to, or
+belonged to, some man-of-war in ordinary. The evidence of this
+individual was important, and, aided by his friend Sir Charles
+Middleton, who gave him permission to board all the ships of war in
+ordinary, Mr. Clarkson commenced his search:--beginning at Deptford, he
+visited successfully Woolwich, Chatham, Sheerness, and Portsmouth;
+examining in his progress the different persons on board upwards of two
+hundred and sixty vessels, without discovering the object of his search.
+The feelings under which the search was continued, and the success with
+which it was crowned, he has himself thus described:--
+
+"'Matters now began to look rather disheartening,--I mean as far as my
+grand object was concerned. There was but one other port left, and this
+was between two and three hundred miles distant. I determined, however,
+to go to Plymouth. I had already been more successful in this tour, with
+respect to obtaining general evidence, than in any other of the same
+length; and the probability was, that as I should continue to move among
+the same kind of people, my success would be in a similar proportion,
+according to the number visited. These were great encouragements to me
+to proceed. At length I arrived at the place of my last hope. On my
+first day's expedition I boarded forty vessels, but found no one in
+these who had been on the coast of Africa in the slave-trade. One or two
+had been there in king's ships; but they never had been on shore. Things
+were now drawing near to a close; and notwithstanding my success, as to
+general evidence, in this journey, my heart began to beat. I was
+restless and uneasy during the night. The next morning I felt agitated
+again between the alternate pressure of hope and fear; and in this state
+I entered my boat. The fifty-seventh vessel I boarded was the Melampus
+frigate.--One person belonging to it, on examining him in the captain's
+cabin, said he had been two voyages to Africa; and I had not long
+discoursed with him, before I found, to my inexpressible joy, that he
+was the man. I found, too, that he unravelled the question in dispute
+precisely as our inferences had determined it. He had been two
+expeditions up the river Calabar, in the canoes of the natives. In the
+first of these they came within a certain distance of a village: they
+then concealed themselves under the bushes, which hung over the water
+from the banks. In this position they remained during the day-light; but
+at night they went up to it armed, and seized all the inhabitants who
+had not time to make their escape. They obtained forty-five persons in
+this manner. In the second, they were out eight or nine days, when they
+made a similar attempt, and with nearly similar success. They seized
+men, women, and children, as they could find them in the huts. They then
+bound their arms, and drove them before them to the canoes. The name of
+the person thus discovered on board of the Melampus was Isaac Parker. On
+inquiring into his character, from the master of the division, I found
+it highly respectable. I found also afterward that he had sailed with
+Captain Cook, with great credit to himself, round the world. It was also
+remarkable, that my brother, on seeing him in London, when he went to
+deliver his evidence, recognized him as having served on board the
+Monarch, man-of-war, and as one of the most exemplary men in that ship.'
+
+"Mr. Clarkson became, early in his career, acquainted with Mr.
+Wilberforce. At their first interview, the latter frankly stated, 'that
+the subject had often employed his thoughts, and was near his heart,'
+and learning his visitor's intention to devote himself to this
+benevolent object, congratulated him on his decision; desired to be made
+acquainted with his progress, expressing his willingness, in return, to
+afford every assistance in his power. In his intercourse with members of
+parliament, Mr. Clarkson was now frequently associated with Mr.
+Wilberforce, who daily became more interested in the fate of Africa. The
+intercourse of the two philanthropists was mutually cordial and
+encouraging; Mr. Clarkson imparting his discoveries in the custom-houses
+of London, Liverpool, and other places; and Mr. Wilberforce
+communicating the information he had gained from those with whom he
+associated.
+
+"In 1788, Mr. Clarkson published his important work on the Impolicy of
+the Slave-Trade.
+
+"In 1789, this indefatigable man went to France, by the advice of the
+Committee which he had been instrumental in forming two years before;
+Mr. Wilberforce, always solicitous for the good of the oppressed
+Africans, being of opinion that advantage might be taken of the
+commotions in that country, to induce the leading persons there to take
+the slave-trade into their consideration, and incorporate it among the
+abuses to be removed. Several of Mr. Clarkson's friends advised him to
+travel by another name, as accounts had arrived in England of the
+excesses which had taken place in Paris; but to this he could not
+consent. On his arrival in that city he was speedily introduced to those
+who were favourable to the great object of his life; and at the house of
+M. Necker dined with the six deputies of colour from St. Domingo,--who
+had been sent to France at this juncture, to demand that the free people
+of colour in their country might be placed upon an equality with the
+whites. Their communications to the English philanthropist were important
+and interesting; they hailed him as their friend, and were abundant in
+their commendations of his conduct.
+
+"Copies of the Essay on the Impolicy of the Slave-Trade, translated into
+French, with engravings of the plan and section of a slave ship, were
+distributed with apparent good effect. The virtuous Abbé Gregoire, and
+several members of the National Assembly, called upon Mr. Clarkson. The
+Archbishop of Aix was so struck with horror, when the plan of the slave
+ship was shown to him, that he could scarcely speak; and Mirabeau ordered
+a model of it in wood to be placed in his dining-room.
+
+"The circulation of intelligence, although contributing to make many
+friends, called forth the extraordinary exertions of enemies. Merchants,
+and others interested in the continuance of the slave-trade, wrote
+letters to the Archbishop of Aix, beseeching him not to ruin France;
+which they said he would inevitably do, if, as the president, he were
+to grant a day for hearing the question of the abolition. Offers of
+money were made to Mirabeau, if he would totally abandon his intended
+motion. Books were circulated in opposition to Mr. Clarkson's; resort
+was had to the public papers, and he was denounced as a spy. The clamour
+raised by these efforts pervaded all Paris, and reached the ears of the
+king. M. Necker had a long conversation with his royal master upon it,
+who requested to see the Essay, and the specimens of African
+manufactures, and bestowed considerable time upon them, being surprised
+at the state of the arts there. M. Necker did not exhibit the section of
+the slave ship, thinking that as the king was indisposed, he might be
+too much affected by it. Louis returned the specimens, commissioning M.
+Necker to convey his thanks to Mr. Clarkson, and express his
+gratification at what he had seen.
+
+"No decided benefit appears at this time to have followed the visit: but
+though much depressed by his ill success in France, Mr. Clarkson
+continued his labours, till excess of exertion, joined to repeated and
+bitter disappointments, impaired his health, and, after a hard struggle,
+subdued a constitution, naturally strong and vigorous beyond the lot of
+men in general, but shattered by anxiety and fatigue, and the sad
+probability, often forced upon his understanding, that all might at last
+have been in vain. Under these feelings, he retired in 1794 to the
+beautiful banks of Ulleswater; there to seek that rest which, without
+peril to his life, could no longer be delayed.
+
+"For seven years he had maintained a correspondence with four hundred
+persons; he annually wrote a book upon the subject of the abolition, and
+travelled more than thirty-five thousand miles in search of evidence,
+making a great part of these journeys in the night. 'All this time,' Mr.
+Clarkson writes, 'my mind had been on the stretch; it had been bent too
+to this one subject; for I had not even leisure to attend to my own
+concerns. The various instances of barbarity, which had come
+successively to my knowledge within this period, had vexed, harassed,
+and afflicted it. The wound which these had produced was rendered still
+deeper by the reiterated refusal of persons to give their testimony,
+after I had travelled hundreds of miles in quest of them. But the
+severest stroke was that inflicted by the persecution begun and pursued
+by persons interested in the continuance of the trade, of such witnesses
+as had been examined against them; and whom, on account of their
+dependent situation in life, it was most easy to oppress. As I had been
+the means of bringing them forward on these occasions, they naturally
+came to me, as the author of their miseries and their ruin.[3] These
+different circumstances, by acting together, had at length brought me
+into the situation just mentioned; and I was, therefore, obliged, though
+very reluctantly, to be borne out of the field where I had placed the
+great honour and glory of my life.'"
+
+    [3] The father of the late Samuel Whitbread, Esq., generously
+    undertook, in order to make Mr. Clarkson's mind easy upon the
+    subject, "to make good all injuries which any individuals might
+    suffer from such persecution;" and he honourably and nobly
+    fulfilled his engagement.
+
+It was while thus recruiting the energies exhausted in the conflict,
+that Clarkson, and the compatriot band with which he had been associated
+in the long and arduous struggle, were crowned with victory, and
+received the grateful reward of their honourable toil in the final
+abolition of the slave-trade by the British nation, in 1807, the last
+but most glorious act of the Grenville administration.
+
+The preceding shows something of the career of Clarkson while labouring
+to convince the people of Great Britain of the iniquity of _their own_
+trade, a trade which they had the power to abolish. During all this
+time, Clarkson, Wilberforce, and their associates avoided touching the
+matter of _slavery_. They knew that one thing must be gained at a time,
+and they as a matter of expediency, avoided discussing the duty of the
+British nation in regard to the system of slavery in their Colonies
+which was entirely under their own control. During all the time that was
+employed in efforts to end the slave-trade, slavery was existing in the
+control of the British people, and yet Clarkson and Wilberforce decided
+that it was right to let that matter entirely alone.
+
+The following shows Clarkson's proceedings after the British nation had
+abolished the slave-trade.
+
+"By the publication of his Thoughts on the Abolition of Slavery, Mr.
+Clarkson showed that neither he nor those connected with him, considered
+their work as accomplished, when the laws of his country clasped with
+its felons those engaged in the nefarious traffic of slaves. But the
+efforts of Mr. Clarkson were not confined to his pen. In 1818, he
+proceeded to Aix la Chapelle, at the time when the sovereigns of Europe
+met in congress. He was received with marked attention by the Emperor of
+Russia, who listened to his statements (respecting the _slave-trade_,)
+and promised to use his influence with the assembled monarchs, to secure
+the entire suppression of the trade in human beings, as speedily as
+possible. Describing his interview with this amiable monarch, in which
+the subject of peace societies, as well as the abolition of the
+slave-trade was discussed, Mr. Clarkson, in a letter to a friend, thus
+writes:
+
+"'It was about nine at night, when I was shown into the emperor's
+apartment. I found him alone. He met me at the door, and shaking me by
+the hand, said, 'I had the pleasure of making your acquaintance at
+Paris.' He then led me some little way into the room, and leaving me
+there, went forward and brought me a chair with his own hand, and
+desired me to sit down. This being done, he went for another chair, and
+bringing it very near to mine, placed himself close to me, so that we
+sat opposite to each other.
+
+"'I began the conversation by informing the emperor that as I supposed
+the congress of Aix la Chapelle might possibly be the last congress of
+sovereigns for settling the affairs of Europe, its connexions and
+dependencies, I had availed myself of the kind permission he gave me at
+Paris, of applying to him in behalf of the oppressed Africans, being
+unwilling to lose the last opportunity of rendering him serviceable to
+the cause.
+
+"'The emperor replied, that he had read both my letter and my address to
+the sovereigns, and that what I asked him and the other sovereigns to
+do, was only reasonable.
+
+"'Here I repeated the two great propositions in the address--the
+necessity of bringing the Portuguese time for continuing the trade
+(which did not expire till 1825, and then only with a condition,) down
+to the Spanish time, which expired in 1820; and secondly, when the two
+times should legally have expired, (that is, both of them in 1820,) then
+to make any farther continuance _piracy_. I entreated him not to be
+deceived by any other propositions; for that Mr. Wilberforce, myself,
+and others, who had devoted our time to this subject, were sure that no
+other measure would be effectual.
+
+"'He then said very feelingly in these words, 'By the providence of God,
+I and my kingdom have been saved from a merciless tyranny, (alluding to
+the invasion of Napoleon,) and I should but ill repay the blessing, if I
+were not to do every thing in my power to protect the poor Africans
+against their oppression also.'
+
+"'The emperor then asked if he could do any thing else for our cause. I
+told him he could; and that I should be greatly obliged to him if he
+would present one of the addresses to the Emperor of Austria, and
+another to the King of Prussia, _with his own hand_. I had brought two
+of them in my pocket for the purpose. He asked me why I had not
+presented them before. I replied that I had not the honour of knowing
+either of those sovereigns as I knew him; nor any of their ministers;
+and that I was not only fearful lest these addresses would not be
+presented to them, but even if they were, that coming into their hands
+without any recommendation, they would be laid aside and not read; on
+the other hand, if he (the emperor,) would condescend to present them,
+I was sure they would be read, and that coming from him, they would come
+with a weight of influence, which would secure an attention to their
+contents. Upon this, the emperor promised, in the most kind and affable
+manner, that he would perform the task I had assigned to him.
+
+"'We then rose from our seats to inspect some articles of manufacture,
+which I had brought with me as a present to him, and which had been laid
+upon the table. We examined the articles in leather first, one by one,
+with which he was uncommonly gratified. He said they exhibited not only
+genius but taste. He inquired if they tanned their own leather, and how:
+I replied to his question. He said he had never seen neater work, either
+in Petersburg or in London. He then looked at a dagger and its scabbard
+or sheath. I said the sheath was intended as a further, but more
+beautiful specimen of the work of the poor Africans in leather; and the
+blade of their dagger as a specimen of their work in iron. Their works
+in cotton next came under our notice. There was one piece which
+attracted his particular notice, and which was undoubtedly very
+beautiful. It called from him this observation, 'Manchester,' said he,
+'I think is your great place for manufactures of this sort--do you think
+they could make a better piece of cotton there?' I told him I had never
+seen a better piece of workmanship of the kind any where. Having gone
+over all the articles, the emperor desired me to inform him whether he
+was to understand that these articles were made by the Africans in their
+own country, that is, in their native villages, or _after they had
+arrived in America_, where they would have an opportunity of seeing
+European manufactures, and experienced workmen in the arts? I replied
+that such articles might be found in every African village, both on the
+coast and in the interior, and that they were samples of their own
+ingenuity, without any connexion with Europeans. 'Then,' said the
+emperor, 'you astonish me--you have given me a new idea of the state of
+these poor people. I was not aware that they were so advanced in
+society. The works you have shown me are not the works of brutes--but of
+men, endued with rational and intellectual powers, and capable of being
+brought to as high a degree of proficiency as any other men. _Africa
+ought to have a fair chance of raising her character in the scale of the
+civilized world._' I replied that it was this cruel traffic alone, which
+had prevented Africa from rising to a level with other nations; and that
+it was only astonishing to me that the natives there had, under its
+impeding influence, arrived at the perfection which had displayed itself
+in the specimens of workmanship he had just seen.'"
+
+Animated by a growing conviction of the righteousness of the cause in
+which he was engaged, and encouraged by the success with which past
+endeavours had been crowned, Mr. Clarkson continued his efficient
+co-operation with the friends of Abolition, advocating its claims on all
+suitable occasions.
+
+It would be superfluous to recount the steps by which, even before the
+venerated Wilberforce was called to his rest, this glorious event was
+realized, and Clarkson beheld the great object of his own life, and
+those with whom he had acted, triumphantly achieved. The gratitude
+cherished towards the Supreme Ruler for the boon thus secured to the
+oppressed--the satisfaction which a review of past exertions afforded,
+were heightened by the joyous sympathy of a large portion of his
+countrymen.[4]
+
+    [4] This account of Clarkson, and the preceding one of Wilberforce,
+    are taken from the Christian Keepsake of 1836 and 1837.
+
+The History of the Abolition of the Slave-trade, by Clarkson himself,
+presents a more detailed account of his own labours and of the labours
+of others, and whoever will read it, will observe the following
+particulars in which this effort differed from the Abolition movement
+in America.
+
+In the first place, it was conducted by some of the wisest and most
+talented statesmen, as well as the most pious men, in the British
+nation. Pitt, Fox, and some of the highest of the nobility and bishops
+in England, were the firmest friends of the enterprise from the first.
+It was conducted by men who had the intellect, knowledge, discretion,
+and wisdom demanded for so great an enterprise.
+
+Secondly. It was conducted slowly, peaceably, and by eminently judicious
+influences.
+
+Thirdly. It included, to the full extent, the doctrine of expediency
+denounced by Abolitionists.
+
+One of the first decisions of the "Committee for the Abolition of the
+Slave-trade," which conducted all Abolition movements, was that
+_slavery_ should not be attacked, but only the _slave-trade_; and
+Clarkson expressly says, that it was owing to this, more than to any
+other measure, that success was gained.
+
+Fourthly. Good men were not divided, and thrown into contending
+parties.--The opponents to the measure, were only those who were
+personally interested in the perpetuation of slavery or the slave-trade.
+
+Fifthly. This effort was one to convince men of their _own_ obligations,
+and not an effort to arouse public sentiment against the sinful
+practices of another community over which they had no control.
+
+I would now ask, why could not some southern gentleman, such for example
+as Mr. Birney, whose manners, education, character, and habits give him
+abundant facilities, have acted the part of Clarkson, and quietly have
+gone to work at the South, collecting facts, exhibiting the impolicy and
+the evils, to good men at the South, by the fire-side of the planter,
+the known home of hospitality and chivalry. Why could he not have
+commenced with the most vulnerable point, the _domestic slave-trade_,
+leaving emancipation for a future and more favourable period? What right
+has any one to say that there was no southern Wilberforce that would
+have arisen, no southern Grant, Macaulay or Sharpe, who, like the
+English philanthropists, would have stood the fierce beating of angry
+billows, and by patience, kindness, arguments, facts, eloquence, and
+Christian love, convinced the skeptical, enlightened the ignorant,
+excited the benevolent, and finally have carried the day at the South,
+by the same means and measures, as secured the event in England? All
+experience is in favour of the method which the Abolitionists have
+rejected, because it involves _danger to themselves_. The cause they
+have selected is one that stands alone.--No case parallel on earth can
+be brought to sustain it, with probabilities of good results. No
+instance can be found, where exciting the public sentiment of one
+community against evil practices in another, was ever made the means of
+eradicating those evils. All the laws of mind, all the records of
+experience, go against the measures that Abolitionists have taken, and
+in favour of the one they have rejected. And when we look still farther
+ahead, at results which time is to develope, how stand the probabilities,
+when we, in judging, again take, as data, the laws of mind and the
+records of experience?
+
+What are the plans, hopes, and expectations of Abolitionists, in
+reference to their measures? They are now labouring to make the North a
+great Abolition Society,--to convince every northern man that slavery at
+the South is a great sin, and that it ought immediately to cease.
+Suppose they accomplish this to the extent they hope,--so far as we have
+seen, the more the North is convinced, the more firmly the South rejects
+the light, and turns from the truth.
+
+While Abolition Societies did not exist, men could talk and write, at
+the South, against the evils of slavery, and northern men had free
+access and liberty of speech, both at the South and at the North. But
+now all is changed. Every avenue of approach to the South is shut. No
+paper, pamphlet, or preacher, that touches on that topic, is admitted in
+their bounds. Their own citizens, that once laboured and remonstrated,
+are silenced; their own clergy, under the influence of the exasperated
+feelings of their people, and their own sympathy and sense of wrong,
+either entirely hold their peace, or become the defenders of a system
+they once lamented, and attempted to bring to an end. This is the record
+of experience as to the tendencies of Abolitionism, as thus far
+developed. The South are now in just that state of high exasperation, at
+the sense of wanton injury and impertinent interference, which makes the
+influence of truth and reason most useless and powerless.
+
+But suppose the Abolitionists succeed, not only in making northern men
+Abolitionists, but also in sending a portion of light into the South,
+such as to form a body of Abolitionists there also. What is the thing
+that is to be done to end slavery at the South? It is to _alter the
+laws_, and to do this, a small minority must begin a long, bitter,
+terrible conflict with a powerful and exasperated majority. Now if, as
+the Abolitionists hope, there will arise at the South such a minority,
+it will doubtless consist of men of religious and benevolent
+feelings,--men of that humane, and generous, and upright spirit, that
+most keenly feel the injuries inflicted on their fellow men. Suppose
+such a band of men begin their efforts, sustained by the northern
+Abolitionists, already so odious. How will the exasperated majority act,
+according to the known laws of mind and of experience? Instead of
+lessening the evils of slavery, they will increase them. The more they
+are goaded by a sense of aggressive wrong without, or by fears of
+dangers within, the more they will restrain their slaves, and diminish
+their liberty, and increase their disabilities. They will make laws so
+unjust and oppressive, not only to slaves, but to their Abolitionist
+advocates, that by degrees such men will withdraw from their bounds.
+Laws will be made expressly to harass them, and to render them so
+uncomfortable that they must withdraw. Then gradually the righteous will
+flee from the devoted city. Then the numerical proportion of whites will
+decrease, and the cruelty and unrestrained wickedness of the system will
+increase, till a period will come when the physical power will be so
+much with the blacks, their sense of suffering so increased, that the
+volcano will burst,--insurrection and servile wars will begin. Oh, the
+countless horrors of such a day! And will the South stand alone in that
+burning hour? When she sends forth the wailing of her agonies, shall not
+the North and the West hear, and lift up together the voice of wo? Will
+not fathers hear the cries of children, and brothers the cries of
+sisters? Will the terrors of insurrection sweep over the South, and no
+Northern and Western blood be shed? Will the slaves be cut down, in such
+a strife, when they raise the same pæan song of liberty and human
+rights, that was the watchword of our redemption from far less dreadful
+tyranny, and which is now thrilling the nations and shaking monarchs on
+their thrones--will this be heard, and none of the sons of liberty be
+found to appear on their side? This is no picture of fancied dangers,
+which are not near. The day has come, when already the feelings are so
+excited on both sides, that I have heard intelligent men, good men,
+benevolent and pious men, in moments of excitement, declare themselves
+ready to take up the sword--some for the defence of the master, some for
+the protection and right of the slave. It is my full conviction, that if
+insurrection does burst forth, and there be the least prospect of
+success to the cause of the slave, there will be men from the North and
+West, standing breast to breast, with murderous weapons, in opposing
+ranks.
+
+Such apprehensions many would regard as needless, and exclaim against
+such melancholy predictions. But in a case where the whole point of
+duty and expediency turns upon the probabilities as to results, those
+probabilities ought to be the chief subjects of inquiry. True, no one
+has a right to say with confidence what will or what will not be; and it
+has often amazed and disturbed my mind to perceive how men, with so
+small a field of vision,--with so little data for judging,--with so few
+years, and so little experience, can pronounce concerning the results of
+measures bearing upon the complicated relations and duties of millions,
+and in a case where the wisest and best are dismayed and baffled. It
+sometimes has seemed to me that the prescience of Deity alone should
+dare to take such positions as are both carelessly assumed, and
+pertinaciously defended, by the advocates of Abolitionism.
+
+But if we are to judge of the wisdom or folly of any measures on this
+subject, it must be with reference to future results. One course of
+measures, it is claimed, tends to perpetuate slavery, or to end it by
+scenes of terror and bloodshed. Another course tends to bring it to an
+end sooner, and by safe and peaceful influences. And the whole
+discussion of duty rests on these probabilities. But where do the laws
+of mind and experience oppose the terrific tendencies of Abolitionism
+that have been portrayed? Are not the minds of men thrown into a
+ferment, and excited by those passions which blind the reason, and warp
+the moral sense? Is not the South in a state of high exasperation
+against Abolitionists? Does she not regard them as enemies, as reckless
+madmen, as impertinent intermeddlers? Will the increase of their numbers
+tend to allay this exasperation? Will the appearance of a similar body
+in their own boundaries have any tendency to soothe? Will it not still
+more alarm and exasperate? If a movement of a minority of such men
+attempt to alter the laws, are not the probabilities strong that still
+more unjust and oppressive measures will be adopted?--measures that will
+tend to increase the hardships of the slave, and to drive out of the
+community all humane, conscientious and pious men? As the evils and
+dangers increase, will not the alarm constantly diminish the proportion
+of whites, and make it more and more needful to increase such
+disabilities and restraints as will chafe and inflame the blacks? When
+this point is reached, will the blacks, knowing, as they will know, the
+sympathies of their Abolition friends, refrain from exerting their
+physical power? _The Southampton insurrection occurred with far less
+chance of sympathy and success._
+
+If that most horrible of all scourges, a servile war, breaks forth, will
+the slaughter of fathers, sons, infants, and of aged,--will the cries of
+wives, daughters, sisters, and kindred, suffering barbarities worse than
+death, bring no fathers, brothers, and friends to their aid, from the
+North and West?
+
+And if the sympathies and indignation of freemen can already look such
+an event in the face, and feel that it would be the slave, rather than
+the master, whom they would defend, what will be the probability, after
+a few years' chafing shall have driven away the most christian and
+humane from scenes of cruelty and inhumanity, which they could neither
+alleviate nor redress? I should like to see any data of past experience,
+that will show that these results are not more probable than that the
+South will, by the system of means now urged upon her, finally be
+convinced of her sins, and voluntarily bring the system of slavery to an
+end. I claim not that the predictions I present will be fulfilled. I
+only say, that if Abolitionists go on as they propose, such results are
+_more_ probable than those they hope to attain.
+
+I have not here alluded to the probabilities of the severing of the
+Union by the present mode of agitating the question. This may be one of
+the results, and, if so, what are the probabilities for a Southern
+republic, that has torn itself off for the purpose of excluding foreign
+interference, and for the purpose of perpetuating slavery? Can any
+Abolitionist suppose that, in such a state of things, the great cause of
+emancipation is as likely to progress favourably, as it was when we were
+one nation, and mingling on those fraternal terms that existed before
+the Abolition movement began?
+
+The preceding are some of the reasons which, on the general view, I
+would present as opposed to the proposal of forming Abolition Societies;
+and they apply equally to either sex. There are some others which seem
+to oppose peculiar objections to the action of females in the way you
+would urge.
+
+To appreciate more fully these objections, it will be necessary to recur
+to some general views in relation to the place woman is appointed to
+fill by the dispensations of heaven.
+
+It has of late become quite fashionable in all benevolent efforts, to
+shower upon our sex an abundance of compliments, not only for what they
+have done, but also for what they can do; and so injudicious and so
+frequent, are these oblations, that while I feel an increasing respect
+for my countrywomen, that their good sense has not been decoyed by these
+appeals to their vanity and ambition, I cannot but apprehend that there
+is some need of inquiry as to the just bounds of female influence, and
+the times, places, and manner in which it can be appropriately exerted.
+
+It is the grand feature of the Divine economy, that there should be
+different stations of superiority and subordination, and it is
+impossible to annihilate this beneficent and immutable law. On its first
+entrance into life, the child is a dependent on parental love, and of
+necessity takes a place of subordination and obedience. As he advances
+in life these new relations of superiority and subordination multiply.
+The teacher must be the superior in station, the pupil a subordinate.
+The master of a family the superior, the domestic a subordinate--the
+ruler a superior, the subject a subordinate. Nor do these relations at
+all depend upon superiority either in intellectual or moral worth.
+However weak the parents, or intelligent the child, there is no
+reference to this, in the immutable law. However incompetent the
+teacher, or superior the pupil, no alteration of station can be allowed.
+However unworthy the master or worthy the servant, while their mutual
+relations continue, no change in station as to subordination can be
+allowed. In fulfilling the duties of these relations, true dignity
+consists in conforming to all those relations that demand subordination,
+with propriety and cheerfulness. When does a man, however high his
+character or station, appear more interesting or dignified than when
+yielding reverence and deferential attentions to an aged parent, however
+weak and infirm? And the pupil, the servant, or the subject, all equally
+sustain their own claims to self-respect, and to the esteem of others,
+by equally sustaining the appropriate relations and duties of
+subordination. In this arrangement of the duties of life, Heaven has
+appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate
+station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of
+either. It is therefore as much for the dignity as it is for the
+interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this
+relation. And it is as much a duty as it is for the child to fulfil
+similar relations to parents, or subjects to rulers. But while woman
+holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not
+because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any
+the less important, or all-pervading. But it was designed that the mode
+of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether
+different and peculiar.
+
+It is Christianity that has given to woman her true place in society.
+And it is the peculiar trait of Christianity alone that can sustain her
+therein. "Peace on earth and good will to men" is the character of all
+the rights and privileges, the influence, and the power of woman. A man
+may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he
+may urge his measures by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal
+interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may
+drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his
+sphere. But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to
+woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and
+benevolent principles.
+
+Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so
+much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to
+gratify her wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But
+this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. There
+let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her
+taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling and
+action, that her motives will be reverenced;--so unassuming and
+unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;--so
+"gentle and easy to be entreated," as that every heart will repose in
+her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the sons, will find
+an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only
+willingly but proudly. A man is never ashamed to own such influences,
+but feels dignified and ennobled in acknowledging them. But the moment
+woman begins to feel the promptings of ambition, or the thirst for
+power, her ægis of defence is gone. All the sacred protection of
+religion, all the generous promptings of chivalry, all the poetry of
+romantic gallantry, depend upon woman's retaining her place as
+dependent and defenceless, and making no claims, and maintaining no
+right but what are the gifts of honour, rectitude and love.
+
+A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own
+sex, to assist her in her appropriate offices of piety, charity,
+maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman
+into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others--whatever
+binds her in a party conflict--whatever obliges her in any way to exert
+coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these
+general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of
+arraying females in any Abolition movement; because it enlists them in
+an effort to coerce the South by the public sentiment of the North;
+because it brings them forward as partisans in a conflict that has been
+begun and carried forward by measures that are any thing rather than
+peaceful in their tendencies; because it draws them forth from their
+appropriate retirement, to expose themselves to the ungoverned violence
+of mobs, and to sneers and ridicule in public places; because it leads
+them into the arena of political collision, not as peaceful mediators to
+hush the opposing elements, but as combatants to cheer up and carry
+forward the measures of strife.
+
+If it is asked, "May not woman appropriately come forward as a suppliant
+for a portion of her sex who are bound in cruel bondage?" It is replied,
+that, the rectitude and propriety of any such measure, depend entirely
+on its probable results. If petitions from females will operate to
+exasperate; if they will be deemed obtrusive, indecorous, and unwise, by
+those to whom they are addressed; if they will increase, rather than
+diminish the evil which it is wished to remove; if they will be the
+opening wedge, that will tend eventually to bring females as petitioners
+and partisans into every political measure that may tend to injure and
+oppress their sex, in various parts of the nation, and under the various
+public measures that may hereafter be enforced, then it is neither
+appropriate nor wise, nor right, for a woman to petition for the relief
+of oppressed females.
+
+The case of Queen Esther is one often appealed to as a precedent. When a
+woman is placed in similar circumstances, where death to herself and all
+her nation is one alternative, and there is nothing worse to fear, but
+something to hope as the other alternative, then she may safely follow
+such an example. But when a woman is asked to join an Abolition Society,
+or to put her name to a petition to congress, for the purpose of
+contributing her measure of influence to keep up agitation in congress,
+to promote the excitement of the North against the iniquities of the
+South, to coerce the South by fear, shame, anger, and a sense of odium
+to do what she has determined not to do, the case of Queen Esther is not
+at all to be regarded as a suitable example for imitation.
+
+In this country, petitions to congress, in reference to the official
+duties of legislators, seem, IN ALL CASES, to fall entirely without the
+sphere of female duty. Men are the proper persons to make appeals to
+the rulers whom they appoint, and if their female friends, by arguments
+and persuasions, can induce them to petition, all the good that can be
+done by such measures will be secured. But if females cannot influence
+their nearest friends, to urge forward a public measure in this way,
+they surely are out of their place, in attempting to do it themselves.
+
+There are some other considerations, which should make the American
+females peculiarly sensitive in reference to any measure, which should
+even _seem_ to draw them from their appropriate relations in society.
+
+It is allowed by all reflecting minds, that the safety and happiness of
+this nation depends upon having the _children_ educated, and not only
+intellectually, but morally and religiously. There are now nearly two
+millions of children and adults in this country who cannot read, and who
+have no schools of any kind. To give only a small supply of teachers to
+these destitute children, who are generally where the population is
+sparse, will demand _thirty thousand teachers_; and _six thousand_ more
+will be needed every year, barely to meet the increase of juvenile
+population. But if we allow that we need not reach this point, in order
+to save ourselves from that destruction which awaits a people, when
+governed by an ignorant and unprincipled democracy; if we can weather
+the storms of democratic liberty with only one-third of our ignorant
+children properly educated, still we need _ten thousand_ teachers at
+this moment, and an addition of _two thousand every year_. Where is this
+army of teachers to be found? Is it at all probable that the other sex
+will afford even a moderate portion of this supply? The field for
+enterprise and excitement in the political arena, in the arts, the
+sciences, the liberal professions, in agriculture, manufactures, and
+commerce, is opening with such temptations, as never yet bore upon the
+mind of any nation. Will men turn aside from these high and exciting
+objects to become the patient labourers in the school-room, and for only
+the small pittance that rewards such toil? No, they will not do it. Men
+will be educators in the college, in the high school, in some of the
+most honourable and lucrative common schools, but the _children_, the
+_little children_ of this nation must, to a wide extent, be taught by
+females, or remain untaught. The drudgery of education, as it is now too
+generally regarded, in this country, will be given to the female hand.
+And as the value of education rises in the public mind, and the
+importance of a teacher's office is more highly estimated, women will
+more and more be furnished with those intellectual advantages which they
+need to fit them for such duties.
+
+The result will be, that America will be distinguished above all other
+nations, for well-educated females, and for the influence they will
+exert on the general interests of society. But if females, as they
+approach the other sex, in intellectual elevation, begin to claim, or to
+exercise in any manner, the peculiar prerogatives of that sex, education
+will prove a doubtful and dangerous blessing. But this will never be the
+result. For the more intelligent a woman becomes, the more she can
+appreciate the wisdom of that ordinance that appointed her subordinate
+station, and the more her taste will conform to the graceful and
+dignified retirement and submission it involves.
+
+An ignorant, a narrow-minded, or a stupid woman, cannot feel nor
+understand the rationality, the propriety, or the beauty of this
+relation; and she it is, that will be most likely to carry her measures
+by tormenting, when she cannot please, or by petulant complaints or
+obtrusive interference, in matters which are out of her sphere, and
+which she cannot comprehend.
+
+And experience testifies to this result. By the concession of all
+travellers, American females are distinguished above all others for
+their general intelligence, and yet they are complimented for their
+retiring modesty, virtue, and domestic faithfulness, while the other sex
+is as much distinguished for their respectful kindness and attentive
+gallantry. There is no other country where females have so much public
+respect and kindness accorded to them as in America, by the concession
+of all travellers. And it will ever be so, while intellectual culture in
+the female mind, is combined with the spirit of that religion which so
+strongly enforces the appropriate duties of a woman's sphere.
+
+But it may be asked, is there nothing to be done to bring this national
+sin of slavery to an end? Must the internal slave-trade, a trade now
+ranked as piracy among all civilized nations, still prosper in our
+bounds? Must the very seat of our government stand as one of the chief
+slave-markets of the land; and must not Christian females open their
+lips, nor lift a finger, to bring such a shame and sin to an end?
+
+To this it may be replied, that Christian females may, and can say and
+do much to bring these evils to an end; and the present is a time and an
+occasion when it seems most desirable that they should know, and
+appreciate, and _exercise_ the power which they do possess for so
+desirable an end.
+
+And in pointing out the methods of exerting female influence for this
+object, I am inspired with great confidence, from the conviction that
+what will be suggested, is that which none will oppose, but all will
+allow to be not only practicable, but safe, suitable, and Christian.
+
+To appreciate these suggestions, however, it is needful previously to
+consider some particulars that exhibit the spirit of the age and the
+tendencies of our peculiar form of government.
+
+The prominent principle, now in development, as indicating the spirit of
+the age, is the perfect right of all men to entire freedom of opinion.
+By this I do not mean that men are coming to think that "it is no matter
+what a man believes, if he is only honest and sincere," or that they are
+growing any more lenient towards their fellow-men, for the evil
+consequences they bring on themselves or on others for believing wrong.
+
+But they are coming to adopt the maxim, that no man shall be forced by
+pains and penalties to adopt the opinions of other minds, but that every
+man shall be free to form his own opinions, and to propagate them by
+all lawful means.
+
+At the same time another right is claimed, which is of necessity
+involved in the preceding,--the right to oppose, by all lawful means,
+the opinions and the practices of others, when they are deemed
+pernicious either to individuals or to the community. _Facts_,
+_arguments_ and _persuasions_ are, by all, conceded to be lawful means
+to employ in propagating our own views, and in opposing the opinions and
+practices of others.
+
+These fundamental principles of liberty have in all past ages been
+restrained by coercive influences, either of civil or of ecclesiastical
+power. But in this nation, all such coercive influences, both of church
+and state, have ceased. Every man may think what he pleases about
+government, or religion, or any thing else; he may propagate his
+opinions, he may controvert opposite opinions, and no magistrate or
+ecclesiastic can in any legal way restrain or punish.
+
+But the form of our government is such, that every measure that bears
+upon the public or private interest of every citizen, is decided by
+_public sentiment_. All laws and regulations in civil, or religious, or
+social concerns, are decided by the _majority of votes_. And the present
+is a time when every doctrine, every principle, and every practice which
+influences the happiness of man, either in this, or in a future life, is
+under discussion. The whole nation is thrown into parties about almost
+every possible question, and every man is stimulated in his efforts to
+promote his own plans by the conviction that success depends entirely
+upon bringing his fellow citizens to think as he does. Hence every man
+is fierce in maintaining his own right of free discussion, his own right
+to propagate his opinions, and his own right to oppose, by all lawful
+means, the opinions that conflict with his own.
+
+But the difficulty is, that a right which all men claim for themselves,
+with the most sensitive and pertinacious inflexibility, they have not
+yet learned to accord to their fellow men, in cases where their own
+interests are involved. Every man is saying, "Let me have full liberty
+to propagate my opinions, and to oppose all that I deem wrong and
+injurious, but let no man take this liberty with my opinions and
+practices. Every man may believe what he pleases, and propagate what he
+pleases, provided he takes care not to attack any thing which belongs to
+me."
+
+And how do men exert themselves to restrain this corresponding right of
+their fellow men? Not by going to the magistrate to inform, or to the
+spiritual despot to obtain ecclesiastical penalties, but he resorts to
+methods, which, if successful, are in effect the most severe pains and
+penalties that can restrain freedom of opinion.
+
+What is dearer to a man than _his character_, involving as it does, the
+esteem, respect and affection of friends, neighbours and society, with
+all the confidence, honour, trust and emolument that flow from general
+esteem? How sensitive is every man to any thing that depreciates his
+intellectual character! What torture, to be ridiculed or pitied for such
+deficiencies! How cruel the suffering, when his moral delinquencies are
+held up to public scorn and reprehension! Confiscation, stripes,
+chains, and even death itself, are often less dreaded.
+
+It is this method of punishment to which men resort, to deter their
+fellow-men from exercising those rights of liberty which they so
+tenaciously claim for themselves. Examine now the methods adopted by
+almost all who are engaged in the various conflicts of opinion in this
+nation, and you will find that there are certain measures which
+combatants almost invariably employ.
+
+They either attack the intellectual character of opponents, or they
+labour to make them appear narrow-minded, illiberal and bigoted, or they
+impeach their honesty and veracity, or they stigmatize their motives as
+mean, selfish, ambitious, or in some other respect unworthy and
+degrading. Instead of truth, and evidence, and argument, personal
+depreciation, sneers, insinuations, or open abuse, are the weapons
+employed. This method of resisting freedom of opinions, by pains and
+penalties, arises in part from the natural selfishness of man, and in
+part from want of clear distinctions as to the rights and duties
+involved in freedom of opinion and freedom of speech.
+
+The great fundamental principle that makes this matter clear, is this,
+that a broad and invariable distinction should ever be preserved between
+the _opinions_ and _practices_ that are discussed, and the _advocates_
+of these opinions and practices.
+
+It is a sacred and imperious duty, that rests on every human being, to
+exert all his influence in opposing every thing that he believes is
+dangerous and wrong, and in sustaining all that he believes is safe and
+right. And in doing this, no compromise is to be made, in order to
+shield country, party, friends, or even self, from any just censure.
+Every man is bound by duty to God and to his country, to lay his finger
+on every false principle, or injurious practice, and boldly say, "this
+is wrong--this is dangerous--this I will oppose with all my influence,
+whoever it may be that advocates or practises it." And every man is
+bound to use his efforts to turn public sentiment against all that he
+believes to be wrong and injurious, either in regard to this life, or
+to the future world. And every man deserves to be respected and
+applauded, just in proportion as he fearlessly and impartially, and in a
+_proper spirit_, _time_ and _manner_, fulfils this duty.
+
+The doctrine, just now alluded to, that it is "no matter what a man
+believes, if he is only honest and sincere," is as pernicious, as it is
+contrary to religion and to common sense. It is as absurd, and as
+impracticable, as it would be to urge on the mariner the maxim, "no
+matter which way you believe to be north, if you only steer aright." A
+man's character, feelings, and conduct, all depend upon his opinions. If
+a man can reason himself into the belief that it is right to take the
+property of others and to deceive by false statements, he will probably
+prove a thief and a liar. It is of the greatest concern, therefore, to
+every man, that his fellow-men should _believe right_, and one of his
+most sacred duties is to use all his influence to promote correct
+opinions.
+
+But the performance of this duty, does by no means involve the necessity
+of attacking the character or motives of the _advocates_ of false
+opinions, or of holding them up, individually, to public odium.
+
+Erroneous opinions are sometimes the consequence of unavoidable
+ignorance, or of mental imbecility, or of a weak and erring judgment, or
+of false testimony from others, which cannot be rectified. In such
+cases, the advocates of false opinions are to be pitied rather than
+blamed; and while the opinions and their tendencies may be publicly
+exposed, the men may be objects of affection and kindness.
+
+In other cases, erroneous opinions spring from criminal indifference,
+from prejudice, from indolence, from pride, from evil passions, or from
+selfish interest. In all such cases, men deserve blame for their
+pernicious opinions, and the evils which flow from them.
+
+But, it maybe asked, how are men to decide, when their fellow-men are
+guilty for holding wrong opinions; when they deserve blame, and when
+they are to be regarded only with pity and commiseration by those who
+believe them to be in the wrong? Here, surely, is a place where some
+correct principle is greatly needed.
+
+Is every man to sit in judgment upon his fellow-man, and decide what are
+his intellectual capacities, and what the measure of his judgment? Is
+every man to take the office of the Searcher of Hearts, to try the
+feelings and motives of his fellow-man? Is that most difficult of all
+analysis, the estimating of the feelings, purposes, and motives, which
+every man, who examines his own secret thoughts, finds to be so complex,
+so recondite, so intricate; is this to be the basis, not only of
+individual opinion, but of public reward and censure? Is every man to
+constitute himself a judge of the amount of time and interest given to
+the proper investigation of truth by his fellow-man? Surely, this cannot
+be a correct principle.
+
+Though there may be single cases in which we can know that our
+fellow-men are weak in intellect, or erring in judgment, or perverse in
+feeling, or misled by passion, or biased by selfish interest, as a
+general fact we are not competent to decide these matters, in regard to
+those who differ from us in opinion.
+
+For this reason it is manifestly wrong and irrelevant, when discussing
+questions of duty or expediency, to bring before the public the
+character or the motives of the individual advocates of opinions.
+
+But, it may be urged, how can the evil tendencies of opinions or of
+practices be investigated, without involving a consideration of the
+character and conduct of those who advocate them? To this it may be
+replied, that the tendencies of opinions and practices can never be
+ascertained by discussing individual character. It is _classes_ of
+persons, or large _communities_, embracing persons of all varieties of
+character and circumstances, that are the only proper subjects of
+investigation for this object. For example, a community of Catholics,
+and a community of Protestants, may be compared, for the purpose of
+learning the moral tendencies of their different opinions. Scotland and
+New England, where the principles opposite to Catholicism have most
+prevailed, may properly be compared with Spain and Italy, where the
+Catholic system has been most fairly tried. But to select certain
+individuals who are defenders of these two different systems, as
+examples to illustrate their tendencies, would be as improper as it
+would be to select a kernel of grain to prove the good or bad character
+of a whole crop.
+
+To illustrate by a more particular example. The doctrines of the Atheist
+school are now under discussion, and Robert Owen and Fanny Wright have
+been their prominent advocates.
+
+In agreement with the above principles, it is a right, and the duty of
+every man who has any influence and opportunity, to show the absurdity
+of their doctrines, the weakness of their arguments, and the fatal
+tendencies of their opinions. It is right to show that the _practical_
+adoption of their principles indicates a want of common sense, just as
+sowing the ocean with grain and expecting a crop would indicate the same
+deficiency. If the advocates of these doctrines carry out their
+principles into practice, in any such way as to offend the taste, or
+infringe on the rights of others, it is proper to express disgust and
+disapprobation. If the female advocate chooses to come upon a stage, and
+expose her person, dress, and elocution to public criticism, it is right
+to express disgust at whatever is offensive and indecorous, as it is to
+criticize the book of an author, or the dancing of an actress, or any
+thing else that is presented to public observation. And it is right to
+make all these things appear as odious and reprehensible to others as
+they do to ourselves.
+
+But what is the private character of Robert Owen or Fanny Wright?
+Whether they are ignorant or weak in intellect; whether they have
+properly examined the sources of truth; how much they have been biased
+by pride, passion, or vice, in adopting their opinions; whether they are
+honest and sincere in their belief; whether they are selfish or
+benevolent in their aims, are not matters which in any way pertain to
+the discussion. They are questions about which none are qualified to
+judge, except those in close and intimate communion with them. We may
+inquire with propriety as to the character of a _community_ of Atheists,
+or of a community where such sentiments extensively prevail, as compared
+with a community of opposite sentiments. But the private character,
+feelings, and motives of the individual advocates of these doctrines,
+are not proper subjects of investigation in any public discussion.
+
+If, then, it be true, that attacks on the character and motives of the
+advocates of opinions are entirely irrelevant and not at all necessary
+for the discovery of truth; if injury inflicted on character is the most
+severe penalty that can be employed to restrain freedom of opinions and
+freedom of speech, what are we to say of the state of things in this
+nation?
+
+Where is there a party which does not in effect say to every man, "if
+you dare to oppose the principles or practices we sustain, you shall be
+punished with personal odium?" which does not say to every member of the
+party, "uphold your party, right or wrong; oppose all that is adverse to
+your party, right or wrong, or else suffer the penalty of having your
+motives, character, and conduct, impeached?"
+
+Look first at the political arena. Where is the advocate of any measure
+that does not suffer sneers, ridicule, contempt, and all that tends to
+depreciate character in public estimation? Where is the partisan that is
+not attacked, as either weak in intellect, or dishonest in principle, or
+selfish in motives? And where is the man who is linked with any
+political party, that dares to stand up fearlessly and defend what is
+good in opposers, and reprove what is wrong in his own party?
+
+Look into the religious world. There, even those who take their party
+name from their professed liberality, are saying, "whoever shall adopt
+principles that exclude us from the Christian church, and our clergy
+from the pulpit, shall be held up either as intellectually degraded, or
+as narrow-minded and bigoted, or as ambitious, partisan and persecuting
+in spirit. No man shall believe a creed that excludes us from the pale
+of Christianity, under penalty of all the odium we can inflict."
+
+So in the Catholic controversy. Catholics and their friends practically
+declare war against all free discussion on this point. The decree has
+gone forth, that "no man shall appear for the purpose of proving that
+Catholicism is contrary to Scripture, or immoral and anti-republican in
+tendency, under penalty of being denounced as a dupe, or a hypocrite, or
+a persecutor, or a narrow-minded and prejudiced bigot."
+
+On the contrary, those who attack what is called liberal Christianity,
+or who aim to oppose the progress of Catholicism, how often do they
+exhibit a severe and uncharitable spirit towards the individuals whose
+opinions they controvert. Instead of loving the men, and rendering to
+them all the offices of Christian kindness, and according to them all
+due credit for whatever is desirable in character and conduct, how often
+do opposers seem to feel, that it will not answer to allow that there is
+any thing good, either in the system or in those who have adopted it.
+"Every thing about my party is right, and every thing in the opposing
+party is wrong," seems to be the universal maxim of the times. And it
+is the remark of some of the most intelligent foreign travellers among
+us, and of our own citizens who go abroad, that there is no country to
+be found, where freedom of opinion, and freedom of speech is more really
+influenced and controlled by the fear of pains and penalties, than in
+this land of boasted freedom. In other nations, the control is exercised
+by government, in respect to a very few matters; in this country it is
+party-spirit that rules with an iron rod, and shakes its scorpion whips
+over every interest and every employment of man.
+
+From this mighty source spring constant detraction, gossiping,
+tale-bearing, falsehood, anger, pride, malice, revenge, and every evil
+word and work.
+
+Every man sets himself up as the judge of the intellectual character,
+the honesty, the sincerity, the feelings, opportunities, motives, and
+intentions, of his fellow-man. And so they fall upon each other, not
+with swords and spears, but with the tongue, "that unruly member, that
+setteth on fire the course of nature, and is set on fire of hell."
+
+Can any person who seeks to maintain the peaceful, loving, and gentle
+spirit of Christianity, go out into the world at this day, without being
+bewildered at the endless conflicts, and grieved and dismayed at the
+bitter and unhallowed passions they engender? Can an honest, upright and
+Christian man, go into these conflicts, and with unflinching firmness
+stand up for all that is good, and oppose all that is evil, in whatever
+party it may be found, without a measure of moral courage such as few
+can command? And if he carries himself through with an unyielding
+integrity, and maintains his consistency, is he not exposed to storms of
+bitter revilings, and to peltings from both parties between which he may
+stand?
+
+What is the end of these things to be? Must we give up free discussion,
+and again chain up the human mind under the despotism of past ages? No,
+this will never be. God designs that every intelligent mind shall be
+governed, not by coercion, but by reason, and conscience, and truth.
+Man must reason, and experiment, and compare past and present results,
+and hear and know all that can be said on _both_ sides of every question
+which influences either private or public happiness, either for this
+life or for the life to come.
+
+But while this process is going on, must we be distracted and tortured
+by the baleful passions and wicked works that unrestrained party-spirit
+and ungoverned factions will bring upon us, under such a government as
+ours? Must we rush on to disunion, and civil wars, and servile wars,
+till all their train of horrors pass over us like devouring fire?
+
+There is an influence that can avert these dangers--a spirit that can
+allay the storm--that can say to the troubled winds and waters, "peace,
+be still."
+
+It is that spirit which is gentle and easy to be entreated, which
+thinketh no evil, which rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the
+truth, which is not easily provoked, which hopeth all things, which
+beareth all things. Let this spirit be infused into the mass of the
+nation, and then truth may be sought, defended, and propagated, and
+error detected, and its evils exposed; and yet we may escape the evils
+that now rage through this nation, and threaten us with such fiery
+plagues.
+
+And is there not a peculiar propriety in such an emergency, in looking
+for the especial agency and assistance of females, who are shut out from
+the many temptations that assail the other sex,--who are the appointed
+ministers of all the gentler charities of life,--who are mingled
+throughout the whole mass of the community,--who dwell in those
+retirements where only peace and love ought ever to enter,--whose
+comfort, influence, and dearest blessings, all depend on preserving
+peace and good will among men?
+
+In the present aspect of affairs among us, when everything seems to be
+tending to disunion and distraction, it surely has become the duty of
+every female instantly to relinquish the attitude of a partisan, in
+every matter of clashing interests, and to assume the office of a
+mediator, and an advocate of peace. And to do this, it is not necessary
+that a woman should in any manner relinquish her opinion as to the
+evils or the benefits, the right or the wrong, of any principle or
+practice. But, while quietly holding her own opinions, and calmly
+avowing them, when conscience and integrity make the duty imperative,
+every female can employ her influence, not for the purpose of exciting
+or regulating public sentiment, but rather for the purpose of promoting
+a spirit of candour, forbearance, charity, and peace.
+
+And there are certain prominent maxims which every woman can adopt as
+peculiarly belonging to her, as the advocate of charity and peace, and
+which it should be her especial office to illustrate, enforce, and
+sustain, by every method in her power.
+
+The first is, that every person ought to be sustained, not only in the
+right of propagating his own opinions and practices, but in opposing all
+those principles and practices which he deems erroneous. For there is no
+opinion which a man can propagate, that does not oppose some adverse
+interest; and if a man must cease to advocate his own views of truth and
+rectitude, because he opposes the interest or prejudices of some other
+man or party, all freedom of opinion, of speech, and of action, is gone.
+All that can be demanded is, that a man shall not resort to falsehood,
+false reasoning, or to attacks on character, in maintaining his own
+rights. If he states things which are false, it is right to show the
+falsehood,--if he reasons falsely, it is right to point out his
+sophistry,--if he impeaches the character or motives of opponents, it is
+right to express disapprobation and disgust; but if he uses only facts,
+arguments, and persuasions, he is to be honoured and sustained for all
+the efforts he makes to uphold what he deems to be right, and to put
+down what he believes to be wrong.
+
+Another maxim, which is partially involved in the first, is, that every
+man ought to allow his own principles and practices to be freely
+discussed, with patience and magnanimity, and not to complain of
+persecution, or to attack the character or motives of those who claim
+that he is in the wrong. If he is belied, if his character is impeached,
+if his motives are assailed, if his intellectual capabilities are made
+the objects of sneers or commiseration, he has a right to complain, and
+to seek sympathy as an injured man; but no man is a consistent friend
+and defender of liberty of speech, who cannot bear to have his own
+principles and practices subjected to the same ordeal as he demands
+should be imposed on others.
+
+Another maxim of peace and charity is, that every man's own testimony is
+to be taken in regard to his motives, feelings, and intentions. Though
+we may fear that a fellow-man is mistaken in his views of his own
+feelings, or that he does not speak the truth, it is as contrary to the
+rules of good breeding as it is to the laws of Christianity, to assume
+or even insinuate that this is the case. If a man's word cannot be taken
+in regard to his own motives, feelings, and intentions, he can find no
+redress for the wrong that may be done to him. It is unjust and
+unreasonable in the extreme to take any other course than the one here
+urged.
+
+Another most important maxim of candour and charity is, that when we are
+to assign motives for the conduct of our fellow-men, especially of
+those who oppose our interests, we are obligated to put the best, rather
+than the worst construction, on all they say and do. Instead of
+assigning the worst as the probable motive, it is always a duty to
+_hope_ that it is the best, until evidence is so unequivocal that there
+is no place for such a hope.
+
+Another maxim of peace and charity respects the subject of
+_retaliation_. Whatever may be said respecting the literal construction
+of some of the rules of the gospel, no one can deny that they do,
+whether figurative or not, forbid retaliation and revenge; that they do
+assume that men are not to be judges and executioners of their own
+wrongs; but that injuries are to be borne with meekness, and that
+retributive justice must be left to God, and to the laws. If a man
+strikes, we are not to return the blow, but appeal to the laws. If a man
+uses abusive or invidious language, we are not to return railing for
+railing. If a man impeaches our motives and attacks our character, we
+are not to return the evil. If a man sneers and ridicules, we are not to
+retaliate with ridicule and sneers. If a man reports our weaknesses and
+failings, we are not to revenge ourselves by reporting his. No man has a
+right to report evil of others, except when the justification of the
+innocent, or a regard for public or individual safety, demands it. This
+is the strict law of the gospel, inscribed in all its pages, and meeting
+in the face all those unchristian and indecent violations that now are
+so common, in almost every conflict of intellect or of interest.
+
+Another most important maxim of peace and charity imposes the obligation
+to guard our fellow-men from all unnecessary temptation. We are taught
+daily to pray, "lead us not into temptation;" and thus are admonished
+not only to avoid all unnecessary temptation ourselves, but to save our
+fellow-men from the danger. Can we ask our Heavenly Parent to protect us
+from temptation, while we recklessly spread baits and snares for our
+fellow-men? No, we are bound in every measure to have a tender regard
+for the weaknesses and liabilities of all around, and ever to be ready
+to yield even our just rights, when we can lawfully do it, rather than
+to tempt others to sin. The generous and high-minded Apostle declares,
+"if meat make my brother to offend, I will eat no flesh while the world
+standeth;" and it is the spirit of this maxim that every Christian ought
+to cultivate. There are no occasions when this maxim is more needed,
+than when we wish to modify the opinions, or alter the practices of our
+fellow-men. If, in such cases, we find that the probabilities are, that
+any interference of ours will increase the power of temptation, and lead
+to greater evils than those we wish to remedy, we are bound to forbear.
+If we find that one mode of attempting a measure will increase the power
+of temptation, and another will not involve this danger, we are bound to
+take the safest course. In all cases we are obligated to be as careful
+to protect our fellow-men from temptation, as we are to watch and pray
+against it in regard to ourselves.
+
+Another maxim of peace and charity requires a most scrupulous regard to
+the reputation, character, and feelings of our fellow-men, and
+especially of those who are opposed in any way to our wishes and
+interests. Every man and every woman feels that it is wrong for others
+to propagate their faults and weakness through the community. Every one
+feels wounded and injured to find that others are making his defects and
+infirmities the subject of sneers and ridicule. And what, then, is the
+rule of duty? "As ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to
+them." With this rule before his eyes and in his mind, can a man retail
+his neighbour's faults, or sneer at his deficiencies, or ridicule his
+infirmities, with a clear conscience? There are cases when the safety of
+individuals, or public justice, demands that a man's defects of
+character, or crimes, be made public; but no man is justified in
+communicating to others any evil respecting any of his fellow-men, when
+he cannot appeal to God as his witness that he does it from benevolent
+interest in the welfare of his fellow-men--from a desire to save
+individuals or the public from some evil--and not from a malevolent or
+gossiping propensity. Oh, that this law of love and charity could find
+an illustration and an advocate in every female of this nation! Oh, that
+every current slander, and every injurious report, might stand abashed,
+whenever it meets the notice of a woman!
+
+These are the maxims of peace and charity, which it is in the power of
+the females of our country to advocate, both by example and by
+entreaties. These are the principles which alone can protect and
+preserve the right of free discussion, the freedom of speech, and
+liberty of the press. And with our form of government, and our
+liabilities to faction and party-spirit, the country will be safe and
+happy only in proportion to the prevalence of these maxims among the
+mass of the community. There probably will never arrive a period in the
+history of this nation, when the influence of these principles will be
+more needed, than the present. The question of slavery involves more
+pecuniary interests, touches more private relations, involves more
+prejudices, is entwined with more sectional, party, and political
+interests, than any other which can ever again arise. It is a matter
+which, if discussed and controlled without the influence of these
+principles of charity and peace, will shake this nation like an
+earthquake, and pour over us the volcanic waves of every terrific
+passion. The trembling earth, the low murmuring thunders, already
+admonish us of our danger; and if females can exert any saving influence
+in this emergency, it is time for them to awake.
+
+And there are topics that they may urge upon the attention of their
+friends, at least as matters worthy of serious consideration and
+inquiry.
+
+Is a woman surrounded by those who favour the Abolition measures? Can
+she not with propriety urge such inquiries as these?
+
+Is not slavery to be brought to an end by free discussion, and is it not
+a war upon the right of free discussion to impeach the motives and
+depreciate the character of the opposers of Abolition measures? When the
+opposers of Abolition movements claim that they honestly and sincerely
+believe that these measures tend to perpetuate slavery, or to bring it
+to an end by servile wars, and civil disunion, and the most terrific
+miseries--when they object to the use of their pulpits, to the embodying
+of literary students, to the agitation of the community, by Abolition
+agents--when they object to the circulation of such papers and tracts as
+Abolitionists prepare, because they believe them most pernicious in
+their influence and tendencies, is it not as much persecution to use
+invidious insinuations, depreciating accusation and impeachment of
+motive, in order to intimidate, as it is for the opposers of
+Abolitionism to use physical force? Is not the only method by which the
+South can be brought to relinquish slavery, a conviction that not only
+her _duty_, but her highest _interest_, requires her to do it? And is
+not _calm, rational Christian_ discussion the only proper method of
+securing this end? Can a community that are thrown into such a state of
+high exasperation as now exists at the South, ever engage in such
+discussions, till the storm of excitement and passion is allayed? Ought
+not every friend of liberty and of free discussion, to take every
+possible means to soothe exasperated feelings, and to avoid all those
+offensive peculiarities that in their nature tend to inflame and offend?
+
+Is a woman among those who oppose Abolition movements? She can urge such
+inquiries as these: Ought not Abolitionists to be treated as if they
+were actuated by the motives of benevolence which they profess? Ought
+not every patriot and every Christian to throw all his influence against
+the impeachment of motives, the personal detraction, and the violent
+measures that are turned upon this body of men, who, however they may
+err in judgment or in spirit, are among the most exemplary and
+benevolent in the land? If Abolitionists are censurable for taking
+measures that exasperate rather than convince and persuade, are not
+their opponents, who take exactly the same measures to exasperate
+Abolitionists and their friends, as much to blame? If Abolitionism
+prospers by the abuse of its advocates, are not the authors of this
+abuse accountable for the increase of the very evils they deprecate?
+
+It is the opinion of intelligent and well informed men, that a very
+large proportion of the best members of the Abolition party were placed
+there, not by the arguments of Abolitionists, but by the abuse of their
+opposers. And I know some of the noblest minds that stand there, chiefly
+from the influence of those generous impulses that defend the injured
+and sustain the persecuted, while many others have joined these ranks
+from the impression that Abolitionism and the right of free discussion
+have become identical interests. Although I cannot perceive why the
+right of free discussion, the right of petition, and other rights that
+have become involved in this matter, cannot be sustained without joining
+an association that has sustained such injurious action and such
+erroneous principles, yet other minds, and those which are worthy of
+esteem, have been led to an opposite conclusion.
+
+The South, in the moments of angry excitement, have made unreasonable
+demands upon the non-slave-holding States, and have employed overbearing
+and provoking language. This has provoked re-action again at the North,
+and men, who heretofore were unexcited, are beginning to feel
+indignant, and to say, "Let the Union be sundered." Thus anger begets
+anger, and unreasonable measures provoke equally unreasonable returns.
+
+But when men, in moments of excitement rush on to such results, little
+do they think of the momentous consequences that may follow. Suppose the
+South in her anger unites with Texas, and forms a Southern slave-holding
+republic, under all the exasperating influences that such an avulsion
+will excite? What will be the prospects of the slave then, compared with
+what they are while we dwell together, united by all the ties of
+brotherhood, and having free access to those whom we wish to convince
+and persuade?
+
+But who can estimate the mischiefs that we must encounter while this
+dismemberment, this tearing asunder of the joints and members of the
+body politic, is going on? What will be the commotion and dismay, when
+all our sources of wealth, prosperity, and comfort, are turned to
+occasions for angry and selfish strife?
+
+What agitation will ensue in individual States, when it is to be decided
+by majorities which State shall go to the North and which to the South,
+and when the discontented minority must either give up or fight! Who
+shall divide our public lands between contending factions? What shall be
+done with our navy and all the various items of the nation's property?
+What shall be done when the post-office stops its steady movement to
+divide its efforts among contending parties? What shall be done when
+public credit staggers, when commerce furls her slackened sail, when
+property all over the nation changes its owners and relations? What
+shall be done with our canals and railways, now the bands of love to
+bind us, then the causes of contention and jealousy? What umpire will
+appear to settle all these questions of interest and strife, between
+communities thrown asunder by passion, pride, and mutual injury?
+
+It is said that the American people, though heedless and sometimes
+reckless at the approach of danger, are endowed with a strong and
+latent principle of common sense, which, when they fairly approach the
+precipice, always brings them to a stand, and makes them as wise to
+devise a remedy as they were rash in hastening to the danger. Are we not
+approaching the very verge of the precipice? Can we not already hear the
+roar of the waters below? Is not now the time, if ever, when our stern
+principles and sound common sense must wake to the rescue?
+
+Cannot the South be a little more patient under the injurious action
+that she feels she has suffered, and cease demanding those concessions
+from the North, that never will be made? For the North, though slower to
+manifest feeling, is as sensitive to her right of freedom of speech, as
+the South can be to her rights of property.
+
+Cannot the North bear with some unreasonable action from the South, when
+it is remembered that, as the provocation came from the North, it is
+wise and Christian that the aggressive party should not so strictly
+hold their tempted brethren to the rules of right and reason?
+
+Cannot the South bear in mind that at the North the colour of the skin
+does not take away the feeling of brotherhood, and though it is a badge
+of degradation in station and intellect, yet it is oftener regarded with
+pity and sympathy than with contempt? Cannot the South remember their
+generous feelings for the Greeks and Poles, and imagine that some such
+feelings may be awakened for the African race, among a people who do not
+believe either in the policy or the right of slavery?
+
+Cannot the North remember how jealous every man feels of his domestic
+relations and rights, and how sorely their Southern brethren are tried
+in these respects? How would the husbands and fathers at the North
+endure it, if Southern associations should be formed to bring forth to
+the world the sins of Northern men, as husbands and fathers? What if the
+South should send to the North to collect all the sins and neglects of
+Northern husbands and fathers, to retail them at the South in tracts
+and periodicals? What if the English nation should join in the outcry,
+and English females should send forth an agent, not indeed to visit the
+offending North, but to circulate at the South, denouncing all who did
+not join in this crusade, as the defenders of bad husbands and bad
+fathers? How would Northern men conduct under such provocations? There
+is indeed a difference in the two cases, but it is not in the nature and
+amount of irritating influence, for the Southerner feels the
+interference of strangers to regulate his domestic duty to his servants,
+as much as the Northern man would feel the same interference in regard
+to his wife and children. Do not Northern men owe a debt of forbearance
+and sympathy toward their Southern brethren, who have been so sorely
+tried?
+
+It is by urging these considerations, and by exhibiting and advocating
+the principles of charity and peace, that females may exert a wise and
+appropriate influence, and one which will most certainly tend to bring
+to an end, not only slavery, but unnumbered other evils and wrongs. No
+one can object to such an influence, but all parties will bid God speed
+to every woman who modestly, wisely and benevolently attempts it.
+
+I do not suppose that any Abolitionists are to be deterred by any thing
+I can offer, from prosecuting the course of measures they have adopted.
+They doubtless will continue to agitate the subject, and to form
+voluntary associations all over the land, in order to excite public
+sentiment at the North against the moral evils existing at the South.
+Yet I cannot but hope that some considerations may have influence to
+modify in a degree the spirit and measures of some who are included in
+that party.
+
+Abolitionists are men who come before the public in the character of
+_reprovers_. That the gospel requires Christians sometimes to assume
+this office, cannot be denied; but it does as unequivocally point out
+those qualifications which alone can entitle a man to do it. And no man
+acts wisely or consistently, unless he can satisfy himself that he
+possesses the qualifications for this duty, before he assumes it.
+
+The first of these qualifications is more than common exemption from the
+faults that are reproved. The inspired interrogatory, "thou therefore
+which teachest another, teachest thou not thyself?" enforces this
+principle; and the maxim of common sense, that "reprovers must have
+clean hands," is no less unequivocal. Abolitionists are reprovers for
+the violation of duties in the domestic relations. Of course they are
+men who are especially bound to be exemplary in the discharge of all
+their domestic duties. If a man cannot govern his temper and his tongue;
+if he inflicts that moral castigation on those who cross his will, which
+is more severe than physical stripes; if he is overbearing or exacting
+with those under his control; if he cannot secure respect for a kind and
+faithful discharge of all his social and relative duties, it is as
+unwise and improper for him to join an Abolition Society, as it would be
+for a drunkard to preach temperance, or a slave-holder Abolitionism.
+
+Another indispensable requisite for the office of reprover is a
+character distinguished for humility and meekness. There is nothing more
+difficult than to approach men for the purpose of convincing them of
+their own deficiencies and faults; and whoever attempts it in a
+self-complacent and dictatorial spirit, always does more evil than good.
+However exemplary a man may be in the sight of men, there is abundant
+cause for the exercise of humility. For a man is to judge of himself,
+not by a comparison with other men, but as he stands before God, when
+compared with a perfect law, and in reference to all his peculiar
+opportunities and restraints. Who is there that in this comparison,
+cannot find cause for the deepest humiliation? Who can go from the
+presence of Infinite Purity after such an investigation, to "take his
+brother by the throat?" Who rather, should not go to a brother, who may
+have sinned, with the deepest sympathy and love, as one who, amid
+greater temptations and with fewer advantages, may be the least offender
+of the two? A man who goes with this spirit, has the best hope of doing
+good to those who may offend. And yet even this spirit will not always
+save a man from angry retort, vexatious insinuation, jealous suspicion,
+and the misconstruction of his motives. A reprover, therefore, if he
+would avoid a quarrel and do the good he aims to secure, must be
+possessed of that meekness which can receive evil for good, with patient
+benevolence. And a man is not fitted for the duties of a reprover, until
+he can bring his feelings under this control.
+
+The last, and not the least important requisite for a reprover, is
+_discretion_. This is no where so much needed as in cases where the
+domestic relations are concerned, for here is the place above all
+others, where men are most sensitive and unreasonable. There are none
+who have more opportunities for learning this, than those who act as
+teachers, especially if they feel the responsibility of a Christian and
+a friend, in regard to the moral interests of pupils. A teacher who
+shares with parents the responsibilities of educating their children,
+whose efforts may all be rendered useless by parental influences at
+home; who feels an affectionate interest in both parent and child, is
+surely the one who might seem to have a right to seek, and a chance of
+success in seeking, some modifications of domestic influences. And yet
+teachers will probably testify, that it is a most discouraging task, and
+often as likely to result in jealous alienation and the loss of
+influence over both parent and child, as in any good. It is one of the
+greatest compliments that can be paid to the good sense and the good
+feeling of a parent to dare to attempt any such measure. This may show
+how much discretion, and tact, and delicacy, are needed by those who aim
+to rectify evils in the domestic relations of mankind.
+
+The peculiar qualifications, then, which make it suitable for a man to
+be an Abolitionist are, an exemplary discharge of all the domestic
+duties; humility, meekness, delicacy, tact, and discretion, and these
+should especially be the distinctive traits of those who take the place
+of _leaders_ in devising measures.
+
+And in performing these difficult and self-denying duties, there are no
+men who need more carefully to study the character and imitate the
+example of the Redeemer of mankind. He, indeed, was the searcher of
+hearts, and those reproofs which were based on the perfect knowledge of
+"all that is in man," we may not imitate. But we may imitate him, where
+he with so much gentleness, patience, and pitying love, encountered the
+weakness, the rashness, the selfishness, the worldliness of men. When
+the young man came with such self-complacency to ask what more he could
+do, how kindly he was received, how gently convinced of his great
+deficiency! When fire would have been called from heaven by his angry
+followers, how forbearing the rebuke! When denied and forsaken with
+oaths and curses by one of his nearest friends, what was it but a look
+of pitying love that sent the disciple out so bitterly to weep? When, in
+his last extremity of sorrow, his friends all fell asleep, how gently
+he drew over them the mantle of love! Oh blessed Saviour, impart more of
+thy own spirit to those who profess to follow thee!
+
+
+                                THE END.
+
+
+    +------------------------------------------------------------------+
+    |Transcriber's Notes.                                              |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |The following changes were made to the original text (correction  |
+    |in brackets):                                                     |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page   3: to this request, MISS GRIMKE's(Grimké) Address was      |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page  19: associated CLARKSON, SHARPE, MACAULEY(Macaulay), and    |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page  44: (than) it is with "sheep-stealer." But Abolitionists    |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page  53: Secondly,(.) To make them willing to relinquish         |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page  59: sustained this trafic(traffic), in that nation. What    |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page  71: visiter's(visitor's) intention to devote himself to this|
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page  77: Footnote 3: suffer from such persecution;(") and he     |
+    |honourably and nobly                                              |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page  84: Mr. Clarkson continued his efficient                    |
+    |co-opetion(co-operation)                                          |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page 101: so benevolent in feeling and action;(,) that her        |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page 108: when she cannot please, or by petulent(petulant)        |
+    |complaints                                                        |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page 112: Every man is saying, "let(Let) me have                  |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page 124: and prejudiced bigot.(")                                |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page 134: tempation(temptation), and lead to greater evils than   |
+    +------------------------------------------------------------------+
+
+
+
+
+
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+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay on Slavery and Abolitionism, by 
+Catharine E. Beecher
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: An Essay on Slavery and Abolitionism
+       With reference to the duty of American females
+
+Author: Catharine E. Beecher
+
+Release Date: July 25, 2008 [EBook #26123]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAY - SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by K Nordquist, Emanuela Piasentini and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p>
+
+<h1>
+<big>AN ESSAY</big><br />
+<small>ON</small><br />
+SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM,<br />
+<small>WITH REFERENCE TO THE</small><br />
+<span class='medium'>DUTY OF AMERICAN FEMALES.</span><br />
+</h1>
+
+
+<hr class="minort" />
+
+<p class="title" >
+<big> BY CATHARINE E. BEECHER.</big></p>
+
+<hr class="minor" />
+
+<p class="title" style="margin-top:5em;">
+Philadelphia:<br />
+HENRY PERKINS, 134 CHESTNUT STREET.<br />
+PERKINS &amp; MARVIN, BOSTON.<br />
+. . . . . . . .<br />
+<big>1837.</big></p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span></p>
+
+<hr class="majort" />
+<p class="medium">Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1837, by
+<i>Henry Perkins</i>, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of
+the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.</p>
+<hr class="majorb" />
+<p>L. <span class="smcap">ASHMEAD AND CO. PRINTERS</span>.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<hr class="major" />
+<h2>PREFACE</h2>
+
+
+<p><span class="smcap">The</span> following are the circumstances which occasioned the
+succeeding pages. A gentleman and a friend, requested the writer
+to assign reasons why he should not join the Abolition Society.
+While preparing a reply to this request, <span class="smcap">Miss <ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'Grimke'">Grimk&eacute;</ins>'s</span> Address
+was presented, and the information communicated, of her intention
+to visit the North, for the purpose of using her influence among
+northern ladies to induce them to unite with Abolition Societies.
+The writer then began a private letter to Miss Grimk&eacute; as a
+personal friend. But by the wishes and advice of others, these
+two efforts were finally combined in the following Essay, to be
+presented to the public.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The honoured and beloved name which that lady bears, so
+associated as it is at the South, North, and West, with all that
+is elegant in a scholar, refined in a gentleman, and elevated in
+a Christian,&mdash;the respectable sect with which she is
+connected,&mdash;the interesting effusions of her pen,&mdash;and her own
+intellectual and moral worth, must secure respect for her
+opinions and much personal influence. This seems to be a
+sufficient apology for presenting to the public some
+considerations in connexion with her name; considerations which
+may exhibit in another aspect the cause she advocates, and which
+it may be appropriate to consider. As such, they are respectfully
+commended to the public, and especially to that portion of it for
+which they are particularly designed.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<hr class="major" />
+
+<h2>
+<big>ESSAY</big><br />
+<small>ON</small><br />
+SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM.
+</h2>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p class="title">
+<span class="smcap">Addressed to Miss A. D. Grimk&eacute;.</span></p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p class="noi"><span class="smcap">My dear Friend,</span></p>
+
+<p>Your public address to Christian females at the South has reached
+me, and I have been urged to aid in circulating it at the North.
+I have also been informed, that you contemplate a tour, during
+the ensuing year, for the purpose of exerting your influence to
+form Abolition Societies among ladies of the non-slave-holding
+States.</p>
+
+<p>Our acquaintance and friendship give me a claim to your private
+ear; but there are reasons why it seems more desirable to address
+you, who now stand before the public<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span> as an advocate of Abolition
+measures, in a more public manner.</p>
+
+<p>The object I have in view, is to present some reasons why it
+seems unwise and inexpedient for ladies of the non-slave-holding
+States to unite themselves in Abolition Societies; and thus, at
+the same time, to exhibit the inexpediency of the course you
+propose to adopt.</p>
+
+<p>I would first remark, that your public address leads me to infer,
+that you are not sufficiently informed in regard to the feelings
+and opinions of Christian females at the North. Your remarks seem
+to assume, that the <i>principles</i> held by Abolitionists on the
+subject of slavery, are peculiar to them, and are not generally
+adopted by those at the North who oppose their <i>measures</i>. In
+this you are not correctly informed. In the sense in which
+Abolitionists explain the terms they employ, there is little, if
+any, difference between them and most northern persons.
+Especially is this true of northern persons of religious
+principles. I know not where to look for northern Christians, who
+would deny<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span> that every slave-holder is bound to treat his slaves
+exactly as he would claim that his own children ought to be
+treated in similar circumstances; that the holding of our fellow
+men as property, or the withholding any of the rights of freedom,
+for mere purposes of gain, is a sin, and ought to be immediately
+abandoned; and that where the laws are such, that a slave-holder
+cannot <i>legally</i> emancipate his slaves, without throwing them
+into worse bondage, he is bound to use all his influence to alter
+those laws, and, in the meantime, to treat his slaves, as nearly
+as he can, <i>as if</i> they were free.</p>
+
+<p>I do not suppose there is one person in a thousand, at the North,
+who would dissent from these principles. They would only differ
+in the use of terms, and call this the doctrine of <i>gradual
+emancipation</i>, while Abolitionists would call it the doctrine of
+<i>immediate emancipation</i>.</p>
+
+<p>As this is the state of public opinion at the North, there is no
+necessity for using any influence with northern ladies, in order
+that they may adopt your <i>principles</i> on the subject<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span> of slavery;
+for they hold them in common with yourself, and it would seem
+unwise, and might prove irritating, to approach them as if they
+held opposite sentiments.</p>
+
+<p>In regard to the duty of making efforts to bring the people of
+the Southern States to adopt these principles, and act on them,
+it is entirely another matter. On this point you would find a
+large majority opposed to your views. Most persons in the
+non-slave-holding States have considered the matter of Southern
+slavery, as one in which they were no more called to interfere,
+than in the abolition of the press-gang system in England, or the
+tythe system of Ireland. Public opinion may have been wrong on
+this point, and yet have been right on all those great principles
+of rectitude and justice relating to slavery, which Abolitionists
+claim as their <i>distinctive</i> peculiarities.</p>
+
+<p>The distinctive peculiarity of the Abolition Society is this: it
+is a voluntary association in one section of the country,
+designed to awaken public sentiment against a moral evil existing
+in another section of the country,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span> and the principal point of
+effort seems to be, to enlarge the numbers of this association as
+a means of influencing public sentiment. The principal object of
+your proposed tour, I suppose, is to present facts, arguments,
+and persuasions to influence northern ladies to enrol themselves
+as members of this association.</p>
+
+<p>I will therefore proceed to present some of the reasons which may
+be brought against such a measure as the one you would urge.</p>
+
+<p>In the first place, the main principle of action in that society
+rests wholly on a false deduction from past experience.
+Experience has shown, that when certain moral evils exist in a
+community, efforts to awaken public sentiment against such
+practices, and combinations for the exercise of personal
+influence and example, have in various cases tended to rectify
+these evils. Thus in respect to intemperance;&mdash;the collecting of
+facts, the labours of public lecturers and the distribution of
+publications, have had much effect in diminishing the evil. So in
+reference to the slave-trade and slavery in England. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span> English
+nation possessed the power of regulating their own trade, and of
+giving liberty to every slave in their dominions; and yet they
+were entirely unmindful of their duty on this subject. Clarkson,
+Wilberforce, and their coadjutors, commenced a system of
+operations to arouse and influence public sentiment, and they
+succeeded in securing the suppression of the slave trade, and the
+gradual abolition of slavery in the English colonies. In both
+these cases, the effort was to enlighten and direct public
+sentiment in a community, of which the actors were a portion, in
+order to lead them to rectify an evil existing among <span class="smcap">THEMSELVES</span>,
+which was entirely under their control.</p>
+
+<p>From the success of such efforts, the Abolitionists of this
+country have drawn inferences, which appear to be not only
+illogical, but false. Because individuals in <i>their own</i>
+community have aroused their fellow citizens to correct their own
+evils, therefore they infer that attempts to convince their
+fellow-citizens of the faults of <i>another</i> community will lead
+that community to forsake<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span> their evil practices. An example will
+more clearly illustrate the case. Suppose two rival cities, which
+have always been in competition, and always jealous of each
+other's reputation and prosperity. Certain individuals in one of
+these cities become convinced, that the sin of intemperance is
+destroying their prosperity and domestic happiness. They proceed
+to collect facts, they arrange statistics, they call public
+meetings, they form voluntary associations, they use arguments,
+entreaties and personal example, and by these means they arrest
+the evil.</p>
+
+<p>Suppose another set of men, in this same community, become
+convinced that certain practices in trade and business in the
+rival city, are dishonest, and have an oppressive bearing on
+certain classes in that city, and are injurious to the interests
+of general commerce. Suppose also, that these are practices,
+which, by those who allow them, are considered as honourable and
+right. Those who are convinced of their immorality, wish to alter
+the opinions and the practices of the citizens of their rival
+city, and to do this,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span> they commence the collection of facts,
+that exhibit the tendencies of these practices and the evils they
+have engendered. But instead of going among the community in
+which the evils exist, and endeavouring to convince and persuade
+them, they proceed to form voluntary associations among their
+neighbours at home, and spend their time, money and efforts to
+convince their fellow citizens that the inhabitants of their
+rival city are guilty of a great sin. They also publish papers
+and tracts and send out agents, not to the guilty city, but to
+all the neighbouring towns and villages, to convince them of the
+sins of the city in their vicinity. And they claim that they
+shall succeed in making that city break off its sins, by these
+measures, because other men succeeded in banishing intemperance
+by labouring among their own friends and fellow citizens. Is not
+this example exactly parallel with the exertions of the
+Abolitionists? Are not the northern and southern sections of our
+country distinct communities, with different feelings and
+interests? Are they not rival, and jealous in feeling? Have the
+northern States the power to rectify evils<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span> at the South, as they
+have to remove their own moral deformities; or have they any such
+power over the southern States as the British people had over
+their own trade and their dependent colonies in the West Indies?
+Have not Abolitionists been sending out papers, tracts, and
+agents to convince the people of the North of the sins of the
+South? Have they not refrained from going to the South with their
+facts, arguments, and appeals, because they feared personal evils
+to themselves? And do not Abolitionists found their hopes of
+success in their project, on the success which crowned the
+efforts of British philanthropists in the case of slavery, and on
+the success that has attended efforts to banish intemperance? And
+do not these two cases differ entirely from the Abolition
+movement in this main point, that one is an effort to convince
+men of <i>their own</i> sins, and the other is an effort to convince
+men of the sins of <i>other persons</i>?</p>
+
+<p>The second reason I would urge against joining the Abolition
+Society is, that its character and measures are not either
+peaceful<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span> or Christian in tendency, but they rather are those
+which tend to generate party spirit, denunciation, recrimination,
+and angry passions.</p>
+
+<p>But before bringing evidence to sustain this position, I wish to
+make a distinction between the <i>men</i> who constitute an
+association, and the <i>measures</i> which are advocated and adopted.</p>
+
+<p>I believe, that as a body, Abolitionists are men of pure morals,
+of great honesty of purpose, of real benevolence and piety, and
+of great activity in efforts to promote what they consider the
+best interests of their fellow men. I believe, that, in making
+efforts to abolish slavery, they have taken measures, which they
+supposed were best calculated to bring this evil to an end, with
+the greatest speed, and with the least danger and suffering to
+the South. I do not believe they ever designed to promote
+disunion, or insurrection, or to stir up strife, or that they
+suppose that their measures can be justly characterized by the
+peculiarities I have specified. I believe they have been urged
+forward by a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span> strong feeling of patriotism, as well as of
+religious duty, and that they have made great sacrifices of
+feeling, character, time, and money to promote what they believed
+to be the cause of humanity and the service of God. I regard
+individuals among them, as having taken a bold and courageous
+stand, in maintaining the liberty of free discussion, the liberty
+of speech and of the press; though this however is somewhat
+abated by the needless provocations by which they caused those
+difficulties and hazards they so courageously sustained. In
+speaking thus of Abolitionists as a body, it is not assumed that
+there are not bad men found in this party as well as in every
+other; nor that among those who are good men, there are not those
+who may have allowed party spirit to take the place of Christian
+principle; men who have exhibited a mournful destitution of
+Christian charity; who have indulged in an overbearing,
+denouncing, and self-willed pertinacity as to measures. Yet with
+these reservations, I believe that the above is no more than a
+fair and just exhibition of that class of men<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span> who are embraced
+in the party of Abolitionists. And all this can be admitted, and
+yet the objection I am to urge against joining their ranks may
+stand in its full force.</p>
+
+<p>To make the position clearer, an illustration may be allowed.
+Suppose a body of good men become convinced that the inspired
+direction, "them that sin, rebuke before all, that others may
+fear," imposes upon them the duty of openly rebuking every body
+whom they discover in the practice of any sin. Suppose these men
+are daily in the habit of going into the streets, and calling all
+by-standers around them, pointing out certain men, some as liars,
+some as dishonest, some as licentious, and then bringing proofs
+of their guilt and rebuking them before all; at the same time
+exhorting all around to point at them the finger of scorn.</p>
+
+<p>They persevere in this course till the whole community is thrown
+into an uproar; and assaults, and even bloodshed ensue. They then
+call on all good citizens to protect their persons from abuse,
+and to maintain the liberty of speech and of free opinion.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Now the men may be as pure in morals, as conscientious and
+upright in intention, as any Abolitionist, and yet every one
+would say, that their measures were unwise and unchristian.</p>
+
+<p>In like manner, although Abolitionists may be lauded for many
+virtues, still much evidence can be presented, that the character
+and measures of the Abolition Society are not either peaceful or
+christian in tendency, but that they are in their nature
+calculated to generate party spirit, denunciation, recrimination,
+and angry passions.</p>
+
+<p>The first thing I would present to establish this, is the
+character of the leaders of this association. Every combined
+effort is necessarily directed by leaders; and the spirit of the
+leaders will inevitably be communicated to their coadjutors, and
+appear in the measures of the whole body.</p>
+
+<p>In attempting to characterize these leaders, I would first
+present another leader of a similar enterprise, the beloved and
+venerated <span class="smcap">Wilberforce</span>. It is thus that his prominent traits are
+delineated by an intimate friend.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>"His extreme benevolence contributed largely to his success. I
+have heard him say, that it was one of his constant rules, and on
+the question of slavery especially, never to provoke an
+adversary&mdash;to allow him credit fully for sincerity and purity of
+motive&mdash;to abstain from all irritating expressions&mdash;to avoid even
+such political attacks as would indispose his opponents for his
+great cause. In fact, the benignity, the gentleness, the
+kind-heartedness of the man, disarmed the bitterest foes. Not
+only on this question did he restrain himself, but generally.
+Once he had been called during a whole debate 'the religious
+member,' in a kind of scorn. He remarked afterwards, that he was
+much inclined to have retorted, by calling his opponent the
+<i>irreligious</i> member, but that he refrained, as it would have
+been a returning of evil for evil. Next to his general
+consistency, and love of the Scriptures, the <i>humility</i> of his
+character always appeared remarkable. The modest, shrinking,
+simple Christian statesman and friend always appeared in him. And
+the nearer you approached<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span> him, the more his habit of mind
+obviously appeared to be modest and lowly. His <i>charity in
+judging of others</i>, is a farther trait of his Christian
+character. Of his benevolence I need not speak, but his <i>kind
+construction of doubtful actions</i>, his <i>charitable language</i>
+toward those with whom he most widely differed, his thorough
+forgetfulness of little affronts, were fruits of that general
+benevolence which continually appeared."</p>
+
+<p>This was the leader, both in and out of Parliament, of that body
+of men who combined to bring to an end slavery and the slave
+trade, in the dominions of Great Britain. With him, as principal
+leaders, were associated <span class="smcap">Clarkson</span>, <span class="smcap">Sharpe</span>, <ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'Macauley'"><span class="smcap">Macaulay</span></ins>, and others
+of a similar spirit. These men were all of them characterized by
+that mild, benevolent, peaceful, gentlemanly and forbearing
+spirit, which has been described as so conspicuous in
+Wilberforce. And when their measures are examined, it will be
+found that they were eminently mild, peaceful, and forbearing.
+Though no effort that is to encounter the selfish interests of
+men, can escape<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span> without odium and opposition, from those who are
+thwarted, and from all whom they can influence, these men
+carefully took those measures that were calculated to bring about
+their end with the least opposition and evil possible. They
+avoided prejudices, strove to conciliate opposers, shunned every
+thing that would give needless offence and exasperation, began
+slowly and cautiously, with points which could be the most easily
+carried, and advanced toward others only as public sentiment
+became more and more enlightened. They did not beard the lion in
+full face, by coming out as the first thing with the maxim, that
+all slavery ought and must be abandoned immediately. They began
+with "inquiries as to the <i>impolicy</i> of the <i>slave trade</i>," and
+it was years before they came to the point of the abolition of
+slavery. And they carried their measures through, without
+producing warring parties among <i>good men</i>, who held common
+principles with themselves. As a general fact, the pious men of
+Great Britain acted harmoniously in this great effort.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Let us now look at the leaders of the Abolition movement in
+America. The man who first took the lead was William L. Garrison,
+who, though he professes a belief in the Christian religion, is
+an avowed opponent of most of its institutions. The character and
+spirit of this man have for years been exhibited in "the
+Liberator," of which he is the editor. That there is to be found
+in that paper, or in any thing else, any evidence of his
+possessing the peculiar traits of Wilberforce, not even his
+warmest admirers will maintain. How many of the opposite traits
+can be found, those can best judge who have read his paper.
+Gradually others joined themselves in the effort commenced by
+Garrison; but for a long time they consisted chiefly of men who
+would fall into one of these three classes; either good men who
+were so excited by a knowledge of the enormous evils of slavery,
+that <i>any thing</i> was considered better than entire inactivity, or
+else men accustomed to a contracted field of observation, and
+more qualified to judge of immediate results than of general
+tendencies,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span> or else men of ardent and impulsive temperament,
+whose feelings are likely to take the lead, rather than their
+judgment.</p>
+
+<p>There are no men who act more efficiently as the leaders of an
+enterprise than the editors of the periodicals that advocate and
+defend it. The editors of the Emancipator, the Friend of Man, the
+New York Evangelist, and the other abolition periodicals, may
+therefore be considered as among the chief leaders of the
+enterprise, and their papers are the mirror from which their
+spirit and character are reflected.</p>
+
+<p>I wish the friends of these editors would cull from their papers
+all the indications they can find of the peculiarities that
+distinguished Wilberforce and his associates; all the evidence of
+"a modest and lowly spirit,"&mdash;all the exhibitions of "charity in
+judging of the motives of those who oppose their measures,"&mdash;all
+the "indications of benignity, gentleness, and
+kind-heartedness,"&mdash;all the "kind constructions of doubtful
+actions,"&mdash;all the "charitable language used toward those who
+differ in opinion or measures,"&mdash;all the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span> "thorough forgetfulness
+of little affronts,"&mdash;all the cases where "opponents are allowed
+full credit for purity and sincerity of motive,"&mdash;all cases where
+they have been careful "never to provoke an adversary,"&mdash;all
+cases where they have "refrained from all irritating
+expressions,"&mdash;all cases where they have avoided every thing that
+would "indispose their opponents for their great cause," and then
+compare the result with what may be found of an opposite
+character, and I think it would not be unsafe to infer that an
+association whose measures, on an exciting subject, were guided
+by such men, would be more likely to be aggressive than peaceful.
+The position I would establish will appear more clearly, by
+examining in detail some of the prominent measures which have
+been adopted by this association.</p>
+
+<p>One of the first measures of Abolitionists was an attack on a
+benevolent society, originated and sustained by some of the most
+pious and devoted men of the age. It was imagined by
+Abolitionists, that the influence and measures of the
+Colonization Society tended to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span> retard the abolition of slavery,
+and to perpetuate injurious prejudices against the coloured race.
+The peaceful and christian method of meeting this difficulty
+would have been, to collect all the evidence of this supposed
+hurtful tendency, and privately, and in a respectful and
+conciliating way, to have presented it to the attention of the
+wise and benevolent men, who were most interested in sustaining
+this institution. If this measure did not avail to convince them,
+then it would have been safe and justifiable to present to the
+public a temperate statement of facts, and of the deductions
+based on them, drawn up in a respectful and candid manner, with
+every charitable allowance which truth could warrant. Instead of
+this, when the attempt was first made to turn public opinion
+against the Colonization Society, I met one of the most
+influential supporters of that institution, just after he had had
+an interview with a leading Abolitionist. This gentleman was most
+remarkable for his urbanity, meekness, and benevolence, and his
+remark to me in reference to this interview, shows what was its
+nature.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span> "I love truth and sound argument," said he, "but when a
+man comes at me with a sledge hammer, I cannot help dodging."
+This is a specimen of their private manner of dealing. In public,
+the enterprise was attacked as a plan for promoting the selfish
+interests and prejudices of the whites, at the expense of the
+coloured population; and in many cases, it was assumed that the
+conductors of this association were aware of this, and accessory
+to it. And the style in which the thing was done was at once
+offensive, inflammatory, and exasperating. Denunciation, sneers,
+and public rebuke, were bestowed indiscriminately upon the
+conductors of the enterprise, and of course they fell upon many
+sincere, upright, and conscientious men, whose feelings were
+harrowed by a sense of the injustice, the indecorum, and the
+unchristian treatment, they received. And when a temporary
+impression was made on the public mind, and its opponents
+supposed they had succeeded in crushing this society, the most
+public and triumphant exultation was not repressed. Compare this
+method of carrying a point, with that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span> adopted by Wilberforce and
+his compeers, and I think you will allow that there was a way
+that was peaceful and christian, and that this was not the way
+which was chosen.</p>
+
+<p>The next measure of Abolitionism was an attempt to remove the
+prejudices of the whites against the blacks, on account of
+natural peculiarities. Now, prejudice is an <i>unreasonable</i> and
+<i>groundless</i> dislike of persons or things. Of course, as it is
+unreasonable, it is the most difficult of all things to conquer,
+and the worst and most irritating method that could be attempted
+would be, to attack a man as guilty of sin, as unreasonable, as
+ungenerous, or as proud, for allowing a certain prejudice.</p>
+
+<p>This is the sure way to produce anger, self-justification, and an
+increase of the strength of prejudice, against that which has
+caused him this rebuke and irritation.</p>
+
+<p>The best way to make a person like a thing which is disagreeable,
+is to try in some way to make it agreeable; and if a certain
+class of persons is the subject of unreasonable prejudice, the
+peaceful and christian way of removing it would be to endeavour
+to render<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span> the unfortunate persons who compose this class, so
+useful, so humble and unassuming, so kind in their feelings, and
+so full of love and good works, that prejudice would be
+supplanted by complacency in their goodness, and pity and
+sympathy for their disabilities. If the friends of the blacks had
+quietly set themselves to work to increase their intelligence,
+their usefulness, their respectability, their meekness,
+gentleness, and benevolence, and then had appealed to the pity,
+generosity, and christian feelings of their fellow citizens, a
+very different result would have appeared. Instead of this,
+reproaches, rebukes, and sneers, were employed to convince the
+whites that their prejudices were sinful, and without any just
+cause. They were accused of pride, of selfish indifference, of
+unchristian neglect. This tended to irritate the whites, and to
+increase their prejudice against the blacks, who thus were made
+the causes of rebuke and exasperation. Then, on the other hand,
+the blacks extensively received the Liberator, and learned to
+imbibe the spirit of its conductor.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>They were taught to feel that they were injured and abused, the
+objects of a guilty and unreasonable prejudice&mdash;that they
+occupied a lower place in society than was right&mdash;that they ought
+to be treated as if they were whites; and in repeated instances,
+attempts were made by their friends to mingle them with whites,
+so as to break down the existing distinctions of society. Now,
+the question is not, whether these things, that were urged by
+Abolitionists, were true. The thing maintained is, that the
+method taken by them to remove this prejudice was neither
+peaceful nor christian in its tendency, but, on the contrary, was
+calculated to increase the evil, and to generate anger, pride,
+and recrimination, on one side, and envy, discontent, and
+revengeful feelings, on the other.</p>
+
+<p>These are some of the general measures which have been exhibited
+in the Abolition movement. The same peculiarities may be as
+distinctly seen in specific cases, where the peaceful and quiet
+way of accomplishing the good was neglected, and the one most
+calculated to excite wrath and strife was chosen.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span> Take, for
+example, the effort to establish a college for coloured persons.
+The quiet, peaceful, and christian way of doing such a thing,
+would have been, for those who were interested in the plan, to
+furnish the money necessary, and then to have selected a retired
+place, where there would be the least prejudice and opposition to
+be met, and there, in an unostentatious way, commenced the
+education of the youth to be thus sustained. Instead of this, at
+a time when the public mind was excited on the subject, it was
+noised abroad that a college for blacks was to be founded. Then a
+city was selected for its location, where was another college, so
+large as to demand constant effort and vigilance to preserve
+quiet subordination; where contests with "sailors and town boys"
+were barely kept at bay; a college embracing a large proportion
+of southern students, who were highly excited on the subject of
+slavery and emancipation; a college where half the shoe-blacks
+and waiters were coloured men. Beside the very walls of this
+college, it was proposed to found a college for coloured young<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>
+men. Could it be otherwise than that opposition, and that for the
+best of reasons, would arise against such an attempt, both from
+the faculty of the college and the citizens of the place? Could
+it be reasonably expected that they would not oppose a measure so
+calculated to increase their own difficulties and liabilities,
+and at the same time so certain to place the proposed institution
+in the most unfavourable of all circumstances? But when the
+measure was opposed, instead of yielding meekly and peaceably to
+such reasonable objections, and soothing the feelings and
+apprehensions that had been excited, by putting the best
+construction on the matter, and seeking another place, it was
+claimed as an evidence of opposition to the interests of the
+blacks, and as a mark of the force of sinful prejudice. The
+worst, rather than the best, motives were ascribed to some of the
+most respectable, and venerated, and pious men, who opposed the
+measure; and a great deal was said and done that was calculated
+to throw the community into an angry ferment.</p>
+
+<p>Take another example. If a prudent and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span> benevolent female had
+selected almost any village in New England, and commenced a
+school for coloured females, in a quiet, appropriate, and
+unostentatious way, the world would never have heard of the case,
+except to applaud her benevolence, and the kindness of the
+villagers, who aided her in the effort. But instead of this,
+there appeared public advertisements, (which I saw at the time,)
+stating that a seminary for the education of young ladies of
+colour was to be opened in Canterbury, in the state of
+Connecticut, where would be taught music on the piano forte,
+drawing, &amp;c., together with a course of English education. Now,
+there are not a dozen coloured families in New England, in such
+pecuniary circumstances, that if they were whites it would not be
+thought ridiculous to attempt to give their daughters such a
+course of education, and Canterbury was a place where but few of
+the wealthiest families ever thought of furnishing such
+accomplishments for their children. Several other particulars
+might be added that were exceedingly irritating, but this may
+serve as a specimen of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span> the method in which the whole affair was
+conducted. It was an entire disregard of the prejudices and the
+proprieties of society, and calculated to stimulate pride, anger,
+ill-will, contention, and all the bitter feelings that spring
+from such collisions. Then, instead of adopting measures to
+soothe and conciliate, rebukes, sneers and denunciations, were
+employed, and Canterbury and Connecticut were held up to public
+scorn and rebuke for doing what most other communities would
+probably have done, if similarly tempted and provoked.</p>
+
+<p>Take another case. It was deemed expedient by Abolitionists to
+establish an Abolition paper, first in Kentucky, a slave State.
+It was driven from that State, either by violence or by threats.
+It retreated to Ohio, one of the free States. In selecting a
+place for its location, it might have been established in a small
+place, where the people were of similar views, or were not
+exposed to dangerous popular excitements. But Cincinnati was
+selected; and when the most intelligent, the most reasonable, and
+the most patriotic of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span> the citizens remonstrated,&mdash;when they
+represented that there were peculiar and unusual liabilities to
+popular excitement on this subject,&mdash;that the organization and
+power of the police made it extremely dangerous to excite a mob,
+and almost impossible to control it,&mdash;that all the good aimed at
+could be accomplished by locating the press in another place,
+where there were not such dangerous liabilities,&mdash;when they
+kindly and respectfully urged these considerations, they were
+disregarded. I myself was present when a sincere friend urged
+upon the one who controlled that paper, the obligations of good
+men, not merely to avoid breaking wholesome laws themselves, but
+the duty of regarding the liabilities of others to temptation;
+and that where Christians could foresee that by placing certain
+temptations in the way of their fellow-men, all the probabilities
+were, that they would yield, and yet persisted in doing it, the
+tempters became partakers in the guilt of those who yielded to
+the temptation. But these remonstrances were ineffectual. The
+paper must not only be printed and circulated, but it must<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span> be
+stationed where were the greatest probabilities that measures of
+illegal violence would ensue. And when the evil was perpetrated,
+and a mob destroyed the press, then those who had urged on these
+measures of temptation, turned upon those who had advised and
+remonstrated, as the guilty authors of the violence, because, in
+a season of excitement, the measures adopted to restrain and
+control the mob, were not such as were deemed suitable and right.</p>
+
+<p>Now, in all the above cases, I would by no means justify the
+wrong or the injudicious measures that may have been pursued,
+under this course of provocation. The greatness of temptation
+does by no means release men from obligation; but Christians are
+bound to remember that it is a certain consequence of throwing
+men into strong excitement, that they will act unwisely and
+wrong, and that the tempter as well as the tempted are held
+responsible, both by God and man. In all these cases, it cannot
+but appear that the good aimed at might have been accomplished in
+a quiet, peaceable, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span> christian way, and that this was not the
+way which was chosen.</p>
+
+<p>The whole system of Abolition measures seems to leave entirely
+out of view, the obligation of Christians to save their fellow
+men from all needless temptations. If the thing to be done is
+only lawful and right, it does not appear to have been a matter
+of effort to do it in such a way as would not provoke and
+irritate; but often, if the chief aim had been to do the good in
+the most injurious and offensive way, no more certain and
+appropriate methods could have been devised.</p>
+
+<p>So much has this been the character of Abolition movements, that
+many have supposed it to be a deliberate and systematized plan of
+the leaders to do nothing but what was strictly a <i>right</i>
+guaranteed by law, and yet, in such a manner, as to provoke men
+to anger, so that unjust and illegal acts might ensue, knowing,
+that as a consequence, the opposers of Abolition would be thrown
+into the wrong, and sympathy be aroused for Abolitionists as
+injured and persecuted men. It is a fact, that Abolitionists have
+taken the course most<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span> calculated to awaken illegal acts of
+violence, and that when they have ensued, they have seemed to
+rejoice in them, as calculated to advance and strengthen their
+cause. The violence of mobs, the denunciations and unreasonable
+requirements of the South, the denial of the right of petition,
+the restrictions attempted to be laid upon freedom of speech, and
+freedom of the press, are generally spoken of with exultation by
+Abolitionists, as what are among the chief means of promoting
+their cause. It is not so much by exciting feelings of pity and
+humanity, and Christian love, towards the oppressed, as it is by
+awakening indignation at the treatment of Abolitionists
+themselves, that their cause has prospered. How many men have
+declared or implied, that in joining the ranks of Abolition, they
+were influenced, not by their arguments, or by the wisdom of
+their course, but because the violence of opposers had identified
+that cause with the question of freedom of speech, freedom of the
+press, and civil liberty.</p>
+
+<p>But when I say that many have supposed that it was the deliberate
+intention of the Abolitionists<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span> to foment illegal acts and
+violence, I would by no means justify a supposition, which is
+contrary to the dictates of justice and charity. The leaders of
+the Abolition Society disclaim all such wishes or intentions;
+they only act apparently on the assumption that they are
+exercising just rights, which they are not bound to give up,
+because other men will act unreasonably and wickedly.</p>
+
+<p>Another measure of Abolitionists, calculated to awaken evil
+feelings, has been the treatment of those who objected to their
+proceedings.</p>
+
+<p>A large majority of the philanthropic and pious, who hold common
+views with the Abolitionists, as to the sin and evils of slavery,
+and the duty of using all appropriate means to bring it to an
+end, have opposed their measures, because they have believed them
+not calculated to promote, but rather to retard the end proposed
+to be accomplished by them. The peaceful and Christian method of
+encountering such opposition, would have been to allow the
+opponents full credit for purity and integrity of motive, to have
+avoided all<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span> harsh and censorious language, and to have employed
+facts, arguments and persuasions, in a kind and respectful way
+with the hope of modifying their views and allaying their fears.
+Instead of this, the wise and good who opposed Abolition
+measures, have been treated as though they were the friends and
+defenders of slavery, or as those who, from a guilty, timid,
+time-serving policy, refused to take the course which duty
+demanded. They have been addressed either as if it were necessary
+to convince them that slavery is wrong and ought to be abandoned,
+or else, as if they needed to be exhorted to give up their
+timidity and selfish interest, and to perform a manifest duty,
+which they were knowingly neglecting.</p>
+
+<p>Now there is nothing more irritating, when a man is conscientious
+and acting according to his own views of right, than to be dealt
+with in this manner. The more men are treated as if they were
+honest and sincere&mdash;the more they are treated with respect,
+fairness, and benevolence, the more likely they are to be moved
+by evidence and arguments.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span> On the contrary, harshness,
+uncharitableness, and rebuke, for opinions and conduct that are
+in agreement with a man's own views of duty and rectitude, tend
+to awaken evil feelings, and indispose the mind properly to
+regard evidence. Abolitionists have not only taken this course,
+but in many cases, have seemed to act on the principle, that the
+abolition of Slavery, in the particular mode in which they were
+aiming to accomplish it, was of such paramount importance, that
+every thing must be overthrown that stood in the way.</p>
+
+<p>No matter what respect a man had gained for talents, virtue, and
+piety, if he stood in the way of Abolitionism, he must be
+attacked as to character and motives. No matter how important an
+institution might be, if its influence was against the measures
+of Abolitionism, it must be attacked openly, or sapped privately,
+till its influence was destroyed. By such measures, the most
+direct means have been taken to awaken anger at injury, and
+resentment at injustice, and to provoke retaliation on those who
+inflict the wrong. All the partialities of personal friendship;
+all the feelings<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span> of respect accorded to good and useful men; all
+the interests that cluster around public institutions, entrenched
+in the hearts of the multitudes who sustain them, were outraged
+by such a course.</p>
+
+<p>Another measure of Abolitionists, which has greatly tended to
+promote wrath and strife, is their indiscreet and incorrect use
+of terms.</p>
+
+<p>To make this apparent, it must be premised, that words have no
+inherent meaning, but always signify that which they are commonly
+<i>understood</i> to mean. The question never should be asked, what
+<i>ought</i> a word to mean? but simply, what is the meaning generally
+attached to this word by those who use it? Vocabularies and
+standard writers are the proper umpires to decide this question.
+Now if men take words and give them a new and peculiar use, and
+are consequently misunderstood, they are guilty of a species of
+deception, and are accountable for all the evils that may ensue
+as a consequence.</p>
+
+<p>For example; if physicians should come out and declare, that it
+was their opinion that they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span> ought to poison all their patients,
+and they had determined to do it, and then all the community
+should be thrown into terror and excitement, it would be no
+justification for them to say, that all they intended by that
+language was, that they should administer as medicines, articles
+which are usually called poisons.</p>
+
+<p>Now Abolitionists are before the community, and declare that all
+slavery is sin, which ought to be immediately forsaken; and that
+it is their object and intention to promote the <i>immediate
+emancipation</i> of all the slaves in this nation.</p>
+
+<p>Now what is it that makes a man cease to be a slave and become
+free? It is not kind treatment from a master; it is not paying
+wages to the slave; it is not the intention to bestow freedom at
+a future time; it is not treating a slave as if he were free; it
+is not feeling toward a slave as if he were free. No instance can
+be found of any dictionary, or any standard writer, nor any case
+in common discourse, where any of these significations are
+attached to the word as constituting its peculiar and appropriate
+meaning. It always<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span> signifies <i>that legal</i> act, which, by the
+laws of the land, changes a slave to a freeman.</p>
+
+<p>What then is the <i>proper</i> meaning of the language used by
+Abolitionists, when they say that all slavery is a sin which
+ought to be immediately abandoned, and that it is their object to
+secure the immediate emancipation of all slaves?</p>
+
+<p>The true and only proper meaning of such language is, that it is
+the duty of every slave-holder in this nation, to go immediately
+and make out the legal instruments, that, by the laws of the
+land, change all his slaves to freemen. If their maxim is true,
+no exception can be made for those who live in States where the
+act of emancipation, by a master, makes a slave the property of
+the State, to be sold for the benefit of the State; and no
+exception can be made for those, who, by the will of testators,
+and by the law of the land, have no power to perform the legal
+act, which alone can emancipate their slaves.</p>
+
+<p>To meet this difficulty, Abolitionists affirm, that, in such
+cases, men are physically unable to emancipate their slaves, and
+of course are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span> not bound to do it; and to save their great maxim,
+maintain that, in such cases, the slaves are not slaves, and the
+slave-holders are not slave-holders, although all their legal
+relations remain unchanged.</p>
+
+<p>The meaning which the Abolitionist attaches to his language is
+this, that every man is bound to treat his slaves, as nearly as
+he can, like freemen; and to use all his influence to bring the
+system of slavery to an end as soon as possible. And they allow
+that when men do this they are free from guilt, in the matter of
+slavery, and undeserving of censure.</p>
+
+<p>But men at the North, and men at the South, understand the
+language used in its true and proper sense; and Abolitionists
+have been using these terms in a new and peculiar sense, which is
+inevitably and universally misunderstood, and this is an occasion
+of much of the strife and alarm which has prevailed both at the
+South and at the North. There are none but these defenders of
+slavery who maintain that it is a relation justifiable by the
+laws of the Gospel, who differ from Abolitionists in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span> regard to
+the real thing which is meant. The great mistake of Abolitionists
+is in using terms which inculcate the immediate annihilation of
+the relation, when they only intend to urge the Christian duty of
+treating slaves according to the gospel rules of justice and
+benevolence, and using all lawful and appropriate means for
+bringing a most pernicious system to a speedy end.</p>
+
+<p>If Abolitionists will only cease to teach that <i>all</i>
+slave-holding is a sin which ought to be <i>immediately abolished</i>;
+if they will cease to urge their plan as one of <i>immediate
+emancipation</i>, and teach simply and exactly that which they do
+mean, much strife and misunderstanding will cease. But so long as
+they persevere in using these terms in a new and peculiar sense,
+which will always be misunderstood, they are guilty of a species
+of deception and accountable for the evils that follow.</p>
+
+<p>One other instance of a similar misuse of terms may be mentioned.
+The word "man-stealer" has one peculiar signification, and it is
+no more synonymous with "slave-holder" <ins class="correction"
+title="Transcriber's note: blank space in the original">than</ins> it is with
+"sheep-stealer." But Abolitionists<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span> show that a slave-holder, in
+fact, does very many of the evils that are perpetrated by a
+man-stealer, and that the crime is quite as evil in its nature,
+and very similar in character, and, therefore, he calls a
+slave-holder a man-stealer.</p>
+
+<p>On this principle there is no abusive language that may not be
+employed to render any man odious&mdash;for every man commits sin of
+some kind, and every sin is like some other sin, in many
+respects, and in certain aggravated cases, may be bad, or even
+worse, than another sin with a much more odious name. It is easy
+to show that a man who neglects all religious duty is very much
+like an atheist, and if he has had great advantages, and the
+atheist very few, he may be much more guilty than an atheist. And
+so, half the respectable men in our religious communities, may be
+called atheists, with as much propriety as a slave-holder can be
+called a man-stealer. Abolitionists have proceeded on this
+principle, in their various publications, until the terms of
+odium that have been showered upon slave-holders, would form a
+large page<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span> in the vocabulary of Billingsgate. This method of
+dealing with those whom we wish to convince and persuade, is as
+contrary to the dictates of common sense, as it is to the rules
+of good breeding and the laws of the gospel.</p>
+
+<p>The preceding particulars are selected, as the evidence to be
+presented, that the character and measures of the Abolition
+Society are neither peaceful nor Christian in their tendency; but
+that in their nature they are calculated to generate
+party-spirit, denunciation, recrimination, and angry passions. If
+such be the tendency of this institution, it follows, that it is
+wrong for a Christian, or any lover of peace, to be connected
+with it.</p>
+
+<p>The assertion that Christianity itself has led to strife and
+contention, is not a safe method of evading this argument.
+Christianity is a system of <i>persuasion</i>, tending, by kind and
+gentle influences, to make men <i>willing</i> to leave off their
+sins&mdash;and it comes, not to convince those who are not sinners,
+but to sinners themselves.</p>
+
+<p>Abolitionism, on the contrary, is a system of <i>coercion</i> by
+public opinion; and in its present<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span> operation, its influence is
+not to convince the erring, but to convince those who are not
+guilty, of the sins of those who are.</p>
+
+<p>Another prominent peculiarity of the Abolitionists, (which is an
+objection to joining this association,) is their advocacy of a
+principle, which is wrong and very pernicious in its tendency. I
+refer to their views in regard to what is called "the doctrine of
+expediency." Their difficulty on this subject seems to have
+arisen from want of a clear distinction between the duty of those
+who are guilty of sin, and the duty of those who are aiming to
+turn men from their sins. The principle is assumed, that because
+certain men ought to abandon every sin immediately, therefore,
+certain other men are bound <i>immediately</i> to try and make them do
+it. Now the question of expediency does not relate to what men
+are bound to do, who are in the practice of sin themselves&mdash;for
+the immediate relinquishment of sin is the duty of all; but it
+relates to the duty of those who are to make efforts to induce
+others to break off their wickedness.</p>
+
+<p>Here, the wisdom and rectitude of a given<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span> course, depend
+entirely on the <i>probabilities of success</i>. If a father has a son
+of a very peculiar temperament, and he knows by observation, that
+the use of the rod will make him more irritable and more liable
+to a certain fault, and that kind arguments, and tender measures
+will more probably accomplish the desired object, it is a rule of
+expediency to try the most probable course. If a companion sees a
+friend committing a sin, and has, from past experience, learned
+that remonstrances excite anger and obstinacy, while a look of
+silent sorrow and disapprobation tends far more to prevent the
+evil, expediency and duty demand silence rather than
+remonstrance.</p>
+
+<p>There are cases also, where differences in age, and station, and
+character, forbid all interference to modify the conduct and
+character of others.</p>
+
+<p>A nursery maid may see that a father misgoverns his children, and
+ill-treats his wife. But her station makes it inexpedient for her
+to turn reprover. It is a case where reproof would do no good,
+but only evil.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>So in communities, the propriety and rectitude of measures can be
+decided, not by the rules of duty that should govern those who
+are to renounce sin, but by the probabilities of good or evil
+consequence.</p>
+
+<p>The Abolitionists seem to lose sight of this distinction. They
+form voluntary associations in free States, to convince their
+fellow citizens of the sins of other men in other communities.
+They are blamed and opposed, because their measures are deemed
+inexpedient, and calculated to increase, rather than diminish the
+evils to be cured.</p>
+
+<p>In return, they show that slavery is a sin which ought to be
+abandoned immediately, and seem to suppose that it follows as a
+correct inference, that they themselves ought to engage in a
+system of agitation against it, and that it is needless for them
+to inquire whether preaching the truth in the manner they
+propose, will increase or diminish the evil. They assume that
+whenever sin is committed, not only ought the sinner immediately
+to cease, but all his fellow-sinners are bound to take measures
+to make him cease,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span> and to take measures, without any reference
+to the probabilities of success.</p>
+
+<p>That this is a correct representation of the views of
+Abolitionists generally, is evident from their periodicals and
+conversation. All their remarks about preaching the truth and
+leaving consequences to God&mdash;all their depreciation of the
+doctrine of expediency, are rendered relevant only by this
+supposition.</p>
+
+<p>The impression made by their writings is, that God has made rules
+of duty; that all men are in all cases to remonstrate against the
+violation of those rules; and that God will take the
+responsibility of bringing good out of this course; so that we
+ourselves are relieved from any necessity of inquiring as to
+probable results.</p>
+
+<p>If this be not the theory of duty adopted by this association,
+then they stand on common ground with those who oppose their
+measures, viz: that the propriety and duty of a given course is
+to be decided by <i>probabilities as to its results</i>; and these
+probabilities<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span> are to be determined by the <i>known laws of mind</i>,
+and the <i>records of past experience</i>.</p>
+
+<p>For only one of two positions can be held. Either that it is the
+duty of all men to remonstrate at all times against all
+violations of duty, and leave the consequences with God; or else
+that men are to use their judgment, and take the part of
+remonstrance only at such a time and place, and in such a manner,
+as promise the best results.</p>
+
+<p>That the Abolitionists have not held the second of these
+positions, must be obvious to all who have read their documents.
+It would therefore be unwise and wrong to join an association
+which sustains a principle false in itself, and one which, if
+acted out, would tend to wrath and strife and every evil word and
+work.</p>
+
+<p>Another reason, and the most important of all, against promoting
+the plans of the Abolitionists, is involved in the main
+question&mdash;<i>what are the probabilities as to the results of their
+movements?</i> The only way to judge of the future results of
+certain measures is, by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span> the known laws of mind, and the recorded
+experience of the past.</p>
+
+<p>Now what is the evil to be cured?</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Slavery in this Nation.</span></p>
+
+<p>That this evil is at no distant period to come to an end, is the
+unanimous opinion of all who either notice the tendencies of the
+age, or believe in the prophecies of the Bible. All who act on
+Christian principles in regard to slavery, believe that in a
+given period (variously estimated) it will end. The only question
+then, in regard to the benefits to be gained, or the evils to be
+dreaded in the present agitation of the subject, relates to the
+<i>time</i> and the <i>manner</i> of its extinction. The Abolitionists
+claim that their method will bring it to an end in the shortest
+time, and in the safest and best way. Their opponents believe,
+that it will tend to bring it to an end, if at all, at the most
+distant period, and in the most dangerous way.</p>
+
+<p>As neither party are gifted with prescience, and as the Deity has
+made no revelations as to the future results of any given
+measures, all the means of judging that remain<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span> to us, as before
+stated, are the laws of mind, and the records of the past.</p>
+
+<p>The position then I would aim to establish is, that the method
+taken by the Abolitionists is the one that, according to the laws
+of mind and past experience, is least likely to bring about the
+results they aim to accomplish. The general statement is this.</p>
+
+<p>The object to be accomplished is:</p>
+
+<p>First. To convince a certain community, that they are in the
+practice of a great sin, and</p>
+
+<p><ins class="correction"
+title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'Secondly,'">Secondly.</ins> To make them willing to relinquish it.</p>
+
+<p>The method taken to accomplish this is, by voluntary associations
+in a foreign community, seeking to excite public sentiment
+against the perpetrators of the evil; exhibiting the enormity of
+the crime in full measure, without palliation, excuse or
+sympathy, by means of periodicals and agents circulating, not in
+the community committing the sin, but in that which does not
+practise it.</p>
+
+<p>Now that this method may, in conjunction with other causes, have
+an influence to bring<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span> slavery to an end, is not denied. But it
+is believed, and from the following considerations, that it is
+the least calculated to do the <i>good</i>, and that it involves the
+greatest evils.</p>
+
+<p>It is a known law of mind first seen in the nursery and school,
+afterwards developed in society, that a person is least likely to
+judge correctly of truth, and least likely to yield to duty, when
+excited by passion.</p>
+
+<p>It is a law of experience, that when wrong is done, if repentance
+and reformation are sought, then love and kindness, mingled with
+remonstrance, coming from one who has a <i>right</i> to speak, are
+more successful than rebuke and scorn from others who are not
+beloved, and who are regarded as impertinent intruders.</p>
+
+<p>In the nursery, if the child does wrong, the finger of scorn, the
+taunting rebuke, or even the fair and deserved reproof of equals,
+will make the young culprit only frown with rage, and perhaps
+repeat and increase the injury. But the voice of maternal love,
+or even the gentle remonstrances of an elder<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span> sister, may bring
+tears of sorrow and contrition.</p>
+
+<p>So in society. Let a man's enemies, or those who have no interest
+in his welfare, join to rebuke and rail at his offences, and no
+signs of penitence will be seen. But let the clergyman whom he
+respects and loves, or his bosom friend approach him, with
+kindness, forbearance and true sincerity, and all that is
+possible to human agency will be effected.</p>
+
+<p>It is the maxim then of experience, that when men are to be
+turned from evils, and brought to repent and reform, those only
+should interfere who are most loved and respected, and who have
+the best right to approach the offender. While on the other hand,
+rebuke from those who are deemed obtrusive and inimical, or even
+indifferent, will do more harm than good.</p>
+
+<p>It is another maxim of experience, that such dealings with the
+erring should be in private, not in public. The moment a man is
+publicly rebuked, shame, anger, and pride<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span> of opinion, all
+combine to make him defend his practice, and refuse either to own
+himself wrong, or to cease from his evil ways.</p>
+
+<p>The Abolitionists have violated all these laws of mind and of
+experience, in dealing with their southern brethren.</p>
+
+<p>Their course has been most calculated to awaken anger, fear,
+pride, hatred, and all the passions most likely to blind the mind
+to truth, and make it averse to duty.</p>
+
+<p>They have not approached them with the spirit of love, courtesy,
+and forbearance.</p>
+
+<p>They are not the persons who would be regarded by the South, as
+having any <i>right</i> to interfere; and therefore, whether they have
+such right or not, the probabilities of good are removed. For it
+is not only demanded for the benefit of the offender, that there
+should really be a right, but it is necessary that he should feel
+that there is such a right.</p>
+
+<p>In dealing with their brethren, too, they have not tried silent,
+retired, private measures. It has been public denunciation of
+crime and shame in newspapers, addressed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span> as it were to
+by-standers, in order to arouse the guilty.</p>
+
+<p>In reply to this, it has been urged, that men could not go to the
+South&mdash;that they would be murdered there&mdash;that the only way was,
+to convince the North, and excite public odium against the sins
+of the South, and thus gradually conviction, repentance, and
+reformation would ensue.</p>
+
+<p>Here is another case where men are to judge of their duty, by
+estimating probabilities of future results; and it may first be
+observed, that it involves the principle of expediency, in just
+that form to which Abolitionists object.</p>
+
+<p>It is allowed that the immediate abolition of slavery is to be
+produced by means of "light and love," and yet it is maintained
+as right to withdraw personally from the field of operation,
+because of <i>consequences</i>; because of the probable danger of
+approaching. "If we go to the South, and present truth, argument,
+and entreaty, <i>we shall be slain</i>, and therefore we are not under
+obligation to go." If this justifies Abolitionists in their
+neglect<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span> of their offending brethren, because they fear evil
+results to themselves, it also justifies those who refuse to act
+with Abolitionists in their measures, because they fear other
+evil results.</p>
+
+<p>But what proof is there, that if the Abolitionists had taken
+another method, the one more in accordance with the laws of mind
+and the dictates of experience, that there would have been at the
+South all this violence? Before the abolition movement commenced,
+both northern and southern men, expressed their views freely at
+the South. The dangers, evils, and mischiefs of slavery were
+exhibited and discussed even in the legislative halls of more
+than one of the Southern States, and many minds were anxiously
+devising measures, to bring this evil to an end.</p>
+
+<p>Now let us look at some of the records of past experience.
+Clarkson was the first person who devoted himself to the cause of
+Abolition in England. His object was to convince the people of
+England that they were guilty of a great impolicy, and great<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>
+sin, in permitting the slave-trade. He was to meet the force of
+public sentiment, and power, and selfishness, and wealth, which
+sustained this <ins class="correction"
+title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'trafic'">traffic</ins>, in that nation. What were his measures?
+He did not go to Sweden, or Russia, or France, to awaken public
+sentiment against the sins of the English.&mdash;He began by first
+publishing an inquiry in England whether it was right to seize
+men, and make them slaves. He went unostentatiously to some of
+the best and most pious men there, and endeavoured to interest
+them in the inquiry.</p>
+
+<p>Then he published an article on the impolicy of the slave-trade,
+showing its disadvantages. Then he collected information of the
+evils and enormities involved in the traffic, and went quietly
+around among those most likely to be moved by motives of humanity
+and Christianity. In this manner he toiled for more than fourteen
+years, slowly implanting the leaven among the good men, until he
+gained a noble band of patriots and Christians, with Wilberforce
+at their head.</p>
+
+<p>The following extract from a memoir of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span> Clarkson discloses the
+manner and spirit in which he commenced his enterprise, and
+toiled through to its accomplishment.</p>
+
+<p>"In 1785 Dr. Peckhard, Vice-Chancellor of the University, deeply
+impressed with the iniquity of the slave-trade, announced as a
+subject for a Latin Dissertation to the Senior Bachelors of Arts:
+'<i>Anne liceat invitos in servitutem dare?</i>' 'Is it right to make
+slaves of others against their will?' However benevolent the
+feelings of the Vice-Chancellor, and however strong and clear the
+opinions he held on the inhuman traffic, it is probable that he
+little thought that this discussion would secure for the object
+so dear to his own heart, efforts and advocacy equally
+enlightened and efficient, that should be continued, until his
+country had declared, not that the slave-trade only, but that
+slavery itself should cease.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Clarkson, having in the preceding year gained the first
+prize for the Latin Dissertation, was naturally anxious to
+maintain his honourable position; and no efforts were spared,
+during the few intervening weeks, in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span> collecting information and
+evidence. Important facts were gained from Anthony Benezet's
+Historical Account of Guinea, which Mr. Clarkson hastened to
+London to purchase. Furnished with these and other valuable
+information, he commenced his difficult task. How it was
+accomplished, he thus informs us.</p>
+
+<p>"'No person,' he states,<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> 'can tell the severe trial which the
+writing of it proved to me. I had expected pleasure from the
+invention of the arguments, from the arrangement of them, from
+the putting of them together, and from the thought, in the
+interim, that I was engaged in an innocent contest for literary
+honour. But all my pleasure was damped by the facts which were
+now continually before me. It was but one gloomy subject from
+morning to night. In the day-time I was uneasy; in the night I
+had little rest. I sometimes never closed my eyelids for grief.
+It became now not so much a trial for academical reputation, as
+for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span> the production of a work which might be useful to injured
+Africa. And keeping this idea in my mind ever after the perusal
+of Benezet, I always slept with a candle in my room, that I might
+rise out of bed, and put down such thoughts as might occur to me
+in the night, if I judged them valuable, conceiving that no
+arguments of any moment should be lost in so great a cause.
+Having at length finished this painful task, I sent my Essay to
+the Vice-Chancellor, and soon afterwards found myself honoured,
+as before, with the first prize.</p>
+
+<p>"'As it is usual to read these essays publicly in the
+senate-house soon after the prize is adjudged, I was called to
+Cambridge for this purpose. I went, and performed my office. On
+returning, however, to London, the subject of it almost wholly
+engrossed my thoughts. I became at times very seriously affected
+while upon the road. I stopped my horse occasionally, and
+dismounted, and walked. I frequently tried to persuade myself in
+these intervals that the contents of my Essay could not be true.
+The more,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span> however, I reflected upon them, or rather upon the
+authorities on which they were founded, the more I gave them
+credit. Coming in sight of Wade's Mill, in Hertfordshire, I sat
+down disconsolate on the turf by the road-side, and held my
+horse. Here a thought came into my mind, that if the contents of
+the Essay were true, it was time some person should see these
+calamities to their end. Agitated in this manner, I reached home.
+This was in the summer of 1785.</p>
+
+<p>"'In the course of the autumn of the same year I experienced
+similar impressions. I walked frequently into the woods, that I
+might think on the subject in solitude, and find relief to my
+mind there. But there the question still recurred, 'Are these
+things true?' Still the answer followed as
+instantaneously,&mdash;'They are.' Still the result accompanied it;
+'Then, surely, some person should interfere.' I then began to
+envy those who had seats in parliament, and who had great riches,
+and widely extended connexions, which would enable them to take
+up this cause. Finding scarcely any one at that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span> time who thought
+of it, I was turned frequently to myself. But here many
+difficulties arose. It struck me, among others, that a young man
+of only twenty-four years of age could not have that solid
+judgment, or knowledge of men, manners, and things, which were
+requisite to qualify him to undertake a task of such magnitude
+and importance: and with whom was I to unite? I believed also,
+that it looked so much like one of the feigned labours of
+Hercules, that my understanding would be suspected if I proposed
+it. On ruminating, however, on the subject, I found one thing at
+least practicable, and that this was also in my power. I could
+translate my Latin Dissertation. I could enlarge it usefully. I
+could see how the public received it, or how far they were likely
+to favour any serious measures, which should have a tendency to
+produce the abolition of the slave-trade. Upon this, then, I
+determined; and in the middle of the month of November, 1785, I
+began my work.'</p>
+
+<p>"Such is the characteristic and ingenuous account given by
+Clarkson of his introduction<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span> to that work to which the energies
+of his life were devoted, and in reference to which, and to the
+account whence the foregoing extract has been made, one of the
+most benevolent and gifted writers of our country<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> has justly
+observed,&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>"'This interesting tale is related, not by a descendant, but a
+cotemporary; not by a distant spectator, but by a participator of
+the contest; and of all the many participators, by the man
+confessedly the most efficient; the man whose unparalleled
+labours in this work of love and peril, leave on the mind of a
+reflecting reader the sublime doubt, which of the two will have
+been the greater final gain to the moral world,&mdash;the removal of
+the evil, or the proof, thereby given, what mighty effects single
+good men may realize by self-devotion and perseverance.'</p>
+
+<p>"When Mr. Clarkson went to London to publish his book, he was
+introduced to many friends of the cause of Abolition, who aided
+in giving it extensive circulation. Whilst<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span> thus employed, he
+received an invitation, which he accepted, to visit the Rev.
+James Ramsay, vicar of Teston, in Kent, who had resided nineteen
+years in the island of St. Christopher.</p>
+
+<p>"Shortly afterwards, dining one day at Sir Charles Middleton's,
+(afterwards Lord Barham,) the conversation turned upon the
+subject, and Mr. Clarkson declared that he was ready to devote
+himself to the cause. This avowal met with great encouragement
+from the company, and Sir C. Middleton, then Comptroller to the
+Navy, offered every possible assistance. The friends of Mr.
+Clarkson increased, and this encouraged him to proceed. Dr.
+Porteus, then Bishop of Chester, and Lord Scarsdale, were secured
+in the House of Lords. Mr. Bennet Langton, and Dr. Baker, who
+were acquainted with many members of both houses of parliament;
+the honoured Granville Sharpe, James and Richard Phillips, could
+be depended upon, as well as the entire body of the Society of
+Friends, to many of whom he had been introduced by Mr. Joseph
+Hancock, his fellow-townsman.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span> Seeking information in every
+direction, Mr. Clarkson boarded a number of vessels engaged in
+the African trade, and obtained specimens of the natural
+productions of the country. The beauty of the cloth made from
+African cotton, &amp;c. enhanced his estimate of the skill and
+ingenuity of the people, and gave a fresh stimulus to his
+exertions on their behalf. He next visited a slave-ship; the
+rooms below, the gratings above, and the barricade across the
+deck, with the explanation of their uses, though the sight of
+them filled him with sadness and horror, gave new energy to all
+his movements. In his indefatigable endeavours to collect
+evidence and facts, he visited most of the sea-ports in the
+kingdom, pursuing his great object with invincible ardour,
+although sometimes at the peril of his life. The following
+circumstance, among others, evinces the eminent degree in which
+he possessed that untiring perseverance, on which the success of
+a great enterprise often depends.</p>
+
+<p>"Clarkson and his friends had reason to fear that slaves brought
+from the interior of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span> Africa by certain rivers, had been
+kidnapped; and it was deemed of great importance to ascertain the
+fact. A friend one day mentioned to Mr. Clarkson, that he had,
+above twelve months before, seen a sailor who had been up these
+rivers. The name of the sailor was unknown, and all the friend
+could say was, that he was going to, or belonged to, some
+man-of-war in ordinary. The evidence of this individual was
+important, and, aided by his friend Sir Charles Middleton, who
+gave him permission to board all the ships of war in ordinary,
+Mr. Clarkson commenced his search:&mdash;beginning at Deptford, he
+visited successfully Woolwich, Chatham, Sheerness, and
+Portsmouth; examining in his progress the different persons on
+board upwards of two hundred and sixty vessels, without
+discovering the object of his search. The feelings under which
+the search was continued, and the success with which it was
+crowned, he has himself thus described:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>"'Matters now began to look rather disheartening,&mdash;I mean as far
+as my grand object was concerned. There was but one<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span> other port
+left, and this was between two and three hundred miles distant. I
+determined, however, to go to Plymouth. I had already been more
+successful in this tour, with respect to obtaining general
+evidence, than in any other of the same length; and the
+probability was, that as I should continue to move among the same
+kind of people, my success would be in a similar proportion,
+according to the number visited. These were great encouragements
+to me to proceed. At length I arrived at the place of my last
+hope. On my first day's expedition I boarded forty vessels, but
+found no one in these who had been on the coast of Africa in the
+slave-trade. One or two had been there in king's ships; but they
+never had been on shore. Things were now drawing near to a close;
+and notwithstanding my success, as to general evidence, in this
+journey, my heart began to beat. I was restless and uneasy during
+the night. The next morning I felt agitated again between the
+alternate pressure of hope and fear; and in this state I entered
+my boat. The fifty-seventh vessel I boarded was the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span> Melampus
+frigate.&mdash;One person belonging to it, on examining him in the
+captain's cabin, said he had been two voyages to Africa; and I
+had not long discoursed with him, before I found, to my
+inexpressible joy, that he was the man. I found, too, that he
+unravelled the question in dispute precisely as our inferences
+had determined it. He had been two expeditions up the river
+Calabar, in the canoes of the natives. In the first of these they
+came within a certain distance of a village: they then concealed
+themselves under the bushes, which hung over the water from the
+banks. In this position they remained during the day-light; but
+at night they went up to it armed, and seized all the inhabitants
+who had not time to make their escape. They obtained forty-five
+persons in this manner. In the second, they were out eight or
+nine days, when they made a similar attempt, and with nearly
+similar success. They seized men, women, and children, as they
+could find them in the huts. They then bound their arms, and
+drove them before them to the canoes. The name of the person thus
+discovered<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span> on board of the Melampus was Isaac Parker. On
+inquiring into his character, from the master of the division, I
+found it highly respectable. I found also afterward that he had
+sailed with Captain Cook, with great credit to himself, round the
+world. It was also remarkable, that my brother, on seeing him in
+London, when he went to deliver his evidence, recognized him as
+having served on board the Monarch, man-of-war, and as one of the
+most exemplary men in that ship.'</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Clarkson became, early in his career, acquainted with Mr.
+Wilberforce. At their first interview, the latter frankly stated,
+'that the subject had often employed his thoughts, and was near
+his heart,' and learning his <ins class="correction"
+title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'visiter's'">visitor's</ins> intention to devote himself
+to this benevolent object, congratulated him on his decision;
+desired to be made acquainted with his progress, expressing his
+willingness, in return, to afford every assistance in his power.
+In his intercourse with members of parliament, Mr. Clarkson was
+now frequently associated with Mr. Wilberforce, who daily<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span> became
+more interested in the fate of Africa. The intercourse of the two
+philanthropists was mutually cordial and encouraging; Mr.
+Clarkson imparting his discoveries in the custom-houses of
+London, Liverpool, and other places; and Mr. Wilberforce
+communicating the information he had gained from those with whom
+he associated.</p>
+
+<p>"In 1788, Mr. Clarkson published his important work on the
+Impolicy of the Slave-Trade.</p>
+
+<p>"In 1789, this indefatigable man went to France, by the advice of
+the Committee which he had been instrumental in forming two years
+before; Mr. Wilberforce, always solicitous for the good of the
+oppressed Africans, being of opinion that advantage might be
+taken of the commotions in that country, to induce the leading
+persons there to take the slave-trade into their consideration,
+and incorporate it among the abuses to be removed. Several of Mr.
+Clarkson's friends advised him to travel by another name, as
+accounts had arrived in England of the excesses which had taken
+place in Paris; but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span> to this he could not consent. On his arrival
+in that city he was speedily introduced to those who were
+favourable to the great object of his life; and at the house of
+M. Necker dined with the six deputies of colour from St.
+Domingo,&mdash;who had been sent to France at this juncture, to demand
+that the free people of colour in their country might be placed
+upon an equality with the whites. Their communications to the
+English philanthropist were important and interesting; they
+hailed him as their friend, and were abundant in their
+commendations of his conduct.</p>
+
+<p>"Copies of the Essay on the Impolicy of the Slave-Trade,
+translated into French, with engravings of the plan and section
+of a slave ship, were distributed with apparent good effect. The
+virtuous Abb&eacute; Gregoire, and several members of the National
+Assembly, called upon Mr. Clarkson. The Archbishop of Aix was so
+struck with horror, when the plan of the slave ship was shown to
+him, that he could scarcely speak; and Mirabeau ordered a model
+of it in wood to be placed in his dining-room.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>"The circulation of intelligence, although contributing to make
+many friends, called forth the extraordinary exertions of
+enemies. Merchants, and others interested in the continuance of
+the slave-trade, wrote letters to the Archbishop of Aix,
+beseeching him not to ruin France; which they said he would
+inevitably do, if, as the president, he were to grant a day for
+hearing the question of the abolition. Offers of money were made
+to Mirabeau, if he would totally abandon his intended motion.
+Books were circulated in opposition to Mr. Clarkson's; resort was
+had to the public papers, and he was denounced as a spy. The
+clamour raised by these efforts pervaded all Paris, and reached
+the ears of the king. M. Necker had a long conversation with his
+royal master upon it, who requested to see the Essay, and the
+specimens of African manufactures, and bestowed considerable time
+upon them, being surprised at the state of the arts there. M.
+Necker did not exhibit the section of the slave ship, thinking
+that as the king was indisposed, he might be too much affected
+by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span> it. Louis returned the specimens, commissioning M. Necker to
+convey his thanks to Mr. Clarkson, and express his gratification
+at what he had seen.</p>
+
+<p>"No decided benefit appears at this time to have followed the
+visit: but though much depressed by his ill success in France,
+Mr. Clarkson continued his labours, till excess of exertion,
+joined to repeated and bitter disappointments, impaired his
+health, and, after a hard struggle, subdued a constitution,
+naturally strong and vigorous beyond the lot of men in general,
+but shattered by anxiety and fatigue, and the sad probability,
+often forced upon his understanding, that all might at last have
+been in vain. Under these feelings, he retired in 1794 to the
+beautiful banks of Ulleswater; there to seek that rest which,
+without peril to his life, could no longer be delayed.</p>
+
+<p>"For seven years he had maintained a correspondence with four
+hundred persons; he annually wrote a book upon the subject of the
+abolition, and travelled more than thirty-five thousand miles in
+search of evidence,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span> making a great part of these journeys in the
+night. 'All this time,' Mr. Clarkson writes, 'my mind had been on
+the stretch; it had been bent too to this one subject; for I had
+not even leisure to attend to my own concerns. The various
+instances of barbarity, which had come successively to my
+knowledge within this period, had vexed, harassed, and afflicted
+it. The wound which these had produced was rendered still deeper
+by the reiterated refusal of persons to give their testimony,
+after I had travelled hundreds of miles in quest of them. But the
+severest stroke was that inflicted by the persecution begun and
+pursued by persons interested in the continuance of the trade, of
+such witnesses as had been examined against them; and whom, on
+account of their dependent situation in life, it was most easy to
+oppress. As I had been the means of bringing them forward on
+these occasions, they naturally came to me, as the author of
+their miseries and their ruin.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> These different circumstances,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>
+by acting together, had at length brought me into the situation
+just mentioned; and I was, therefore, obliged, though very
+reluctantly, to be borne out of the field where I had placed the
+great honour and glory of my life.'"</p>
+
+<p>It was while thus recruiting the energies exhausted in the
+conflict, that Clarkson, and the compatriot band with which he
+had been associated in the long and arduous struggle, were
+crowned with victory, and received the grateful reward of their
+honourable toil in the final abolition of the slave-trade by the
+British nation, in 1807, the last but most glorious act of the
+Grenville administration.</p>
+
+<p>The preceding shows something of the career of Clarkson while
+labouring to convince the people of Great Britain of the iniquity
+of <i>their own</i> trade, a trade which they had the power to
+abolish. During all this time, Clarkson, Wilberforce, and their
+associates<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span> avoided touching the matter of <i>slavery</i>. They knew
+that one thing must be gained at a time, and they as a matter of
+expediency, avoided discussing the duty of the British nation in
+regard to the system of slavery in their Colonies which was
+entirely under their own control. During all the time that was
+employed in efforts to end the slave-trade, slavery was existing
+in the control of the British people, and yet Clarkson and
+Wilberforce decided that it was right to let that matter entirely
+alone.</p>
+
+<p>The following shows Clarkson's proceedings after the British
+nation had abolished the slave-trade.</p>
+
+<p>"By the publication of his Thoughts on the Abolition of Slavery,
+Mr. Clarkson showed that neither he nor those connected with him,
+considered their work as accomplished, when the laws of his
+country clasped with its felons those engaged in the nefarious
+traffic of slaves. But the efforts of Mr. Clarkson were not
+confined to his pen. In 1818, he proceeded to Aix la Chapelle, at
+the time when the sovereigns of Europe met in congress.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span> He was
+received with marked attention by the Emperor of Russia, who
+listened to his statements (respecting the <i>slave-trade</i>,) and
+promised to use his influence with the assembled monarchs, to
+secure the entire suppression of the trade in human beings, as
+speedily as possible. Describing his interview with this amiable
+monarch, in which the subject of peace societies, as well as the
+abolition of the slave-trade was discussed, Mr. Clarkson, in a
+letter to a friend, thus writes:</p>
+
+<p>"'It was about nine at night, when I was shown into the emperor's
+apartment. I found him alone. He met me at the door, and shaking
+me by the hand, said, 'I had the pleasure of making your
+acquaintance at Paris.' He then led me some little way into the
+room, and leaving me there, went forward and brought me a chair
+with his own hand, and desired me to sit down. This being done,
+he went for another chair, and bringing it very near to mine,
+placed himself close to me, so that we sat opposite to each
+other.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>"'I began the conversation by informing the emperor that as I
+supposed the congress of Aix la Chapelle might possibly be the
+last congress of sovereigns for settling the affairs of Europe,
+its connexions and dependencies, I had availed myself of the kind
+permission he gave me at Paris, of applying to him in behalf of
+the oppressed Africans, being unwilling to lose the last
+opportunity of rendering him serviceable to the cause.</p>
+
+<p>"'The emperor replied, that he had read both my letter and my
+address to the sovereigns, and that what I asked him and the
+other sovereigns to do, was only reasonable.</p>
+
+<p>"'Here I repeated the two great propositions in the address&mdash;the
+necessity of bringing the Portuguese time for continuing the
+trade (which did not expire till 1825, and then only with a
+condition,) down to the Spanish time, which expired in 1820; and
+secondly, when the two times should legally have expired, (that
+is, both of them in 1820,) then to make any farther continuance
+<i>piracy</i>. I entreated him not to be deceived by any other
+propositions; for that Mr. Wilberforce,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span> myself, and others, who
+had devoted our time to this subject, were sure that no other
+measure would be effectual.</p>
+
+<p>"'He then said very feelingly in these words, 'By the providence
+of God, I and my kingdom have been saved from a merciless
+tyranny, (alluding to the invasion of Napoleon,) and I should but
+ill repay the blessing, if I were not to do every thing in my
+power to protect the poor Africans against their oppression
+also.'</p>
+
+<p>"'The emperor then asked if he could do any thing else for our
+cause. I told him he could; and that I should be greatly obliged
+to him if he would present one of the addresses to the Emperor of
+Austria, and another to the King of Prussia, <i>with his own hand</i>.
+I had brought two of them in my pocket for the purpose. He asked
+me why I had not presented them before. I replied that I had not
+the honour of knowing either of those sovereigns as I knew him;
+nor any of their ministers; and that I was not only fearful lest
+these addresses would not be presented to them, but even if they
+were, that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span> coming into their hands without any recommendation,
+they would be laid aside and not read; on the other hand, if he
+(the emperor,) would condescend to present them, I was sure they
+would be read, and that coming from him, they would come with a
+weight of influence, which would secure an attention to their
+contents. Upon this, the emperor promised, in the most kind and
+affable manner, that he would perform the task I had assigned to
+him.</p>
+
+<p>"'We then rose from our seats to inspect some articles of
+manufacture, which I had brought with me as a present to him, and
+which had been laid upon the table. We examined the articles in
+leather first, one by one, with which he was uncommonly
+gratified. He said they exhibited not only genius but taste. He
+inquired if they tanned their own leather, and how: I replied to
+his question. He said he had never seen neater work, either in
+Petersburg or in London. He then looked at a dagger and its
+scabbard or sheath. I said the sheath was intended as a further,
+but more beautiful specimen of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span> work of the poor Africans in
+leather; and the blade of their dagger as a specimen of their
+work in iron. Their works in cotton next came under our notice.
+There was one piece which attracted his particular notice, and
+which was undoubtedly very beautiful. It called from him this
+observation, 'Manchester,' said he, 'I think is your great place
+for manufactures of this sort&mdash;do you think they could make a
+better piece of cotton there?' I told him I had never seen a
+better piece of workmanship of the kind any where. Having gone
+over all the articles, the emperor desired me to inform him
+whether he was to understand that these articles were made by the
+Africans in their own country, that is, in their native villages,
+or <i>after they had arrived in America</i>, where they would have an
+opportunity of seeing European manufactures, and experienced
+workmen in the arts? I replied that such articles might be found
+in every African village, both on the coast and in the interior,
+and that they were samples of their own ingenuity, without any
+connexion with Europeans.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span> 'Then,' said the emperor, 'you
+astonish me&mdash;you have given me a new idea of the state of these
+poor people. I was not aware that they were so advanced in
+society. The works you have shown me are not the works of
+brutes&mdash;but of men, endued with rational and intellectual powers,
+and capable of being brought to as high a degree of proficiency
+as any other men. <i>Africa ought to have a fair chance of raising
+her character in the scale of the civilized world.</i>' I replied
+that it was this cruel traffic alone, which had prevented Africa
+from rising to a level with other nations; and that it was only
+astonishing to me that the natives there had, under its impeding
+influence, arrived at the perfection which had displayed itself
+in the specimens of workmanship he had just seen.'"</p>
+
+<p>Animated by a growing conviction of the righteousness of the
+cause in which he was engaged, and encouraged by the success with
+which past endeavours had been crowned, Mr. Clarkson continued
+his efficient <ins class="correction"
+title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'co-opetion'">co-operation</ins> with the friends of Abolition,
+advocating its claims on all suitable occasions.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>It would be superfluous to recount the steps by which, even
+before the venerated Wilberforce was called to his rest, this
+glorious event was realized, and Clarkson beheld the great object
+of his own life, and those with whom he had acted, triumphantly
+achieved. The gratitude cherished towards the Supreme Ruler for
+the boon thus secured to the oppressed&mdash;the satisfaction which a
+review of past exertions afforded, were heightened by the joyous
+sympathy of a large portion of his countrymen.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p>
+
+<p>The History of the Abolition of the Slave-trade, by Clarkson
+himself, presents a more detailed account of his own labours and
+of the labours of others, and whoever will read it, will observe
+the following particulars in which this effort differed from the
+Abolition movement in America.</p>
+
+<p>In the first place, it was conducted by some of the wisest and
+most talented statesmen, as well as the most pious men, in the
+British nation.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span> Pitt, Fox, and some of the highest of the
+nobility and bishops in England, were the firmest friends of the
+enterprise from the first. It was conducted by men who had the
+intellect, knowledge, discretion, and wisdom demanded for so
+great an enterprise.</p>
+
+<p>Secondly. It was conducted slowly, peaceably, and by eminently
+judicious influences.</p>
+
+<p>Thirdly. It included, to the full extent, the doctrine of
+expediency denounced by Abolitionists.</p>
+
+<p>One of the first decisions of the "Committee for the Abolition of
+the Slave-trade," which conducted all Abolition movements, was
+that <i>slavery</i> should not be attacked, but only the
+<i>slave-trade</i>; and Clarkson expressly says, that it was owing to
+this, more than to any other measure, that success was gained.</p>
+
+<p>Fourthly. Good men were not divided, and thrown into contending
+parties.&mdash;The opponents to the measure, were only those who were
+personally interested in the perpetuation of slavery or the
+slave-trade.</p>
+
+<p>Fifthly. This effort was one to convince men of their <i>own</i>
+obligations, and not an effort<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span> to arouse public sentiment
+against the sinful practices of another community over which they
+had no control.</p>
+
+<p>I would now ask, why could not some southern gentleman, such for
+example as Mr. Birney, whose manners, education, character, and
+habits give him abundant facilities, have acted the part of
+Clarkson, and quietly have gone to work at the South, collecting
+facts, exhibiting the impolicy and the evils, to good men at the
+South, by the fire-side of the planter, the known home of
+hospitality and chivalry. Why could he not have commenced with
+the most vulnerable point, the <i>domestic slave-trade</i>, leaving
+emancipation for a future and more favourable period? What right
+has any one to say that there was no southern Wilberforce that
+would have arisen, no southern Grant, Macaulay or Sharpe, who,
+like the English philanthropists, would have stood the fierce
+beating of angry billows, and by patience, kindness, arguments,
+facts, eloquence, and Christian love, convinced the skeptical,
+enlightened the ignorant, excited the benevolent, and finally
+have carried the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span> day at the South, by the same means and
+measures, as secured the event in England? All experience is in
+favour of the method which the Abolitionists have rejected,
+because it involves <i>danger to themselves</i>. The cause they have
+selected is one that stands alone.&mdash;No case parallel on earth can
+be brought to sustain it, with probabilities of good results. No
+instance can be found, where exciting the public sentiment of one
+community against evil practices in another, was ever made the
+means of eradicating those evils. All the laws of mind, all the
+records of experience, go against the measures that Abolitionists
+have taken, and in favour of the one they have rejected. And when
+we look still farther ahead, at results which time is to develope,
+how stand the probabilities, when we, in judging, again
+take, as data, the laws of mind and the records of experience?</p>
+
+<p>What are the plans, hopes, and expectations of Abolitionists, in
+reference to their measures? They are now labouring to make the
+North a great Abolition Society,&mdash;to convince every northern man
+that slavery at the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span> South is a great sin, and that it ought
+immediately to cease. Suppose they accomplish this to the extent
+they hope,&mdash;so far as we have seen, the more the North is
+convinced, the more firmly the South rejects the light, and turns
+from the truth.</p>
+
+<p>While Abolition Societies did not exist, men could talk and
+write, at the South, against the evils of slavery, and northern
+men had free access and liberty of speech, both at the South and
+at the North. But now all is changed. Every avenue of approach to
+the South is shut. No paper, pamphlet, or preacher, that touches
+on that topic, is admitted in their bounds. Their own citizens,
+that once laboured and remonstrated, are silenced; their own
+clergy, under the influence of the exasperated feelings of their
+people, and their own sympathy and sense of wrong, either
+entirely hold their peace, or become the defenders of a system
+they once lamented, and attempted to bring to an end. This is the
+record of experience as to the tendencies of Abolitionism, as
+thus far developed. The South are now in just that state<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span> of high
+exasperation, at the sense of wanton injury and impertinent
+interference, which makes the influence of truth and reason most
+useless and powerless.</p>
+
+<p>But suppose the Abolitionists succeed, not only in making
+northern men Abolitionists, but also in sending a portion of
+light into the South, such as to form a body of Abolitionists
+there also. What is the thing that is to be done to end slavery
+at the South? It is to <i>alter the laws</i>, and to do this, a small
+minority must begin a long, bitter, terrible conflict with a
+powerful and exasperated majority. Now if, as the Abolitionists
+hope, there will arise at the South such a minority, it will
+doubtless consist of men of religious and benevolent
+feelings,&mdash;men of that humane, and generous, and upright spirit,
+that most keenly feel the injuries inflicted on their fellow men.
+Suppose such a band of men begin their efforts, sustained by the
+northern Abolitionists, already so odious. How will the
+exasperated majority act, according to the known laws of mind and
+of experience? Instead of lessening the evils of slavery, they
+will increase them. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span> more they are goaded by a sense of
+aggressive wrong without, or by fears of dangers within, the more
+they will restrain their slaves, and diminish their liberty, and
+increase their disabilities. They will make laws so unjust and
+oppressive, not only to slaves, but to their Abolitionist
+advocates, that by degrees such men will withdraw from their
+bounds. Laws will be made expressly to harass them, and to render
+them so uncomfortable that they must withdraw. Then gradually the
+righteous will flee from the devoted city. Then the numerical
+proportion of whites will decrease, and the cruelty and
+unrestrained wickedness of the system will increase, till a
+period will come when the physical power will be so much with the
+blacks, their sense of suffering so increased, that the volcano
+will burst,&mdash;insurrection and servile wars will begin. Oh, the
+countless horrors of such a day! And will the South stand alone
+in that burning hour? When she sends forth the wailing of her
+agonies, shall not the North and the West hear, and lift up
+together the voice of wo? Will not fathers hear the cries<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span> of
+children, and brothers the cries of sisters? Will the terrors of
+insurrection sweep over the South, and no Northern and Western
+blood be shed? Will the slaves be cut down, in such a strife,
+when they raise the same p&aelig;an song of liberty and human rights,
+that was the watchword of our redemption from far less dreadful
+tyranny, and which is now thrilling the nations and shaking
+monarchs on their thrones&mdash;will this be heard, and none of the
+sons of liberty be found to appear on their side? This is no
+picture of fancied dangers, which are not near. The day has come,
+when already the feelings are so excited on both sides, that I
+have heard intelligent men, good men, benevolent and pious men,
+in moments of excitement, declare themselves ready to take up the
+sword&mdash;some for the defence of the master, some for the
+protection and right of the slave. It is my full conviction, that
+if insurrection does burst forth, and there be the least prospect
+of success to the cause of the slave, there will be men from the
+North and West, standing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span> breast to breast, with murderous
+weapons, in opposing ranks.</p>
+
+<p>Such apprehensions many would regard as needless, and exclaim
+against such melancholy predictions. But in a case where the
+whole point of duty and expediency turns upon the probabilities
+as to results, those probabilities ought to be the chief subjects
+of inquiry. True, no one has a right to say with confidence what
+will or what will not be; and it has often amazed and disturbed
+my mind to perceive how men, with so small a field of
+vision,&mdash;with so little data for judging,&mdash;with so few years, and
+so little experience, can pronounce concerning the results of
+measures bearing upon the complicated relations and duties of
+millions, and in a case where the wisest and best are dismayed
+and baffled. It sometimes has seemed to me that the prescience of
+Deity alone should dare to take such positions as are both
+carelessly assumed, and pertinaciously defended, by the advocates
+of Abolitionism.</p>
+
+<p>But if we are to judge of the wisdom or folly of any measures on
+this subject, it must<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span> be with reference to future results. One
+course of measures, it is claimed, tends to perpetuate slavery,
+or to end it by scenes of terror and bloodshed. Another course
+tends to bring it to an end sooner, and by safe and peaceful
+influences. And the whole discussion of duty rests on these
+probabilities. But where do the laws of mind and experience
+oppose the terrific tendencies of Abolitionism that have been
+portrayed? Are not the minds of men thrown into a ferment, and
+excited by those passions which blind the reason, and warp the
+moral sense? Is not the South in a state of high exasperation
+against Abolitionists? Does she not regard them as enemies, as
+reckless madmen, as impertinent intermeddlers? Will the increase
+of their numbers tend to allay this exasperation? Will the
+appearance of a similar body in their own boundaries have any
+tendency to soothe? Will it not still more alarm and exasperate?
+If a movement of a minority of such men attempt to alter the
+laws, are not the probabilities strong that still more unjust and
+oppressive measures will be adopted?&mdash;measures<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span> that will tend to
+increase the hardships of the slave, and to drive out of the
+community all humane, conscientious and pious men? As the evils
+and dangers increase, will not the alarm constantly diminish the
+proportion of whites, and make it more and more needful to
+increase such disabilities and restraints as will chafe and
+inflame the blacks? When this point is reached, will the blacks,
+knowing, as they will know, the sympathies of their Abolition
+friends, refrain from exerting their physical power? <i>The
+Southampton insurrection occurred with far less chance of
+sympathy and success.</i></p>
+
+<p>If that most horrible of all scourges, a servile war, breaks
+forth, will the slaughter of fathers, sons, infants, and of
+aged,&mdash;will the cries of wives, daughters, sisters, and kindred,
+suffering barbarities worse than death, bring no fathers,
+brothers, and friends to their aid, from the North and West?</p>
+
+<p>And if the sympathies and indignation of freemen can already look
+such an event in the face, and feel that it would be the slave,
+rather than the master, whom they would<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span> defend, what will be the
+probability, after a few years' chafing shall have driven away
+the most christian and humane from scenes of cruelty and
+inhumanity, which they could neither alleviate nor redress? I
+should like to see any data of past experience, that will show
+that these results are not more probable than that the South
+will, by the system of means now urged upon her, finally be
+convinced of her sins, and voluntarily bring the system of
+slavery to an end. I claim not that the predictions I present
+will be fulfilled. I only say, that if Abolitionists go on as
+they propose, such results are <i>more</i> probable than those they
+hope to attain.</p>
+
+<p>I have not here alluded to the probabilities of the severing of
+the Union by the present mode of agitating the question. This may
+be one of the results, and, if so, what are the probabilities for
+a Southern republic, that has torn itself off for the purpose of
+excluding foreign interference, and for the purpose of
+perpetuating slavery? Can any Abolitionist suppose that, in such
+a state of things, the great cause of emancipation is as likely
+to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span> progress favourably, as it was when we were one nation, and
+mingling on those fraternal terms that existed before the
+Abolition movement began?</p>
+
+<p>The preceding are some of the reasons which, on the general view,
+I would present as opposed to the proposal of forming Abolition
+Societies; and they apply equally to either sex. There are some
+others which seem to oppose peculiar objections to the action of
+females in the way you would urge.</p>
+
+<p>To appreciate more fully these objections, it will be necessary
+to recur to some general views in relation to the place woman is
+appointed to fill by the dispensations of heaven.</p>
+
+<p>It has of late become quite fashionable in all benevolent
+efforts, to shower upon our sex an abundance of compliments, not
+only for what they have done, but also for what they can do; and
+so injudicious and so frequent, are these oblations, that while I
+feel an increasing respect for my countrywomen, that their good
+sense has not been decoyed by these appeals to their vanity and
+ambition, I cannot but apprehend that there is some need<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span> of
+inquiry as to the just bounds of female influence, and the times,
+places, and manner in which it can be appropriately exerted.</p>
+
+<p>It is the grand feature of the Divine economy, that there should
+be different stations of superiority and subordination, and it is
+impossible to annihilate this beneficent and immutable law. On
+its first entrance into life, the child is a dependent on
+parental love, and of necessity takes a place of subordination
+and obedience. As he advances in life these new relations of
+superiority and subordination multiply. The teacher must be the
+superior in station, the pupil a subordinate. The master of a
+family the superior, the domestic a subordinate&mdash;the ruler a
+superior, the subject a subordinate. Nor do these relations at
+all depend upon superiority either in intellectual or moral
+worth. However weak the parents, or intelligent the child, there
+is no reference to this, in the immutable law. However
+incompetent the teacher, or superior the pupil, no alteration of
+station can be allowed. However unworthy the master or worthy the
+servant, while their mutual relations<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span> continue, no change in
+station as to subordination can be allowed. In fulfilling the
+duties of these relations, true dignity consists in conforming to
+all those relations that demand subordination, with propriety and
+cheerfulness. When does a man, however high his character or
+station, appear more interesting or dignified than when yielding
+reverence and deferential attentions to an aged parent, however
+weak and infirm? And the pupil, the servant, or the subject, all
+equally sustain their own claims to self-respect, and to the
+esteem of others, by equally sustaining the appropriate relations
+and duties of subordination. In this arrangement of the duties of
+life, Heaven has appointed to one sex the superior, and to the
+other the subordinate station, and this without any reference to
+the character or conduct of either. It is therefore as much for
+the dignity as it is for the interest of females, in all respects
+to conform to the duties of this relation. And it is as much a
+duty as it is for the child to fulfil similar relations to
+parents, or subjects to rulers. But while woman holds a
+subordinate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span> relation in society to the other sex, it is not
+because it was designed that her duties or her influence should
+be any the less important, or all-pervading. But it was designed
+that the mode of gaining influence and of exercising power should
+be altogether different and peculiar.</p>
+
+<p>It is Christianity that has given to woman her true place in
+society. And it is the peculiar trait of Christianity alone that
+can sustain her therein. "Peace on earth and good will to men" is
+the character of all the rights and privileges, the influence,
+and the power of woman. A man may act on society by the collision
+of intellect, in public debate; he may urge his measures by a
+sense of shame, by fear and by personal interest; he may coerce
+by the combination of public sentiment; he may drive by physical
+force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his sphere. But
+all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to woman,
+are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and
+benevolent principles.</p>
+
+<p>Woman is to win every thing by peace<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span> and love; by making herself
+so much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her
+opinions and to gratify her wishes, will be the free-will
+offering of the heart. But this is to be all accomplished in the
+domestic and social circle. There let every woman become so
+cultivated and refined in intellect, that her taste and judgment
+will be respected; so benevolent in feeling and <ins class="correction"
+title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'action;'">action,</ins> that her
+motives will be reverenced;&mdash;so unassuming and unambitious, that
+collision and competition will be banished;&mdash;so "gentle and easy
+to be entreated," as that every heart will repose in her
+presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the sons, will
+find an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield
+not only willingly but proudly. A man is never ashamed to own
+such influences, but feels dignified and ennobled in
+acknowledging them. But the moment woman begins to feel the
+promptings of ambition, or the thirst for power, her &aelig;gis of
+defence is gone. All the sacred protection of religion, all the
+generous promptings of chivalry, all the poetry of romantic
+gallantry, depend upon woman's retaining<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span> her place as dependent
+and defenceless, and making no claims, and maintaining no right
+but what are the gifts of honour, rectitude and love.</p>
+
+<p>A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among
+her own sex, to assist her in her appropriate offices of piety,
+charity, maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any
+measure, throws a woman into the attitude of a combatant, either
+for herself or others&mdash;whatever binds her in a party
+conflict&mdash;whatever obliges her in any way to exert coercive
+influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these
+general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the
+plan of arraying females in any Abolition movement; because it
+enlists them in an effort to coerce the South by the public
+sentiment of the North; because it brings them forward as
+partisans in a conflict that has been begun and carried forward
+by measures that are any thing rather than peaceful in their
+tendencies; because it draws them forth from their appropriate
+retirement, to expose themselves<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span> to the ungoverned violence of
+mobs, and to sneers and ridicule in public places; because it
+leads them into the arena of political collision, not as peaceful
+mediators to hush the opposing elements, but as combatants to
+cheer up and carry forward the measures of strife.</p>
+
+<p>If it is asked, "May not woman appropriately come forward as a
+suppliant for a portion of her sex who are bound in cruel
+bondage?" It is replied, that, the rectitude and propriety of any
+such measure, depend entirely on its probable results. If
+petitions from females will operate to exasperate; if they will
+be deemed obtrusive, indecorous, and unwise, by those to whom
+they are addressed; if they will increase, rather than diminish
+the evil which it is wished to remove; if they will be the
+opening wedge, that will tend eventually to bring females as
+petitioners and partisans into every political measure that may
+tend to injure and oppress their sex, in various parts of the
+nation, and under the various public measures that may hereafter<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>
+be enforced, then it is neither appropriate nor wise, nor right,
+for a woman to petition for the relief of oppressed females.</p>
+
+<p>The case of Queen Esther is one often appealed to as a precedent.
+When a woman is placed in similar circumstances, where death to
+herself and all her nation is one alternative, and there is
+nothing worse to fear, but something to hope as the other
+alternative, then she may safely follow such an example. But when
+a woman is asked to join an Abolition Society, or to put her name
+to a petition to congress, for the purpose of contributing her
+measure of influence to keep up agitation in congress, to promote
+the excitement of the North against the iniquities of the South,
+to coerce the South by fear, shame, anger, and a sense of odium
+to do what she has determined not to do, the case of Queen Esther
+is not at all to be regarded as a suitable example for imitation.</p>
+
+<p>In this country, petitions to congress, in reference to the
+official duties of legislators, seem, <span class="smcap">IN ALL CASES</span>, to fall
+entirely without the sphere of female duty. Men are the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span> proper
+persons to make appeals to the rulers whom they appoint, and if
+their female friends, by arguments and persuasions, can induce
+them to petition, all the good that can be done by such measures
+will be secured. But if females cannot influence their nearest
+friends, to urge forward a public measure in this way, they
+surely are out of their place, in attempting to do it themselves.</p>
+
+<p>There are some other considerations, which should make the
+American females peculiarly sensitive in reference to any
+measure, which should even <i>seem</i> to draw them from their
+appropriate relations in society.</p>
+
+<p>It is allowed by all reflecting minds, that the safety and
+happiness of this nation depends upon having the <i>children</i>
+educated, and not only intellectually, but morally and
+religiously. There are now nearly two millions of children and
+adults in this country who cannot read, and who have no schools
+of any kind. To give only a small supply of teachers to these
+destitute children, who are generally where the population is
+sparse, will<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span> demand <i>thirty thousand teachers</i>; and <i>six
+thousand</i> more will be needed every year, barely to meet the
+increase of juvenile population. But if we allow that we need not
+reach this point, in order to save ourselves from that
+destruction which awaits a people, when governed by an ignorant
+and unprincipled democracy; if we can weather the storms of
+democratic liberty with only one-third of our ignorant children
+properly educated, still we need <i>ten thousand</i> teachers at this
+moment, and an addition of <i>two thousand every year</i>. Where is
+this army of teachers to be found? Is it at all probable that the
+other sex will afford even a moderate portion of this supply? The
+field for enterprise and excitement in the political arena, in
+the arts, the sciences, the liberal professions, in agriculture,
+manufactures, and commerce, is opening with such temptations, as
+never yet bore upon the mind of any nation. Will men turn aside
+from these high and exciting objects to become the patient
+labourers in the school-room, and for only the small pittance
+that rewards such toil?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span> No, they will not do it. Men will be
+educators in the college, in the high school, in some of the most
+honourable and lucrative common schools, but the <i>children</i>, the
+<i>little children</i> of this nation must, to a wide extent, be
+taught by females, or remain untaught. The drudgery of education,
+as it is now too generally regarded, in this country, will be
+given to the female hand. And as the value of education rises in
+the public mind, and the importance of a teacher's office is more
+highly estimated, women will more and more be furnished with
+those intellectual advantages which they need to fit them for
+such duties.</p>
+
+<p>The result will be, that America will be distinguished above all
+other nations, for well-educated females, and for the influence
+they will exert on the general interests of society. But if
+females, as they approach the other sex, in intellectual
+elevation, begin to claim, or to exercise in any manner, the
+peculiar prerogatives of that sex, education will prove a
+doubtful and dangerous blessing. But this will never be the
+result. For the more intelligent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span> a woman becomes, the more she
+can appreciate the wisdom of that ordinance that appointed her
+subordinate station, and the more her taste will conform to the
+graceful and dignified retirement and submission it involves.</p>
+
+<p>An ignorant, a narrow-minded, or a stupid woman, cannot feel nor
+understand the rationality, the propriety, or the beauty of this
+relation; and she it is, that will be most likely to carry her
+measures by tormenting, when she cannot please, or by <ins class="correction"
+title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'petulent'">petulant</ins>
+complaints or obtrusive interference, in matters which are out of
+her sphere, and which she cannot comprehend.</p>
+
+<p>And experience testifies to this result. By the concession of all
+travellers, American females are distinguished above all others
+for their general intelligence, and yet they are complimented for
+their retiring modesty, virtue, and domestic faithfulness, while
+the other sex is as much distinguished for their respectful
+kindness and attentive gallantry. There is no other country where
+females have so much public respect and kindness accorded to
+them<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span> as in America, by the concession of all travellers. And it
+will ever be so, while intellectual culture in the female mind,
+is combined with the spirit of that religion which so strongly
+enforces the appropriate duties of a woman's sphere.</p>
+
+<p>But it may be asked, is there nothing to be done to bring this
+national sin of slavery to an end? Must the internal slave-trade,
+a trade now ranked as piracy among all civilized nations, still
+prosper in our bounds? Must the very seat of our government stand
+as one of the chief slave-markets of the land; and must not
+Christian females open their lips, nor lift a finger, to bring
+such a shame and sin to an end?</p>
+
+<p>To this it may be replied, that Christian females may, and can
+say and do much to bring these evils to an end; and the present
+is a time and an occasion when it seems most desirable that they
+should know, and appreciate, and <i>exercise</i> the power which they
+do possess for so desirable an end.</p>
+
+<p>And in pointing out the methods of exerting female influence for
+this object, I am<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span> inspired with great confidence, from the
+conviction that what will be suggested, is that which none will
+oppose, but all will allow to be not only practicable, but safe,
+suitable, and Christian.</p>
+
+<p>To appreciate these suggestions, however, it is needful
+previously to consider some particulars that exhibit the spirit
+of the age and the tendencies of our peculiar form of government.</p>
+
+<p>The prominent principle, now in development, as indicating the
+spirit of the age, is the perfect right of all men to entire
+freedom of opinion. By this I do not mean that men are coming to
+think that "it is no matter what a man believes, if he is only
+honest and sincere," or that they are growing any more lenient
+towards their fellow-men, for the evil consequences they bring on
+themselves or on others for believing wrong.</p>
+
+<p>But they are coming to adopt the maxim, that no man shall be
+forced by pains and penalties to adopt the opinions of other
+minds, but that every man shall be free to form his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span> own
+opinions, and to propagate them by all lawful means.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time another right is claimed, which is of necessity
+involved in the preceding,&mdash;the right to oppose, by all lawful
+means, the opinions and the practices of others, when they are
+deemed pernicious either to individuals or to the community.
+<i>Facts</i>, <i>arguments</i> and <i>persuasions</i> are, by all, conceded to
+be lawful means to employ in propagating our own views, and in
+opposing the opinions and practices of others.</p>
+
+<p>These fundamental principles of liberty have in all past ages
+been restrained by coercive influences, either of civil or of
+ecclesiastical power. But in this nation, all such coercive
+influences, both of church and state, have ceased. Every man may
+think what he pleases about government, or religion, or any thing
+else; he may propagate his opinions, he may controvert opposite
+opinions, and no magistrate or ecclesiastic can in any legal way
+restrain or punish.</p>
+
+<p>But the form of our government is such, that every measure that
+bears upon the public<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span> or private interest of every citizen, is
+decided by <i>public sentiment</i>. All laws and regulations in civil,
+or religious, or social concerns, are decided by the <i>majority of
+votes</i>. And the present is a time when every doctrine, every
+principle, and every practice which influences the happiness of
+man, either in this, or in a future life, is under discussion.
+The whole nation is thrown into parties about almost every
+possible question, and every man is stimulated in his efforts to
+promote his own plans by the conviction that success depends
+entirely upon bringing his fellow citizens to think as he does.
+Hence every man is fierce in maintaining his own right of free
+discussion, his own right to propagate his opinions, and his own
+right to oppose, by all lawful means, the opinions that conflict
+with his own.</p>
+
+<p>But the difficulty is, that a right which all men claim for
+themselves, with the most sensitive and pertinacious
+inflexibility, they have not yet learned to accord to their
+fellow men, in cases where their own interests are involved.
+Every man is saying, "<ins class="correction"
+title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'let'">Let</ins> me have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span> full liberty to propagate my
+opinions, and to oppose all that I deem wrong and injurious, but
+let no man take this liberty with my opinions and practices.
+Every man may believe what he pleases, and propagate what he
+pleases, provided he takes care not to attack any thing which
+belongs to me."</p>
+
+<p>And how do men exert themselves to restrain this corresponding
+right of their fellow men? Not by going to the magistrate to
+inform, or to the spiritual despot to obtain ecclesiastical
+penalties, but he resorts to methods, which, if successful, are
+in effect the most severe pains and penalties that can restrain
+freedom of opinion.</p>
+
+<p>What is dearer to a man than <i>his character</i>, involving as it
+does, the esteem, respect and affection of friends, neighbours
+and society, with all the confidence, honour, trust and emolument
+that flow from general esteem? How sensitive is every man to any
+thing that depreciates his intellectual character! What torture,
+to be ridiculed or pitied for such deficiencies! How cruel the
+suffering, when his moral delinquencies are held up<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span> to public
+scorn and reprehension! Confiscation, stripes, chains, and even
+death itself, are often less dreaded.</p>
+
+<p>It is this method of punishment to which men resort, to deter
+their fellow-men from exercising those rights of liberty which
+they so tenaciously claim for themselves. Examine now the methods
+adopted by almost all who are engaged in the various conflicts of
+opinion in this nation, and you will find that there are certain
+measures which combatants almost invariably employ.</p>
+
+<p>They either attack the intellectual character of opponents, or
+they labour to make them appear narrow-minded, illiberal and
+bigoted, or they impeach their honesty and veracity, or they
+stigmatize their motives as mean, selfish, ambitious, or in some
+other respect unworthy and degrading. Instead of truth, and
+evidence, and argument, personal depreciation, sneers,
+insinuations, or open abuse, are the weapons employed. This
+method of resisting freedom of opinions, by pains and penalties,
+arises in part from the natural selfishness of man, and in part
+from want of clear<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span> distinctions as to the rights and duties
+involved in freedom of opinion and freedom of speech.</p>
+
+<p>The great fundamental principle that makes this matter clear, is
+this, that a broad and invariable distinction should ever be
+preserved between the <i>opinions</i> and <i>practices</i> that are
+discussed, and the <i>advocates</i> of these opinions and practices.</p>
+
+<p>It is a sacred and imperious duty, that rests on every human
+being, to exert all his influence in opposing every thing that he
+believes is dangerous and wrong, and in sustaining all that he
+believes is safe and right. And in doing this, no compromise is
+to be made, in order to shield country, party, friends, or even
+self, from any just censure. Every man is bound by duty to God
+and to his country, to lay his finger on every false principle,
+or injurious practice, and boldly say, "this is wrong&mdash;this is
+dangerous&mdash;this I will oppose with all my influence, whoever it
+may be that advocates or practises it." And every man is bound to
+use his efforts to turn public sentiment against all that he
+believes<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span> to be wrong and injurious, either in regard to this
+life, or to the future world. And every man deserves to be
+respected and applauded, just in proportion as he fearlessly and
+impartially, and in a <i>proper spirit</i>, <i>time</i> and <i>manner</i>,
+fulfils this duty.</p>
+
+<p>The doctrine, just now alluded to, that it is "no matter what a
+man believes, if he is only honest and sincere," is as
+pernicious, as it is contrary to religion and to common sense. It
+is as absurd, and as impracticable, as it would be to urge on the
+mariner the maxim, "no matter which way you believe to be north,
+if you only steer aright." A man's character, feelings, and
+conduct, all depend upon his opinions. If a man can reason
+himself into the belief that it is right to take the property of
+others and to deceive by false statements, he will probably prove
+a thief and a liar. It is of the greatest concern, therefore, to
+every man, that his fellow-men should <i>believe right</i>, and one of
+his most sacred duties is to use all his influence to promote
+correct opinions.</p>
+
+<p>But the performance of this duty, does by no means involve the
+necessity of attacking<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span> the character or motives of the
+<i>advocates</i> of false opinions, or of holding them up,
+individually, to public odium.</p>
+
+<p>Erroneous opinions are sometimes the consequence of unavoidable
+ignorance, or of mental imbecility, or of a weak and erring
+judgment, or of false testimony from others, which cannot be
+rectified. In such cases, the advocates of false opinions are to
+be pitied rather than blamed; and while the opinions and their
+tendencies may be publicly exposed, the men may be objects of
+affection and kindness.</p>
+
+<p>In other cases, erroneous opinions spring from criminal
+indifference, from prejudice, from indolence, from pride, from
+evil passions, or from selfish interest. In all such cases, men
+deserve blame for their pernicious opinions, and the evils which
+flow from them.</p>
+
+<p>But, it maybe asked, how are men to decide, when their fellow-men
+are guilty for holding wrong opinions; when they deserve blame,
+and when they are to be regarded only with pity and commiseration
+by those who believe them to be in the wrong? Here, surely,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span> is a
+place where some correct principle is greatly needed.</p>
+
+<p>Is every man to sit in judgment upon his fellow-man, and decide
+what are his intellectual capacities, and what the measure of his
+judgment? Is every man to take the office of the Searcher of
+Hearts, to try the feelings and motives of his fellow-man? Is
+that most difficult of all analysis, the estimating of the
+feelings, purposes, and motives, which every man, who examines
+his own secret thoughts, finds to be so complex, so recondite, so
+intricate; is this to be the basis, not only of individual
+opinion, but of public reward and censure? Is every man to
+constitute himself a judge of the amount of time and interest
+given to the proper investigation of truth by his fellow-man?
+Surely, this cannot be a correct principle.</p>
+
+<p>Though there may be single cases in which we can know that our
+fellow-men are weak in intellect, or erring in judgment, or
+perverse in feeling, or misled by passion, or biased by selfish
+interest, as a general fact we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span> are not competent to decide these
+matters, in regard to those who differ from us in opinion.</p>
+
+<p>For this reason it is manifestly wrong and irrelevant, when
+discussing questions of duty or expediency, to bring before the
+public the character or the motives of the individual advocates
+of opinions.</p>
+
+<p>But, it may be urged, how can the evil tendencies of opinions or
+of practices be investigated, without involving a consideration
+of the character and conduct of those who advocate them? To this
+it may be replied, that the tendencies of opinions and practices
+can never be ascertained by discussing individual character. It
+is <i>classes</i> of persons, or large <i>communities</i>, embracing
+persons of all varieties of character and circumstances, that are
+the only proper subjects of investigation for this object. For
+example, a community of Catholics, and a community of
+Protestants, may be compared, for the purpose of learning the
+moral tendencies of their different opinions. Scotland and New
+England, where the principles opposite to Catholicism have most
+prevailed, may properly be compared with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span> Spain and Italy, where
+the Catholic system has been most fairly tried. But to select
+certain individuals who are defenders of these two different
+systems, as examples to illustrate their tendencies, would be as
+improper as it would be to select a kernel of grain to prove the
+good or bad character of a whole crop.</p>
+
+<p>To illustrate by a more particular example. The doctrines of the
+Atheist school are now under discussion, and Robert Owen and
+Fanny Wright have been their prominent advocates.</p>
+
+<p>In agreement with the above principles, it is a right, and the
+duty of every man who has any influence and opportunity, to show
+the absurdity of their doctrines, the weakness of their
+arguments, and the fatal tendencies of their opinions. It is
+right to show that the <i>practical</i> adoption of their principles
+indicates a want of common sense, just as sowing the ocean with
+grain and expecting a crop would indicate the same deficiency. If
+the advocates of these doctrines carry out their principles into
+practice, in any such way as to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span> offend the taste, or infringe on
+the rights of others, it is proper to express disgust and
+disapprobation. If the female advocate chooses to come upon a
+stage, and expose her person, dress, and elocution to public
+criticism, it is right to express disgust at whatever is
+offensive and indecorous, as it is to criticize the book of an
+author, or the dancing of an actress, or any thing else that is
+presented to public observation. And it is right to make all
+these things appear as odious and reprehensible to others as they
+do to ourselves.</p>
+
+<p>But what is the private character of Robert Owen or Fanny Wright?
+Whether they are ignorant or weak in intellect; whether they have
+properly examined the sources of truth; how much they have been
+biased by pride, passion, or vice, in adopting their opinions;
+whether they are honest and sincere in their belief; whether they
+are selfish or benevolent in their aims, are not matters which in
+any way pertain to the discussion. They are questions about which
+none are qualified to judge, except those in close and intimate
+communion<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span> with them. We may inquire with propriety as to the
+character of a <i>community</i> of Atheists, or of a community where
+such sentiments extensively prevail, as compared with a community
+of opposite sentiments. But the private character, feelings, and
+motives of the individual advocates of these doctrines, are not
+proper subjects of investigation in any public discussion.</p>
+
+<p>If, then, it be true, that attacks on the character and motives
+of the advocates of opinions are entirely irrelevant and not at
+all necessary for the discovery of truth; if injury inflicted on
+character is the most severe penalty that can be employed to
+restrain freedom of opinions and freedom of speech, what are we
+to say of the state of things in this nation?</p>
+
+<p>Where is there a party which does not in effect say to every man,
+"if you dare to oppose the principles or practices we sustain,
+you shall be punished with personal odium?" which does not say to
+every member of the party, "uphold your party, right or wrong;
+oppose all that is adverse to your party, right or wrong, or else
+suffer the penalty of having<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span> your motives, character, and
+conduct, impeached?"</p>
+
+<p>Look first at the political arena. Where is the advocate of any
+measure that does not suffer sneers, ridicule, contempt, and all
+that tends to depreciate character in public estimation? Where is
+the partisan that is not attacked, as either weak in intellect,
+or dishonest in principle, or selfish in motives? And where is
+the man who is linked with any political party, that dares to
+stand up fearlessly and defend what is good in opposers, and
+reprove what is wrong in his own party?</p>
+
+<p>Look into the religious world. There, even those who take their
+party name from their professed liberality, are saying, "whoever
+shall adopt principles that exclude us from the Christian church,
+and our clergy from the pulpit, shall be held up either as
+intellectually degraded, or as narrow-minded and bigoted, or as
+ambitious, partisan and persecuting in spirit. No man shall
+believe a creed that excludes us from the pale of Christianity,
+under penalty of all the odium we can inflict."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>So in the Catholic controversy. Catholics and their friends
+practically declare war against all free discussion on this
+point. The decree has gone forth, that "no man shall appear for
+the purpose of proving that Catholicism is contrary to Scripture,
+or immoral and anti-republican in tendency, under penalty of
+being denounced as a dupe, or a hypocrite, or a persecutor, or a
+narrow-minded and prejudiced <ins class="correction"
+title="Transcriber's note: missing close quotation mark in the original">bigot."</ins></p>
+
+<p>On the contrary, those who attack what is called liberal
+Christianity, or who aim to oppose the progress of Catholicism,
+how often do they exhibit a severe and uncharitable spirit
+towards the individuals whose opinions they controvert. Instead
+of loving the men, and rendering to them all the offices of
+Christian kindness, and according to them all due credit for
+whatever is desirable in character and conduct, how often do
+opposers seem to feel, that it will not answer to allow that
+there is any thing good, either in the system or in those who
+have adopted it. "Every thing about my party is right, and every
+thing in the opposing party is wrong," seems to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span> the universal
+maxim of the times. And it is the remark of some of the most
+intelligent foreign travellers among us, and of our own citizens
+who go abroad, that there is no country to be found, where
+freedom of opinion, and freedom of speech is more really
+influenced and controlled by the fear of pains and penalties,
+than in this land of boasted freedom. In other nations, the
+control is exercised by government, in respect to a very few
+matters; in this country it is party-spirit that rules with an
+iron rod, and shakes its scorpion whips over every interest and
+every employment of man.</p>
+
+<p>From this mighty source spring constant detraction, gossiping,
+tale-bearing, falsehood, anger, pride, malice, revenge, and every
+evil word and work.</p>
+
+<p>Every man sets himself up as the judge of the intellectual
+character, the honesty, the sincerity, the feelings,
+opportunities, motives, and intentions, of his fellow-man. And so
+they fall upon each other, not with swords and spears, but with
+the tongue, "that unruly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span> member, that setteth on fire the course
+of nature, and is set on fire of hell."</p>
+
+<p>Can any person who seeks to maintain the peaceful, loving, and
+gentle spirit of Christianity, go out into the world at this day,
+without being bewildered at the endless conflicts, and grieved
+and dismayed at the bitter and unhallowed passions they engender?
+Can an honest, upright and Christian man, go into these
+conflicts, and with unflinching firmness stand up for all that is
+good, and oppose all that is evil, in whatever party it may be
+found, without a measure of moral courage such as few can
+command? And if he carries himself through with an unyielding
+integrity, and maintains his consistency, is he not exposed to
+storms of bitter revilings, and to peltings from both parties
+between which he may stand?</p>
+
+<p>What is the end of these things to be? Must we give up free
+discussion, and again chain up the human mind under the despotism
+of past ages? No, this will never be. God designs that every
+intelligent mind shall be governed, not by coercion, but by
+reason, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span> conscience, and truth. Man must reason, and
+experiment, and compare past and present results, and hear and
+know all that can be said on <i>both</i> sides of every question which
+influences either private or public happiness, either for this
+life or for the life to come.</p>
+
+<p>But while this process is going on, must we be distracted and
+tortured by the baleful passions and wicked works that
+unrestrained party-spirit and ungoverned factions will bring upon
+us, under such a government as ours? Must we rush on to disunion,
+and civil wars, and servile wars, till all their train of horrors
+pass over us like devouring fire?</p>
+
+<p>There is an influence that can avert these dangers&mdash;a spirit that
+can allay the storm&mdash;that can say to the troubled winds and
+waters, "peace, be still."</p>
+
+<p>It is that spirit which is gentle and easy to be entreated, which
+thinketh no evil, which rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth
+in the truth, which is not easily provoked, which hopeth all
+things, which beareth all things. Let this spirit be infused into
+the mass of the nation, and then truth may be sought, defended,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span>
+and propagated, and error detected, and its evils exposed; and
+yet we may escape the evils that now rage through this nation,
+and threaten us with such fiery plagues.</p>
+
+<p>And is there not a peculiar propriety in such an emergency, in
+looking for the especial agency and assistance of females, who
+are shut out from the many temptations that assail the other
+sex,&mdash;who are the appointed ministers of all the gentler
+charities of life,&mdash;who are mingled throughout the whole mass of
+the community,&mdash;who dwell in those retirements where only peace
+and love ought ever to enter,&mdash;whose comfort, influence, and
+dearest blessings, all depend on preserving peace and good will
+among men?</p>
+
+<p>In the present aspect of affairs among us, when everything seems
+to be tending to disunion and distraction, it surely has become
+the duty of every female instantly to relinquish the attitude of
+a partisan, in every matter of clashing interests, and to assume
+the office of a mediator, and an advocate of peace. And to do
+this, it is not necessary that a woman should in any manner
+relinquish<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span> her opinion as to the evils or the benefits, the
+right or the wrong, of any principle or practice. But, while
+quietly holding her own opinions, and calmly avowing them, when
+conscience and integrity make the duty imperative, every female
+can employ her influence, not for the purpose of exciting or
+regulating public sentiment, but rather for the purpose of
+promoting a spirit of candour, forbearance, charity, and peace.</p>
+
+<p>And there are certain prominent maxims which every woman can
+adopt as peculiarly belonging to her, as the advocate of charity
+and peace, and which it should be her especial office to
+illustrate, enforce, and sustain, by every method in her power.</p>
+
+<p>The first is, that every person ought to be sustained, not only
+in the right of propagating his own opinions and practices, but
+in opposing all those principles and practices which he deems
+erroneous. For there is no opinion which a man can propagate,
+that does not oppose some adverse interest; and if a man must
+cease to advocate his own views of truth and rectitude, because
+he opposes the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span> interest or prejudices of some other man or
+party, all freedom of opinion, of speech, and of action, is gone.
+All that can be demanded is, that a man shall not resort to
+falsehood, false reasoning, or to attacks on character, in
+maintaining his own rights. If he states things which are false,
+it is right to show the falsehood,&mdash;if he reasons falsely, it is
+right to point out his sophistry,&mdash;if he impeaches the character
+or motives of opponents, it is right to express disapprobation
+and disgust; but if he uses only facts, arguments, and
+persuasions, he is to be honoured and sustained for all the
+efforts he makes to uphold what he deems to be right, and to put
+down what he believes to be wrong.</p>
+
+<p>Another maxim, which is partially involved in the first, is, that
+every man ought to allow his own principles and practices to be
+freely discussed, with patience and magnanimity, and not to
+complain of persecution, or to attack the character or motives of
+those who claim that he is in the wrong. If he is belied, if his
+character is impeached, if his motives are assailed, if his
+intellectual capabilities are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span> made the objects of sneers or
+commiseration, he has a right to complain, and to seek sympathy
+as an injured man; but no man is a consistent friend and defender
+of liberty of speech, who cannot bear to have his own principles
+and practices subjected to the same ordeal as he demands should
+be imposed on others.</p>
+
+<p>Another maxim of peace and charity is, that every man's own
+testimony is to be taken in regard to his motives, feelings, and
+intentions. Though we may fear that a fellow-man is mistaken in
+his views of his own feelings, or that he does not speak the
+truth, it is as contrary to the rules of good breeding as it is
+to the laws of Christianity, to assume or even insinuate that
+this is the case. If a man's word cannot be taken in regard to
+his own motives, feelings, and intentions, he can find no redress
+for the wrong that may be done to him. It is unjust and
+unreasonable in the extreme to take any other course than the one
+here urged.</p>
+
+<p>Another most important maxim of candour and charity is, that when
+we are to assign motives<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span> for the conduct of our fellow-men,
+especially of those who oppose our interests, we are obligated to
+put the best, rather than the worst construction, on all they say
+and do. Instead of assigning the worst as the probable motive, it
+is always a duty to <i>hope</i> that it is the best, until evidence is
+so unequivocal that there is no place for such a hope.</p>
+
+<p>Another maxim of peace and charity respects the subject of
+<i>retaliation</i>. Whatever may be said respecting the literal
+construction of some of the rules of the gospel, no one can deny
+that they do, whether figurative or not, forbid retaliation and
+revenge; that they do assume that men are not to be judges and
+executioners of their own wrongs; but that injuries are to be
+borne with meekness, and that retributive justice must be left to
+God, and to the laws. If a man strikes, we are not to return the
+blow, but appeal to the laws. If a man uses abusive or invidious
+language, we are not to return railing for railing. If a man
+impeaches our motives and attacks our character, we are not to
+return the evil. If a man sneers and ridicules, we are not to
+retaliate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span> with ridicule and sneers. If a man reports our
+weaknesses and failings, we are not to revenge ourselves by
+reporting his. No man has a right to report evil of others,
+except when the justification of the innocent, or a regard for
+public or individual safety, demands it. This is the strict law
+of the gospel, inscribed in all its pages, and meeting in the
+face all those unchristian and indecent violations that now are
+so common, in almost every conflict of intellect or of interest.</p>
+
+<p>Another most important maxim of peace and charity imposes the
+obligation to guard our fellow-men from all unnecessary
+temptation. We are taught daily to pray, "lead us not into
+temptation;" and thus are admonished not only to avoid all
+unnecessary temptation ourselves, but to save our fellow-men from
+the danger. Can we ask our Heavenly Parent to protect us from
+temptation, while we recklessly spread baits and snares for our
+fellow-men? No, we are bound in every measure to have a tender
+regard for the weaknesses and liabilities of all around, and ever
+to be ready to yield even our just rights,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span> when we can lawfully
+do it, rather than to tempt others to sin. The generous and
+high-minded Apostle declares, "if meat make my brother to offend,
+I will eat no flesh while the world standeth;" and it is the
+spirit of this maxim that every Christian ought to cultivate.
+There are no occasions when this maxim is more needed, than when
+we wish to modify the opinions, or alter the practices of our
+fellow-men. If, in such cases, we find that the probabilities
+are, that any interference of ours will increase the power of
+<ins class="correction"
+title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'tempation'">temptation</ins>, and lead to greater evils than those we wish to
+remedy, we are bound to forbear. If we find that one mode of
+attempting a measure will increase the power of temptation, and
+another will not involve this danger, we are bound to take the
+safest course. In all cases we are obligated to be as careful to
+protect our fellow-men from temptation, as we are to watch and
+pray against it in regard to ourselves.</p>
+
+<p>Another maxim of peace and charity requires a most scrupulous
+regard to the reputation, character, and feelings of our
+fellow-men,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span> and especially of those who are opposed in any way
+to our wishes and interests. Every man and every woman feels that
+it is wrong for others to propagate their faults and weakness
+through the community. Every one feels wounded and injured to
+find that others are making his defects and infirmities the
+subject of sneers and ridicule. And what, then, is the rule of
+duty? "As ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to
+them." With this rule before his eyes and in his mind, can a man
+retail his neighbour's faults, or sneer at his deficiencies, or
+ridicule his infirmities, with a clear conscience? There are
+cases when the safety of individuals, or public justice, demands
+that a man's defects of character, or crimes, be made public; but
+no man is justified in communicating to others any evil
+respecting any of his fellow-men, when he cannot appeal to God as
+his witness that he does it from benevolent interest in the
+welfare of his fellow-men&mdash;from a desire to save individuals or
+the public from some evil&mdash;and not from a malevolent or gossiping
+propensity. Oh, that this law of love and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span> charity could find an
+illustration and an advocate in every female of this nation! Oh,
+that every current slander, and every injurious report, might
+stand abashed, whenever it meets the notice of a woman!</p>
+
+<p>These are the maxims of peace and charity, which it is in the
+power of the females of our country to advocate, both by example
+and by entreaties. These are the principles which alone can
+protect and preserve the right of free discussion, the freedom of
+speech, and liberty of the press. And with our form of
+government, and our liabilities to faction and party-spirit, the
+country will be safe and happy only in proportion to the
+prevalence of these maxims among the mass of the community. There
+probably will never arrive a period in the history of this
+nation, when the influence of these principles will be more
+needed, than the present. The question of slavery involves more
+pecuniary interests, touches more private relations, involves
+more prejudices, is entwined with more sectional, party, and
+political interests, than any other which can ever again arise.
+It is a matter<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span> which, if discussed and controlled without the
+influence of these principles of charity and peace, will shake
+this nation like an earthquake, and pour over us the volcanic
+waves of every terrific passion. The trembling earth, the low
+murmuring thunders, already admonish us of our danger; and if
+females can exert any saving influence in this emergency, it is
+time for them to awake.</p>
+
+<p>And there are topics that they may urge upon the attention of
+their friends, at least as matters worthy of serious
+consideration and inquiry.</p>
+
+<p>Is a woman surrounded by those who favour the Abolition measures?
+Can she not with propriety urge such inquiries as these?</p>
+
+<p>Is not slavery to be brought to an end by free discussion, and is
+it not a war upon the right of free discussion to impeach the
+motives and depreciate the character of the opposers of Abolition
+measures? When the opposers of Abolition movements claim that
+they honestly and sincerely believe that these measures tend to
+perpetuate slavery, or to bring it to an end by servile wars, and
+civil<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span> disunion, and the most terrific miseries&mdash;when they object
+to the use of their pulpits, to the embodying of literary
+students, to the agitation of the community, by Abolition
+agents&mdash;when they object to the circulation of such papers and
+tracts as Abolitionists prepare, because they believe them most
+pernicious in their influence and tendencies, is it not as much
+persecution to use invidious insinuations, depreciating
+accusation and impeachment of motive, in order to intimidate, as
+it is for the opposers of Abolitionism to use physical force? Is
+not the only method by which the South can be brought to
+relinquish slavery, a conviction that not only her <i>duty</i>, but
+her highest <i>interest</i>, requires her to do it? And is not <i>calm,
+rational Christian</i> discussion the only proper method of securing
+this end? Can a community that are thrown into such a state of
+high exasperation as now exists at the South, ever engage in such
+discussions, till the storm of excitement and passion is allayed?
+Ought not every friend of liberty and of free discussion, to take
+every possible means to soothe exasperated feelings, and to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span>
+avoid all those offensive peculiarities that in their nature tend
+to inflame and offend?</p>
+
+<p>Is a woman among those who oppose Abolition movements? She can
+urge such inquiries as these: Ought not Abolitionists to be
+treated as if they were actuated by the motives of benevolence
+which they profess? Ought not every patriot and every Christian
+to throw all his influence against the impeachment of motives,
+the personal detraction, and the violent measures that are turned
+upon this body of men, who, however they may err in judgment or
+in spirit, are among the most exemplary and benevolent in the
+land? If Abolitionists are censurable for taking measures that
+exasperate rather than convince and persuade, are not their
+opponents, who take exactly the same measures to exasperate
+Abolitionists and their friends, as much to blame? If
+Abolitionism prospers by the abuse of its advocates, are not the
+authors of this abuse accountable for the increase of the very
+evils they deprecate?</p>
+
+<p>It is the opinion of intelligent and well informed men, that a
+very large proportion of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span> the best members of the Abolition party
+were placed there, not by the arguments of Abolitionists, but by
+the abuse of their opposers. And I know some of the noblest minds
+that stand there, chiefly from the influence of those generous
+impulses that defend the injured and sustain the persecuted,
+while many others have joined these ranks from the impression
+that Abolitionism and the right of free discussion have become
+identical interests. Although I cannot perceive why the right of
+free discussion, the right of petition, and other rights that
+have become involved in this matter, cannot be sustained without
+joining an association that has sustained such injurious action
+and such erroneous principles, yet other minds, and those which
+are worthy of esteem, have been led to an opposite conclusion.</p>
+
+<p>The South, in the moments of angry excitement, have made
+unreasonable demands upon the non-slave-holding States, and have
+employed overbearing and provoking language. This has provoked
+re-action again at the North, and men, who heretofore were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span>
+unexcited, are beginning to feel indignant, and to say, "Let the
+Union be sundered." Thus anger begets anger, and unreasonable
+measures provoke equally unreasonable returns.</p>
+
+<p>But when men, in moments of excitement rush on to such results,
+little do they think of the momentous consequences that may
+follow. Suppose the South in her anger unites with Texas, and
+forms a Southern slave-holding republic, under all the
+exasperating influences that such an avulsion will excite? What
+will be the prospects of the slave then, compared with what they
+are while we dwell together, united by all the ties of
+brotherhood, and having free access to those whom we wish to
+convince and persuade?</p>
+
+<p>But who can estimate the mischiefs that we must encounter while
+this dismemberment, this tearing asunder of the joints and
+members of the body politic, is going on? What will be the
+commotion and dismay, when all our sources of wealth, prosperity,
+and comfort, are turned to occasions for angry and selfish
+strife?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>What agitation will ensue in individual States, when it is to be
+decided by majorities which State shall go to the North and which
+to the South, and when the discontented minority must either give
+up or fight! Who shall divide our public lands between contending
+factions? What shall be done with our navy and all the various
+items of the nation's property? What shall be done when the
+post-office stops its steady movement to divide its efforts among
+contending parties? What shall be done when public credit
+staggers, when commerce furls her slackened sail, when property
+all over the nation changes its owners and relations? What shall
+be done with our canals and railways, now the bands of love to
+bind us, then the causes of contention and jealousy? What umpire
+will appear to settle all these questions of interest and strife,
+between communities thrown asunder by passion, pride, and mutual
+injury?</p>
+
+<p>It is said that the American people, though heedless and
+sometimes reckless at the approach of danger, are endowed with a
+strong<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span> and latent principle of common sense, which, when they
+fairly approach the precipice, always brings them to a stand, and
+makes them as wise to devise a remedy as they were rash in
+hastening to the danger. Are we not approaching the very verge of
+the precipice? Can we not already hear the roar of the waters
+below? Is not now the time, if ever, when our stern principles
+and sound common sense must wake to the rescue?</p>
+
+<p>Cannot the South be a little more patient under the injurious
+action that she feels she has suffered, and cease demanding those
+concessions from the North, that never will be made? For the
+North, though slower to manifest feeling, is as sensitive to her
+right of freedom of speech, as the South can be to her rights of
+property.</p>
+
+<p>Cannot the North bear with some unreasonable action from the
+South, when it is remembered that, as the provocation came from
+the North, it is wise and Christian that the aggressive party
+should not so strictly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span> hold their tempted brethren to the rules
+of right and reason?</p>
+
+<p>Cannot the South bear in mind that at the North the colour of the
+skin does not take away the feeling of brotherhood, and though it
+is a badge of degradation in station and intellect, yet it is
+oftener regarded with pity and sympathy than with contempt?
+Cannot the South remember their generous feelings for the Greeks
+and Poles, and imagine that some such feelings may be awakened
+for the African race, among a people who do not believe either in
+the policy or the right of slavery?</p>
+
+<p>Cannot the North remember how jealous every man feels of his
+domestic relations and rights, and how sorely their Southern
+brethren are tried in these respects? How would the husbands and
+fathers at the North endure it, if Southern associations should
+be formed to bring forth to the world the sins of Northern men,
+as husbands and fathers? What if the South should send to the
+North to collect all the sins and neglects of Northern husbands
+and fathers, to retail them at the South in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span> tracts and
+periodicals? What if the English nation should join in the
+outcry, and English females should send forth an agent, not
+indeed to visit the offending North, but to circulate at the
+South, denouncing all who did not join in this crusade, as the
+defenders of bad husbands and bad fathers? How would Northern men
+conduct under such provocations? There is indeed a difference in
+the two cases, but it is not in the nature and amount of
+irritating influence, for the Southerner feels the interference
+of strangers to regulate his domestic duty to his servants, as
+much as the Northern man would feel the same interference in
+regard to his wife and children. Do not Northern men owe a debt
+of forbearance and sympathy toward their Southern brethren, who
+have been so sorely tried?</p>
+
+<p>It is by urging these considerations, and by exhibiting and
+advocating the principles of charity and peace, that females may
+exert a wise and appropriate influence, and one which will most
+certainly tend to bring to an end, not only slavery, but
+unnumbered other evils<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span> and wrongs. No one can object to such an
+influence, but all parties will bid God speed to every woman who
+modestly, wisely and benevolently attempts it.</p>
+
+<p>I do not suppose that any Abolitionists are to be deterred by any
+thing I can offer, from prosecuting the course of measures they
+have adopted. They doubtless will continue to agitate the
+subject, and to form voluntary associations all over the land, in
+order to excite public sentiment at the North against the moral
+evils existing at the South. Yet I cannot but hope that some
+considerations may have influence to modify in a degree the
+spirit and measures of some who are included in that party.</p>
+
+<p>Abolitionists are men who come before the public in the character
+of <i>reprovers</i>. That the gospel requires Christians sometimes to
+assume this office, cannot be denied; but it does as
+unequivocally point out those qualifications which alone can
+entitle a man to do it. And no man acts wisely or consistently,
+unless he can satisfy himself that he possesses<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span> the
+qualifications for this duty, before he assumes it.</p>
+
+<p>The first of these qualifications is more than common exemption
+from the faults that are reproved. The inspired interrogatory,
+"thou therefore which teachest another, teachest thou not
+thyself?" enforces this principle; and the maxim of common sense,
+that "reprovers must have clean hands," is no less unequivocal.
+Abolitionists are reprovers for the violation of duties in the
+domestic relations. Of course they are men who are especially
+bound to be exemplary in the discharge of all their domestic
+duties. If a man cannot govern his temper and his tongue; if he
+inflicts that moral castigation on those who cross his will,
+which is more severe than physical stripes; if he is overbearing
+or exacting with those under his control; if he cannot secure
+respect for a kind and faithful discharge of all his social and
+relative duties, it is as unwise and improper for him to join an
+Abolition Society, as it would be for a drunkard to preach
+temperance, or a slave-holder Abolitionism.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Another indispensable requisite for the office of reprover is a
+character distinguished for humility and meekness. There is
+nothing more difficult than to approach men for the purpose of
+convincing them of their own deficiencies and faults; and whoever
+attempts it in a self-complacent and dictatorial spirit, always
+does more evil than good. However exemplary a man may be in the
+sight of men, there is abundant cause for the exercise of
+humility. For a man is to judge of himself, not by a comparison
+with other men, but as he stands before God, when compared with a
+perfect law, and in reference to all his peculiar opportunities
+and restraints. Who is there that in this comparison, cannot find
+cause for the deepest humiliation? Who can go from the presence
+of Infinite Purity after such an investigation, to "take his
+brother by the throat?" Who rather, should not go to a brother,
+who may have sinned, with the deepest sympathy and love, as one
+who, amid greater temptations and with fewer advantages, may be
+the least offender of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span> two? A man who goes with this spirit,
+has the best hope of doing good to those who may offend. And yet
+even this spirit will not always save a man from angry retort,
+vexatious insinuation, jealous suspicion, and the misconstruction
+of his motives. A reprover, therefore, if he would avoid a
+quarrel and do the good he aims to secure, must be possessed of
+that meekness which can receive evil for good, with patient
+benevolence. And a man is not fitted for the duties of a
+reprover, until he can bring his feelings under this control.</p>
+
+<p>The last, and not the least important requisite for a reprover,
+is <i>discretion</i>. This is no where so much needed as in cases
+where the domestic relations are concerned, for here is the place
+above all others, where men are most sensitive and unreasonable.
+There are none who have more opportunities for learning this,
+than those who act as teachers, especially if they feel the
+responsibility of a Christian and a friend, in regard to the
+moral interests of pupils. A teacher who shares<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span> with parents the
+responsibilities of educating their children, whose efforts may
+all be rendered useless by parental influences at home; who feels
+an affectionate interest in both parent and child, is surely the
+one who might seem to have a right to seek, and a chance of
+success in seeking, some modifications of domestic influences.
+And yet teachers will probably testify, that it is a most
+discouraging task, and often as likely to result in jealous
+alienation and the loss of influence over both parent and child,
+as in any good. It is one of the greatest compliments that can be
+paid to the good sense and the good feeling of a parent to dare
+to attempt any such measure. This may show how much discretion,
+and tact, and delicacy, are needed by those who aim to rectify
+evils in the domestic relations of mankind.</p>
+
+<p>The peculiar qualifications, then, which make it suitable for a
+man to be an Abolitionist are, an exemplary discharge of all the
+domestic duties; humility, meekness, delicacy, tact, and
+discretion, and these should especially<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span> be the distinctive
+traits of those who take the place of <i>leaders</i> in devising
+measures.</p>
+
+<p>And in performing these difficult and self-denying duties, there
+are no men who need more carefully to study the character and
+imitate the example of the Redeemer of mankind. He, indeed, was
+the searcher of hearts, and those reproofs which were based on
+the perfect knowledge of "all that is in man," we may not
+imitate. But we may imitate him, where he with so much
+gentleness, patience, and pitying love, encountered the weakness,
+the rashness, the selfishness, the worldliness of men. When the
+young man came with such self-complacency to ask what more he
+could do, how kindly he was received, how gently convinced of his
+great deficiency! When fire would have been called from heaven by
+his angry followers, how forbearing the rebuke! When denied and
+forsaken with oaths and curses by one of his nearest friends,
+what was it but a look of pitying love that sent the disciple out
+so bitterly to weep? When, in his last extremity<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span> of sorrow, his
+friends all fell asleep, how gently he drew over them the mantle
+of love! Oh blessed Saviour, impart more of thy own spirit to
+those who profess to follow thee!</p>
+
+
+<h3>THE END.</h3>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="FOOTNOTES" id="FOOTNOTES"></a>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> History of the Abolition of the Slave Trade.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Coleridge.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> The father of the late Samuel Whitbread, Esq.,
+generously undertook, in order to make Mr. Clarkson's mind easy
+upon the subject, "to make good all injuries which any
+individuals might suffer from such
+<ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: missing close quotation mark in the original">persecution;"</ins> and he honourably
+and nobly fulfilled his engagement.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> This account of Clarkson, and the preceding one of
+Wilberforce, are taken from the Christian Keepsake of 1836 and
+1837.</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<div class='tnote'><h3>Transcriber's Notes:</h3>
+
+<p>The adjective 'Christian' is sometimes spelled 'christian' and its
+use is inconsistent throughout the book.</p>
+
+<p>The original punctuation, language and spelling have been retained,
+except where noted.</p>
+
+<p>The changes made to the original text are indicated by dotted lines under the corrections. Scroll the mouse over the word and the original text will <ins title="Transcriber's Note: original reads 'apprear'">appear</ins>.</p>
+
+<p><a href="#Page_3">Page 3</a>: to this request, <span class="smcap">Miss Grimke's</span> Address was</p>
+
+<p><a href="#Page_19">Page 19</a>: associated <span class="smcap">Clarkson</span>, <span class="smcap">Sharpe</span>, <span class="smcap">Macauley</span>, and</p>
+
+<p><a href="#Page_44">Page 44</a>: [blank space] it is with "sheep-stealer." But Abolitionists</p>
+
+<p><a href="#Page_53">Page 53</a>: Secondly, To make them willing to relinquish</p>
+
+<p><a href="#Page_59">Page 59</a>: sustained this trafic, in that nation. What</p>
+
+<p><a href="#Page_71">Page 71</a>: visiter's intention to devote himself to this</p>
+
+<p><a href="#Page_84">Page 84</a>: Mr. Clarkson continued his efficient co-opetion</p>
+
+<p><a href="#Page_101">Page 101</a>: so benevolent in feeling and action; that her</p>
+
+<p><a href="#Page_108">Page 108</a>: when she cannot please, or by petulent complaints</p>
+
+<p><a href="#Page_112">Page 112</a>: Every man is saying, "let me have</p>
+
+<p><a href="#Page_124">Page 124</a>: and prejudiced bigot.["]</p>
+
+<p><a href="#Page_134">Page 134</a>: tempation, and lead to greater evils than</p>
+
+<p><a href="#Footnote_3_3">Footnote 3</a>: persecution;["] and he honourably and nobly fulfilled his</p>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay on Slavery and Abolitionism, by
+Catharine E. Beecher
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: An Essay on Slavery and Abolitionism
+       With reference to the duty of American females
+
+Author: Catharine E. Beecher
+
+Release Date: July 25, 2008 [EBook #26123]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAY - SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by K Nordquist, Emanuela Piasentini and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+    +-------------------------------------------------------------+
+    |Transcriber's Note:                                          |
+    |                                                             |
+    |The adjective 'Christian' is sometimes spelled 'christian'   |
+    |and its use is inconsistent throughout the book. The original|
+    |punctuation, language and spelling have been retained, except|
+    |where noted at the end of the text.                          |
+    +-------------------------------------------------------------+
+
+
+
+
+                                AN ESSAY
+
+
+                                   ON
+
+
+                        SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM,
+
+
+                          WITH REFERENCE TO THE
+
+
+                        DUTY OF AMERICAN FEMALES.
+
+
+                                   BY
+
+                          CATHARINE E. BEECHER.
+
+
+                             Philadelphia:
+                   HENRY PERKINS, 134 CHESTNUT STREET.
+                        PERKINS & MARVIN, BOSTON.
+
+
+                                 1837.
+
+
+Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1837, by _Henry
+Perkins_, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern
+District of Pennsylvania.
+
+                      L. ASHMEAD AND CO. PRINTERS.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+THE following are the circumstances which occasioned the succeeding
+pages. A gentleman and a friend, requested the writer to assign reasons
+why he should not join the Abolition Society. While preparing a reply
+to this request, MISS GRIMKE's Address was presented, and the
+information communicated, of her intention to visit the North, for the
+purpose of using her influence among northern ladies to induce them to
+unite with Abolition Societies. The writer then began a private letter
+to Miss Grimke as a personal friend. But by the wishes and advice of
+others, these two efforts were finally combined in the following Essay,
+to be presented to the public.
+
+The honoured and beloved name which that lady bears, so associated as it
+is at the South, North, and West, with all that is elegant in a scholar,
+refined in a gentleman, and elevated in a Christian,--the respectable
+sect with which she is connected,--the interesting effusions of her
+pen,--and her own intellectual and moral worth, must secure respect for
+her opinions and much personal influence. This seems to be a sufficient
+apology for presenting to the public some considerations in connexion
+with her name; considerations which may exhibit in another aspect the
+cause she advocates, and which it may be appropriate to consider. As
+such, they are respectfully commended to the public, and especially to
+that portion of it for which they are particularly designed.
+
+
+
+
+ESSAY
+
+ON
+
+SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM.
+
+ADDRESSED TO MISS A. D. GRIMKE.
+
+
+MY DEAR FRIEND,
+
+Your public address to Christian females at the South has reached me,
+and I have been urged to aid in circulating it at the North. I have also
+been informed, that you contemplate a tour, during the ensuing year, for
+the purpose of exerting your influence to form Abolition Societies among
+ladies of the non-slave-holding States.
+
+Our acquaintance and friendship give me a claim to your private ear; but
+there are reasons why it seems more desirable to address you, who now
+stand before the public as an advocate of Abolition measures, in a more
+public manner.
+
+The object I have in view, is to present some reasons why it seems
+unwise and inexpedient for ladies of the non-slave-holding States to
+unite themselves in Abolition Societies; and thus, at the same time,
+to exhibit the inexpediency of the course you propose to adopt.
+
+I would first remark, that your public address leads me to infer, that
+you are not sufficiently informed in regard to the feelings and opinions
+of Christian females at the North. Your remarks seem to assume, that the
+_principles_ held by Abolitionists on the subject of slavery, are
+peculiar to them, and are not generally adopted by those at the North
+who oppose their _measures_. In this you are not correctly informed. In
+the sense in which Abolitionists explain the terms they employ, there is
+little, if any, difference between them and most northern persons.
+Especially is this true of northern persons of religious principles. I
+know not where to look for northern Christians, who would deny that
+every slave-holder is bound to treat his slaves exactly as he would
+claim that his own children ought to be treated in similar
+circumstances; that the holding of our fellow men as property, or the
+withholding any of the rights of freedom, for mere purposes of gain, is
+a sin, and ought to be immediately abandoned; and that where the laws
+are such, that a slave-holder cannot _legally_ emancipate his slaves,
+without throwing them into worse bondage, he is bound to use all his
+influence to alter those laws, and, in the meantime, to treat his slaves,
+as nearly as he can, _as if_ they were free.
+
+I do not suppose there is one person in a thousand, at the North, who
+would dissent from these principles. They would only differ in the use
+of terms, and call this the doctrine of _gradual emancipation_, while
+Abolitionists would call it the doctrine of _immediate emancipation_.
+
+As this is the state of public opinion at the North, there is no
+necessity for using any influence with northern ladies, in order that
+they may adopt your _principles_ on the subject of slavery; for they
+hold them in common with yourself, and it would seem unwise, and might
+prove irritating, to approach them as if they held opposite sentiments.
+
+In regard to the duty of making efforts to bring the people of the
+Southern States to adopt these principles, and act on them, it is
+entirely another matter. On this point you would find a large majority
+opposed to your views. Most persons in the non-slave-holding States have
+considered the matter of Southern slavery, as one in which they were no
+more called to interfere, than in the abolition of the press-gang system
+in England, or the tythe system of Ireland. Public opinion may have been
+wrong on this point, and yet have been right on all those great
+principles of rectitude and justice relating to slavery, which
+Abolitionists claim as their _distinctive_ peculiarities.
+
+The distinctive peculiarity of the Abolition Society is this: it is a
+voluntary association in one section of the country, designed to awaken
+public sentiment against a moral evil existing in another section of the
+country, and the principal point of effort seems to be, to enlarge the
+numbers of this association as a means of influencing public sentiment.
+The principal object of your proposed tour, I suppose, is to present
+facts, arguments, and persuasions to influence northern ladies to enrol
+themselves as members of this association.
+
+I will therefore proceed to present some of the reasons which may be
+brought against such a measure as the one you would urge.
+
+In the first place, the main principle of action in that society rests
+wholly on a false deduction from past experience. Experience has shown,
+that when certain moral evils exist in a community, efforts to awaken
+public sentiment against such practices, and combinations for the
+exercise of personal influence and example, have in various cases tended
+to rectify these evils. Thus in respect to intemperance;--the collecting
+of facts, the labours of public lecturers and the distribution of
+publications, have had much effect in diminishing the evil. So in
+reference to the slave-trade and slavery in England. The English nation
+possessed the power of regulating their own trade, and of giving liberty
+to every slave in their dominions; and yet they were entirely unmindful
+of their duty on this subject. Clarkson, Wilberforce, and their
+coadjutors, commenced a system of operations to arouse and influence
+public sentiment, and they succeeded in securing the suppression of the
+slave trade, and the gradual abolition of slavery in the English
+colonies. In both these cases, the effort was to enlighten and direct
+public sentiment in a community, of which the actors were a portion, in
+order to lead them to rectify an evil existing among THEMSELVES, which
+was entirely under their control.
+
+From the success of such efforts, the Abolitionists of this country have
+drawn inferences, which appear to be not only illogical, but false.
+Because individuals in _their own_ community have aroused their fellow
+citizens to correct their own evils, therefore they infer that attempts
+to convince their fellow-citizens of the faults of _another_ community
+will lead that community to forsake their evil practices. An example
+will more clearly illustrate the case. Suppose two rival cities, which
+have always been in competition, and always jealous of each other's
+reputation and prosperity. Certain individuals in one of these cities
+become convinced, that the sin of intemperance is destroying their
+prosperity and domestic happiness. They proceed to collect facts, they
+arrange statistics, they call public meetings, they form voluntary
+associations, they use arguments, entreaties and personal example, and
+by these means they arrest the evil.
+
+Suppose another set of men, in this same community, become convinced
+that certain practices in trade and business in the rival city, are
+dishonest, and have an oppressive bearing on certain classes in that
+city, and are injurious to the interests of general commerce. Suppose
+also, that these are practices, which, by those who allow them, are
+considered as honourable and right. Those who are convinced of their
+immorality, wish to alter the opinions and the practices of the citizens
+of their rival city, and to do this, they commence the collection of
+facts, that exhibit the tendencies of these practices and the evils they
+have engendered. But instead of going among the community in which the
+evils exist, and endeavouring to convince and persuade them, they
+proceed to form voluntary associations among their neighbours at home,
+and spend their time, money and efforts to convince their fellow
+citizens that the inhabitants of their rival city are guilty of a great
+sin. They also publish papers and tracts and send out agents, not to the
+guilty city, but to all the neighbouring towns and villages, to convince
+them of the sins of the city in their vicinity. And they claim that they
+shall succeed in making that city break off its sins, by these measures,
+because other men succeeded in banishing intemperance by labouring among
+their own friends and fellow citizens. Is not this example exactly
+parallel with the exertions of the Abolitionists? Are not the northern
+and southern sections of our country distinct communities, with
+different feelings and interests? Are they not rival, and jealous in
+feeling? Have the northern States the power to rectify evils at the
+South, as they have to remove their own moral deformities; or have they
+any such power over the southern States as the British people had over
+their own trade and their dependent colonies in the West Indies? Have
+not Abolitionists been sending out papers, tracts, and agents to
+convince the people of the North of the sins of the South? Have they not
+refrained from going to the South with their facts, arguments, and
+appeals, because they feared personal evils to themselves? And do not
+Abolitionists found their hopes of success in their project, on the
+success which crowned the efforts of British philanthropists in the case
+of slavery, and on the success that has attended efforts to banish
+intemperance? And do not these two cases differ entirely from the
+Abolition movement in this main point, that one is an effort to convince
+men of _their own_ sins, and the other is an effort to convince men of
+the sins of _other persons_?
+
+The second reason I would urge against joining the Abolition Society is,
+that its character and measures are not either peaceful or Christian in
+tendency, but they rather are those which tend to generate party spirit,
+denunciation, recrimination, and angry passions.
+
+But before bringing evidence to sustain this position, I wish to make a
+distinction between the _men_ who constitute an association, and the
+_measures_ which are advocated and adopted.
+
+I believe, that as a body, Abolitionists are men of pure morals, of
+great honesty of purpose, of real benevolence and piety, and of great
+activity in efforts to promote what they consider the best interests of
+their fellow men. I believe, that, in making efforts to abolish slavery,
+they have taken measures, which they supposed were best calculated to
+bring this evil to an end, with the greatest speed, and with the least
+danger and suffering to the South. I do not believe they ever designed
+to promote disunion, or insurrection, or to stir up strife, or that they
+suppose that their measures can be justly characterized by the
+peculiarities I have specified. I believe they have been urged forward
+by a strong feeling of patriotism, as well as of religious duty, and
+that they have made great sacrifices of feeling, character, time, and
+money to promote what they believed to be the cause of humanity and the
+service of God. I regard individuals among them, as having taken a bold
+and courageous stand, in maintaining the liberty of free discussion, the
+liberty of speech and of the press; though this however is somewhat
+abated by the needless provocations by which they caused those
+difficulties and hazards they so courageously sustained. In speaking
+thus of Abolitionists as a body, it is not assumed that there are not
+bad men found in this party as well as in every other; nor that among
+those who are good men, there are not those who may have allowed party
+spirit to take the place of Christian principle; men who have exhibited
+a mournful destitution of Christian charity; who have indulged in an
+overbearing, denouncing, and self-willed pertinacity as to measures. Yet
+with these reservations, I believe that the above is no more than a fair
+and just exhibition of that class of men who are embraced in the party
+of Abolitionists. And all this can be admitted, and yet the objection I
+am to urge against joining their ranks may stand in its full force.
+
+To make the position clearer, an illustration may be allowed. Suppose a
+body of good men become convinced that the inspired direction, "them
+that sin, rebuke before all, that others may fear," imposes upon them
+the duty of openly rebuking every body whom they discover in the
+practice of any sin. Suppose these men are daily in the habit of going
+into the streets, and calling all by-standers around them, pointing out
+certain men, some as liars, some as dishonest, some as licentious, and
+then bringing proofs of their guilt and rebuking them before all; at the
+same time exhorting all around to point at them the finger of scorn.
+
+They persevere in this course till the whole community is thrown into an
+uproar; and assaults, and even bloodshed ensue. They then call on all
+good citizens to protect their persons from abuse, and to maintain the
+liberty of speech and of free opinion.
+
+Now the men may be as pure in morals, as conscientious and upright in
+intention, as any Abolitionist, and yet every one would say, that their
+measures were unwise and unchristian.
+
+In like manner, although Abolitionists may be lauded for many virtues,
+still much evidence can be presented, that the character and measures of
+the Abolition Society are not either peaceful or christian in tendency,
+but that they are in their nature calculated to generate party spirit,
+denunciation, recrimination, and angry passions.
+
+The first thing I would present to establish this, is the character of
+the leaders of this association. Every combined effort is necessarily
+directed by leaders; and the spirit of the leaders will inevitably be
+communicated to their coadjutors, and appear in the measures of the
+whole body.
+
+In attempting to characterize these leaders, I would first present
+another leader of a similar enterprise, the beloved and venerated
+WILBERFORCE. It is thus that his prominent traits are delineated by an
+intimate friend.
+
+"His extreme benevolence contributed largely to his success. I have
+heard him say, that it was one of his constant rules, and on the
+question of slavery especially, never to provoke an adversary--to allow
+him credit fully for sincerity and purity of motive--to abstain from all
+irritating expressions--to avoid even such political attacks as would
+indispose his opponents for his great cause. In fact, the benignity, the
+gentleness, the kind-heartedness of the man, disarmed the bitterest
+foes. Not only on this question did he restrain himself, but generally.
+Once he had been called during a whole debate 'the religious member,' in
+a kind of scorn. He remarked afterwards, that he was much inclined to
+have retorted, by calling his opponent the _irreligious_ member, but
+that he refrained, as it would have been a returning of evil for evil.
+Next to his general consistency, and love of the Scriptures, the
+_humility_ of his character always appeared remarkable. The modest,
+shrinking, simple Christian statesman and friend always appeared in him.
+And the nearer you approached him, the more his habit of mind obviously
+appeared to be modest and lowly. His _charity in judging of others_, is
+a farther trait of his Christian character. Of his benevolence I need
+not speak, but his _kind construction of doubtful actions_, his
+_charitable language_ toward those with whom he most widely differed,
+his thorough forgetfulness of little affronts, were fruits of that
+general benevolence which continually appeared."
+
+This was the leader, both in and out of Parliament, of that body of men
+who combined to bring to an end slavery and the slave trade, in the
+dominions of Great Britain. With him, as principal leaders, were
+associated CLARKSON, SHARPE, MACAULAY, and others of a similar spirit.
+These men were all of them characterized by that mild, benevolent,
+peaceful, gentlemanly and forbearing spirit, which has been described as
+so conspicuous in Wilberforce. And when their measures are examined, it
+will be found that they were eminently mild, peaceful, and forbearing.
+Though no effort that is to encounter the selfish interests of men, can
+escape without odium and opposition, from those who are thwarted, and
+from all whom they can influence, these men carefully took those
+measures that were calculated to bring about their end with the least
+opposition and evil possible. They avoided prejudices, strove to
+conciliate opposers, shunned every thing that would give needless
+offence and exasperation, began slowly and cautiously, with points which
+could be the most easily carried, and advanced toward others only as
+public sentiment became more and more enlightened. They did not beard
+the lion in full face, by coming out as the first thing with the maxim,
+that all slavery ought and must be abandoned immediately. They began
+with "inquiries as to the _impolicy_ of the _slave trade_," and it was
+years before they came to the point of the abolition of slavery. And
+they carried their measures through, without producing warring parties
+among _good men_, who held common principles with themselves. As a
+general fact, the pious men of Great Britain acted harmoniously in this
+great effort.
+
+Let us now look at the leaders of the Abolition movement in America. The
+man who first took the lead was William L. Garrison, who, though he
+professes a belief in the Christian religion, is an avowed opponent of
+most of its institutions. The character and spirit of this man have for
+years been exhibited in "the Liberator," of which he is the editor. That
+there is to be found in that paper, or in any thing else, any evidence
+of his possessing the peculiar traits of Wilberforce, not even his
+warmest admirers will maintain. How many of the opposite traits can be
+found, those can best judge who have read his paper. Gradually others
+joined themselves in the effort commenced by Garrison; but for a long
+time they consisted chiefly of men who would fall into one of these
+three classes; either good men who were so excited by a knowledge of the
+enormous evils of slavery, that _any thing_ was considered better than
+entire inactivity, or else men accustomed to a contracted field of
+observation, and more qualified to judge of immediate results than of
+general tendencies, or else men of ardent and impulsive temperament,
+whose feelings are likely to take the lead, rather than their judgment.
+
+There are no men who act more efficiently as the leaders of an
+enterprise than the editors of the periodicals that advocate and defend
+it. The editors of the Emancipator, the Friend of Man, the New York
+Evangelist, and the other abolition periodicals, may therefore be
+considered as among the chief leaders of the enterprise, and their
+papers are the mirror from which their spirit and character are
+reflected.
+
+I wish the friends of these editors would cull from their papers all the
+indications they can find of the peculiarities that distinguished
+Wilberforce and his associates; all the evidence of "a modest and lowly
+spirit,"--all the exhibitions of "charity in judging of the motives of
+those who oppose their measures,"--all the "indications of benignity,
+gentleness, and kind-heartedness,"--all the "kind constructions of
+doubtful actions,"--all the "charitable language used toward those who
+differ in opinion or measures,"--all the "thorough forgetfulness of
+little affronts,"--all the cases where "opponents are allowed full
+credit for purity and sincerity of motive,"--all cases where they have
+been careful "never to provoke an adversary,"--all cases where they have
+"refrained from all irritating expressions,"--all cases where they have
+avoided every thing that would "indispose their opponents for their
+great cause," and then compare the result with what may be found of an
+opposite character, and I think it would not be unsafe to infer that an
+association whose measures, on an exciting subject, were guided by such
+men, would be more likely to be aggressive than peaceful. The position I
+would establish will appear more clearly, by examining in detail some of
+the prominent measures which have been adopted by this association.
+
+One of the first measures of Abolitionists was an attack on a benevolent
+society, originated and sustained by some of the most pious and devoted
+men of the age. It was imagined by Abolitionists, that the influence and
+measures of the Colonization Society tended to retard the abolition of
+slavery, and to perpetuate injurious prejudices against the coloured
+race. The peaceful and christian method of meeting this difficulty would
+have been, to collect all the evidence of this supposed hurtful tendency,
+and privately, and in a respectful and conciliating way, to have
+presented it to the attention of the wise and benevolent men, who were
+most interested in sustaining this institution. If this measure did not
+avail to convince them, then it would have been safe and justifiable to
+present to the public a temperate statement of facts, and of the
+deductions based on them, drawn up in a respectful and candid manner,
+with every charitable allowance which truth could warrant. Instead of
+this, when the attempt was first made to turn public opinion against the
+Colonization Society, I met one of the most influential supporters of
+that institution, just after he had had an interview with a leading
+Abolitionist. This gentleman was most remarkable for his urbanity,
+meekness, and benevolence, and his remark to me in reference to this
+interview, shows what was its nature. "I love truth and sound argument,"
+said he, "but when a man comes at me with a sledge hammer, I cannot help
+dodging." This is a specimen of their private manner of dealing. In
+public, the enterprise was attacked as a plan for promoting the selfish
+interests and prejudices of the whites, at the expense of the coloured
+population; and in many cases, it was assumed that the conductors of
+this association were aware of this, and accessory to it. And the style
+in which the thing was done was at once offensive, inflammatory, and
+exasperating. Denunciation, sneers, and public rebuke, were bestowed
+indiscriminately upon the conductors of the enterprise, and of course
+they fell upon many sincere, upright, and conscientious men, whose
+feelings were harrowed by a sense of the injustice, the indecorum, and
+the unchristian treatment, they received. And when a temporary
+impression was made on the public mind, and its opponents supposed they
+had succeeded in crushing this society, the most public and triumphant
+exultation was not repressed. Compare this method of carrying a point,
+with that adopted by Wilberforce and his compeers, and I think you will
+allow that there was a way that was peaceful and christian, and that
+this was not the way which was chosen.
+
+The next measure of Abolitionism was an attempt to remove the prejudices
+of the whites against the blacks, on account of natural peculiarities.
+Now, prejudice is an _unreasonable_ and _groundless_ dislike of persons
+or things. Of course, as it is unreasonable, it is the most difficult of
+all things to conquer, and the worst and most irritating method that
+could be attempted would be, to attack a man as guilty of sin, as
+unreasonable, as ungenerous, or as proud, for allowing a certain
+prejudice.
+
+This is the sure way to produce anger, self-justification, and an
+increase of the strength of prejudice, against that which has caused him
+this rebuke and irritation.
+
+The best way to make a person like a thing which is disagreeable, is to
+try in some way to make it agreeable; and if a certain class of persons
+is the subject of unreasonable prejudice, the peaceful and christian way
+of removing it would be to endeavour to render the unfortunate persons
+who compose this class, so useful, so humble and unassuming, so kind in
+their feelings, and so full of love and good works, that prejudice would
+be supplanted by complacency in their goodness, and pity and sympathy
+for their disabilities. If the friends of the blacks had quietly set
+themselves to work to increase their intelligence, their usefulness,
+their respectability, their meekness, gentleness, and benevolence, and
+then had appealed to the pity, generosity, and christian feelings of
+their fellow citizens, a very different result would have appeared.
+Instead of this, reproaches, rebukes, and sneers, were employed to
+convince the whites that their prejudices were sinful, and without any
+just cause. They were accused of pride, of selfish indifference, of
+unchristian neglect. This tended to irritate the whites, and to increase
+their prejudice against the blacks, who thus were made the causes of
+rebuke and exasperation. Then, on the other hand, the blacks extensively
+received the Liberator, and learned to imbibe the spirit of its
+conductor.
+
+They were taught to feel that they were injured and abused, the objects
+of a guilty and unreasonable prejudice--that they occupied a lower place
+in society than was right--that they ought to be treated as if they were
+whites; and in repeated instances, attempts were made by their friends
+to mingle them with whites, so as to break down the existing
+distinctions of society. Now, the question is not, whether these things,
+that were urged by Abolitionists, were true. The thing maintained is,
+that the method taken by them to remove this prejudice was neither
+peaceful nor christian in its tendency, but, on the contrary, was
+calculated to increase the evil, and to generate anger, pride, and
+recrimination, on one side, and envy, discontent, and revengeful
+feelings, on the other.
+
+These are some of the general measures which have been exhibited in the
+Abolition movement. The same peculiarities may be as distinctly seen in
+specific cases, where the peaceful and quiet way of accomplishing the
+good was neglected, and the one most calculated to excite wrath and
+strife was chosen. Take, for example, the effort to establish a college
+for coloured persons. The quiet, peaceful, and christian way of doing
+such a thing, would have been, for those who were interested in the
+plan, to furnish the money necessary, and then to have selected a
+retired place, where there would be the least prejudice and opposition
+to be met, and there, in an unostentatious way, commenced the education
+of the youth to be thus sustained. Instead of this, at a time when the
+public mind was excited on the subject, it was noised abroad that a
+college for blacks was to be founded. Then a city was selected for its
+location, where was another college, so large as to demand constant
+effort and vigilance to preserve quiet subordination; where contests
+with "sailors and town boys" were barely kept at bay; a college
+embracing a large proportion of southern students, who were highly
+excited on the subject of slavery and emancipation; a college where half
+the shoe-blacks and waiters were coloured men. Beside the very walls of
+this college, it was proposed to found a college for coloured young men.
+Could it be otherwise than that opposition, and that for the best of
+reasons, would arise against such an attempt, both from the faculty of
+the college and the citizens of the place? Could it be reasonably
+expected that they would not oppose a measure so calculated to increase
+their own difficulties and liabilities, and at the same time so certain
+to place the proposed institution in the most unfavourable of all
+circumstances? But when the measure was opposed, instead of yielding
+meekly and peaceably to such reasonable objections, and soothing the
+feelings and apprehensions that had been excited, by putting the best
+construction on the matter, and seeking another place, it was claimed as
+an evidence of opposition to the interests of the blacks, and as a mark
+of the force of sinful prejudice. The worst, rather than the best,
+motives were ascribed to some of the most respectable, and venerated,
+and pious men, who opposed the measure; and a great deal was said and
+done that was calculated to throw the community into an angry ferment.
+
+Take another example. If a prudent and benevolent female had selected
+almost any village in New England, and commenced a school for coloured
+females, in a quiet, appropriate, and unostentatious way, the world
+would never have heard of the case, except to applaud her benevolence,
+and the kindness of the villagers, who aided her in the effort. But
+instead of this, there appeared public advertisements, (which I saw at
+the time,) stating that a seminary for the education of young ladies of
+colour was to be opened in Canterbury, in the state of Connecticut,
+where would be taught music on the piano forte, drawing, &c., together
+with a course of English education. Now, there are not a dozen coloured
+families in New England, in such pecuniary circumstances, that if they
+were whites it would not be thought ridiculous to attempt to give their
+daughters such a course of education, and Canterbury was a place where
+but few of the wealthiest families ever thought of furnishing such
+accomplishments for their children. Several other particulars might be
+added that were exceedingly irritating, but this may serve as a specimen
+of the method in which the whole affair was conducted. It was an entire
+disregard of the prejudices and the proprieties of society, and
+calculated to stimulate pride, anger, ill-will, contention, and all the
+bitter feelings that spring from such collisions. Then, instead of
+adopting measures to soothe and conciliate, rebukes, sneers and
+denunciations, were employed, and Canterbury and Connecticut were held
+up to public scorn and rebuke for doing what most other communities
+would probably have done, if similarly tempted and provoked.
+
+Take another case. It was deemed expedient by Abolitionists to establish
+an Abolition paper, first in Kentucky, a slave State. It was driven from
+that State, either by violence or by threats. It retreated to Ohio, one
+of the free States. In selecting a place for its location, it might have
+been established in a small place, where the people were of similar
+views, or were not exposed to dangerous popular excitements. But
+Cincinnati was selected; and when the most intelligent, the most
+reasonable, and the most patriotic of the citizens remonstrated,--when
+they represented that there were peculiar and unusual liabilities to
+popular excitement on this subject,--that the organization and power of
+the police made it extremely dangerous to excite a mob, and almost
+impossible to control it,--that all the good aimed at could be
+accomplished by locating the press in another place, where there were
+not such dangerous liabilities,--when they kindly and respectfully urged
+these considerations, they were disregarded. I myself was present when a
+sincere friend urged upon the one who controlled that paper, the
+obligations of good men, not merely to avoid breaking wholesome laws
+themselves, but the duty of regarding the liabilities of others to
+temptation; and that where Christians could foresee that by placing
+certain temptations in the way of their fellow-men, all the
+probabilities were, that they would yield, and yet persisted in doing
+it, the tempters became partakers in the guilt of those who yielded to
+the temptation. But these remonstrances were ineffectual. The paper must
+not only be printed and circulated, but it must be stationed where were
+the greatest probabilities that measures of illegal violence would
+ensue. And when the evil was perpetrated, and a mob destroyed the press,
+then those who had urged on these measures of temptation, turned upon
+those who had advised and remonstrated, as the guilty authors of the
+violence, because, in a season of excitement, the measures adopted to
+restrain and control the mob, were not such as were deemed suitable and
+right.
+
+Now, in all the above cases, I would by no means justify the wrong or
+the injudicious measures that may have been pursued, under this course
+of provocation. The greatness of temptation does by no means release men
+from obligation; but Christians are bound to remember that it is a
+certain consequence of throwing men into strong excitement, that they
+will act unwisely and wrong, and that the tempter as well as the tempted
+are held responsible, both by God and man. In all these cases, it cannot
+but appear that the good aimed at might have been accomplished in a
+quiet, peaceable, and christian way, and that this was not the way which
+was chosen.
+
+The whole system of Abolition measures seems to leave entirely out of
+view, the obligation of Christians to save their fellow men from all
+needless temptations. If the thing to be done is only lawful and right,
+it does not appear to have been a matter of effort to do it in such a
+way as would not provoke and irritate; but often, if the chief aim had
+been to do the good in the most injurious and offensive way, no more
+certain and appropriate methods could have been devised.
+
+So much has this been the character of Abolition movements, that many
+have supposed it to be a deliberate and systematized plan of the leaders
+to do nothing but what was strictly a _right_ guaranteed by law, and
+yet, in such a manner, as to provoke men to anger, so that unjust and
+illegal acts might ensue, knowing, that as a consequence, the opposers
+of Abolition would be thrown into the wrong, and sympathy be aroused for
+Abolitionists as injured and persecuted men. It is a fact, that
+Abolitionists have taken the course most calculated to awaken illegal
+acts of violence, and that when they have ensued, they have seemed to
+rejoice in them, as calculated to advance and strengthen their cause.
+The violence of mobs, the denunciations and unreasonable requirements of
+the South, the denial of the right of petition, the restrictions
+attempted to be laid upon freedom of speech, and freedom of the press,
+are generally spoken of with exultation by Abolitionists, as what are
+among the chief means of promoting their cause. It is not so much by
+exciting feelings of pity and humanity, and Christian love, towards the
+oppressed, as it is by awakening indignation at the treatment of
+Abolitionists themselves, that their cause has prospered. How many men
+have declared or implied, that in joining the ranks of Abolition, they
+were influenced, not by their arguments, or by the wisdom of their
+course, but because the violence of opposers had identified that cause
+with the question of freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and civil
+liberty.
+
+But when I say that many have supposed that it was the deliberate
+intention of the Abolitionists to foment illegal acts and violence, I
+would by no means justify a supposition, which is contrary to the
+dictates of justice and charity. The leaders of the Abolition Society
+disclaim all such wishes or intentions; they only act apparently on the
+assumption that they are exercising just rights, which they are not
+bound to give up, because other men will act unreasonably and wickedly.
+
+Another measure of Abolitionists, calculated to awaken evil feelings,
+has been the treatment of those who objected to their proceedings.
+
+A large majority of the philanthropic and pious, who hold common views
+with the Abolitionists, as to the sin and evils of slavery, and the duty
+of using all appropriate means to bring it to an end, have opposed their
+measures, because they have believed them not calculated to promote, but
+rather to retard the end proposed to be accomplished by them. The
+peaceful and Christian method of encountering such opposition, would
+have been to allow the opponents full credit for purity and integrity of
+motive, to have avoided all harsh and censorious language, and to have
+employed facts, arguments and persuasions, in a kind and respectful way
+with the hope of modifying their views and allaying their fears. Instead
+of this, the wise and good who opposed Abolition measures, have been
+treated as though they were the friends and defenders of slavery, or as
+those who, from a guilty, timid, time-serving policy, refused to take
+the course which duty demanded. They have been addressed either as if it
+were necessary to convince them that slavery is wrong and ought to be
+abandoned, or else, as if they needed to be exhorted to give up their
+timidity and selfish interest, and to perform a manifest duty, which
+they were knowingly neglecting.
+
+Now there is nothing more irritating, when a man is conscientious and
+acting according to his own views of right, than to be dealt with in
+this manner. The more men are treated as if they were honest and
+sincere--the more they are treated with respect, fairness, and
+benevolence, the more likely they are to be moved by evidence and
+arguments. On the contrary, harshness, uncharitableness, and rebuke, for
+opinions and conduct that are in agreement with a man's own views of
+duty and rectitude, tend to awaken evil feelings, and indispose the mind
+properly to regard evidence. Abolitionists have not only taken this
+course, but in many cases, have seemed to act on the principle, that the
+abolition of Slavery, in the particular mode in which they were aiming
+to accomplish it, was of such paramount importance, that every thing
+must be overthrown that stood in the way.
+
+No matter what respect a man had gained for talents, virtue, and piety,
+if he stood in the way of Abolitionism, he must be attacked as to
+character and motives. No matter how important an institution might be,
+if its influence was against the measures of Abolitionism, it must be
+attacked openly, or sapped privately, till its influence was destroyed.
+By such measures, the most direct means have been taken to awaken anger
+at injury, and resentment at injustice, and to provoke retaliation on
+those who inflict the wrong. All the partialities of personal
+friendship; all the feelings of respect accorded to good and useful men;
+all the interests that cluster around public institutions, entrenched
+in the hearts of the multitudes who sustain them, were outraged by such
+a course.
+
+Another measure of Abolitionists, which has greatly tended to promote
+wrath and strife, is their indiscreet and incorrect use of terms.
+
+To make this apparent, it must be premised, that words have no inherent
+meaning, but always signify that which they are commonly _understood_ to
+mean. The question never should be asked, what _ought_ a word to mean?
+but simply, what is the meaning generally attached to this word by those
+who use it? Vocabularies and standard writers are the proper umpires to
+decide this question. Now if men take words and give them a new and
+peculiar use, and are consequently misunderstood, they are guilty of a
+species of deception, and are accountable for all the evils that may
+ensue as a consequence.
+
+For example; if physicians should come out and declare, that it was
+their opinion that they ought to poison all their patients, and they had
+determined to do it, and then all the community should be thrown into
+terror and excitement, it would be no justification for them to say,
+that all they intended by that language was, that they should administer
+as medicines, articles which are usually called poisons.
+
+Now Abolitionists are before the community, and declare that all slavery
+is sin, which ought to be immediately forsaken; and that it is their
+object and intention to promote the _immediate emancipation_ of all the
+slaves in this nation.
+
+Now what is it that makes a man cease to be a slave and become free? It
+is not kind treatment from a master; it is not paying wages to the
+slave; it is not the intention to bestow freedom at a future time; it is
+not treating a slave as if he were free; it is not feeling toward a
+slave as if he were free. No instance can be found of any dictionary, or
+any standard writer, nor any case in common discourse, where any of
+these significations are attached to the word as constituting its
+peculiar and appropriate meaning. It always signifies _that legal_ act,
+which, by the laws of the land, changes a slave to a freeman.
+
+What then is the _proper_ meaning of the language used by Abolitionists,
+when they say that all slavery is a sin which ought to be immediately
+abandoned, and that it is their object to secure the immediate
+emancipation of all slaves?
+
+The true and only proper meaning of such language is, that it is the
+duty of every slave-holder in this nation, to go immediately and make
+out the legal instruments, that, by the laws of the land, change all his
+slaves to freemen. If their maxim is true, no exception can be made for
+those who live in States where the act of emancipation, by a master,
+makes a slave the property of the State, to be sold for the benefit of
+the State; and no exception can be made for those, who, by the will of
+testators, and by the law of the land, have no power to perform the
+legal act, which alone can emancipate their slaves.
+
+To meet this difficulty, Abolitionists affirm, that, in such cases, men
+are physically unable to emancipate their slaves, and of course are not
+bound to do it; and to save their great maxim, maintain that, in such
+cases, the slaves are not slaves, and the slave-holders are not
+slave-holders, although all their legal relations remain unchanged.
+
+The meaning which the Abolitionist attaches to his language is this,
+that every man is bound to treat his slaves, as nearly as he can, like
+freemen; and to use all his influence to bring the system of slavery to
+an end as soon as possible. And they allow that when men do this they
+are free from guilt, in the matter of slavery, and undeserving of
+censure.
+
+But men at the North, and men at the South, understand the language used
+in its true and proper sense; and Abolitionists have been using these
+terms in a new and peculiar sense, which is inevitably and universally
+misunderstood, and this is an occasion of much of the strife and alarm
+which has prevailed both at the South and at the North. There are none
+but these defenders of slavery who maintain that it is a relation
+justifiable by the laws of the Gospel, who differ from Abolitionists in
+regard to the real thing which is meant. The great mistake of
+Abolitionists is in using terms which inculcate the immediate
+annihilation of the relation, when they only intend to urge the
+Christian duty of treating slaves according to the gospel rules of
+justice and benevolence, and using all lawful and appropriate means for
+bringing a most pernicious system to a speedy end.
+
+If Abolitionists will only cease to teach that _all_ slave-holding is a
+sin which ought to be _immediately abolished_; if they will cease to
+urge their plan as one of _immediate emancipation_, and teach simply and
+exactly that which they do mean, much strife and misunderstanding will
+cease. But so long as they persevere in using these terms in a new and
+peculiar sense, which will always be misunderstood, they are guilty of a
+species of deception and accountable for the evils that follow.
+
+One other instance of a similar misuse of terms may be mentioned. The
+word "man-stealer" has one peculiar signification, and it is no more
+synonymous with "slave-holder" than it is with "sheep-stealer." But
+Abolitionists show that a slave-holder, in fact, does very many of the
+evils that are perpetrated by a man-stealer, and that the crime is quite
+as evil in its nature, and very similar in character, and, therefore, he
+calls a slave-holder a man-stealer.
+
+On this principle there is no abusive language that may not be employed
+to render any man odious--for every man commits sin of some kind, and
+every sin is like some other sin, in many respects, and in certain
+aggravated cases, may be bad, or even worse, than another sin with a
+much more odious name. It is easy to show that a man who neglects all
+religious duty is very much like an atheist, and if he has had great
+advantages, and the atheist very few, he may be much more guilty than an
+atheist. And so, half the respectable men in our religious communities,
+may be called atheists, with as much propriety as a slave-holder can be
+called a man-stealer. Abolitionists have proceeded on this principle, in
+their various publications, until the terms of odium that have been
+showered upon slave-holders, would form a large page in the vocabulary
+of Billingsgate. This method of dealing with those whom we wish to
+convince and persuade, is as contrary to the dictates of common sense,
+as it is to the rules of good breeding and the laws of the gospel.
+
+The preceding particulars are selected, as the evidence to be presented,
+that the character and measures of the Abolition Society are neither
+peaceful nor Christian in their tendency; but that in their nature they
+are calculated to generate party-spirit, denunciation, recrimination,
+and angry passions. If such be the tendency of this institution, it
+follows, that it is wrong for a Christian, or any lover of peace, to be
+connected with it.
+
+The assertion that Christianity itself has led to strife and contention,
+is not a safe method of evading this argument. Christianity is a system
+of _persuasion_, tending, by kind and gentle influences, to make men
+_willing_ to leave off their sins--and it comes, not to convince those
+who are not sinners, but to sinners themselves.
+
+Abolitionism, on the contrary, is a system of _coercion_ by public
+opinion; and in its present operation, its influence is not to convince
+the erring, but to convince those who are not guilty, of the sins of
+those who are.
+
+Another prominent peculiarity of the Abolitionists, (which is an
+objection to joining this association,) is their advocacy of a
+principle, which is wrong and very pernicious in its tendency. I refer
+to their views in regard to what is called "the doctrine of expediency."
+Their difficulty on this subject seems to have arisen from want of a
+clear distinction between the duty of those who are guilty of sin, and
+the duty of those who are aiming to turn men from their sins. The
+principle is assumed, that because certain men ought to abandon every
+sin immediately, therefore, certain other men are bound _immediately_ to
+try and make them do it. Now the question of expediency does not relate
+to what men are bound to do, who are in the practice of sin
+themselves--for the immediate relinquishment of sin is the duty of all;
+but it relates to the duty of those who are to make efforts to induce
+others to break off their wickedness.
+
+Here, the wisdom and rectitude of a given course, depend entirely on the
+_probabilities of success_. If a father has a son of a very peculiar
+temperament, and he knows by observation, that the use of the rod will
+make him more irritable and more liable to a certain fault, and that
+kind arguments, and tender measures will more probably accomplish the
+desired object, it is a rule of expediency to try the most probable
+course. If a companion sees a friend committing a sin, and has, from
+past experience, learned that remonstrances excite anger and obstinacy,
+while a look of silent sorrow and disapprobation tends far more to
+prevent the evil, expediency and duty demand silence rather than
+remonstrance.
+
+There are cases also, where differences in age, and station, and
+character, forbid all interference to modify the conduct and character
+of others.
+
+A nursery maid may see that a father misgoverns his children, and
+ill-treats his wife. But her station makes it inexpedient for her to
+turn reprover. It is a case where reproof would do no good, but only
+evil.
+
+So in communities, the propriety and rectitude of measures can be
+decided, not by the rules of duty that should govern those who are to
+renounce sin, but by the probabilities of good or evil consequence.
+
+The Abolitionists seem to lose sight of this distinction. They form
+voluntary associations in free States, to convince their fellow
+citizens of the sins of other men in other communities. They are blamed
+and opposed, because their measures are deemed inexpedient, and
+calculated to increase, rather than diminish the evils to be cured.
+
+In return, they show that slavery is a sin which ought to be abandoned
+immediately, and seem to suppose that it follows as a correct inference,
+that they themselves ought to engage in a system of agitation against
+it, and that it is needless for them to inquire whether preaching the
+truth in the manner they propose, will increase or diminish the evil.
+They assume that whenever sin is committed, not only ought the sinner
+immediately to cease, but all his fellow-sinners are bound to take
+measures to make him cease, and to take measures, without any reference
+to the probabilities of success.
+
+That this is a correct representation of the views of Abolitionists
+generally, is evident from their periodicals and conversation. All their
+remarks about preaching the truth and leaving consequences to God--all
+their depreciation of the doctrine of expediency, are rendered relevant
+only by this supposition.
+
+The impression made by their writings is, that God has made rules of
+duty; that all men are in all cases to remonstrate against the violation
+of those rules; and that God will take the responsibility of bringing
+good out of this course; so that we ourselves are relieved from any
+necessity of inquiring as to probable results.
+
+If this be not the theory of duty adopted by this association, then they
+stand on common ground with those who oppose their measures, viz: that
+the propriety and duty of a given course is to be decided by
+_probabilities as to its results_; and these probabilities are to be
+determined by the _known laws of mind_, and the _records of past
+experience_.
+
+For only one of two positions can be held. Either that it is the duty of
+all men to remonstrate at all times against all violations of duty, and
+leave the consequences with God; or else that men are to use their
+judgment, and take the part of remonstrance only at such a time and
+place, and in such a manner, as promise the best results.
+
+That the Abolitionists have not held the second of these positions, must
+be obvious to all who have read their documents. It would therefore be
+unwise and wrong to join an association which sustains a principle false
+in itself, and one which, if acted out, would tend to wrath and strife
+and every evil word and work.
+
+Another reason, and the most important of all, against promoting the
+plans of the Abolitionists, is involved in the main question--_what are
+the probabilities as to the results of their movements?_ The only way to
+judge of the future results of certain measures is, by the known laws of
+mind, and the recorded experience of the past.
+
+Now what is the evil to be cured?
+
+SLAVERY IN THIS NATION.
+
+That this evil is at no distant period to come to an end, is the
+unanimous opinion of all who either notice the tendencies of the age, or
+believe in the prophecies of the Bible. All who act on Christian
+principles in regard to slavery, believe that in a given period
+(variously estimated) it will end. The only question then, in regard to
+the benefits to be gained, or the evils to be dreaded in the present
+agitation of the subject, relates to the _time_ and the _manner_ of its
+extinction. The Abolitionists claim that their method will bring it to
+an end in the shortest time, and in the safest and best way. Their
+opponents believe, that it will tend to bring it to an end, if at all,
+at the most distant period, and in the most dangerous way.
+
+As neither party are gifted with prescience, and as the Deity has made
+no revelations as to the future results of any given measures, all the
+means of judging that remain to us, as before stated, are the laws of
+mind, and the records of the past.
+
+The position then I would aim to establish is, that the method taken by
+the Abolitionists is the one that, according to the laws of mind and
+past experience, is least likely to bring about the results they aim
+to accomplish. The general statement is this.
+
+The object to be accomplished is:
+
+First. To convince a certain community, that they are in the practice of
+a great sin, and
+
+Secondly. To make them willing to relinquish it.
+
+The method taken to accomplish this is, by voluntary associations in a
+foreign community, seeking to excite public sentiment against the
+perpetrators of the evil; exhibiting the enormity of the crime in full
+measure, without palliation, excuse or sympathy, by means of periodicals
+and agents circulating, not in the community committing the sin, but in
+that which does not practise it.
+
+Now that this method may, in conjunction with other causes, have an
+influence to bring slavery to an end, is not denied. But it is believed,
+and from the following considerations, that it is the least calculated
+to do the _good_, and that it involves the greatest evils.
+
+It is a known law of mind first seen in the nursery and school,
+afterwards developed in society, that a person is least likely to judge
+correctly of truth, and least likely to yield to duty, when excited by
+passion.
+
+It is a law of experience, that when wrong is done, if repentance and
+reformation are sought, then love and kindness, mingled with
+remonstrance, coming from one who has a _right_ to speak, are more
+successful than rebuke and scorn from others who are not beloved, and
+who are regarded as impertinent intruders.
+
+In the nursery, if the child does wrong, the finger of scorn, the
+taunting rebuke, or even the fair and deserved reproof of equals, will
+make the young culprit only frown with rage, and perhaps repeat and
+increase the injury. But the voice of maternal love, or even the gentle
+remonstrances of an elder sister, may bring tears of sorrow and
+contrition.
+
+So in society. Let a man's enemies, or those who have no interest in his
+welfare, join to rebuke and rail at his offences, and no signs of
+penitence will be seen. But let the clergyman whom he respects and loves,
+or his bosom friend approach him, with kindness, forbearance and true
+sincerity, and all that is possible to human agency will be effected.
+
+It is the maxim then of experience, that when men are to be turned from
+evils, and brought to repent and reform, those only should interfere who
+are most loved and respected, and who have the best right to approach
+the offender. While on the other hand, rebuke from those who are deemed
+obtrusive and inimical, or even indifferent, will do more harm than
+good.
+
+It is another maxim of experience, that such dealings with the erring
+should be in private, not in public. The moment a man is publicly
+rebuked, shame, anger, and pride of opinion, all combine to make him
+defend his practice, and refuse either to own himself wrong, or to cease
+from his evil ways.
+
+The Abolitionists have violated all these laws of mind and of
+experience, in dealing with their southern brethren.
+
+Their course has been most calculated to awaken anger, fear, pride,
+hatred, and all the passions most likely to blind the mind to truth, and
+make it averse to duty.
+
+They have not approached them with the spirit of love, courtesy, and
+forbearance.
+
+They are not the persons who would be regarded by the South, as having
+any _right_ to interfere; and therefore, whether they have such right or
+not, the probabilities of good are removed. For it is not only demanded
+for the benefit of the offender, that there should really be a right,
+but it is necessary that he should feel that there is such a right.
+
+In dealing with their brethren, too, they have not tried silent,
+retired, private measures. It has been public denunciation of crime and
+shame in newspapers, addressed as it were to by-standers, in order to
+arouse the guilty.
+
+In reply to this, it has been urged, that men could not go to the
+South--that they would be murdered there--that the only way was, to
+convince the North, and excite public odium against the sins of the
+South, and thus gradually conviction, repentance, and reformation would
+ensue.
+
+Here is another case where men are to judge of their duty, by estimating
+probabilities of future results; and it may first be observed, that it
+involves the principle of expediency, in just that form to which
+Abolitionists object.
+
+It is allowed that the immediate abolition of slavery is to be produced
+by means of "light and love," and yet it is maintained as right to
+withdraw personally from the field of operation, because of
+_consequences_; because of the probable danger of approaching. "If we go
+to the South, and present truth, argument, and entreaty, _we shall be
+slain_, and therefore we are not under obligation to go." If this
+justifies Abolitionists in their neglect of their offending brethren,
+because they fear evil results to themselves, it also justifies those
+who refuse to act with Abolitionists in their measures, because they
+fear other evil results.
+
+But what proof is there, that if the Abolitionists had taken another
+method, the one more in accordance with the laws of mind and the
+dictates of experience, that there would have been at the South all this
+violence? Before the abolition movement commenced, both northern and
+southern men, expressed their views freely at the South. The dangers,
+evils, and mischiefs of slavery were exhibited and discussed even in the
+legislative halls of more than one of the Southern States, and many
+minds were anxiously devising measures, to bring this evil to an end.
+
+Now let us look at some of the records of past experience. Clarkson was
+the first person who devoted himself to the cause of Abolition in
+England. His object was to convince the people of England that they were
+guilty of a great impolicy, and great sin, in permitting the
+slave-trade. He was to meet the force of public sentiment, and power,
+and selfishness, and wealth, which sustained this traffic, in that
+nation. What were his measures? He did not go to Sweden, or Russia, or
+France, to awaken public sentiment against the sins of the English.--He
+began by first publishing an inquiry in England whether it was right to
+seize men, and make them slaves. He went unostentatiously to some of the
+best and most pious men there, and endeavoured to interest them in the
+inquiry.
+
+Then he published an article on the impolicy of the slave-trade, showing
+its disadvantages. Then he collected information of the evils and
+enormities involved in the traffic, and went quietly around among those
+most likely to be moved by motives of humanity and Christianity. In this
+manner he toiled for more than fourteen years, slowly implanting the
+leaven among the good men, until he gained a noble band of patriots and
+Christians, with Wilberforce at their head.
+
+The following extract from a memoir of Clarkson discloses the manner and
+spirit in which he commenced his enterprise, and toiled through to its
+accomplishment.
+
+"In 1785 Dr. Peckhard, Vice-Chancellor of the University, deeply
+impressed with the iniquity of the slave-trade, announced as a subject
+for a Latin Dissertation to the Senior Bachelors of Arts: '_Anne liceat
+invitos in servitutem dare?_' 'Is it right to make slaves of others
+against their will?' However benevolent the feelings of the
+Vice-Chancellor, and however strong and clear the opinions he held on
+the inhuman traffic, it is probable that he little thought that this
+discussion would secure for the object so dear to his own heart, efforts
+and advocacy equally enlightened and efficient, that should be
+continued, until his country had declared, not that the slave-trade
+only, but that slavery itself should cease.
+
+"Mr. Clarkson, having in the preceding year gained the first prize for
+the Latin Dissertation, was naturally anxious to maintain his honourable
+position; and no efforts were spared, during the few intervening weeks,
+in collecting information and evidence. Important facts were gained from
+Anthony Benezet's Historical Account of Guinea, which Mr. Clarkson
+hastened to London to purchase. Furnished with these and other valuable
+information, he commenced his difficult task. How it was accomplished,
+he thus informs us.
+
+"'No person,' he states,[1] 'can tell the severe trial which the writing
+of it proved to me. I had expected pleasure from the invention of the
+arguments, from the arrangement of them, from the putting of them
+together, and from the thought, in the interim, that I was engaged in an
+innocent contest for literary honour. But all my pleasure was damped by
+the facts which were now continually before me. It was but one gloomy
+subject from morning to night. In the day-time I was uneasy; in the
+night I had little rest. I sometimes never closed my eyelids for grief.
+It became now not so much a trial for academical reputation, as for the
+production of a work which might be useful to injured Africa. And
+keeping this idea in my mind ever after the perusal of Benezet, I always
+slept with a candle in my room, that I might rise out of bed, and put
+down such thoughts as might occur to me in the night, if I judged them
+valuable, conceiving that no arguments of any moment should be lost in
+so great a cause. Having at length finished this painful task, I sent my
+Essay to the Vice-Chancellor, and soon afterwards found myself honoured,
+as before, with the first prize.
+
+    [1] History of the Abolition of the Slave Trade.
+
+"'As it is usual to read these essays publicly in the senate-house soon
+after the prize is adjudged, I was called to Cambridge for this purpose.
+I went, and performed my office. On returning, however, to London, the
+subject of it almost wholly engrossed my thoughts. I became at times
+very seriously affected while upon the road. I stopped my horse
+occasionally, and dismounted, and walked. I frequently tried to persuade
+myself in these intervals that the contents of my Essay could not be
+true. The more, however, I reflected upon them, or rather upon the
+authorities on which they were founded, the more I gave them credit.
+Coming in sight of Wade's Mill, in Hertfordshire, I sat down
+disconsolate on the turf by the road-side, and held my horse. Here a
+thought came into my mind, that if the contents of the Essay were true,
+it was time some person should see these calamities to their end.
+Agitated in this manner, I reached home. This was in the summer of 1785.
+
+"'In the course of the autumn of the same year I experienced similar
+impressions. I walked frequently into the woods, that I might think on
+the subject in solitude, and find relief to my mind there. But there the
+question still recurred, 'Are these things true?' Still the answer
+followed as instantaneously,--'They are.' Still the result accompanied
+it; 'Then, surely, some person should interfere.' I then began to envy
+those who had seats in parliament, and who had great riches, and widely
+extended connexions, which would enable them to take up this cause.
+Finding scarcely any one at that time who thought of it, I was turned
+frequently to myself. But here many difficulties arose. It struck me,
+among others, that a young man of only twenty-four years of age could
+not have that solid judgment, or knowledge of men, manners, and things,
+which were requisite to qualify him to undertake a task of such
+magnitude and importance: and with whom was I to unite? I believed also,
+that it looked so much like one of the feigned labours of Hercules, that
+my understanding would be suspected if I proposed it. On ruminating,
+however, on the subject, I found one thing at least practicable, and
+that this was also in my power. I could translate my Latin Dissertation.
+I could enlarge it usefully. I could see how the public received it, or
+how far they were likely to favour any serious measures, which should
+have a tendency to produce the abolition of the slave-trade. Upon this,
+then, I determined; and in the middle of the month of November, 1785, I
+began my work.'
+
+"Such is the characteristic and ingenuous account given by Clarkson of
+his introduction to that work to which the energies of his life were
+devoted, and in reference to which, and to the account whence the
+foregoing extract has been made, one of the most benevolent and gifted
+writers of our country[2] has justly observed,--
+
+    [2] Coleridge.
+
+"'This interesting tale is related, not by a descendant, but a
+cotemporary; not by a distant spectator, but by a participator of the
+contest; and of all the many participators, by the man confessedly the
+most efficient; the man whose unparalleled labours in this work of love
+and peril, leave on the mind of a reflecting reader the sublime doubt,
+which of the two will have been the greater final gain to the moral
+world,--the removal of the evil, or the proof, thereby given, what
+mighty effects single good men may realize by self-devotion and
+perseverance.'
+
+"When Mr. Clarkson went to London to publish his book, he was introduced
+to many friends of the cause of Abolition, who aided in giving it
+extensive circulation. Whilst thus employed, he received an invitation,
+which he accepted, to visit the Rev. James Ramsay, vicar of Teston, in
+Kent, who had resided nineteen years in the island of St. Christopher.
+
+"Shortly afterwards, dining one day at Sir Charles Middleton's,
+(afterwards Lord Barham,) the conversation turned upon the subject, and
+Mr. Clarkson declared that he was ready to devote himself to the cause.
+This avowal met with great encouragement from the company, and Sir C.
+Middleton, then Comptroller to the Navy, offered every possible
+assistance. The friends of Mr. Clarkson increased, and this encouraged
+him to proceed. Dr. Porteus, then Bishop of Chester, and Lord Scarsdale,
+were secured in the House of Lords. Mr. Bennet Langton, and Dr. Baker,
+who were acquainted with many members of both houses of parliament; the
+honoured Granville Sharpe, James and Richard Phillips, could be depended
+upon, as well as the entire body of the Society of Friends, to many of
+whom he had been introduced by Mr. Joseph Hancock, his fellow-townsman.
+Seeking information in every direction, Mr. Clarkson boarded a number of
+vessels engaged in the African trade, and obtained specimens of the
+natural productions of the country. The beauty of the cloth made from
+African cotton, &c. enhanced his estimate of the skill and ingenuity of
+the people, and gave a fresh stimulus to his exertions on their behalf.
+He next visited a slave-ship; the rooms below, the gratings above, and
+the barricade across the deck, with the explanation of their uses,
+though the sight of them filled him with sadness and horror, gave new
+energy to all his movements. In his indefatigable endeavours to collect
+evidence and facts, he visited most of the sea-ports in the kingdom,
+pursuing his great object with invincible ardour, although sometimes at
+the peril of his life. The following circumstance, among others, evinces
+the eminent degree in which he possessed that untiring perseverance, on
+which the success of a great enterprise often depends.
+
+"Clarkson and his friends had reason to fear that slaves brought from
+the interior of Africa by certain rivers, had been kidnapped; and it was
+deemed of great importance to ascertain the fact. A friend one day
+mentioned to Mr. Clarkson, that he had, above twelve months before, seen
+a sailor who had been up these rivers. The name of the sailor was
+unknown, and all the friend could say was, that he was going to, or
+belonged to, some man-of-war in ordinary. The evidence of this
+individual was important, and, aided by his friend Sir Charles
+Middleton, who gave him permission to board all the ships of war in
+ordinary, Mr. Clarkson commenced his search:--beginning at Deptford, he
+visited successfully Woolwich, Chatham, Sheerness, and Portsmouth;
+examining in his progress the different persons on board upwards of two
+hundred and sixty vessels, without discovering the object of his search.
+The feelings under which the search was continued, and the success with
+which it was crowned, he has himself thus described:--
+
+"'Matters now began to look rather disheartening,--I mean as far as my
+grand object was concerned. There was but one other port left, and this
+was between two and three hundred miles distant. I determined, however,
+to go to Plymouth. I had already been more successful in this tour, with
+respect to obtaining general evidence, than in any other of the same
+length; and the probability was, that as I should continue to move among
+the same kind of people, my success would be in a similar proportion,
+according to the number visited. These were great encouragements to me
+to proceed. At length I arrived at the place of my last hope. On my
+first day's expedition I boarded forty vessels, but found no one in
+these who had been on the coast of Africa in the slave-trade. One or two
+had been there in king's ships; but they never had been on shore. Things
+were now drawing near to a close; and notwithstanding my success, as to
+general evidence, in this journey, my heart began to beat. I was
+restless and uneasy during the night. The next morning I felt agitated
+again between the alternate pressure of hope and fear; and in this state
+I entered my boat. The fifty-seventh vessel I boarded was the Melampus
+frigate.--One person belonging to it, on examining him in the captain's
+cabin, said he had been two voyages to Africa; and I had not long
+discoursed with him, before I found, to my inexpressible joy, that he
+was the man. I found, too, that he unravelled the question in dispute
+precisely as our inferences had determined it. He had been two
+expeditions up the river Calabar, in the canoes of the natives. In the
+first of these they came within a certain distance of a village: they
+then concealed themselves under the bushes, which hung over the water
+from the banks. In this position they remained during the day-light; but
+at night they went up to it armed, and seized all the inhabitants who
+had not time to make their escape. They obtained forty-five persons in
+this manner. In the second, they were out eight or nine days, when they
+made a similar attempt, and with nearly similar success. They seized
+men, women, and children, as they could find them in the huts. They then
+bound their arms, and drove them before them to the canoes. The name of
+the person thus discovered on board of the Melampus was Isaac Parker. On
+inquiring into his character, from the master of the division, I found
+it highly respectable. I found also afterward that he had sailed with
+Captain Cook, with great credit to himself, round the world. It was also
+remarkable, that my brother, on seeing him in London, when he went to
+deliver his evidence, recognized him as having served on board the
+Monarch, man-of-war, and as one of the most exemplary men in that ship.'
+
+"Mr. Clarkson became, early in his career, acquainted with Mr.
+Wilberforce. At their first interview, the latter frankly stated, 'that
+the subject had often employed his thoughts, and was near his heart,'
+and learning his visitor's intention to devote himself to this
+benevolent object, congratulated him on his decision; desired to be made
+acquainted with his progress, expressing his willingness, in return, to
+afford every assistance in his power. In his intercourse with members of
+parliament, Mr. Clarkson was now frequently associated with Mr.
+Wilberforce, who daily became more interested in the fate of Africa. The
+intercourse of the two philanthropists was mutually cordial and
+encouraging; Mr. Clarkson imparting his discoveries in the custom-houses
+of London, Liverpool, and other places; and Mr. Wilberforce
+communicating the information he had gained from those with whom he
+associated.
+
+"In 1788, Mr. Clarkson published his important work on the Impolicy of
+the Slave-Trade.
+
+"In 1789, this indefatigable man went to France, by the advice of the
+Committee which he had been instrumental in forming two years before;
+Mr. Wilberforce, always solicitous for the good of the oppressed
+Africans, being of opinion that advantage might be taken of the
+commotions in that country, to induce the leading persons there to take
+the slave-trade into their consideration, and incorporate it among the
+abuses to be removed. Several of Mr. Clarkson's friends advised him to
+travel by another name, as accounts had arrived in England of the
+excesses which had taken place in Paris; but to this he could not
+consent. On his arrival in that city he was speedily introduced to those
+who were favourable to the great object of his life; and at the house of
+M. Necker dined with the six deputies of colour from St. Domingo,--who
+had been sent to France at this juncture, to demand that the free people
+of colour in their country might be placed upon an equality with the
+whites. Their communications to the English philanthropist were important
+and interesting; they hailed him as their friend, and were abundant in
+their commendations of his conduct.
+
+"Copies of the Essay on the Impolicy of the Slave-Trade, translated into
+French, with engravings of the plan and section of a slave ship, were
+distributed with apparent good effect. The virtuous Abbe Gregoire, and
+several members of the National Assembly, called upon Mr. Clarkson. The
+Archbishop of Aix was so struck with horror, when the plan of the slave
+ship was shown to him, that he could scarcely speak; and Mirabeau ordered
+a model of it in wood to be placed in his dining-room.
+
+"The circulation of intelligence, although contributing to make many
+friends, called forth the extraordinary exertions of enemies. Merchants,
+and others interested in the continuance of the slave-trade, wrote
+letters to the Archbishop of Aix, beseeching him not to ruin France;
+which they said he would inevitably do, if, as the president, he were
+to grant a day for hearing the question of the abolition. Offers of
+money were made to Mirabeau, if he would totally abandon his intended
+motion. Books were circulated in opposition to Mr. Clarkson's; resort
+was had to the public papers, and he was denounced as a spy. The clamour
+raised by these efforts pervaded all Paris, and reached the ears of the
+king. M. Necker had a long conversation with his royal master upon it,
+who requested to see the Essay, and the specimens of African
+manufactures, and bestowed considerable time upon them, being surprised
+at the state of the arts there. M. Necker did not exhibit the section of
+the slave ship, thinking that as the king was indisposed, he might be
+too much affected by it. Louis returned the specimens, commissioning M.
+Necker to convey his thanks to Mr. Clarkson, and express his
+gratification at what he had seen.
+
+"No decided benefit appears at this time to have followed the visit: but
+though much depressed by his ill success in France, Mr. Clarkson
+continued his labours, till excess of exertion, joined to repeated and
+bitter disappointments, impaired his health, and, after a hard struggle,
+subdued a constitution, naturally strong and vigorous beyond the lot of
+men in general, but shattered by anxiety and fatigue, and the sad
+probability, often forced upon his understanding, that all might at last
+have been in vain. Under these feelings, he retired in 1794 to the
+beautiful banks of Ulleswater; there to seek that rest which, without
+peril to his life, could no longer be delayed.
+
+"For seven years he had maintained a correspondence with four hundred
+persons; he annually wrote a book upon the subject of the abolition, and
+travelled more than thirty-five thousand miles in search of evidence,
+making a great part of these journeys in the night. 'All this time,' Mr.
+Clarkson writes, 'my mind had been on the stretch; it had been bent too
+to this one subject; for I had not even leisure to attend to my own
+concerns. The various instances of barbarity, which had come
+successively to my knowledge within this period, had vexed, harassed,
+and afflicted it. The wound which these had produced was rendered still
+deeper by the reiterated refusal of persons to give their testimony,
+after I had travelled hundreds of miles in quest of them. But the
+severest stroke was that inflicted by the persecution begun and pursued
+by persons interested in the continuance of the trade, of such witnesses
+as had been examined against them; and whom, on account of their
+dependent situation in life, it was most easy to oppress. As I had been
+the means of bringing them forward on these occasions, they naturally
+came to me, as the author of their miseries and their ruin.[3] These
+different circumstances, by acting together, had at length brought me
+into the situation just mentioned; and I was, therefore, obliged, though
+very reluctantly, to be borne out of the field where I had placed the
+great honour and glory of my life.'"
+
+    [3] The father of the late Samuel Whitbread, Esq., generously
+    undertook, in order to make Mr. Clarkson's mind easy upon the
+    subject, "to make good all injuries which any individuals might
+    suffer from such persecution;" and he honourably and nobly
+    fulfilled his engagement.
+
+It was while thus recruiting the energies exhausted in the conflict,
+that Clarkson, and the compatriot band with which he had been associated
+in the long and arduous struggle, were crowned with victory, and
+received the grateful reward of their honourable toil in the final
+abolition of the slave-trade by the British nation, in 1807, the last
+but most glorious act of the Grenville administration.
+
+The preceding shows something of the career of Clarkson while labouring
+to convince the people of Great Britain of the iniquity of _their own_
+trade, a trade which they had the power to abolish. During all this
+time, Clarkson, Wilberforce, and their associates avoided touching the
+matter of _slavery_. They knew that one thing must be gained at a time,
+and they as a matter of expediency, avoided discussing the duty of the
+British nation in regard to the system of slavery in their Colonies
+which was entirely under their own control. During all the time that was
+employed in efforts to end the slave-trade, slavery was existing in the
+control of the British people, and yet Clarkson and Wilberforce decided
+that it was right to let that matter entirely alone.
+
+The following shows Clarkson's proceedings after the British nation had
+abolished the slave-trade.
+
+"By the publication of his Thoughts on the Abolition of Slavery, Mr.
+Clarkson showed that neither he nor those connected with him, considered
+their work as accomplished, when the laws of his country clasped with
+its felons those engaged in the nefarious traffic of slaves. But the
+efforts of Mr. Clarkson were not confined to his pen. In 1818, he
+proceeded to Aix la Chapelle, at the time when the sovereigns of Europe
+met in congress. He was received with marked attention by the Emperor of
+Russia, who listened to his statements (respecting the _slave-trade_,)
+and promised to use his influence with the assembled monarchs, to secure
+the entire suppression of the trade in human beings, as speedily as
+possible. Describing his interview with this amiable monarch, in which
+the subject of peace societies, as well as the abolition of the
+slave-trade was discussed, Mr. Clarkson, in a letter to a friend, thus
+writes:
+
+"'It was about nine at night, when I was shown into the emperor's
+apartment. I found him alone. He met me at the door, and shaking me by
+the hand, said, 'I had the pleasure of making your acquaintance at
+Paris.' He then led me some little way into the room, and leaving me
+there, went forward and brought me a chair with his own hand, and
+desired me to sit down. This being done, he went for another chair, and
+bringing it very near to mine, placed himself close to me, so that we
+sat opposite to each other.
+
+"'I began the conversation by informing the emperor that as I supposed
+the congress of Aix la Chapelle might possibly be the last congress of
+sovereigns for settling the affairs of Europe, its connexions and
+dependencies, I had availed myself of the kind permission he gave me at
+Paris, of applying to him in behalf of the oppressed Africans, being
+unwilling to lose the last opportunity of rendering him serviceable to
+the cause.
+
+"'The emperor replied, that he had read both my letter and my address to
+the sovereigns, and that what I asked him and the other sovereigns to
+do, was only reasonable.
+
+"'Here I repeated the two great propositions in the address--the
+necessity of bringing the Portuguese time for continuing the trade
+(which did not expire till 1825, and then only with a condition,) down
+to the Spanish time, which expired in 1820; and secondly, when the two
+times should legally have expired, (that is, both of them in 1820,) then
+to make any farther continuance _piracy_. I entreated him not to be
+deceived by any other propositions; for that Mr. Wilberforce, myself,
+and others, who had devoted our time to this subject, were sure that no
+other measure would be effectual.
+
+"'He then said very feelingly in these words, 'By the providence of God,
+I and my kingdom have been saved from a merciless tyranny, (alluding to
+the invasion of Napoleon,) and I should but ill repay the blessing, if I
+were not to do every thing in my power to protect the poor Africans
+against their oppression also.'
+
+"'The emperor then asked if he could do any thing else for our cause. I
+told him he could; and that I should be greatly obliged to him if he
+would present one of the addresses to the Emperor of Austria, and
+another to the King of Prussia, _with his own hand_. I had brought two
+of them in my pocket for the purpose. He asked me why I had not
+presented them before. I replied that I had not the honour of knowing
+either of those sovereigns as I knew him; nor any of their ministers;
+and that I was not only fearful lest these addresses would not be
+presented to them, but even if they were, that coming into their hands
+without any recommendation, they would be laid aside and not read; on
+the other hand, if he (the emperor,) would condescend to present them,
+I was sure they would be read, and that coming from him, they would come
+with a weight of influence, which would secure an attention to their
+contents. Upon this, the emperor promised, in the most kind and affable
+manner, that he would perform the task I had assigned to him.
+
+"'We then rose from our seats to inspect some articles of manufacture,
+which I had brought with me as a present to him, and which had been laid
+upon the table. We examined the articles in leather first, one by one,
+with which he was uncommonly gratified. He said they exhibited not only
+genius but taste. He inquired if they tanned their own leather, and how:
+I replied to his question. He said he had never seen neater work, either
+in Petersburg or in London. He then looked at a dagger and its scabbard
+or sheath. I said the sheath was intended as a further, but more
+beautiful specimen of the work of the poor Africans in leather; and the
+blade of their dagger as a specimen of their work in iron. Their works
+in cotton next came under our notice. There was one piece which
+attracted his particular notice, and which was undoubtedly very
+beautiful. It called from him this observation, 'Manchester,' said he,
+'I think is your great place for manufactures of this sort--do you think
+they could make a better piece of cotton there?' I told him I had never
+seen a better piece of workmanship of the kind any where. Having gone
+over all the articles, the emperor desired me to inform him whether he
+was to understand that these articles were made by the Africans in their
+own country, that is, in their native villages, or _after they had
+arrived in America_, where they would have an opportunity of seeing
+European manufactures, and experienced workmen in the arts? I replied
+that such articles might be found in every African village, both on the
+coast and in the interior, and that they were samples of their own
+ingenuity, without any connexion with Europeans. 'Then,' said the
+emperor, 'you astonish me--you have given me a new idea of the state of
+these poor people. I was not aware that they were so advanced in
+society. The works you have shown me are not the works of brutes--but of
+men, endued with rational and intellectual powers, and capable of being
+brought to as high a degree of proficiency as any other men. _Africa
+ought to have a fair chance of raising her character in the scale of the
+civilized world._' I replied that it was this cruel traffic alone, which
+had prevented Africa from rising to a level with other nations; and that
+it was only astonishing to me that the natives there had, under its
+impeding influence, arrived at the perfection which had displayed itself
+in the specimens of workmanship he had just seen.'"
+
+Animated by a growing conviction of the righteousness of the cause in
+which he was engaged, and encouraged by the success with which past
+endeavours had been crowned, Mr. Clarkson continued his efficient
+co-operation with the friends of Abolition, advocating its claims on all
+suitable occasions.
+
+It would be superfluous to recount the steps by which, even before the
+venerated Wilberforce was called to his rest, this glorious event was
+realized, and Clarkson beheld the great object of his own life, and
+those with whom he had acted, triumphantly achieved. The gratitude
+cherished towards the Supreme Ruler for the boon thus secured to the
+oppressed--the satisfaction which a review of past exertions afforded,
+were heightened by the joyous sympathy of a large portion of his
+countrymen.[4]
+
+    [4] This account of Clarkson, and the preceding one of Wilberforce,
+    are taken from the Christian Keepsake of 1836 and 1837.
+
+The History of the Abolition of the Slave-trade, by Clarkson himself,
+presents a more detailed account of his own labours and of the labours
+of others, and whoever will read it, will observe the following
+particulars in which this effort differed from the Abolition movement
+in America.
+
+In the first place, it was conducted by some of the wisest and most
+talented statesmen, as well as the most pious men, in the British
+nation. Pitt, Fox, and some of the highest of the nobility and bishops
+in England, were the firmest friends of the enterprise from the first.
+It was conducted by men who had the intellect, knowledge, discretion,
+and wisdom demanded for so great an enterprise.
+
+Secondly. It was conducted slowly, peaceably, and by eminently judicious
+influences.
+
+Thirdly. It included, to the full extent, the doctrine of expediency
+denounced by Abolitionists.
+
+One of the first decisions of the "Committee for the Abolition of the
+Slave-trade," which conducted all Abolition movements, was that
+_slavery_ should not be attacked, but only the _slave-trade_; and
+Clarkson expressly says, that it was owing to this, more than to any
+other measure, that success was gained.
+
+Fourthly. Good men were not divided, and thrown into contending
+parties.--The opponents to the measure, were only those who were
+personally interested in the perpetuation of slavery or the slave-trade.
+
+Fifthly. This effort was one to convince men of their _own_ obligations,
+and not an effort to arouse public sentiment against the sinful
+practices of another community over which they had no control.
+
+I would now ask, why could not some southern gentleman, such for example
+as Mr. Birney, whose manners, education, character, and habits give him
+abundant facilities, have acted the part of Clarkson, and quietly have
+gone to work at the South, collecting facts, exhibiting the impolicy and
+the evils, to good men at the South, by the fire-side of the planter,
+the known home of hospitality and chivalry. Why could he not have
+commenced with the most vulnerable point, the _domestic slave-trade_,
+leaving emancipation for a future and more favourable period? What right
+has any one to say that there was no southern Wilberforce that would
+have arisen, no southern Grant, Macaulay or Sharpe, who, like the
+English philanthropists, would have stood the fierce beating of angry
+billows, and by patience, kindness, arguments, facts, eloquence, and
+Christian love, convinced the skeptical, enlightened the ignorant,
+excited the benevolent, and finally have carried the day at the South,
+by the same means and measures, as secured the event in England? All
+experience is in favour of the method which the Abolitionists have
+rejected, because it involves _danger to themselves_. The cause they
+have selected is one that stands alone.--No case parallel on earth can
+be brought to sustain it, with probabilities of good results. No
+instance can be found, where exciting the public sentiment of one
+community against evil practices in another, was ever made the means of
+eradicating those evils. All the laws of mind, all the records of
+experience, go against the measures that Abolitionists have taken, and
+in favour of the one they have rejected. And when we look still farther
+ahead, at results which time is to develope, how stand the probabilities,
+when we, in judging, again take, as data, the laws of mind and the
+records of experience?
+
+What are the plans, hopes, and expectations of Abolitionists, in
+reference to their measures? They are now labouring to make the North a
+great Abolition Society,--to convince every northern man that slavery at
+the South is a great sin, and that it ought immediately to cease.
+Suppose they accomplish this to the extent they hope,--so far as we have
+seen, the more the North is convinced, the more firmly the South rejects
+the light, and turns from the truth.
+
+While Abolition Societies did not exist, men could talk and write, at
+the South, against the evils of slavery, and northern men had free
+access and liberty of speech, both at the South and at the North. But
+now all is changed. Every avenue of approach to the South is shut. No
+paper, pamphlet, or preacher, that touches on that topic, is admitted in
+their bounds. Their own citizens, that once laboured and remonstrated,
+are silenced; their own clergy, under the influence of the exasperated
+feelings of their people, and their own sympathy and sense of wrong,
+either entirely hold their peace, or become the defenders of a system
+they once lamented, and attempted to bring to an end. This is the record
+of experience as to the tendencies of Abolitionism, as thus far
+developed. The South are now in just that state of high exasperation, at
+the sense of wanton injury and impertinent interference, which makes the
+influence of truth and reason most useless and powerless.
+
+But suppose the Abolitionists succeed, not only in making northern men
+Abolitionists, but also in sending a portion of light into the South,
+such as to form a body of Abolitionists there also. What is the thing
+that is to be done to end slavery at the South? It is to _alter the
+laws_, and to do this, a small minority must begin a long, bitter,
+terrible conflict with a powerful and exasperated majority. Now if, as
+the Abolitionists hope, there will arise at the South such a minority,
+it will doubtless consist of men of religious and benevolent
+feelings,--men of that humane, and generous, and upright spirit, that
+most keenly feel the injuries inflicted on their fellow men. Suppose
+such a band of men begin their efforts, sustained by the northern
+Abolitionists, already so odious. How will the exasperated majority act,
+according to the known laws of mind and of experience? Instead of
+lessening the evils of slavery, they will increase them. The more they
+are goaded by a sense of aggressive wrong without, or by fears of
+dangers within, the more they will restrain their slaves, and diminish
+their liberty, and increase their disabilities. They will make laws so
+unjust and oppressive, not only to slaves, but to their Abolitionist
+advocates, that by degrees such men will withdraw from their bounds.
+Laws will be made expressly to harass them, and to render them so
+uncomfortable that they must withdraw. Then gradually the righteous will
+flee from the devoted city. Then the numerical proportion of whites will
+decrease, and the cruelty and unrestrained wickedness of the system will
+increase, till a period will come when the physical power will be so
+much with the blacks, their sense of suffering so increased, that the
+volcano will burst,--insurrection and servile wars will begin. Oh, the
+countless horrors of such a day! And will the South stand alone in that
+burning hour? When she sends forth the wailing of her agonies, shall not
+the North and the West hear, and lift up together the voice of wo? Will
+not fathers hear the cries of children, and brothers the cries of
+sisters? Will the terrors of insurrection sweep over the South, and no
+Northern and Western blood be shed? Will the slaves be cut down, in such
+a strife, when they raise the same paean song of liberty and human
+rights, that was the watchword of our redemption from far less dreadful
+tyranny, and which is now thrilling the nations and shaking monarchs on
+their thrones--will this be heard, and none of the sons of liberty be
+found to appear on their side? This is no picture of fancied dangers,
+which are not near. The day has come, when already the feelings are so
+excited on both sides, that I have heard intelligent men, good men,
+benevolent and pious men, in moments of excitement, declare themselves
+ready to take up the sword--some for the defence of the master, some for
+the protection and right of the slave. It is my full conviction, that if
+insurrection does burst forth, and there be the least prospect of
+success to the cause of the slave, there will be men from the North and
+West, standing breast to breast, with murderous weapons, in opposing
+ranks.
+
+Such apprehensions many would regard as needless, and exclaim against
+such melancholy predictions. But in a case where the whole point of
+duty and expediency turns upon the probabilities as to results, those
+probabilities ought to be the chief subjects of inquiry. True, no one
+has a right to say with confidence what will or what will not be; and it
+has often amazed and disturbed my mind to perceive how men, with so
+small a field of vision,--with so little data for judging,--with so few
+years, and so little experience, can pronounce concerning the results of
+measures bearing upon the complicated relations and duties of millions,
+and in a case where the wisest and best are dismayed and baffled. It
+sometimes has seemed to me that the prescience of Deity alone should
+dare to take such positions as are both carelessly assumed, and
+pertinaciously defended, by the advocates of Abolitionism.
+
+But if we are to judge of the wisdom or folly of any measures on this
+subject, it must be with reference to future results. One course of
+measures, it is claimed, tends to perpetuate slavery, or to end it by
+scenes of terror and bloodshed. Another course tends to bring it to an
+end sooner, and by safe and peaceful influences. And the whole
+discussion of duty rests on these probabilities. But where do the laws
+of mind and experience oppose the terrific tendencies of Abolitionism
+that have been portrayed? Are not the minds of men thrown into a
+ferment, and excited by those passions which blind the reason, and warp
+the moral sense? Is not the South in a state of high exasperation
+against Abolitionists? Does she not regard them as enemies, as reckless
+madmen, as impertinent intermeddlers? Will the increase of their numbers
+tend to allay this exasperation? Will the appearance of a similar body
+in their own boundaries have any tendency to soothe? Will it not still
+more alarm and exasperate? If a movement of a minority of such men
+attempt to alter the laws, are not the probabilities strong that still
+more unjust and oppressive measures will be adopted?--measures that will
+tend to increase the hardships of the slave, and to drive out of the
+community all humane, conscientious and pious men? As the evils and
+dangers increase, will not the alarm constantly diminish the proportion
+of whites, and make it more and more needful to increase such
+disabilities and restraints as will chafe and inflame the blacks? When
+this point is reached, will the blacks, knowing, as they will know, the
+sympathies of their Abolition friends, refrain from exerting their
+physical power? _The Southampton insurrection occurred with far less
+chance of sympathy and success._
+
+If that most horrible of all scourges, a servile war, breaks forth, will
+the slaughter of fathers, sons, infants, and of aged,--will the cries of
+wives, daughters, sisters, and kindred, suffering barbarities worse than
+death, bring no fathers, brothers, and friends to their aid, from the
+North and West?
+
+And if the sympathies and indignation of freemen can already look such
+an event in the face, and feel that it would be the slave, rather than
+the master, whom they would defend, what will be the probability, after
+a few years' chafing shall have driven away the most christian and
+humane from scenes of cruelty and inhumanity, which they could neither
+alleviate nor redress? I should like to see any data of past experience,
+that will show that these results are not more probable than that the
+South will, by the system of means now urged upon her, finally be
+convinced of her sins, and voluntarily bring the system of slavery to an
+end. I claim not that the predictions I present will be fulfilled. I
+only say, that if Abolitionists go on as they propose, such results are
+_more_ probable than those they hope to attain.
+
+I have not here alluded to the probabilities of the severing of the
+Union by the present mode of agitating the question. This may be one of
+the results, and, if so, what are the probabilities for a Southern
+republic, that has torn itself off for the purpose of excluding foreign
+interference, and for the purpose of perpetuating slavery? Can any
+Abolitionist suppose that, in such a state of things, the great cause of
+emancipation is as likely to progress favourably, as it was when we were
+one nation, and mingling on those fraternal terms that existed before
+the Abolition movement began?
+
+The preceding are some of the reasons which, on the general view, I
+would present as opposed to the proposal of forming Abolition Societies;
+and they apply equally to either sex. There are some others which seem
+to oppose peculiar objections to the action of females in the way you
+would urge.
+
+To appreciate more fully these objections, it will be necessary to recur
+to some general views in relation to the place woman is appointed to
+fill by the dispensations of heaven.
+
+It has of late become quite fashionable in all benevolent efforts, to
+shower upon our sex an abundance of compliments, not only for what they
+have done, but also for what they can do; and so injudicious and so
+frequent, are these oblations, that while I feel an increasing respect
+for my countrywomen, that their good sense has not been decoyed by these
+appeals to their vanity and ambition, I cannot but apprehend that there
+is some need of inquiry as to the just bounds of female influence, and
+the times, places, and manner in which it can be appropriately exerted.
+
+It is the grand feature of the Divine economy, that there should be
+different stations of superiority and subordination, and it is
+impossible to annihilate this beneficent and immutable law. On its first
+entrance into life, the child is a dependent on parental love, and of
+necessity takes a place of subordination and obedience. As he advances
+in life these new relations of superiority and subordination multiply.
+The teacher must be the superior in station, the pupil a subordinate.
+The master of a family the superior, the domestic a subordinate--the
+ruler a superior, the subject a subordinate. Nor do these relations at
+all depend upon superiority either in intellectual or moral worth.
+However weak the parents, or intelligent the child, there is no
+reference to this, in the immutable law. However incompetent the
+teacher, or superior the pupil, no alteration of station can be allowed.
+However unworthy the master or worthy the servant, while their mutual
+relations continue, no change in station as to subordination can be
+allowed. In fulfilling the duties of these relations, true dignity
+consists in conforming to all those relations that demand subordination,
+with propriety and cheerfulness. When does a man, however high his
+character or station, appear more interesting or dignified than when
+yielding reverence and deferential attentions to an aged parent, however
+weak and infirm? And the pupil, the servant, or the subject, all equally
+sustain their own claims to self-respect, and to the esteem of others,
+by equally sustaining the appropriate relations and duties of
+subordination. In this arrangement of the duties of life, Heaven has
+appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate
+station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of
+either. It is therefore as much for the dignity as it is for the
+interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this
+relation. And it is as much a duty as it is for the child to fulfil
+similar relations to parents, or subjects to rulers. But while woman
+holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not
+because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any
+the less important, or all-pervading. But it was designed that the mode
+of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether
+different and peculiar.
+
+It is Christianity that has given to woman her true place in society.
+And it is the peculiar trait of Christianity alone that can sustain her
+therein. "Peace on earth and good will to men" is the character of all
+the rights and privileges, the influence, and the power of woman. A man
+may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he
+may urge his measures by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal
+interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may
+drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his
+sphere. But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to
+woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and
+benevolent principles.
+
+Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so
+much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to
+gratify her wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But
+this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. There
+let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her
+taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling and
+action, that her motives will be reverenced;--so unassuming and
+unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;--so
+"gentle and easy to be entreated," as that every heart will repose in
+her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the sons, will find
+an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only
+willingly but proudly. A man is never ashamed to own such influences,
+but feels dignified and ennobled in acknowledging them. But the moment
+woman begins to feel the promptings of ambition, or the thirst for
+power, her aegis of defence is gone. All the sacred protection of
+religion, all the generous promptings of chivalry, all the poetry of
+romantic gallantry, depend upon woman's retaining her place as
+dependent and defenceless, and making no claims, and maintaining no
+right but what are the gifts of honour, rectitude and love.
+
+A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own
+sex, to assist her in her appropriate offices of piety, charity,
+maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman
+into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others--whatever
+binds her in a party conflict--whatever obliges her in any way to exert
+coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these
+general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of
+arraying females in any Abolition movement; because it enlists them in
+an effort to coerce the South by the public sentiment of the North;
+because it brings them forward as partisans in a conflict that has been
+begun and carried forward by measures that are any thing rather than
+peaceful in their tendencies; because it draws them forth from their
+appropriate retirement, to expose themselves to the ungoverned violence
+of mobs, and to sneers and ridicule in public places; because it leads
+them into the arena of political collision, not as peaceful mediators to
+hush the opposing elements, but as combatants to cheer up and carry
+forward the measures of strife.
+
+If it is asked, "May not woman appropriately come forward as a suppliant
+for a portion of her sex who are bound in cruel bondage?" It is replied,
+that, the rectitude and propriety of any such measure, depend entirely
+on its probable results. If petitions from females will operate to
+exasperate; if they will be deemed obtrusive, indecorous, and unwise, by
+those to whom they are addressed; if they will increase, rather than
+diminish the evil which it is wished to remove; if they will be the
+opening wedge, that will tend eventually to bring females as petitioners
+and partisans into every political measure that may tend to injure and
+oppress their sex, in various parts of the nation, and under the various
+public measures that may hereafter be enforced, then it is neither
+appropriate nor wise, nor right, for a woman to petition for the relief
+of oppressed females.
+
+The case of Queen Esther is one often appealed to as a precedent. When a
+woman is placed in similar circumstances, where death to herself and all
+her nation is one alternative, and there is nothing worse to fear, but
+something to hope as the other alternative, then she may safely follow
+such an example. But when a woman is asked to join an Abolition Society,
+or to put her name to a petition to congress, for the purpose of
+contributing her measure of influence to keep up agitation in congress,
+to promote the excitement of the North against the iniquities of the
+South, to coerce the South by fear, shame, anger, and a sense of odium
+to do what she has determined not to do, the case of Queen Esther is not
+at all to be regarded as a suitable example for imitation.
+
+In this country, petitions to congress, in reference to the official
+duties of legislators, seem, IN ALL CASES, to fall entirely without the
+sphere of female duty. Men are the proper persons to make appeals to
+the rulers whom they appoint, and if their female friends, by arguments
+and persuasions, can induce them to petition, all the good that can be
+done by such measures will be secured. But if females cannot influence
+their nearest friends, to urge forward a public measure in this way,
+they surely are out of their place, in attempting to do it themselves.
+
+There are some other considerations, which should make the American
+females peculiarly sensitive in reference to any measure, which should
+even _seem_ to draw them from their appropriate relations in society.
+
+It is allowed by all reflecting minds, that the safety and happiness of
+this nation depends upon having the _children_ educated, and not only
+intellectually, but morally and religiously. There are now nearly two
+millions of children and adults in this country who cannot read, and who
+have no schools of any kind. To give only a small supply of teachers to
+these destitute children, who are generally where the population is
+sparse, will demand _thirty thousand teachers_; and _six thousand_ more
+will be needed every year, barely to meet the increase of juvenile
+population. But if we allow that we need not reach this point, in order
+to save ourselves from that destruction which awaits a people, when
+governed by an ignorant and unprincipled democracy; if we can weather
+the storms of democratic liberty with only one-third of our ignorant
+children properly educated, still we need _ten thousand_ teachers at
+this moment, and an addition of _two thousand every year_. Where is this
+army of teachers to be found? Is it at all probable that the other sex
+will afford even a moderate portion of this supply? The field for
+enterprise and excitement in the political arena, in the arts, the
+sciences, the liberal professions, in agriculture, manufactures, and
+commerce, is opening with such temptations, as never yet bore upon the
+mind of any nation. Will men turn aside from these high and exciting
+objects to become the patient labourers in the school-room, and for only
+the small pittance that rewards such toil? No, they will not do it. Men
+will be educators in the college, in the high school, in some of the
+most honourable and lucrative common schools, but the _children_, the
+_little children_ of this nation must, to a wide extent, be taught by
+females, or remain untaught. The drudgery of education, as it is now too
+generally regarded, in this country, will be given to the female hand.
+And as the value of education rises in the public mind, and the
+importance of a teacher's office is more highly estimated, women will
+more and more be furnished with those intellectual advantages which they
+need to fit them for such duties.
+
+The result will be, that America will be distinguished above all other
+nations, for well-educated females, and for the influence they will
+exert on the general interests of society. But if females, as they
+approach the other sex, in intellectual elevation, begin to claim, or to
+exercise in any manner, the peculiar prerogatives of that sex, education
+will prove a doubtful and dangerous blessing. But this will never be the
+result. For the more intelligent a woman becomes, the more she can
+appreciate the wisdom of that ordinance that appointed her subordinate
+station, and the more her taste will conform to the graceful and
+dignified retirement and submission it involves.
+
+An ignorant, a narrow-minded, or a stupid woman, cannot feel nor
+understand the rationality, the propriety, or the beauty of this
+relation; and she it is, that will be most likely to carry her measures
+by tormenting, when she cannot please, or by petulant complaints or
+obtrusive interference, in matters which are out of her sphere, and
+which she cannot comprehend.
+
+And experience testifies to this result. By the concession of all
+travellers, American females are distinguished above all others for
+their general intelligence, and yet they are complimented for their
+retiring modesty, virtue, and domestic faithfulness, while the other sex
+is as much distinguished for their respectful kindness and attentive
+gallantry. There is no other country where females have so much public
+respect and kindness accorded to them as in America, by the concession
+of all travellers. And it will ever be so, while intellectual culture in
+the female mind, is combined with the spirit of that religion which so
+strongly enforces the appropriate duties of a woman's sphere.
+
+But it may be asked, is there nothing to be done to bring this national
+sin of slavery to an end? Must the internal slave-trade, a trade now
+ranked as piracy among all civilized nations, still prosper in our
+bounds? Must the very seat of our government stand as one of the chief
+slave-markets of the land; and must not Christian females open their
+lips, nor lift a finger, to bring such a shame and sin to an end?
+
+To this it may be replied, that Christian females may, and can say and
+do much to bring these evils to an end; and the present is a time and an
+occasion when it seems most desirable that they should know, and
+appreciate, and _exercise_ the power which they do possess for so
+desirable an end.
+
+And in pointing out the methods of exerting female influence for this
+object, I am inspired with great confidence, from the conviction that
+what will be suggested, is that which none will oppose, but all will
+allow to be not only practicable, but safe, suitable, and Christian.
+
+To appreciate these suggestions, however, it is needful previously to
+consider some particulars that exhibit the spirit of the age and the
+tendencies of our peculiar form of government.
+
+The prominent principle, now in development, as indicating the spirit of
+the age, is the perfect right of all men to entire freedom of opinion.
+By this I do not mean that men are coming to think that "it is no matter
+what a man believes, if he is only honest and sincere," or that they are
+growing any more lenient towards their fellow-men, for the evil
+consequences they bring on themselves or on others for believing wrong.
+
+But they are coming to adopt the maxim, that no man shall be forced by
+pains and penalties to adopt the opinions of other minds, but that every
+man shall be free to form his own opinions, and to propagate them by
+all lawful means.
+
+At the same time another right is claimed, which is of necessity
+involved in the preceding,--the right to oppose, by all lawful means,
+the opinions and the practices of others, when they are deemed
+pernicious either to individuals or to the community. _Facts_,
+_arguments_ and _persuasions_ are, by all, conceded to be lawful means
+to employ in propagating our own views, and in opposing the opinions and
+practices of others.
+
+These fundamental principles of liberty have in all past ages been
+restrained by coercive influences, either of civil or of ecclesiastical
+power. But in this nation, all such coercive influences, both of church
+and state, have ceased. Every man may think what he pleases about
+government, or religion, or any thing else; he may propagate his
+opinions, he may controvert opposite opinions, and no magistrate or
+ecclesiastic can in any legal way restrain or punish.
+
+But the form of our government is such, that every measure that bears
+upon the public or private interest of every citizen, is decided by
+_public sentiment_. All laws and regulations in civil, or religious, or
+social concerns, are decided by the _majority of votes_. And the present
+is a time when every doctrine, every principle, and every practice which
+influences the happiness of man, either in this, or in a future life, is
+under discussion. The whole nation is thrown into parties about almost
+every possible question, and every man is stimulated in his efforts to
+promote his own plans by the conviction that success depends entirely
+upon bringing his fellow citizens to think as he does. Hence every man
+is fierce in maintaining his own right of free discussion, his own right
+to propagate his opinions, and his own right to oppose, by all lawful
+means, the opinions that conflict with his own.
+
+But the difficulty is, that a right which all men claim for themselves,
+with the most sensitive and pertinacious inflexibility, they have not
+yet learned to accord to their fellow men, in cases where their own
+interests are involved. Every man is saying, "Let me have full liberty
+to propagate my opinions, and to oppose all that I deem wrong and
+injurious, but let no man take this liberty with my opinions and
+practices. Every man may believe what he pleases, and propagate what he
+pleases, provided he takes care not to attack any thing which belongs to
+me."
+
+And how do men exert themselves to restrain this corresponding right of
+their fellow men? Not by going to the magistrate to inform, or to the
+spiritual despot to obtain ecclesiastical penalties, but he resorts to
+methods, which, if successful, are in effect the most severe pains and
+penalties that can restrain freedom of opinion.
+
+What is dearer to a man than _his character_, involving as it does, the
+esteem, respect and affection of friends, neighbours and society, with
+all the confidence, honour, trust and emolument that flow from general
+esteem? How sensitive is every man to any thing that depreciates his
+intellectual character! What torture, to be ridiculed or pitied for such
+deficiencies! How cruel the suffering, when his moral delinquencies are
+held up to public scorn and reprehension! Confiscation, stripes,
+chains, and even death itself, are often less dreaded.
+
+It is this method of punishment to which men resort, to deter their
+fellow-men from exercising those rights of liberty which they so
+tenaciously claim for themselves. Examine now the methods adopted by
+almost all who are engaged in the various conflicts of opinion in this
+nation, and you will find that there are certain measures which
+combatants almost invariably employ.
+
+They either attack the intellectual character of opponents, or they
+labour to make them appear narrow-minded, illiberal and bigoted, or they
+impeach their honesty and veracity, or they stigmatize their motives as
+mean, selfish, ambitious, or in some other respect unworthy and
+degrading. Instead of truth, and evidence, and argument, personal
+depreciation, sneers, insinuations, or open abuse, are the weapons
+employed. This method of resisting freedom of opinions, by pains and
+penalties, arises in part from the natural selfishness of man, and in
+part from want of clear distinctions as to the rights and duties
+involved in freedom of opinion and freedom of speech.
+
+The great fundamental principle that makes this matter clear, is this,
+that a broad and invariable distinction should ever be preserved between
+the _opinions_ and _practices_ that are discussed, and the _advocates_
+of these opinions and practices.
+
+It is a sacred and imperious duty, that rests on every human being, to
+exert all his influence in opposing every thing that he believes is
+dangerous and wrong, and in sustaining all that he believes is safe and
+right. And in doing this, no compromise is to be made, in order to
+shield country, party, friends, or even self, from any just censure.
+Every man is bound by duty to God and to his country, to lay his finger
+on every false principle, or injurious practice, and boldly say, "this
+is wrong--this is dangerous--this I will oppose with all my influence,
+whoever it may be that advocates or practises it." And every man is
+bound to use his efforts to turn public sentiment against all that he
+believes to be wrong and injurious, either in regard to this life, or
+to the future world. And every man deserves to be respected and
+applauded, just in proportion as he fearlessly and impartially, and in a
+_proper spirit_, _time_ and _manner_, fulfils this duty.
+
+The doctrine, just now alluded to, that it is "no matter what a man
+believes, if he is only honest and sincere," is as pernicious, as it is
+contrary to religion and to common sense. It is as absurd, and as
+impracticable, as it would be to urge on the mariner the maxim, "no
+matter which way you believe to be north, if you only steer aright." A
+man's character, feelings, and conduct, all depend upon his opinions. If
+a man can reason himself into the belief that it is right to take the
+property of others and to deceive by false statements, he will probably
+prove a thief and a liar. It is of the greatest concern, therefore, to
+every man, that his fellow-men should _believe right_, and one of his
+most sacred duties is to use all his influence to promote correct
+opinions.
+
+But the performance of this duty, does by no means involve the necessity
+of attacking the character or motives of the _advocates_ of false
+opinions, or of holding them up, individually, to public odium.
+
+Erroneous opinions are sometimes the consequence of unavoidable
+ignorance, or of mental imbecility, or of a weak and erring judgment, or
+of false testimony from others, which cannot be rectified. In such
+cases, the advocates of false opinions are to be pitied rather than
+blamed; and while the opinions and their tendencies may be publicly
+exposed, the men may be objects of affection and kindness.
+
+In other cases, erroneous opinions spring from criminal indifference,
+from prejudice, from indolence, from pride, from evil passions, or from
+selfish interest. In all such cases, men deserve blame for their
+pernicious opinions, and the evils which flow from them.
+
+But, it maybe asked, how are men to decide, when their fellow-men are
+guilty for holding wrong opinions; when they deserve blame, and when
+they are to be regarded only with pity and commiseration by those who
+believe them to be in the wrong? Here, surely, is a place where some
+correct principle is greatly needed.
+
+Is every man to sit in judgment upon his fellow-man, and decide what are
+his intellectual capacities, and what the measure of his judgment? Is
+every man to take the office of the Searcher of Hearts, to try the
+feelings and motives of his fellow-man? Is that most difficult of all
+analysis, the estimating of the feelings, purposes, and motives, which
+every man, who examines his own secret thoughts, finds to be so complex,
+so recondite, so intricate; is this to be the basis, not only of
+individual opinion, but of public reward and censure? Is every man to
+constitute himself a judge of the amount of time and interest given to
+the proper investigation of truth by his fellow-man? Surely, this cannot
+be a correct principle.
+
+Though there may be single cases in which we can know that our
+fellow-men are weak in intellect, or erring in judgment, or perverse in
+feeling, or misled by passion, or biased by selfish interest, as a
+general fact we are not competent to decide these matters, in regard to
+those who differ from us in opinion.
+
+For this reason it is manifestly wrong and irrelevant, when discussing
+questions of duty or expediency, to bring before the public the
+character or the motives of the individual advocates of opinions.
+
+But, it may be urged, how can the evil tendencies of opinions or of
+practices be investigated, without involving a consideration of the
+character and conduct of those who advocate them? To this it may be
+replied, that the tendencies of opinions and practices can never be
+ascertained by discussing individual character. It is _classes_ of
+persons, or large _communities_, embracing persons of all varieties of
+character and circumstances, that are the only proper subjects of
+investigation for this object. For example, a community of Catholics,
+and a community of Protestants, may be compared, for the purpose of
+learning the moral tendencies of their different opinions. Scotland and
+New England, where the principles opposite to Catholicism have most
+prevailed, may properly be compared with Spain and Italy, where the
+Catholic system has been most fairly tried. But to select certain
+individuals who are defenders of these two different systems, as
+examples to illustrate their tendencies, would be as improper as it
+would be to select a kernel of grain to prove the good or bad character
+of a whole crop.
+
+To illustrate by a more particular example. The doctrines of the Atheist
+school are now under discussion, and Robert Owen and Fanny Wright have
+been their prominent advocates.
+
+In agreement with the above principles, it is a right, and the duty of
+every man who has any influence and opportunity, to show the absurdity
+of their doctrines, the weakness of their arguments, and the fatal
+tendencies of their opinions. It is right to show that the _practical_
+adoption of their principles indicates a want of common sense, just as
+sowing the ocean with grain and expecting a crop would indicate the same
+deficiency. If the advocates of these doctrines carry out their
+principles into practice, in any such way as to offend the taste, or
+infringe on the rights of others, it is proper to express disgust and
+disapprobation. If the female advocate chooses to come upon a stage, and
+expose her person, dress, and elocution to public criticism, it is right
+to express disgust at whatever is offensive and indecorous, as it is to
+criticize the book of an author, or the dancing of an actress, or any
+thing else that is presented to public observation. And it is right to
+make all these things appear as odious and reprehensible to others as
+they do to ourselves.
+
+But what is the private character of Robert Owen or Fanny Wright?
+Whether they are ignorant or weak in intellect; whether they have
+properly examined the sources of truth; how much they have been biased
+by pride, passion, or vice, in adopting their opinions; whether they are
+honest and sincere in their belief; whether they are selfish or
+benevolent in their aims, are not matters which in any way pertain to
+the discussion. They are questions about which none are qualified to
+judge, except those in close and intimate communion with them. We may
+inquire with propriety as to the character of a _community_ of Atheists,
+or of a community where such sentiments extensively prevail, as compared
+with a community of opposite sentiments. But the private character,
+feelings, and motives of the individual advocates of these doctrines,
+are not proper subjects of investigation in any public discussion.
+
+If, then, it be true, that attacks on the character and motives of the
+advocates of opinions are entirely irrelevant and not at all necessary
+for the discovery of truth; if injury inflicted on character is the most
+severe penalty that can be employed to restrain freedom of opinions and
+freedom of speech, what are we to say of the state of things in this
+nation?
+
+Where is there a party which does not in effect say to every man, "if
+you dare to oppose the principles or practices we sustain, you shall be
+punished with personal odium?" which does not say to every member of the
+party, "uphold your party, right or wrong; oppose all that is adverse to
+your party, right or wrong, or else suffer the penalty of having your
+motives, character, and conduct, impeached?"
+
+Look first at the political arena. Where is the advocate of any measure
+that does not suffer sneers, ridicule, contempt, and all that tends to
+depreciate character in public estimation? Where is the partisan that is
+not attacked, as either weak in intellect, or dishonest in principle, or
+selfish in motives? And where is the man who is linked with any
+political party, that dares to stand up fearlessly and defend what is
+good in opposers, and reprove what is wrong in his own party?
+
+Look into the religious world. There, even those who take their party
+name from their professed liberality, are saying, "whoever shall adopt
+principles that exclude us from the Christian church, and our clergy
+from the pulpit, shall be held up either as intellectually degraded, or
+as narrow-minded and bigoted, or as ambitious, partisan and persecuting
+in spirit. No man shall believe a creed that excludes us from the pale
+of Christianity, under penalty of all the odium we can inflict."
+
+So in the Catholic controversy. Catholics and their friends practically
+declare war against all free discussion on this point. The decree has
+gone forth, that "no man shall appear for the purpose of proving that
+Catholicism is contrary to Scripture, or immoral and anti-republican in
+tendency, under penalty of being denounced as a dupe, or a hypocrite, or
+a persecutor, or a narrow-minded and prejudiced bigot."
+
+On the contrary, those who attack what is called liberal Christianity,
+or who aim to oppose the progress of Catholicism, how often do they
+exhibit a severe and uncharitable spirit towards the individuals whose
+opinions they controvert. Instead of loving the men, and rendering to
+them all the offices of Christian kindness, and according to them all
+due credit for whatever is desirable in character and conduct, how often
+do opposers seem to feel, that it will not answer to allow that there is
+any thing good, either in the system or in those who have adopted it.
+"Every thing about my party is right, and every thing in the opposing
+party is wrong," seems to be the universal maxim of the times. And it
+is the remark of some of the most intelligent foreign travellers among
+us, and of our own citizens who go abroad, that there is no country to
+be found, where freedom of opinion, and freedom of speech is more really
+influenced and controlled by the fear of pains and penalties, than in
+this land of boasted freedom. In other nations, the control is exercised
+by government, in respect to a very few matters; in this country it is
+party-spirit that rules with an iron rod, and shakes its scorpion whips
+over every interest and every employment of man.
+
+From this mighty source spring constant detraction, gossiping,
+tale-bearing, falsehood, anger, pride, malice, revenge, and every evil
+word and work.
+
+Every man sets himself up as the judge of the intellectual character,
+the honesty, the sincerity, the feelings, opportunities, motives, and
+intentions, of his fellow-man. And so they fall upon each other, not
+with swords and spears, but with the tongue, "that unruly member, that
+setteth on fire the course of nature, and is set on fire of hell."
+
+Can any person who seeks to maintain the peaceful, loving, and gentle
+spirit of Christianity, go out into the world at this day, without being
+bewildered at the endless conflicts, and grieved and dismayed at the
+bitter and unhallowed passions they engender? Can an honest, upright and
+Christian man, go into these conflicts, and with unflinching firmness
+stand up for all that is good, and oppose all that is evil, in whatever
+party it may be found, without a measure of moral courage such as few
+can command? And if he carries himself through with an unyielding
+integrity, and maintains his consistency, is he not exposed to storms of
+bitter revilings, and to peltings from both parties between which he may
+stand?
+
+What is the end of these things to be? Must we give up free discussion,
+and again chain up the human mind under the despotism of past ages? No,
+this will never be. God designs that every intelligent mind shall be
+governed, not by coercion, but by reason, and conscience, and truth.
+Man must reason, and experiment, and compare past and present results,
+and hear and know all that can be said on _both_ sides of every question
+which influences either private or public happiness, either for this
+life or for the life to come.
+
+But while this process is going on, must we be distracted and tortured
+by the baleful passions and wicked works that unrestrained party-spirit
+and ungoverned factions will bring upon us, under such a government as
+ours? Must we rush on to disunion, and civil wars, and servile wars,
+till all their train of horrors pass over us like devouring fire?
+
+There is an influence that can avert these dangers--a spirit that can
+allay the storm--that can say to the troubled winds and waters, "peace,
+be still."
+
+It is that spirit which is gentle and easy to be entreated, which
+thinketh no evil, which rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the
+truth, which is not easily provoked, which hopeth all things, which
+beareth all things. Let this spirit be infused into the mass of the
+nation, and then truth may be sought, defended, and propagated, and
+error detected, and its evils exposed; and yet we may escape the evils
+that now rage through this nation, and threaten us with such fiery
+plagues.
+
+And is there not a peculiar propriety in such an emergency, in looking
+for the especial agency and assistance of females, who are shut out from
+the many temptations that assail the other sex,--who are the appointed
+ministers of all the gentler charities of life,--who are mingled
+throughout the whole mass of the community,--who dwell in those
+retirements where only peace and love ought ever to enter,--whose
+comfort, influence, and dearest blessings, all depend on preserving
+peace and good will among men?
+
+In the present aspect of affairs among us, when everything seems to be
+tending to disunion and distraction, it surely has become the duty of
+every female instantly to relinquish the attitude of a partisan, in
+every matter of clashing interests, and to assume the office of a
+mediator, and an advocate of peace. And to do this, it is not necessary
+that a woman should in any manner relinquish her opinion as to the
+evils or the benefits, the right or the wrong, of any principle or
+practice. But, while quietly holding her own opinions, and calmly
+avowing them, when conscience and integrity make the duty imperative,
+every female can employ her influence, not for the purpose of exciting
+or regulating public sentiment, but rather for the purpose of promoting
+a spirit of candour, forbearance, charity, and peace.
+
+And there are certain prominent maxims which every woman can adopt as
+peculiarly belonging to her, as the advocate of charity and peace, and
+which it should be her especial office to illustrate, enforce, and
+sustain, by every method in her power.
+
+The first is, that every person ought to be sustained, not only in the
+right of propagating his own opinions and practices, but in opposing all
+those principles and practices which he deems erroneous. For there is no
+opinion which a man can propagate, that does not oppose some adverse
+interest; and if a man must cease to advocate his own views of truth and
+rectitude, because he opposes the interest or prejudices of some other
+man or party, all freedom of opinion, of speech, and of action, is gone.
+All that can be demanded is, that a man shall not resort to falsehood,
+false reasoning, or to attacks on character, in maintaining his own
+rights. If he states things which are false, it is right to show the
+falsehood,--if he reasons falsely, it is right to point out his
+sophistry,--if he impeaches the character or motives of opponents, it is
+right to express disapprobation and disgust; but if he uses only facts,
+arguments, and persuasions, he is to be honoured and sustained for all
+the efforts he makes to uphold what he deems to be right, and to put
+down what he believes to be wrong.
+
+Another maxim, which is partially involved in the first, is, that every
+man ought to allow his own principles and practices to be freely
+discussed, with patience and magnanimity, and not to complain of
+persecution, or to attack the character or motives of those who claim
+that he is in the wrong. If he is belied, if his character is impeached,
+if his motives are assailed, if his intellectual capabilities are made
+the objects of sneers or commiseration, he has a right to complain, and
+to seek sympathy as an injured man; but no man is a consistent friend
+and defender of liberty of speech, who cannot bear to have his own
+principles and practices subjected to the same ordeal as he demands
+should be imposed on others.
+
+Another maxim of peace and charity is, that every man's own testimony is
+to be taken in regard to his motives, feelings, and intentions. Though
+we may fear that a fellow-man is mistaken in his views of his own
+feelings, or that he does not speak the truth, it is as contrary to the
+rules of good breeding as it is to the laws of Christianity, to assume
+or even insinuate that this is the case. If a man's word cannot be taken
+in regard to his own motives, feelings, and intentions, he can find no
+redress for the wrong that may be done to him. It is unjust and
+unreasonable in the extreme to take any other course than the one here
+urged.
+
+Another most important maxim of candour and charity is, that when we are
+to assign motives for the conduct of our fellow-men, especially of
+those who oppose our interests, we are obligated to put the best, rather
+than the worst construction, on all they say and do. Instead of
+assigning the worst as the probable motive, it is always a duty to
+_hope_ that it is the best, until evidence is so unequivocal that there
+is no place for such a hope.
+
+Another maxim of peace and charity respects the subject of
+_retaliation_. Whatever may be said respecting the literal construction
+of some of the rules of the gospel, no one can deny that they do,
+whether figurative or not, forbid retaliation and revenge; that they do
+assume that men are not to be judges and executioners of their own
+wrongs; but that injuries are to be borne with meekness, and that
+retributive justice must be left to God, and to the laws. If a man
+strikes, we are not to return the blow, but appeal to the laws. If a man
+uses abusive or invidious language, we are not to return railing for
+railing. If a man impeaches our motives and attacks our character, we
+are not to return the evil. If a man sneers and ridicules, we are not to
+retaliate with ridicule and sneers. If a man reports our weaknesses and
+failings, we are not to revenge ourselves by reporting his. No man has a
+right to report evil of others, except when the justification of the
+innocent, or a regard for public or individual safety, demands it. This
+is the strict law of the gospel, inscribed in all its pages, and meeting
+in the face all those unchristian and indecent violations that now are
+so common, in almost every conflict of intellect or of interest.
+
+Another most important maxim of peace and charity imposes the obligation
+to guard our fellow-men from all unnecessary temptation. We are taught
+daily to pray, "lead us not into temptation;" and thus are admonished
+not only to avoid all unnecessary temptation ourselves, but to save our
+fellow-men from the danger. Can we ask our Heavenly Parent to protect us
+from temptation, while we recklessly spread baits and snares for our
+fellow-men? No, we are bound in every measure to have a tender regard
+for the weaknesses and liabilities of all around, and ever to be ready
+to yield even our just rights, when we can lawfully do it, rather than
+to tempt others to sin. The generous and high-minded Apostle declares,
+"if meat make my brother to offend, I will eat no flesh while the world
+standeth;" and it is the spirit of this maxim that every Christian ought
+to cultivate. There are no occasions when this maxim is more needed,
+than when we wish to modify the opinions, or alter the practices of our
+fellow-men. If, in such cases, we find that the probabilities are, that
+any interference of ours will increase the power of temptation, and lead
+to greater evils than those we wish to remedy, we are bound to forbear.
+If we find that one mode of attempting a measure will increase the power
+of temptation, and another will not involve this danger, we are bound to
+take the safest course. In all cases we are obligated to be as careful
+to protect our fellow-men from temptation, as we are to watch and pray
+against it in regard to ourselves.
+
+Another maxim of peace and charity requires a most scrupulous regard to
+the reputation, character, and feelings of our fellow-men, and
+especially of those who are opposed in any way to our wishes and
+interests. Every man and every woman feels that it is wrong for others
+to propagate their faults and weakness through the community. Every one
+feels wounded and injured to find that others are making his defects and
+infirmities the subject of sneers and ridicule. And what, then, is the
+rule of duty? "As ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to
+them." With this rule before his eyes and in his mind, can a man retail
+his neighbour's faults, or sneer at his deficiencies, or ridicule his
+infirmities, with a clear conscience? There are cases when the safety of
+individuals, or public justice, demands that a man's defects of
+character, or crimes, be made public; but no man is justified in
+communicating to others any evil respecting any of his fellow-men, when
+he cannot appeal to God as his witness that he does it from benevolent
+interest in the welfare of his fellow-men--from a desire to save
+individuals or the public from some evil--and not from a malevolent or
+gossiping propensity. Oh, that this law of love and charity could find
+an illustration and an advocate in every female of this nation! Oh, that
+every current slander, and every injurious report, might stand abashed,
+whenever it meets the notice of a woman!
+
+These are the maxims of peace and charity, which it is in the power of
+the females of our country to advocate, both by example and by
+entreaties. These are the principles which alone can protect and
+preserve the right of free discussion, the freedom of speech, and
+liberty of the press. And with our form of government, and our
+liabilities to faction and party-spirit, the country will be safe and
+happy only in proportion to the prevalence of these maxims among the
+mass of the community. There probably will never arrive a period in the
+history of this nation, when the influence of these principles will be
+more needed, than the present. The question of slavery involves more
+pecuniary interests, touches more private relations, involves more
+prejudices, is entwined with more sectional, party, and political
+interests, than any other which can ever again arise. It is a matter
+which, if discussed and controlled without the influence of these
+principles of charity and peace, will shake this nation like an
+earthquake, and pour over us the volcanic waves of every terrific
+passion. The trembling earth, the low murmuring thunders, already
+admonish us of our danger; and if females can exert any saving influence
+in this emergency, it is time for them to awake.
+
+And there are topics that they may urge upon the attention of their
+friends, at least as matters worthy of serious consideration and
+inquiry.
+
+Is a woman surrounded by those who favour the Abolition measures? Can
+she not with propriety urge such inquiries as these?
+
+Is not slavery to be brought to an end by free discussion, and is it not
+a war upon the right of free discussion to impeach the motives and
+depreciate the character of the opposers of Abolition measures? When the
+opposers of Abolition movements claim that they honestly and sincerely
+believe that these measures tend to perpetuate slavery, or to bring it
+to an end by servile wars, and civil disunion, and the most terrific
+miseries--when they object to the use of their pulpits, to the embodying
+of literary students, to the agitation of the community, by Abolition
+agents--when they object to the circulation of such papers and tracts as
+Abolitionists prepare, because they believe them most pernicious in
+their influence and tendencies, is it not as much persecution to use
+invidious insinuations, depreciating accusation and impeachment of
+motive, in order to intimidate, as it is for the opposers of
+Abolitionism to use physical force? Is not the only method by which the
+South can be brought to relinquish slavery, a conviction that not only
+her _duty_, but her highest _interest_, requires her to do it? And is
+not _calm, rational Christian_ discussion the only proper method of
+securing this end? Can a community that are thrown into such a state of
+high exasperation as now exists at the South, ever engage in such
+discussions, till the storm of excitement and passion is allayed? Ought
+not every friend of liberty and of free discussion, to take every
+possible means to soothe exasperated feelings, and to avoid all those
+offensive peculiarities that in their nature tend to inflame and offend?
+
+Is a woman among those who oppose Abolition movements? She can urge such
+inquiries as these: Ought not Abolitionists to be treated as if they
+were actuated by the motives of benevolence which they profess? Ought
+not every patriot and every Christian to throw all his influence against
+the impeachment of motives, the personal detraction, and the violent
+measures that are turned upon this body of men, who, however they may
+err in judgment or in spirit, are among the most exemplary and
+benevolent in the land? If Abolitionists are censurable for taking
+measures that exasperate rather than convince and persuade, are not
+their opponents, who take exactly the same measures to exasperate
+Abolitionists and their friends, as much to blame? If Abolitionism
+prospers by the abuse of its advocates, are not the authors of this
+abuse accountable for the increase of the very evils they deprecate?
+
+It is the opinion of intelligent and well informed men, that a very
+large proportion of the best members of the Abolition party were placed
+there, not by the arguments of Abolitionists, but by the abuse of their
+opposers. And I know some of the noblest minds that stand there, chiefly
+from the influence of those generous impulses that defend the injured
+and sustain the persecuted, while many others have joined these ranks
+from the impression that Abolitionism and the right of free discussion
+have become identical interests. Although I cannot perceive why the
+right of free discussion, the right of petition, and other rights that
+have become involved in this matter, cannot be sustained without joining
+an association that has sustained such injurious action and such
+erroneous principles, yet other minds, and those which are worthy of
+esteem, have been led to an opposite conclusion.
+
+The South, in the moments of angry excitement, have made unreasonable
+demands upon the non-slave-holding States, and have employed overbearing
+and provoking language. This has provoked re-action again at the North,
+and men, who heretofore were unexcited, are beginning to feel
+indignant, and to say, "Let the Union be sundered." Thus anger begets
+anger, and unreasonable measures provoke equally unreasonable returns.
+
+But when men, in moments of excitement rush on to such results, little
+do they think of the momentous consequences that may follow. Suppose the
+South in her anger unites with Texas, and forms a Southern slave-holding
+republic, under all the exasperating influences that such an avulsion
+will excite? What will be the prospects of the slave then, compared with
+what they are while we dwell together, united by all the ties of
+brotherhood, and having free access to those whom we wish to convince
+and persuade?
+
+But who can estimate the mischiefs that we must encounter while this
+dismemberment, this tearing asunder of the joints and members of the
+body politic, is going on? What will be the commotion and dismay, when
+all our sources of wealth, prosperity, and comfort, are turned to
+occasions for angry and selfish strife?
+
+What agitation will ensue in individual States, when it is to be decided
+by majorities which State shall go to the North and which to the South,
+and when the discontented minority must either give up or fight! Who
+shall divide our public lands between contending factions? What shall be
+done with our navy and all the various items of the nation's property?
+What shall be done when the post-office stops its steady movement to
+divide its efforts among contending parties? What shall be done when
+public credit staggers, when commerce furls her slackened sail, when
+property all over the nation changes its owners and relations? What
+shall be done with our canals and railways, now the bands of love to
+bind us, then the causes of contention and jealousy? What umpire will
+appear to settle all these questions of interest and strife, between
+communities thrown asunder by passion, pride, and mutual injury?
+
+It is said that the American people, though heedless and sometimes
+reckless at the approach of danger, are endowed with a strong and
+latent principle of common sense, which, when they fairly approach the
+precipice, always brings them to a stand, and makes them as wise to
+devise a remedy as they were rash in hastening to the danger. Are we not
+approaching the very verge of the precipice? Can we not already hear the
+roar of the waters below? Is not now the time, if ever, when our stern
+principles and sound common sense must wake to the rescue?
+
+Cannot the South be a little more patient under the injurious action
+that she feels she has suffered, and cease demanding those concessions
+from the North, that never will be made? For the North, though slower to
+manifest feeling, is as sensitive to her right of freedom of speech, as
+the South can be to her rights of property.
+
+Cannot the North bear with some unreasonable action from the South, when
+it is remembered that, as the provocation came from the North, it is
+wise and Christian that the aggressive party should not so strictly
+hold their tempted brethren to the rules of right and reason?
+
+Cannot the South bear in mind that at the North the colour of the skin
+does not take away the feeling of brotherhood, and though it is a badge
+of degradation in station and intellect, yet it is oftener regarded with
+pity and sympathy than with contempt? Cannot the South remember their
+generous feelings for the Greeks and Poles, and imagine that some such
+feelings may be awakened for the African race, among a people who do not
+believe either in the policy or the right of slavery?
+
+Cannot the North remember how jealous every man feels of his domestic
+relations and rights, and how sorely their Southern brethren are tried
+in these respects? How would the husbands and fathers at the North
+endure it, if Southern associations should be formed to bring forth to
+the world the sins of Northern men, as husbands and fathers? What if the
+South should send to the North to collect all the sins and neglects of
+Northern husbands and fathers, to retail them at the South in tracts
+and periodicals? What if the English nation should join in the outcry,
+and English females should send forth an agent, not indeed to visit the
+offending North, but to circulate at the South, denouncing all who did
+not join in this crusade, as the defenders of bad husbands and bad
+fathers? How would Northern men conduct under such provocations? There
+is indeed a difference in the two cases, but it is not in the nature and
+amount of irritating influence, for the Southerner feels the
+interference of strangers to regulate his domestic duty to his servants,
+as much as the Northern man would feel the same interference in regard
+to his wife and children. Do not Northern men owe a debt of forbearance
+and sympathy toward their Southern brethren, who have been so sorely
+tried?
+
+It is by urging these considerations, and by exhibiting and advocating
+the principles of charity and peace, that females may exert a wise and
+appropriate influence, and one which will most certainly tend to bring
+to an end, not only slavery, but unnumbered other evils and wrongs. No
+one can object to such an influence, but all parties will bid God speed
+to every woman who modestly, wisely and benevolently attempts it.
+
+I do not suppose that any Abolitionists are to be deterred by any thing
+I can offer, from prosecuting the course of measures they have adopted.
+They doubtless will continue to agitate the subject, and to form
+voluntary associations all over the land, in order to excite public
+sentiment at the North against the moral evils existing at the South.
+Yet I cannot but hope that some considerations may have influence to
+modify in a degree the spirit and measures of some who are included in
+that party.
+
+Abolitionists are men who come before the public in the character of
+_reprovers_. That the gospel requires Christians sometimes to assume
+this office, cannot be denied; but it does as unequivocally point out
+those qualifications which alone can entitle a man to do it. And no man
+acts wisely or consistently, unless he can satisfy himself that he
+possesses the qualifications for this duty, before he assumes it.
+
+The first of these qualifications is more than common exemption from the
+faults that are reproved. The inspired interrogatory, "thou therefore
+which teachest another, teachest thou not thyself?" enforces this
+principle; and the maxim of common sense, that "reprovers must have
+clean hands," is no less unequivocal. Abolitionists are reprovers for
+the violation of duties in the domestic relations. Of course they are
+men who are especially bound to be exemplary in the discharge of all
+their domestic duties. If a man cannot govern his temper and his tongue;
+if he inflicts that moral castigation on those who cross his will, which
+is more severe than physical stripes; if he is overbearing or exacting
+with those under his control; if he cannot secure respect for a kind and
+faithful discharge of all his social and relative duties, it is as
+unwise and improper for him to join an Abolition Society, as it would be
+for a drunkard to preach temperance, or a slave-holder Abolitionism.
+
+Another indispensable requisite for the office of reprover is a
+character distinguished for humility and meekness. There is nothing more
+difficult than to approach men for the purpose of convincing them of
+their own deficiencies and faults; and whoever attempts it in a
+self-complacent and dictatorial spirit, always does more evil than good.
+However exemplary a man may be in the sight of men, there is abundant
+cause for the exercise of humility. For a man is to judge of himself,
+not by a comparison with other men, but as he stands before God, when
+compared with a perfect law, and in reference to all his peculiar
+opportunities and restraints. Who is there that in this comparison,
+cannot find cause for the deepest humiliation? Who can go from the
+presence of Infinite Purity after such an investigation, to "take his
+brother by the throat?" Who rather, should not go to a brother, who may
+have sinned, with the deepest sympathy and love, as one who, amid
+greater temptations and with fewer advantages, may be the least offender
+of the two? A man who goes with this spirit, has the best hope of doing
+good to those who may offend. And yet even this spirit will not always
+save a man from angry retort, vexatious insinuation, jealous suspicion,
+and the misconstruction of his motives. A reprover, therefore, if he
+would avoid a quarrel and do the good he aims to secure, must be
+possessed of that meekness which can receive evil for good, with patient
+benevolence. And a man is not fitted for the duties of a reprover, until
+he can bring his feelings under this control.
+
+The last, and not the least important requisite for a reprover, is
+_discretion_. This is no where so much needed as in cases where the
+domestic relations are concerned, for here is the place above all
+others, where men are most sensitive and unreasonable. There are none
+who have more opportunities for learning this, than those who act as
+teachers, especially if they feel the responsibility of a Christian and
+a friend, in regard to the moral interests of pupils. A teacher who
+shares with parents the responsibilities of educating their children,
+whose efforts may all be rendered useless by parental influences at
+home; who feels an affectionate interest in both parent and child, is
+surely the one who might seem to have a right to seek, and a chance of
+success in seeking, some modifications of domestic influences. And yet
+teachers will probably testify, that it is a most discouraging task, and
+often as likely to result in jealous alienation and the loss of
+influence over both parent and child, as in any good. It is one of the
+greatest compliments that can be paid to the good sense and the good
+feeling of a parent to dare to attempt any such measure. This may show
+how much discretion, and tact, and delicacy, are needed by those who aim
+to rectify evils in the domestic relations of mankind.
+
+The peculiar qualifications, then, which make it suitable for a man to
+be an Abolitionist are, an exemplary discharge of all the domestic
+duties; humility, meekness, delicacy, tact, and discretion, and these
+should especially be the distinctive traits of those who take the place
+of _leaders_ in devising measures.
+
+And in performing these difficult and self-denying duties, there are no
+men who need more carefully to study the character and imitate the
+example of the Redeemer of mankind. He, indeed, was the searcher of
+hearts, and those reproofs which were based on the perfect knowledge of
+"all that is in man," we may not imitate. But we may imitate him, where
+he with so much gentleness, patience, and pitying love, encountered the
+weakness, the rashness, the selfishness, the worldliness of men. When
+the young man came with such self-complacency to ask what more he could
+do, how kindly he was received, how gently convinced of his great
+deficiency! When fire would have been called from heaven by his angry
+followers, how forbearing the rebuke! When denied and forsaken with
+oaths and curses by one of his nearest friends, what was it but a look
+of pitying love that sent the disciple out so bitterly to weep? When, in
+his last extremity of sorrow, his friends all fell asleep, how gently
+he drew over them the mantle of love! Oh blessed Saviour, impart more of
+thy own spirit to those who profess to follow thee!
+
+
+                                THE END.
+
+
+    +------------------------------------------------------------------+
+    |Transcriber's Notes.                                              |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |The following changes were made to the original text (correction  |
+    |in brackets):                                                     |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page   3: to this request, MISS GRIMKE's(Grimke) Address was      |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page  19: associated CLARKSON, SHARPE, MACAULEY(Macaulay), and    |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page  44: (than) it is with "sheep-stealer." But Abolitionists    |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page  53: Secondly,(.) To make them willing to relinquish         |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page  59: sustained this trafic(traffic), in that nation. What    |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page  71: visiter's(visitor's) intention to devote himself to this|
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page  77: Footnote 3: suffer from such persecution;(") and he     |
+    |honourably and nobly                                              |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page  84: Mr. Clarkson continued his efficient                    |
+    |co-opetion(co-operation)                                          |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page 101: so benevolent in feeling and action;(,) that her        |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page 108: when she cannot please, or by petulent(petulant)        |
+    |complaints                                                        |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page 112: Every man is saying, "let(Let) me have                  |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page 124: and prejudiced bigot.(")                                |
+    |                                                                  |
+    |Page 134: tempation(temptation), and lead to greater evils than   |
+    +------------------------------------------------------------------+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay on Slavery and Abolitionism, by
+Catharine E. Beecher
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