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diff --git a/18206.txt b/18206.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..dbccf68 --- /dev/null +++ b/18206.txt @@ -0,0 +1,2661 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Navaho Houses, pages 469-518, +by Cosmos Mindeleff + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Navaho Houses, pages 469-518 + Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to + the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1895-1896, + Government Printing Office, Washington, 1898 + +Author: Cosmos Mindeleff + +Release Date: April 19, 2006 [EBook #18206] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NAVAHO HOUSES *** + + + + +Produced by Louise Hope, Carlo Traverso, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This +file was produced from images generously made available +by the Bibliotheque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at +http://gallica.bnf.fr) + + + + + +[Transcriber's Note: +Characters that could not be displayed in Latin-1 have been "unpacked" +and shown between brackets: + [)a] [)e] [)i] [)I] letter with breve ("short vowel" sign) + [ng] "eng" symbol + [.g] g with dot above +c represents both the lower-case and capitalized form of the letter] + + * * * * * + + + SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT + + of the + + BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + + to the + + SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION + + 1895-96 + + by + + J. W. POWELL + Director + + + [Illustration] + + Washington + Government Printing Office + 1898 + + + + + ACCOMPANYING PAPERS + (Continued) + + * * * * * + + + NAVAHO HOUSES + + by + + COSMOS MINDELEFF + + + * * * * * + +CONTENTS + Page + Introduction 475 + Description of the country 477 + Habits of the people 481 + Legendary and actual winter hogans 487 + Summer huts or shelters 494 + Sweat houses 499 + Effect of modern conditions 502 + Ceremonies of dedication 504 + The hogan of the Yeb[)i]tcai dance 509 + Hogan nomenclature 514 + + +ILLUSTRATIONS + + [Transcriber's Note: + The position of the full-page Plates is not shown in the text.] + + Page + Plate LXXXII. The Navaho reservation 475 + LXXXIII. A typical Navaho hogan 483 + LXXXIV. A hogan in Canyon de Chelly 485 + LXXXV. A Navaho summer hut 495 + LXXXVI. A "lean-to" summer shelter 497 + LXXXVII. [)I]nca-qo[.g]an, medicine hut 501 + LXXXVIII. Modern house of a wealthy Navaho 505 + LXXXIX. A Yeb[)i]tcai house 511 + XC. Diagram plan of hogan, + with names of parts 514 + + Figure 230. The three main timbers of a hogan 489 + 231. Frame of a hogan, seen from below 491 + 232. Frame of a doorway 492 + 233. Ground plan of a summer shelter 495 + 234. Supporting post in a summer hut 496 + 235. Ground plan of a summer hut 496 + 236. Section of a summer hut 497 + 237. Masonry support for rafters 497 + 238. A timber-built shelter 498 + 239. Shelter with partly closed front 499 + 240. Low earth-covered shelter 500 + 241. Ground plan of Yeb[)i]tcai house 510 + 242. Framework of Yeb[)i]tcai house 512 + 243. Diagram showing measurements + of Yeb[)i]tcai house 513 + 244. Interior of Yeb[)i]tcai house, + illustrating nomenclature 516 + + + [Illustration: Plate LXXXII + + MAP OF PARTS OF THE NAVAHO RESERVATION + IN ARIZONA AND NEW MEXICO + from the atlas sheets of the + UNITED STATES GEOLOGICAL SURVEY] + + * * * * * + + + NAVAHO HOUSES + + By Cosmos Mindeleff + + + * * * * * + +INTRODUCTION + +The account of the houses or hogans of the Navaho Indians which is +presented here will be of interest to the student of architecture, +it is believed, because data concerning such primitive types of house +structures are quite rare. It is also thought to be of interest to the +archeologist and ethnologist as well as to the general reader, for it +is well known that no one product of a people's art exhibits so clearly +their mental attitude and their industrial status as the houses which +they build. + +Much of the material here presented was obtained some ten years ago, +when the recent changes which have taken place in Navaho life had +only just begun. Although the same processes are now employed in house +construction as formerly, and although the same ceremonies are observed, +they are not so universally nor so strictly adhered to as they were. The +present tendency is such that in a comparatively short time the rules +for the construction of a hogan which have been handed down through +many generations and closely followed, and the elaborate ceremonies of +dedication which formerly were deemed essential to the well-being of the +occupants, will be so far modified as to be no longer recognizable, if, +indeed, they are not altogether abandoned. Such being the case, even a +bare record of the conditions which have prevailed for at least two +centuries must be of value. + +As the architecture of a primitive people is influenced largely by the +character of the country in which they live, a brief description of the +Navaho reservation is deemed necessary. Similarly, the habits of life of +the people, what a naturalist would term their life history, which in +combination with the physical environment practically dictates their +arts, is worthy of notice, for without some knowledge of the conditions +under which a people live it is difficult, if not impossible, to obtain +an adequate conception of their art products. + +The winter hogans are the real homes of the people, but as the form +and construction of these are dictated by certain rules and a long line +of precedents, supported by a conservatism which is characteristic of +savage life, the summer shelters, which are largely exempt from such +rules, are of considerable interest. Moreover, the effects of modern +conditions and the breaking down of the old ideas should have some place +in a discussion of this kind, if only for the hint afforded as to the +future of the tribe. + +The elaborate ceremonies of dedication which in the old days always +followed the construction of a house, and are still practiced, exhibit +almost a new phase of Indian culture. The essentially religious +character of the Indian mind, and his desire to secure for himself and +for his family those benefits which he believes will follow from the +establishment of a perfect understanding with his deities--in other +words, from the rendering of proper homage to benignant deities and the +propitiation of the maleficent ones--are exhibited in these ceremonies. +The sketch of them which is here given, the songs which form a part of +the ceremony, and the native explanations of some of the features will, +it is believed, assist to a better understanding of Indian character. + +Finally, the rather full nomenclature of parts and elements of the house +which forms the last section of this memoir will probably be of service +to those who find in language hints and suggestions, or perhaps direct +evidence, of the various steps taken by a people in the course of their +development. As the writer is not competent to discuss the data from +that point of view, it is presented here in this form for the benefit of +those who are. Some suggestions of the derivation of various terms are +given, but only as suggestions. + +Much of the material which is comprised in this report was collected by +the late A. M. Stephen, who lived for many years among the Navaho. His +high standing and universal popularity among these Indians gave him +opportunities for the collection of data of this kind which have seldom +been afforded to others. Some of the notes and sketches of Mr Victor +Mindeleff, whose studies of Pueblo architecture are well known, have +been utilized in this report. The author is indebted to Dr Washington +Matthews, the well-known authority on the Navaho Indians, for revising +the spelling of native terms occurring throughout the text. + +In the present paper two spellings of the Navaho word for hut are used. +The proper form is _qo[.g]an_, but in and around the Navaho country it +has become an adopted English word under the corrupt form _hogan_. Thus +nearly all the whites in that region pronounce and spell it, and many +of the Indians, to be easily understood by whites, are pronouncing it +lately in the corrupted form. Therefore, wherever the term is employed +as an adopted English word, the form _hogan_ is given, but where it is +used as part of a Navaho phrase or compound word the strictly correct +form _qo[.g]an_ is preserved. + +An inverted comma (') following a vowel shows that the vowel is +aspirated. + +An inverted comma following _l_ shows that the _l'_ is aspirated in a +peculiar manner--more with the side than with the tip of the tongue. + +[ng] represents the nasalized form of _n_. + +[.g] represents the Arabic _ghain_. + +In other respects the alphabet of the Bureau is followed. + + +DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY + +The Navaho reservation comprises an extensive area in the extreme +northeastern part of Arizona and the northwestern corner of New Mexico +(plate LXXXII). The total area is over 11,000 square miles, of which +about 650 square miles are in New Mexico; but it would be difficult to +find a region of equal size and with an equal population where so large +a proportion of the land is so nearly worthless. This condition has had +an important effect on the people and their arts, and especially on +their houses. + +The region may be roughly characterized as a vast sandy plain, arid +in the extreme; or rather as two such plains, separated by a chain of +mountains running northwest and southeast. In the southern part of the +reservation this mountain range is known as the Choiskai mountains, +and here the top is flat and mesa-like in character, dotted with little +lakes and covered with giant pines, which in the summer give it a +park-like aspect. The general elevation of this plateau is a little less +than 9,000 feet above the sea and about 3,000 feet above the valleys or +plains east and west of it. + +The continuation of the range to the northwest, separated from the +Choiskai only by a high pass, closed in winter by deep snow, is known as +the Tunicha mountains. The summit here is a sharp ridge with pronounced +slopes and is from 9,000 to 9,400 feet high. On the west there are +numerous small streams, which, rising near the summit, course down the +steep slopes and finally discharge through Canyon Chelly into the great +Chinlee valley, which is the western of the two valleys referred to +above. The eastern slope is more pronounced than the western, and its +streams are so small and insignificant that they are hardly worthy of +mention. + +Still farther to the northwest, and not separated from the Tunicha +except by a drawing in or narrowing of the mountain mass, with no +depression of the summit, is another part of the same range, which bears +a separate name. It is known as the Lukachukai mountains. Here something +of the range character is lost, and the uplift becomes a confused mass, +a single great pile, with a maximum altitude of over 9,400 feet. + +Northwest of this point the range breaks down into Chinlee valley, but +directly to the north is another uplift, called the Carriso mountains. +It is a single mass, separated from the range proper by a comparatively +low area of less than 7,000 feet altitude, while the Carriso itself is +over 9,400 feet above the sea. + +The western and northwestern parts of the reservation might also +be classed as mountainous. Here there is a great mesa or elevated +table-land, cut and gashed by innumerable canyons and gorges, and with +a general elevation of 7,500 to 8,000 feet. Throughout nearly its whole +extent it is impassable to wagons. + +The valleys to which reference has been made are the Chinlee on the west +and the Chaco on the east of the principal mountain range described. +Both run nearly due north, and the former has a fall of about 2,000 feet +from the divide, near the southern reservation line, to the northern +boundary, a distance of about 85 miles. Chaco valley heads farther south +and discharges into San Juan river within the reservation. It has less +fall than the Chinlee. Both valleys are shown on the maps as occupied by +rivers, but the rivers materialize only after heavy rains; at all other +times there is only a dry, sandy channel. Chaco "river," which heads +in the continental divide, carries more water than the Chelly, which +occupies Chinlee valley, and is more often found to contain a little +water. The valleys have a general altitude of 5,000 to 6,000 feet above +the sea. + +The base of the mountain range has an average breadth of only 12 +or 15 miles, and it is a pronounced impediment to east-and-west +communication. It is probably on this account that the Navaho are +divided into two principal bands, under different leaders. Those of one +band seldom travel in the territory of the other. The Navaho of the +west, formerly commanded by old Ganamucho (now deceased), have all the +advantages in regard to location, and on the whole are a finer body of +men than those of the east. + +On the west the mountains break down into Chinlee valley by a gradual +slope--near the summit quite steep, then running out into table-lands +and long foothills. This region is perhaps the most desirable on the +reservation, and is thickly inhabited. On the east the mountains descend +by almost a single slope to the edge of the approximately flat Chaco +valley. In a few rods the traveler passes from the comparatively fertile +mountain region into the flat, extremely arid valley country, and in 50 +or 60 miles' travel after leaving the mountains he will not find wood +enough to make his camp fire, nor, unless he moves rapidly, water enough +to carry his horses over the intervening distance. + +Throughout the whole region great scarcity of water prevails; in the +large valleys during most of the year there is none, and it is only in +the mountain districts that there is a permanent supply; but there life +is almost impossible during the winter. This condition has had much +to do with the migratory habits of the people, or rather with their +frequent moving from place to place; for they are not a nomadic people +as the term is usually employed. This is one of the reasons why the +Navaho have no fixed habitations. + +San Juan river forms a short section of the northeastern boundary of +the Navaho country, and this is practically the only perennial stream to +which they have access. It is of little use to them, however, as there +are no tributaries from the southern or reservation side, other than the +Chaco and Chelly "rivers," which are really merely drainage channels and +are dry during most of the year. The eastern slope of the mountain range +gives rise to no streams, and the foot of the range on that side is as +dry and waterless as the valley itself. One may travel for 20 miles over +this valley and not find a drop of water. Except at Sulphur springs, +warm volcanic springs about 30 miles south of the San Juan, the ordinary +traveler will not find sufficient water between the foot of the +mountains and the river, a distance of over 50 miles. Such is the +character of Chaco valley. But the Indians know of a few holes and +pockets in this region which yield a scanty supply of water during +parts of the year, and somewhere in the vicinity of these pockets will +be found a hogan or two. + +Chaco wash or river, like most of the large drainage channels of this +country, has a permanent underflow, and by digging wells in the dry, +sandy bed it is often possible to obtain a limited supply of water. +This is well known to the Navaho, and 90 per cent of the houses of this +region are located within reach of the wash, whence the supply of water +which the Navaho deems essential is procured. + +On the western slope of the mountains and in the canyons and cliffs of +the high table-lands which form the western part of the reservation, +the water supply, while still scanty, is abundant as compared with +the eastern part. In the mountains themselves there are numerous small +streams, some of which carry water nearly all the year; while here and +there throughout the region are many diminutive springs almost or quite +permanent in character. Most of the little streams rise near the crest +of the mountains and, flowing westward, are collected in a deep canyon +cut in the western slope, whence the water is discharged into Chinlee +valley, and traversing its length in the so-called Rio de Chelly, +finally reaches San Juan river. But while these little streams are +fairly permanent up in the mountains, their combined flow is seldom +sufficient, except in times of flood, to reach the mouth of Canyon +Chelly and Chinlee valley. However, here, as in the Chaco, there is an +underflow, which the Indians know how to utilize and from which they +can always obtain a sufficient supply of potable water. + +The whole Navaho country lies within what the geologists term the +Plateau region, and its topography is dictated by the peculiar +characteristics of that area. The soft sandstone measures, which are its +most pronounced feature, appear to lie perfectly horizontal, but in fact +the strata have a slight, although persistent dip. From this peculiarity +it comes about that each stratum extends for miles with an unbroken +sameness which is extremely monotonous to the traveler; but finally its +dip carries it under the next succeeding stratum, whose edge appears +as an escarpment or cliff, and this in turn stretches out flat and +uninteresting to the horizon. To the eye it appears an ideal country for +traveling, but only a very slight experience is necessary to reveal its +deceptiveness. Everywhere the flat mesas are cut and seamed by gorges +and narrow canyons, sometimes impassable even to a horse. Except along a +few routes which have been established here and there, wagon travel is +extremely difficult and often impossible. It is not unusual for a wagon +to travel 50 or 60 miles between two points not 20 miles distant from +each other. + +The high mountain districts are characterized by a heavy growth of giant +pines, with firs and spruce in the highest parts, and many groves of +scrub oak. The pines are abundant and make excellent lumber. Going +downward they merge into pinons, useful for firewood but valueless as +timber, and these in turn give place to junipers and cedars, which are +found everywhere throughout the foothills and on the high mesa lands. +The valleys proper, and the low mesas which bound them, are generally +destitute of trees; their vegetation consists only of sagebrush and +greasewood, with a scanty growth of grass in favorable spots. + +To the traveler in the valley the country appears to consist of sandy +plains bounded in the distance by rocky cliffs. When he ascends to the +higher plateaus he views a wide landscape of undulating plain studded +with wooded hills, while from the mountain summits he looks down upon +a land which appears to be everywhere cut into a network of jagged +canyons--a confused tangle of cliffs and gorges without system. + +For a few weeks in early summer the table-lands are seen in their most +attractive guise. The open stretches of the mesas are carpeted with +verdure almost hidden under a profusion of flowers. The gray and dusty +sagebrush takes on a tinge of green, and even the prickly and repulsive +greasewood clothes itself with a multitude of golden blossoms. Cacti +of various kinds vie with one another in producing the most brilliant +flowers, odorless but gorgeous. But in a few weeks all this brightness +fades and the country resumes the colorless monotonous aspect which +characterizes it. + +July and August and sometimes part of September comprise the rainy +season. This period is marked by sudden heavy showers of short duration, +and the sandy soil absorbs sufficient moisture to nourish the grass and +herbage for a time; but most of the water finds its way directly into +deep-cut channels and thence in heavy torrents to the deep canyons of +the San Juan and the Colorado, where it is lost. A small portion of the +rainfall and much of the snow water percolates the soil and the porous +sandstones which compose the region, and issues in small springs along +the edges of the mesas and in the little canyons; but these last only +a few months, and they fail in the time of greatest need--in the hot +summer days when the grass is dry and brittle and the whole country is +parched. + +The direct dependence of the savage on nature as he finds it is +nowhere better illustrated than on the Navaho reservation. In the three +essentials of land, water, and vegetation, his country is not an ideal +one. The hard conditions under which he lives have acted directly on his +arts and industries, on his habits and customs, and also on his mind and +his mythology. In one respect only has he an advantage: he is blessed +with a climate which acts in a measure as an offset to the other +conditions and enables him to lead a life which is on the whole not +onerous. + +In these dry elevated regions the heat is never oppressive in the day +and the nights are always cool. Day temperatures of 120 deg. or more are +not uncommon in the valleys in July and August, but the humidity is so +slight that such high readings do not produce the discomfort the figures +might imply. In his calico shirt and breeches the Navaho is quite +comfortable, and in the cool of the evening and night he has but to add +a blanket, which he always has within reach. The range between the day +and night temperature in summer is often very great, but the houses are +constructed to meet these conditions; they are cool in hot weather and +warm in cold weather. + +The extreme dryness of the air has another advantage from the Indian +point of view, in that it permits a certain degree of filthiness. This +seems inseparable from the Indian character, but it would be impossible +in a moist climate; even under the favorable conditions of the plateau +country many of the tribes are periodically decimated by smallpox. + + +HABITS OF THE PEOPLE + +The habits of a people, which are to a certain extent the product of the +country in which they live, in turn have a pronounced effect on their +habitations. New Mexico and Arizona came into the possession of the +United States in 1846, and prior to that time the Navaho lived chiefly +by war and plunder. The Mexican settlers along the Rio Grande and the +Pueblo Indians of the same region were the principal contributors to +their welfare, and the thousands of sheep and horses which were stolen +from these people formed the nucleus or starting point of the large +flocks and herds which constitute the wealth of the Navaho today. + +The Navajo reservation is better suited for the raising of sheep than +for anything else, and the step from the life of a warrior and hunter to +that of a shepherd is not a long one, nor a hard one to take. Under the +stress of necessity the Navajo became a peaceable pastoral tribe, living +by their flocks and herds, and practicing horticulture only in an +extremely limited and precarious way. Under modern conditions they +are slowly developing into an agricultural tribe, and this development +has already progressed far enough to materially affect their house +structures; but in a general way it may be said that they are a pastoral +people, and their habits have been dictated largely by that mode of +life. + +Every family is possessed of a flock of sheep and goats, sometimes +numbering many thousands, and a band of horses, generally several +hundreds, in a few instances several thousands. In recent times many +possess small herds of cattle, the progeny of those which strayed into +the reservation from the numerous large herds in its vicinity, or were +picked up about the borders by some Navaho whose thrift was more highly +developed than his honesty. The condition of the tribe, as a whole, is +not only far removed from hardship, but may even be said to be one of +comparative affluence. + +Owing to the scarcity of grass over most of the country, and the +difficulty of procuring a sufficient supply of water, the flocks must be +moved from place to place at quite frequent intervals. This condition +more than any other has worked against the erection of permanent houses. +Yet the Navaho are by no means nomads, and the region within which a +given family moves back and forth is extremely circumscribed. + +In a general way the movements of a family are regulated by the +condition of the grass and the supply of water. In a dry season many +of the small springs cease to flow at an early date in the summer. +Moreover, if a flock is kept too long in one locality, the grass is +almost destroyed by close cropping, forcing the abandonment of that +particular place for two or three years. When this occurs, the place +will recover and the grass become good again if left entirely +undisturbed for several years. + +The usual practice is to take the flocks up into the mountains or on +the high plateaus during the summer, quartering them near some spring or +small stream, and when the snow comes they are moved down to the lower +foothills or out into the valleys. In the winter both shepherds and +sheep depend on the snow for their water supply, and by this means an +immense tract of country, which otherwise would be a perfect waste, +is utilized. As the snow disappears from the valleys the flocks are +gradually driven back again into the mountains. + +The heavy fall of snow in the mountains and its slow melting in spring +makes that region far more fertile and grassy than the valleys, and were +it possible to remain there throughout the year doubtless many families +would do so. As it is, however, the feed is covered too deeply for the +sheep to reach it, and during several months heavy snowdrifts make +communication very difficult and at times impossible. In a few favored +localities--usually small, well-sheltered valleys here and there in the +mountains--some families may remain throughout the winter, but as a +rule, at the first approach of the cold season and before the first snow +flies there is a general exodus to the low-lying valleys and the low +mesa regions, and the mountains are practically abandoned for a time. + +During the rainy season pools and little lakes of water are formed all +over the flat country, lasting sometimes several weeks. Advantage is +taken of the opportunity thus afforded and the flocks are driven out on +the plains and grazed in the vicinity of the water so long as the supply +holds out, but as this is seldom prolonged more than a few weeks it is +not surprising that the house erected by the head of the family should +be of a very temporary nature. In fact the most finished house +structures of these people must be temporary rather than permanent so +long as the conditions sketched above prevail; in other words, so long +as they depend principally on their sheep. + +Another result of these conditions is that each family lives by itself +and, as it were, on its own ground. Large communities are impossible, +and while there are instances where eight or ten families occupy some +place of exceptionally favorable location, these are rare. In fact to +see even three or four hogans together is remarkable. There are perhaps +more hogans in Canyon Chelly than in any other one locality, but the +people who live here are regarded by the other Navaho as poor, because +they own but few sheep and horses and depend principally on horticulture +for their subsistence. Incidentally it may be stated that horses are +well esteemed by the Navaho as an article of food, and that the large +herds which some of them own are not so wholly useless as they appear +to the casual traveler. + +Canyon Chelly, which the Navaho call Tsegi, contains several small +streams and numerous patches of arable land on the bottoms. The +conditions here are exceptionally favorable for horticulture; indeed, +the numerous remains of cliff dwellings which are found in the canyon +would show this if other evidence were lacking. It has long been famous +among the Navaho as the horticultural center of the tribe, and for its +peach crops, derived from thousands of trees planted in sheltered nooks. +In the summer scattered members of the various families or clans gather +there by hundreds from every part of the reservation to feast together +for a week or two on green corn, melons, and peaches. + +As a rule, however, each hogan stands by itself, and it is usually +hidden away so effectually that the traveler who is not familiar with +the customs of the people might journey for days and not see half a +dozen of them. The spot chosen for a dwelling place is either some +sheltered nook in a mesa or a southward slope on the edge of a pinon +grove near a good fuel supply and not too far from water. A house is +very seldom built close to a spring--perhaps a survival of the habit +which prevailed when the people were a hunting tribe and kept away from +the water holes in order not to disturb the game which frequented them. + +So prevalent is this custom of placing the houses in out-of-the-way +places that the casual traveler receives the impression that the region +over which he has passed is practically uninhabited. He may, perhaps, +meet half a dozen Indians in a day, or he may meet none, and at sunset +when he camps he will probably hear the bark of a dog in the distance, +or he may notice on the mountain side a pillar of smoke like that +arising from his own camp fire. This is all that he will see to indicate +the existence of other life than his own, yet the tribe numbers over +12,000 souls, and it is probable that there was no time during the day +when there were not several pairs of eyes looking at him, and were he +to fire his gun the report would probably be heard by several hundred +persons. Probably this custom of half-concealed habitations is a +survival from the time when the Navaho were warriors and plunderers, +and lived in momentary expectation of reprisals on the part of their +victims. + +Although the average Navaho family may be said to be in almost constant +movement, they are not at all nomads, yet the term has frequently been +applied to them. Each family moves back and forth within a certain +circumscribed area, and the smallness of this area is one of the most +remarkable things in Navaho life. + +Ninety per cent of the Navaho one meets on the reservation are mounted +and usually riding at a gallop, apparently bent on some important +business at a far-distant point. But a closer acquaintance will develop +the fact that there are many grown men in the tribe who are entirely +ignorant of the country 30 or 40 miles from where they were born. It +is an exceptional Navaho who knows the country well 60 miles about his +birthplace, or the place where he may be living, usually the same thing. +It is doubtful whether there are more than a few dozens of Navaho living +west of the mountains who know anything of the country to the east, and +vice versa. This ignorance of what we may term the immediate vicinity of +a place is experienced by every traveler who has occasion to make a +long journey over the reservation and employs a guide. But he discovers +it only by personal experience, for the guide will seldom admit his +ignorance and travels on, depending on meeting other Indians living +in that vicinity who will give him the required local knowledge. This +peculiar trait illustrates the extremely restricted area within which +each "nomad" family lives. + +Now and then one may meet a family moving, for such movements are quite +common. Usually each family has at least two locations--not definite +places, but regions--and they move from one to the other as the +necessity arises. In such cases they take everything with them, +including flocks of sheep and goats and herds of ponies and cattle, if +they possess any. The _qasci[ng]_, as the head of the family is called, +drives the ponies and cattle, the former a degenerate lot of little +beasts not much larger than an ass, but capable of carrying a man in +an emergency 100 miles in a day. He carries his arms, for the coyotes +trouble the sheep at night, two or three blankets, and a buckskin on +his saddle, but nothing more. It is his special duty to keep the ponies +moving and in the trail. Following him comes a flock of sheep and goats, +bleating and nibbling at the bushes and grass as they slowly trot along, +urged by the dust-begrimed squaw and her children. Several of the more +tractable ponies carry packs of household effects stuffed into buckskin +and cotton bags or wrapped in blankets, a little corn for food, the rude +blanket loom of the woman, baskets, and wicker bottles, and perhaps a +scion of the house, too young to walk, perched on top of all. Such a +caravan is always accompanied by several dogs--curs of unknown breed, +but invaluable aids to the women and children in herding the flocks. + +Under the Navaho system descent is in the female line. The children +belong to the mother, and likewise practically all property except +horses and cattle. Sheep and goats belong exclusively to her, and the +head of the family can not sell a sheep to a passing traveler without +first obtaining the consent and approval of his wife. Hence in such a +movement as that sketched above the flocks are looked after by the +women, while under normal circumstances, when the family has settled +down and is at home, the care of the flocks devolves almost entirely on +the little children, so young sometimes that they can just toddle about. + +The waters are usually regarded by the Navaho as the common property +of the tribe, but the cultivable lands in the vicinity are held by the +individuals and families as exclusively their own. Their flocks occupy +all the surrounding pasture, so that virtually many of the springs come +to be regarded as the property of the people who plant nearest to them. + +In early times, when the organization of the people into clans was more +clearly defined, a section of territory was parceled out and held as a +clan ground, and some of the existing clans took their names from such +localities. Legends are still current among the old men of these early +days before the introduction of sheep and goats and horses by the +Spaniards, when the people lived by the chase and on wild fruits, grass +seeds, and pinon nuts, and such supplies as they could plunder from +their neighbors. Indian corn or maize was apparently known from the +earliest time, but so long as plunder and the supply of game continued +sufficient, little effort was made to grow it. Later as the tribe +increased and game became scarcer, the cultivation of corn increased, +but until ten years ago more grain was obtained in trade from the +Pueblos than was grown in the Navaho country. There are now no defined +boundaries to the ancient clan lands, but they are still recognized +in a general way and such a tract is spoken of as "my mother's land." + +Families cling to certain localities and sections not far apart, and +when compelled, by reason of failure of springs or too close cropping +of the grass, to go to other neighborhoods, they do not move to the new +place as a matter of right, but of courtesy; and the movement is never +undertaken until satisfactory arrangements have been concluded with the +families already living there. + +Some of the Pueblo tribes, the Hopi or Moki, for example, have been +subjected to much the same conditions as the Navaho; but in this case +similarity of conditions has produced very dissimilar results, that is, +as regards house structures. The reasons, however, are obvious, and +lie principally in two distinct causes--antecedent habits and personal +character. The Navaho are a fine, athletic race of men, living a free +and independent life. They are without chiefs, in the ordinary meaning +of the term, although there are men in the tribe who occupy prominent +positions and exercise a kind of semiauthority--chiefs by courtesy, as +it were. Ever since we have known them, now some three hundred years, +they have been hunters, warriors, and robbers. When hunting, war, +and robbery ceased to supply them with the necessaries of life they +naturally became a pastoral people, for the flocks and the pasture lands +were already at hand. It is only within the last few years that they +have shown indication of developing into an agricultural people. With +their previous habits only temporary habitations were possible, and when +they became a pastoral people the same habitations served their purpose +better than any other. The hogans of ten or fifteen years ago, and +to a certain extent the hogans of today, are practically the same as +they were three hundred years ago. There has been no reason for a change +and consequently no change has been made. + +On the other hand, the Hopi came into the country with a comparatively +elaborate system of house structures, previously developed elsewhere. +They are an undersized, puny race, content with what they have and +asking only to be left alone. They are in no sense warriors, although +there is no doubt that they have fought bitterly among themselves within +historic times. Following the Spanish invasion they also received sheep +and goats, but their previous habits prevented them from becoming a +pastoral people like the Navaho, and their main reliance for food is, +and always was, on horticultural products. Living, as they did, in fixed +habitations and in communities, the pastoral life was impossible to +them, and their marked timidity would prevent the abandonment of their +communal villages. + +Under modern conditions these two methods of life, strongly opposed to +each other, although practiced in the same region and under the same +physical conditions, are drawing a little closer together. Under the +strong protecting arm of the Government the Hopi are losing a little +of their timidity and are gradually abandoning their villages on the +mesa summits and building individual houses in the valleys below. +Incidentally they are increasing their flocks and herds. On the other +hand, under the stress of modern conditions, the Navaho are surely, +although very slowly, turning to agriculture, and apparently show some +disposition to form small communities. Their flocks of sheep and goats +have decreased materially in the last few years, a decrease due largely +to the removal of the duty on wool and the consequent low price they +obtained from the traders for this staple article of their trade. + +In both cases the result, so far as the house structures are concerned, +is the same. The houses of the people, the homes "we have always had," +as they put it, are rapidly disappearing, and the examples left today +are more or less influenced by ideas derived from the whites. Among the +Navaho such contact has been very slight, but it has been sufficient to +introduce new methods of construction and in fact new structures, and it +is doubtful whether the process and the ritual later described could be +found in their entirety today. Many of the modern houses of the Navaho +in the mountainous and timbered regions are built of logs, sometimes +hewn. These houses are nearly always rectangular in shape, as also are +all of those built of stone masonry in the valley regions. + +There is a peculiar custom of the Navaho which should be mentioned, as +it has had an important influence on the house-building practices of the +tribe, and has done much to prevent the erection of permanent abodes. +This is the idea of the _tc[)i]'ndi_ hogan. When a person dies within +a house the rafters are pulled down over the remains and the place is +usually set on fire. After that nothing would induce a Navaho to touch a +piece of the wood or even approach the immediate vicinity of the place; +even years afterward such places are recognized and avoided. The place +and all about it are the especial locale of the _tc[)i]'ndi_, the +shade or "spirit" of the departed. These shades are not necessarily +malevolent, but they are regarded as inclined to resent any intrusion or +the taking of any liberties with them or their belongings. If one little +stick of wood from a _tc[)i]'ndi_ hogan is used about a camp fire, as is +sometimes done by irreverent whites, not an Indian will approach the +fire; and not even under the greatest necessity would they partake of +the food prepared by its aid. + +This custom has had much to do with the temporary character of the +Navaho houses, for men are born to die, and they must die somewhere. +There are thousands of these _tc[)i]'ndi_ hogans scattered over the +reservation, not always recognizable as such by whites, but the Navaho +is unerring in identifying them. He was not inclined to build a fine +house when he might have to abandon it at any time, although in the +modern houses alluded to above he has overcome this difficulty in a very +simple and direct way. When a person is about to die in one of the stone +or log houses referred to he is carried outside and allowed to die in +the open air. The house is thus preserved. + + +LEGENDARY AND ACTUAL WINTER HOGANS + +The Navaho recognize two distinct classes of hogans--the _keqai_ or +winter place, and the _kej[)i]'n_, or summer place; in other words, +winter huts and summer shelters. Notwithstanding the primitive +appearance of the winter huts, resembling mere mounds of earth hollowed +out, they are warm and comfortable, and, rude as they seem, their +construction is a matter of rule, almost of ritual, while the dedicatory +ceremonies which usually precede regular occupancy are elaborate and +carefully performed. + +Although no attempt at decoration is ever made, either of the inside or +the outside of the houses, it is not uncommon to hear the term beautiful +applied to them. Strong forked timbers of the proper length and bend, +thrust together with their ends properly interlocking to form a +cone-like frame, stout poles leaned against the apex to form the sides, +the whole well covered with bark and heaped thickly with earth, forming +a roomy warm interior with a level floor--these are sufficient to +constitute a "_qo[.g]an n[)i]joni_," house beautiful. To the Navaho the +house is beautiful to the extent that it is well constructed and to the +degree that it adheres to the ancient model. + +There are many legends and traditions of wonderful houses made by the +gods and by the mythic progenitors of the tribe. In the building of +these houses turquois and pearly shells were freely used, as were also +the transparent mists of dawn and the gorgeous colors of sunset. They +were covered by sunbeams and the rays of the rainbow, with everything +beautiful or richly colored on the earth and in the sky. It is perhaps +on account of these gorgeous mythical hogans that no attempt is now made +to decorate the everyday dwelling; it would be _bats[)i]c_, tabooed (or +sacrilegious). The traditions preserve methods of house building that +were imparted to mortals by the gods themselves. These methods, as is +usual in such cases, are the simplest and of the most primitive nature, +but they are still scrupulously followed. + +Early mention of house building occurs in the creation myths: First-man +and First-woman are discovered in the first or lowest underworld, living +in a hut which was the prototype of the hogan. There were curious beings +located at the cardinal points in that first world, and these also lived +in huts of the same style, but constructed of different materials. In +the east was Tieholtsodi, who afterward appears as a water monster, but +who then lived in the House of Clouds, and Icni' (Thunder) guarded his +doorway. In the south was Teal' (Frog) in a house of blue fog, and +Tiel'i[ng], who is afterward a water monster, lay at that doorway. +Acihi Estsan (Salt-woman) was in the west, and her house was of the +substance of a mirage; the youth Co'nen[)i]li (Water-sprinkler) danced +before her door. In the north Cqaltlaqale[1] made a house of green +duckweed, and S[)i]stel' (Tortoise) lay at that door. + + [Footnote 1: Recorded by Dr Matthews as the Blue Heron.] + +Some versions of the myth hold that First-man's hut was made of wood +just like the modern hogan, but it was covered with gorgeous rainbows +and bright sunbeams instead of bark and earth. At that time the +firmament had not been made, but these first beings possessed the +elements for its production. Rainbows and sunbeams consisted of layers +or films of material, textile or at least pliable in nature, and were +carried about like a bundle of blankets. Two sheets of each of these +materials were laid across the hut alternately, first the rainbows from +north to south, then the sunbeams from east to west. According to this +account the other four houses at the cardinal points were similarly +made of wood, the different substances mentioned being used merely for +covering. Other traditions hold that the houses were made entirely of +the substances mentioned and that no wood was used in their construction +because at that time no wood or other vegetal material had been +produced. + +After mankind had ascended through the three underworlds by means of the +magic reed to the present or fourth world, Qastceyalci, the God of Dawn, +the benevolent nature god of the south and east, imparted to each group +of mankind an appropriate architecture--to the tribes of the plains, +skin lodges; to the Pueblos, stone houses; and to the Navaho, huts of +wood and earth and summer shelters. Curiously enough, nowhere in Navaho +tradition is any mention or suggestion made of the use by them of skin +lodges. + +In building the Navaho hogan Qastceyalci was assisted by Qastceqo[.g]an, +the God of Sunset, the complementary nature god of the north and west, +who is not so uniformly benignant as the former. In the ceremonies which +follow the erection of a hogan today the structure is dedicated to both +these deities, but the door is invariably placed to face the east, that +the house may be directly open to the influences of the more kindly +disposed Qastceyalci. + +When a movement of a family has been completed, the first care of the +_qasci[ng]_, or head of the family, is to build a dwelling, for which +he selects a suitable site and enlists the aid of his neighbors and +friends. He must be careful to select a place well removed from hills +of red ants, as, aside from the perpetual discomfort consequent on +too close a proximity, it is told that in the underworld these pests +troubled First-man and the other gods, who then dwelt together, and +caused them to disperse. + + [Illustration: Fig. 230--The three main timbers of a hogan] + +A suitable site having been found, search is made for trees fit to make +the five principal timbers which constitute the _qo[.g]an tsaci_, or +house frame. There is no standard of length, as there is no standard of +size for the completed dwelling, but commonly pinon trees 8 to 10 inches +in diameter and 10 to 12 feet long are selected. Three of the five +timbers must terminate in spreading forks, as shown in figure 230, but +this is not necessary for the other two, which are intended for the +doorway and are selected for their straightness. + +When suitable trees have been found, and sometimes they are a +considerable distance from the site selected, they are cut down and +trimmed, stripped of bark, and roughly dressed. They are then carried or +dragged to the site of the hogan and there laid on the ground with their +forked ends together somewhat in the form of a T, extreme care being +taken to have the butt of one log point to the south, one to the west, +and one to the north. The two straight timbers are then laid down with +the small ends close to the forks of the north and south timbers and +with their butt ends pointing to the east. They must be spread apart +about the width of the doorway which they will form. + +When all the timbers have been laid out on the ground, the position +of each one of the five butts is marked by a stone or in some other +convenient way, but great care must be exercised to have the doorway +timbers point exactly to the east. Sometimes measurements are made +without placing the timbers on the site, their positions and lengths +being determined by the use of a long sapling. The interior area being +thus approximated, all the timbers are removed, and, guided only by the +eye, a rough circle is laid out, well within the area previously marked. +The ground within this circle is then scraped and dug out until a fairly +level floor is obtained, leaving a low bench of earth entirely or partly +around the interior. This bench is sometimes as much as a foot and a +half high on the high side of a slightly sloping site, but ordinarily it +is less than a foot. The object of this excavation is twofold--to make +a level floor with a corresponding increase in the height of the +structure, and to afford a bench on which the many small articles +constituting the domestic paraphernalia can be set aside and thus avoid +littering the floor. + +The north and south timbers are the first to be placed, and each is +handled by a number of men, usually four or five, who set the butt ends +firmly in the ground on opposite sides at the points previously marked +and lower the timbers to a slanting position until the forks lock +together. While some of the men hold these timbers in place others set +the west timber on the western side of the circle, placing it in such a +position and in such a manner that its fork receives the other two and +the whole structure is bound together at the top. The forked apex of the +frame is 6 to 8 feet above the ground in ordinary hogans, but on the +high plateaus and among the pine forests in the mountain districts +hogans of this type, but intended for ceremonial purposes, are sometimes +constructed with an interior height of 10 or 11 feet, and inclose an +area 25 to 30 feet in diameter. Following is a list of measurements of +four typical hogans: + + _Measurements of typical hogans_ + + +-------+-------+-------+-------+ + |Ft. in.|Ft. in.|Ft. in.|Ft. in.| + +-----------------+---------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+ + |Door frame |Height | 3 8 | 4 0 | 4 0 | 3 6 | + | |Width | 3 8 | 1 8 | 1 6 | 1 9 | + +-----------------+---------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+ + |Interior |North & south |17 10 |12 8 |14 9 |14 5 | + | |East & west |18 0 |12 0 |15 0 |14 0 | + +-----------------+---------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+ + |Height under apex | 7 9 | 6 6 | 7 0 | 6 9 | + +-----------------+---------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+ + |Smoke hole |Width at apex | 1 10 | Very | 1 2 | 1 10 | + | |Width at base | 3 0 | irre- | 2 4 | 2 10 | + | |Length | 3 10 | gular | 3 0 | 3 0 | + +-----------------+---------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+ + |Space between |At apex | 1 10 | 2 0 | 1 2 | 1 10 | + | doorway timbers |At base | 3 8 | 3 0 | 3 0 | 3 5 | + +-----------------+---------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+ + +In the large hogans mentioned a crowd of workers are engaged in the +construction and ropes and other mechanical aids are employed to lift +the heavy timbers of the frame in position. + +At this stage in the construction the house shows only the three +principal timbers of the frame, securely locked at the apex by the +interlacing forks (as shown in figure 231) and firmly planted in the +ground. The two doorway timbers are next placed in position, with their +smaller ends resting on the forked apex of the frame, from 1-1/2 to 2 +feet apart, and with the butt ends resting on the ground about 3-1/2 +feet apart. The whole frame, comprising five timbers, is known as +_tsaci_, but each timber has its own specific name, as follows: + + South timber, _cacaace naai_. + West timber, _i[ng]i[ng]ace naai_. + North timber, _naqokosce naai_. + Doorway timbers (two), _tci[ng][)e]cince naai_. + +The appearance of the frame as seen from below is shown in figure 231. + + [Illustration: Fig. 231--Frame of a hogan, seen from below] + +These names afford a good illustration of the involved nomenclature +which characterizes Indian languages. _Naai_ means a long, straight +object, like a piece of timber. The first word in each of the terms +above is the name of the cardinal point, the place it occupies (south, +west, and north), with the suffix _ce_, meaning "here" or "brought +here." The same words are used with the suffix _dje_, instead of _ce_, +as _cacaadje_ _naai_ for the north timber, _dje_ meaning "there" or +"set there." The west timber is also specially designated as _bigidje +nabkad_, "brought together into it," an allusion to its functions as +the main support of the frame, as the two other timbers rest within its +spreading fork. The two doorway timbers are also designated as north +timber and south timber, according to the position each occupies, and +they are sometimes called _tci[ng][)e]cin b[)i]n[)i]n[)i]'li_, +"those in place at the doorway passage." A full nomenclature of hogan +construction will be found in another section. + +When the _tsaci_, or frame of five timbers, is completed the sides are +filled with smaller timbers and limbs of pinon and cedar, the butt ends +being set together as closely as possible on the ground and from 6 to 12 +inches outside of the excavated area previously described. The timbers +and branches are laid on as flat as possible, with the upper ends +leaning on the apex or on each other. The intervening ledge thus formed +in the interior is the bench previously mentioned, and aside from its +convenience it adds materially to the strength of the structure. + + [Illustration: Fig. 232--Frame of a doorway] + +While the sides are being inclosed by some of the workers a door-frame +is constructed by others. This consists simply of two straight poles +with forked tops driven into the ground at the base of and close inside +of the doorway timbers, as shown in figure 232. When in place these +poles are about 4 feet high, set upright, with a straight stick resting +in the forks, as shown clearly in plate LXXXIV. Another short stick is +placed horizontally across the doorway timbers at a point about 3-1/2 +feet below the apex, at the level of and parallel with the cross-stick +of the door-frame. The space between this cross-stick and the apex is +left open to form an exit for the smoke. Sometimes when the hogan is +unbearably smoky a rough chimney-like structure, consisting of a rude +cribwork, is placed about this smoke hole. Such a structure is shown +in plate LXXXIII. + +The doorway always has a flat roof formed of straight limbs or split +poles laid closely together, with one end resting on the crosspiece +which forms the base of the smoke hole and the other end on the +crosspiece of the door-frame. The whole doorway structure projects from +the sloping side of the hogan, much like a dormer window. Sometimes the +doorway roof is formed by a straight pole on each side of the smoke hole +crosspiece to the crosspiece of the door-frame, supporting short sticks +laid across and closely together with their ends resting on the two +poles. This style of doorway is shown in plate LXXXIV. + +The sides of the projecting doorway--that is, the spaces between the +roof and the sloping doorway timbers--are filled in with small sticks +of the required length. Sometimes the ends of these sticks are bound +in place with twigs of yucca, being made fast to the door-frame, but +generally they are merely set in or made to rest against the outer roof +covering. Usually the larger timbers are roughly dressed on the sides +toward the interior of the hut, and the smaller poles also are stripped +of bark and rough hewn. + +The entire structure is next covered with cedar bark; all the +interstices are filled with it, and an upper or final layer is spread +with some regularity and smoothness. Earth is then thrown on from base +to apex to a thickness of about six inches, but enough is put on to make +the hut perfectly wind and water proof. This operation finishes the +house, and usually there are enough volunteers to complete the work +in a day. + +It is customary to make a kind of recess on the western side of the +hut by setting out the base of the poles next to the west timber some +8 to 15 inches beyond the line. This arrangement is usually placed next +to and on the south side of the west timber, and all the poles for a +distance of 3 or 4 feet are set out. The offset thus formed is called +the "mask recess," and when a religious ceremony is performed in the +hogan, the shaman or medicine-man hangs a skin or cloth before it and +deposits there his masks and fetiches. This recess, of greater or less +dimensions, is made in every large hogan, but in many of the smaller +ones it is omitted. Its position and general character are shown in +the ground plan, plate XC. In the construction of a hogan all the +proceedings are conducted on a definite, predetermined plan, and the +order sketched above is that ordinarily followed, but nothing of a +ceremonial nature is introduced until after the conclusion of the work +of construction. + + +SUMMER HUTS OR SHELTERS + +The rules which govern the building of a regular hogan or winter house, +although clearly defined and closely adhered to, do not apply to the +summer huts or shelters. These outnumber the former and are found +everywhere on the reservation, but they are most abundant in the +mountain regions and in those places where horticultural operations +can be carried on. + +These structures are of all kinds and of all degrees of finish, although +certain well-defined types, ancient in their origin, are still closely +adhered to when the conditions permit. But under other circumstances +the rudest and most primitive shelters are constructed, some of them +certainly not so high in the scale of construction as an ordinary bird's +nest. There is a certain interest that attaches to these rude attempts, +as they exhibit the working of the human mind practically untrammeled +by precedent. + +Perhaps the most primitive and simple shelter the Navaho builds is a +circle or part-circle of green boughs, generally pine or cedar. Half an +hour of work by two men with axes is all that is required to erect one +of these. A site having been selected, a tree is felled on the windward +side, and the branches trimmed from it are piled up to a height of +4 or 5 feet on three sides of a circle 15 or 20 feet in diameter. A fire +is built in the center and the natives dispose themselves around it. +Blankets are thrown over outstanding branches here and there, affording +an abundance of shade in the hot summer days when even a little shade +is agreeable. Rude as this shelter is, it is regarded by the Navaho as +sufficient when no better is available. During the recent construction +of some irrigating ditches on the reservation, when from 50 to 100 men +were employed at one time, this form of shelter was the only one used, +although in several instances the work was carried on in one place for +five or six weeks. Shelters of this kind, however, are possible only in +a wooded region, and are built only to meet an emergency, as when a man +is away from home and there are no hogans in the vicinity where he can +stop. + +Another form, scarcely less rude, is sometimes found in localities +temporarily occupied for grazing or for horticulture. It consists of a +circle of small branches, sometimes of mere twigs, with the butts stuck +into the ground, and not over 2-1/2 or 3 feet high. The circle is broken +by a narrow entrance way on one side. This form of shelter, hardly as +high as a man's waist, does little more than mark the place where a +family have thrown down their blankets and other belongings, but it may +afford some protection against drifting sand. Shelters of this type +are occupied several months at a time. They are often seen on the sandy +bottom lands of Canyon Chelly and in other regions of like character, +and the same sites are sometimes occupied several years in succession. + +From these rude makeshift types there is an unbroken range up to the +standard winter hut, which also meets the requirements of a summer +house, being as comfortable in warm weather as it is in cold weather. +The kind of house which a man builds depends almost entirely on +the purposes which it is to serve and very little on the man or his +circumstances. The houses of the richest man in the tribe and of the +poorest would be identical unless, as often happens in modern times, the +former has a desire to imitate the whites and builds a regular house +of stone or logs. If, however, a man builds a summer place to which +he intends to return year after year, and such is the usual custom, he +usually erects a fairly substantial structure, a kind of half hogan, or +house with the front part omitted. If it is possible to do so he locates +this shelter on a low hill overlooking the fields which he cultivates. +The restriction which requires that the opening or doorway of a regular +hogan shall invariably face the east does not apply to these shelters; +they face in any direction, but usually they are so placed as to face +away from the prevailing wind, and, if possible, toward the fields or +farms. + + [Illustration: Fig. 233--Ground plan of a summer shelter] + +Figure 233 is a ground plan of a shelter of this type, which is shown +also in plate LXXXV. The effect is that of a half hogan of the regular +type, but with a short upright timber in place of the usual north piece. +The example shown is built on a somewhat sloping site, and the ground +inside has been slightly excavated, but on the front the floor reaches +the general level of the ground. The principal timbers are forked +together at the apex, but not strictly according to rule. The structure +is also covered with earth in the regular way, and altogether appears +to occupy an intermediate position between the summer shelter and the +winter hut. It is a type which is common in the mountain districts and +in those places where a semipermanent shelter is needed, and to which +the family returns year after year. + +The supporting post in front in this case was so short that the use of +its fork would have made the roof too low. To overcome this the side +beams were not laid directly in the fork, but a tablet or short piece of +wood was inserted, as shown in figure 234, and the timbers rest on this. +The entrance or open front faced to the northwest, and to protect it +from the evening sun a temporary shelter of pinon brush was put up, as +shown in the illustration. This feature is a common accompaniment of +summer shelters and is often found with the regular winter hogan. + + [Illustration: Fig. 234--Supporting post in a summer hut] + +Figure 235 shows another type of summer shelter in plan, and figure 236 +is a section of the same. It is of the "lean-to" type, and consists of a +horizontal beam resting on two forked timbers and supporting a series +of poles, the upper ends of which are placed against it. The structure +faces the east, and the southern end is closed in like a hogan, but it +was covered only with cedar boughs laid close together without an earth +facing. + +This shelter stood upon a slope and the timbers used in its construction +were small and crooked. Perhaps on account of these disadvantages the +interior was excavated, after the shelter was built, to a depth of +nearly 24 inches on the higher side, as shown in figure 236. By this +expedient the space under the shelter was greatly enlarged. The +excavation was not carried all the way back to the foot of the rafters, +but, as shown in the section, a bench or ledge some 18 inches wide was +left, forming a convenient place for the many little articles which +constitute the Navaho's domestic furniture. + + [Illustration: Fig. 235--Ground plan of a summer hut] + +Mention has been made before of this interior bench, which is an +interesting feature. It has been suggested by Mr Victor Mindeleff, whose +well-known studies of Pueblo architecture give his suggestions weight, +that we have here a possible explanation of the origin of the interior +benches which are nearly always found in the kivas or ceremonial +chambers of the Pueblo Indians, that the benches in the kivas may be +survivals of archaic devices pertaining to the primitive type from which +Pueblo architecture developed. If a low wall of masonry were used as a +support for rafters, in the manner shown in figure 237, and additional +space were sought by excavation, the form shown in the illustration +would be retained, for the construction would be seriously weakened if +the rude stonework were placed directly on the edge of the excavation. +Possibly this practice has some bearing on the Pueblo requirement that +the kivas should be at least partly excavated, a requirement still +rigidly adhered to. The conservatism of the Indian mind in matters +connected with their ceremonials is well known, and forms and practices +long abandoned in ordinary house construction still survive in the +building of the kivas. + + [Illustration: Fig. 236--Section of a summer hut] + +Plate LXXXVI shows a shelter somewhat resembling that last described, +but of more simple construction. Here the main crosspiece which forms +the front of the shelter is supported by forked upright timbers, as in +the previous example, and here also the fork of the main upright is too +large and has been filled in. + + [Illustration: Fig. 237--Masonry support for rafters] + +Aside from the types described, which illustrate the more common forms +of summer shelters, all kinds and degrees of variation are found. As +they, unlike the regular hogan, do not follow any rule or precedent, +their form depends largely on the facilities or the particular +requirements or abilities of the builder. Figure 238 shows a shelter in +the mountains, where timber is abundant. Except that it is not covered +with earth and has no door-frame, it might be classed as a regular +hogan. + +Figure 239 shows a form that occurs in the valley regions where +driftwood can sometimes be obtained. It is closely related to the +"lean-to" type, but it is formed partly by excavating the side of a hill +and is well covered with earth. It will be noticed that the front is +partly closed by logs leaned against it and resting against the front +crosspiece or ridgepole. + +Figure 240 shows a type which is common in the valleys where timber is +scarce and difficult to procure. Sage and other brush is used largely in +the construction of shelters of this sort, as the few timbers which are +essential can be procured only with great difficulty, and usually must +be brought a great distance. + + [Illustration: Fig. 238--A timber-built shelter] + +Plate LXXXVII shows a structure that might easily be mistaken for a +summer shelter, but which is a special type. It is a regular hogan, so +far as the frame and timber work go, but it is covered only with cedar +boughs. The illustration shows a part of the covering removed. This +structure was a "medicine hut," put up for the performance of certain +ceremonies over a woman who was ill. There are no traces of any fire in +the interior, perhaps for the reason that the women's ceremony is always +performed in the day time. Aside from its lack of covering, it is a +typical hogan, and the illustration conveys a good impression of the +construction always followed. This kind of hut is called an _[)i]nca +qo[.g]an_. + +Rude and primitive as these structures seem, a certain amount of +knowledge and experience is necessary to build them. This has been +discovered at various times by whites who have attempted to build hogans +and failed. An instance occurred not long ago where a trader, finding it +necessary to build some kind of a travelers' house, where Indians who +came in to trade late in the evening or on Sunday could spend the night, +decided to build a regular hogan. He employed several Navaho to do the +work under his own supervision. The result was a failure, for, either on +account of too much slope to the sides or for other reasons, the hogan +does not remain in good order, and constant work on it is necessary to +maintain it in a habitable condition. + + [Illustration: Fig. 239--Shelter with partly closed front] + + +SWEAT HOUSES + +All over the reservation there are hundreds of little structures which +are miniature models, as it were, of the hogans, but they lack the +projecting doorway. These little huts, scarcely as high as a man's hip, +look like children's playhouses, but they occupy an important place +both in the elaborate religious ceremonies and in the daily life of +the Navaho. They are the sweat houses, called in the Navaho language +_co'tce_, a term probably derived from _qaco'tsil_, "sweat" and +_[)i]nc[)i]nil'tce_, the manner in which fire is prepared for heating +the stones placed in it when it is used. The structure is designed to +hold only one person at a time, and he must crawl in and squat on his +heels with his knees drawn up to his chin. + +In the construction of these little huts a frame is made of three boughs +with forked ends, and these have the same names as the corresponding +timbers in a hogan. They are placed, as in the hogan, with the lower +ends spread apart like a low tripod. Two straight sticks leaned against +the apex form a narrow entrance, which, as in the hogan, invariably +faces the east. Numerous other sticks and boughs inclose the frame, +and enough bark and earth are laid on to make the structure practically +air-tight when the entrance is closed. + +When the place is to be used a fire is made close beside it, and in +this fire numerous stones are heated. The patient to be treated is +then stripped, placed inside the little hut, and given copious drafts +sometimes of warm or hot water. The nearly red-hot stones are rolled in +beside him and the entrance is closed with several blankets, forming in +fact a hot-air bath. In a short time the air in the interior rises to a +high temperature and the subject sweats profusely. When he is released +he rubs himself dry with sand, or if he be ill and weak he is rubbed +dry by his friends. This ceremony has a very important place in the +medicine-man's therapeutics, for devils as well as diseases are thus +cast out; but aside from their religious use, the _co'tce_ are often +visited by the Indians for the cleansing and invigorating effect of +the bath, with no thought of ceremonial. The Navaho, as a race or +individually, are not remarkable for cleanliness, but they use the +_co'tce_ freely. + + [Illustration: Fig. 240--Low earth-covered shelter] + +During the _Yeb[)i]tcai_ dance or ceremony four _co'tce_ are set around +the song house, about 40 yards distant from it, one at each cardinal +point. The _qacal'i_, or chief medicine-man, sweats the patient in them +on four successive mornings, just at dawn, beginning with the east and +using one each morning. The _co'tce_ on the east is merely an uncovered +frame, and after the patient enters it and hot stones have been rolled +in it is covered with many blankets and a large buckskin is spread over +all. On this skin the _qacal'i_ sprinkles iron ochers and other colored +sands in striated bands, symbolic of the rainbow and sunbeams which +covered the early mythic houses. He and his assistants stand near the +hut shaking rattles and singing a brief song to Qastcej[)i]ni, at the +conclusion of which the patient is released. The initial spark of the +fire used at these ceremonies and for all religious purposes is obtained +by friction, and is regarded as essentially different from fire produced +by flint and steel or otherwise, because the first spark of friction +fire was brought from Qastcej[)i]ni, who is the god of the underworld +fire. The production of fire by friction is a very simple matter to +these Indians and is often done in play; frequently, under the windy +conditions that prevail in their country, in but little more time than a +white man can accomplish the same result with matches. For this purpose +they often use the dry, brittle stalks of the common bee weed (_Cleome +pungens_). The drill, which is whirled between the palms of the hands, +consists of a stalk perhaps a quarter of an inch in diameter. This is +made to revolve on the edge of a small notch cut into a larger stalk, +perhaps an inch in diameter. A pinch of sand is sometimes placed under +the point of the drill, the rapid revolution of which produces a fine +powder. This powder runs down the notch or groove, forming a little pile +on the ground. Smoke is produced in less than a minute, and finally, in +perhaps two minutes, tiny sparks drop on the little pile of dry powder, +which takes fire from them. By careful fostering by feeding with bits +of bark and grass, and with much blowing, a blaze is produced. + +It is said that First-man made the first _co'tce_. After coming up the +_qadjinai_, or magic reed, he was very dirty; his skin was discolored +and he had a foul smell like a coyote. He washed with water, but that +did not cleanse him. Then Qastcej[)i]ni sent the firefly to instruct him +concerning the _co'tce_ and how to rotate a spindle of wood in a notched +stick. As First-man revolved the spindle, or drill, between his hands, +Firefly ignited the dust at its point with a spark of fire which +Qastcej[)i]ni had given it for that purpose. There is another myth +concerning the origin of these little sweat houses which does not agree +with that just stated. According to this myth, the _co'tce_ were made by +the Sun when the famous twins, Nayen[)e]zgani and Co'badj[)i]stcini, +who play so large a part in Navaho mythology, were sent to him by +Estsanatlehi. When they reached the house of the Sun they called him +father, as they had been instructed to do, but the Sun disowned them and +subjected them to many ordeals, and even thrust at them with a spear, +but the mother had given each of the youths a magic feather mantle +impervious to any weapon. Klehanoai (the night bearer--the moon) also +scoffed at them and filled the mind of the Sun with doubts concerning +the paternity of the twins, so he determined to subject them to a +further ordeal. + +He made four _co'tce_, but instead of using wood in their construction +he made them of a metallic substance, like iron. He placed these at the +cardinal points and sent the moon to make a fire near each of them. This +fire was obtained from the "burning stars," the comets. The _co'tce_ +were made exceedingly hot and the twins were placed in them +successively; but instead of being harmed they came out of the last one +stronger and more vigorous than ever. Then the Sun acknowledged them +as his sons and gave the elder one the magic weapons with which he +destroyed the evil genii who infested the Navaho land. This is the +reason, the Navaho say, why it is well to have many _co'tce_ and to use +them frequently. Their use gives rest and sweet sleep after hard work; +it invigorates a man for a long journey and refreshes him after its +accomplishment. + +First-woman, after coming up the _qadjinai_, was also foul and ill +smelling, and after First-man she also used the _co'tce_. Hence the +Navaho women use the _co'tce_ like the men, but never together except +under a certain condition medical in character. The _co'tce_ is built +usually in some secluded spot, and frequently large parties of men go +together to spend the better part of a day in the enjoyment of the +luxury of a sweat bath and a scour with sand. On another day the women +of the neighborhood get together and do the same, and the men regard +their privacy strictly. + + +EFFECT OF MODERN CONDITIONS + +Up to a comparatively recent period the Navaho have been what is usually +termed a "wild tribe;" that is, they have existed principally by war and +plunder. Since the conquest of the country by General Kearny and the +"Army of the West," in 1846, they have given us but little trouble, but +prior to that time they preyed extensively on the Pueblo Indians and the +Mexican settlements along the Rio Grande. Practically all their wealth +today, and they are a wealthy tribe, consists of thousands of sheep +and goats and hundreds of horses, all descended from flocks and herds +originally stolen. When the country came into the possession of the +United States marauding expeditions became much less frequent, and +almost insensibly the tribe changed from a predatory to a pastoral +people. But aside from the infrequency or absence of armed expeditions +the life of the people remained much the same under the changed +conditions. When the Atlantic and Pacific railroad entered the country +some sixteen or seventeen years ago traders came with it, although there +were a few in the country before, and numerous trading posts were +established in the reservation and about its borders. The effect of +this was to fix the pastoral habits of the people. Wool and pelts were +exchanged for flour, sugar, and coffee, and for calico prints and dyes, +and gradually a demand for these articles was established. + +The men looked after their herds of horses and took very good care of +the few cattle that drifted into the reservation; the women attended +to their domestic duties and, with the aid of the children, took care +of the sheep and goats, which, according to long-established custom, +belonged exclusively to them. Agriculture was practically unknown. But +with the removal of the duty on wool a new era opened for the Navaho. +The price of wool fell to about one-half of the former figure, and a +flock of sheep no longer furnished the means for procuring the articles +which had grown to be necessities. The people were gradually but surely +forced to horticulture to procure the means of subsistence. It is this +tendency which is especially destructive of the old house-building +ideas, and which will eventually cause a complete change in the houses +of the people. Recently the tendency has been emphasized by the +construction, under governmental supervision, of a number of small +irrigating ditches in the mountain districts. The result of these works +must be eventually to collect the Navaho into small communities, and +practically to destroy the present pastoral life and replace it with +new and, perhaps, improved conditions. + +But many of the arts of the Navaho, and especially their house building, +grew out of and conformed to the old methods of life. It is hardly to be +supposed that they will continue under the new conditions, and, in fact, +pronounced variations are already apparent. Up to ten years ago there +was so little change that it might be said that there was none; since +then the difference can be seen by everyone. Should the price of wool +rise in the near future the change that has been suggested might be +checked, but it has received such an impetus that the Navaho will always +henceforth pay much more attention to horticulture than they have in the +past, and this means necessarily a modification in the present methods +of house building. The average Navaho farm, and almost every adult male +now has a small garden patch, comprises less than half an acre, while +two acres is considered a large area to be worked by one family at one +time. + +One result of this industrial development of the people is an increased +permanency of dwellings. As the flocks of sheep and goats diminish and +their care becomes less important, greater attention is paid to the +selection of sites for homes, and they are often located now with +reference to a permanent occupancy and with regard to the convenience of +the fields, which in some cases furnish the main source of subsistence +of the family. As a collateral result of these conditions and tendencies +an effort is now sometimes made to build houses on the American plan; +that is, to imitate the houses of the whites. Such houses are a wide +departure from the original ideas of house structures of the Navaho. +They are rectangular in plan, sometimes with a board roof, and +occasionally comprise several rooms. When the local conditions favor it +they are constructed of stone, regular walls of masonry; but perhaps the +greater number of those now in existence are in the mountain districts, +and were built of logs, often hewn square before being laid in place. +Plate LXXXVIII shows a stone house belonging to one of the wealthiest +men in the tribe, Bitcai by name. It is situated on the western slope of +the Tunicha mountains and was built some years ago, but it is a type of +house which is becoming more and more frequent on the reservation. There +is practically nothing aboriginal about it except a part of its interior +furniture and its inhabitants, and the only one of the old requirements +that has been met is the fronting of the house to the east, while the +character of the site and the natural conditions demand a western front. + +The log houses referred to are constructed much like the stone house +shown in the illustration, except that they are built usually by Indian +labor and ordinarily are covered with flat earthen roofs. Frequently the +logs are hewn square before being placed in the walls, which present +a very neat and finished appearance. Sometimes door and window frames +are procured from the sawmill or from the traders, and add to such +appearance, while nearly always one or more glazed sashes occupy the +window openings and board doors close the entrances. In nearly all cases +the requirement that the entrance should face the east is observed, but +it is being more and more ignored, and in the houses constructed within +the last few years the ancient custom is frequently violated. Unless the +principal entrance were made to face the east, the performers in the +dedicatory ceremonies could not take their prescribed positions and the +ceremony would have to be either modified or omitted altogether. + + +CEREMONIES OF DEDICATION + +Among the Pueblo Indians there are certain rituals and ceremonial +observances connected with the construction of the houses, but in the +Navaho system nothing of a ceremonial nature is introduced until the +conclusion of the manual labor. Usually there are enough volunteers to +finish the work in one day, and by evening everything is ready for the +dedication. The wife sweeps out the house with a wisp of grass and she +or her husband makes a fire on the floor directly under the smoke hole. +She then goes to her bundles of household effects, which are still +outside, and pours a quantity of white cornmeal into a shallow +saucer-shape basket. She hands this to the _qasci[ng]_, or head of the +family, who enters the hogan and rubs a handful of the dry meal on the +five principal timbers which form the _tsaci_ or frame, beginning with +the south doorway timber. He rubs the meal only on one place, as high up +as he can reach easily, and then does the same successively on the south +timber, the west timber, the north timber, and the north doorway timber. +While making these gifts, as the proceeding is termed, the man preserves +a strict silence, and then, as with a sweeping motion of his hand from +left to right (_cab[)i]kego_, as the sun travels) he sprinkles the meal +around the outer circumference of the floor, he says in low measured +tones-- + + _Qojonli_ _co[.g]an_ + May it be delightful my house; + + _C[)i]ts[)i]'dje_ _qojonli_ + From my head may it be delightful; + + _C[)i]kece_ _qojonli_ + To my feet may it be delightful; + + _Ciyace_ _qojonli_ + Where I lie may it be delightful; + + _C[)i]kig[)i] caltso_ _qojonli_ + All above me may it be delightful; + + _C[)i]na caltso_ _qojonli_ + All around me may it be delightful. + +He then flings a little of the meal into the fire, saying-- + + _Qojonli hoce_ _c[)i]ko[ng]_ + May it he delightful and well, my fire. + +and tosses a handful or two up through the smoke hole, saying-- + + _Qojonli_ _Tci[ng]hanoai_ _c[)i]ca nai[)i]cni'_ + May it be delightful Sun (day carrier), my mother's ancestor, + for this gift; + + _Qojonli_ _nacale_ _co[.g]an_ + May it be delightful as I walk around my house. + +Then two or three handfuls of meal are sprinkled out of the doorway +while he says-- + + _Qojonli_ _ca[)e]'cin_ _c[)i]ca_ + May it be delightful this road of light, my mother's ancestor. + +The woman then makes an offering to the fire by throwing a few small +handfuls of meal upon it, and as she sprinkles it she says in a subdued +voice-- + + _Qojonli_ _c[)i]ko[ng]_ + May it be delightful my fire; + + _Qojonli_ _caltcini_ _caltso yahoce_ + May it be delightful for my children; may all be well; + + _Qojonli_ _cibeacan_ _caltso yahoce_ + May it be delightful with my food and theirs; may all be well; + + _caltso c[)i]nalgeya_ _yahoce colel'_ + All my possessions well may they be made + (that is, may they be made to increase); + + _caltso c[)i]l'i[ng]_ _yahoce colel'_ + All my flocks well may they be made (to increase). + +When a hogan is built for a woman who has no husband, or if the husband +is absent at the time, the wife performs all these ceremonies. In the +absence of white cornmeal, yellow cornmeal is sometimes used, but never +the _cqac[)i]ci[ng] cocl[)i]'j_, the sacred blue pollen of certain +flowers, which is reserved exclusively for the rites of the shaman. + +By the time these forms have been observed night will have fallen. +During the day, while the house building was in progress, the women were +busily engaged in preparing food; all now gather inside the hogan, a +blanket is suspended over the door frame, all the possessions of the +family are bought in, sheepskins are spread on the floor, the fire is +brightened and the men all squat around it. The women bring in food in +earthen cooking pots and basins, and, having set them down among the +men, they huddle together by themselves to enjoy the occasion as +spectators. Every one helps himself from the pots by dipping in with +his fingers, the meat is broken into pieces, and the bones are gnawed +upon and sociably passed from hand to hand. When the feast is finished +tobacco and corn husks are produced, cigarettes are made, everyone +smokes, and convivial gossipy talk prevails. This continues for two or +three hours, when the people who live near by get up their horses and +ride home. Those from a long distance either find places to sleep in the +hogan or wrap themselves in their blankets and sleep at the foot of a +tree. This ceremony is known as the _qo[.g]an aiila_, a kind of +salutation to the house. + +But the _qo[.g]an b[)i]g[)i]'n_, the house devotions, have not yet +been observed. Occasionally these take place as soon as the house is +finished, but usually there is an interval of several days to permit the +house builders to invite all their friends and to provide the necessary +food for their entertainment. Although analogous to the Anglo-Saxon +"house warming," the _qo[.g]an b[)i]g[)i]'n_, besides being a +merrymaking for the young people, has a much more solemn significance +for the elders. If it be not observed soon after the house is built bad +dreams will plague the dwellers therein, toothache (dreaded for mystic +reasons) will torture them, and the evil influence from the north will +cause them all kinds of bodily ill; the flocks will dwindle, ill luck +will come, ghosts will haunt the place, and the house will become +_bats[)i]c_, tabooed. + +A few days after the house is finished an arrangement is made with some +shaman (_qacal'i_, devotional singer) to come and sing the ceremonial +house songs. For this service he always receives a fee from those who +engage him, perhaps a few sheep or their value, sometimes three or four +horses or their equivalent, according to the circumstances of the house +builders. The social gathering at the _qo[.g]an b[)i]g[)i]'n_ is much +the same as that of the _qo[.g]an aiila_, when the house is built, +except that more people are usually invited to the former. They feast +and smoke, interchange scandal, and talk of other topics of interest, +for some hours. Presently the _qacal'i_ seats himself under the main +west timber so as to face the east, and the singing begins. + +In this ceremony no rattle is used. The songs are begun by the shaman +in a drawling tone and all the men join in. The _qacal'i_ acts only as +leader and director. Each one, and there are many of them in the tribe, +has his own particular songs, fetiches, and accompanying ceremonies, +and after he has pitched a song he listens closely to hear whether the +correct words are sung. This is a matter of great importance, as the +omission of a part of the song or the incorrect rendering of any word +would entail evil consequences to the house and its inmates. All the +house songs of the numerous _qacal'i_ are of similar import but differ +in minor details. + +The first song is addressed to the east, and is as follows: + + _House song to the East_ + + _Qa'adje_ _biyadje_ _beqo[.g]an_ _aiila_ + Far in the east far below there a house was made; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + + _Qastceyalci_ _bebiqo[.g]an_ _aiila_ + God of Dawn there his house was made; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + + _Qayol'kal'_ _bebiqo[.g]an_ _aiila_ + The Dawn there his house was made; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + + _Naca[ng] l'akai_ _bebiqo[.g]an_ _aiila_ + White Corn there its house was made; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + + _Yu'ci alcqasai_ _bebiqo[.g]an_ _aiila_ + Soft possessions for them a house was made; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + + _Co'l'a_ _nastcin_ _bebiqo[.g]an_ _aiila_, + Water in plenty surrounding for it a house was made; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + + _Cqac[)i]ci[ng]_ _bebiqo[.g]an_ _aiila_ + Corn pollen for it a house was made; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + + _Sa[ng]a nagai_ _aiila b[)i]ke_ _qojon_ + The ancients make their presence delightful; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + +Immediately following this song, but in a much livelier measure, the +following benedictory chant is sung: + + _C[)i]ts[)i]'dje_ _qojogo_ + Before me may it be delightful; + + _C[)i]kece_ _qojogo_ + Behind me may it be delightful; + + _C[)i]nace_ _qojogo_ + Around me may it be delightful; + + _Ciyagi_ _qojogo_ + Below me may it be delightful; + + _C[)i]kigi_ _qojogo_ + Above me may it be delightful; + + _caltso_ _qojogo_ + All (universally) may it be delightful. + +After a short interval the following is sung to the west: + + _House song to the West_ + + _I[ng]i[ng]adje_ _biyadje_ _beqo[.g]an_ _aiila_ + Far in the west far below there a house was made; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + + _Qastceqo[.g]an_ _bebiqo[.g]an_ _aiila_ + God of Twilight there his house was made; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + + _Naqotsoi_ _bebiqo[.g]an_ _aiila_, + Yellow light of evening there his house was made; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + + _Naca[ng] [)i]l'tsoi_ _bebiqo[.g]an_ _aiila_ + Yellow corn there its house was made; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + + _[)I]ntl[)i]'z alcqasai_ _bebiqo[.g]an_ _aiila_ + Hard possessions there their house was made; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + + _Co'biaji_ _bebiqo[.g]an_ _aiila_ + Young rain there its house was made; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + + _Cqac[)i]ci[ng]_ _bebiqo[.g]an_ _aiila_ + Corn pollen there its house was made; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + + _Sa[ng]a nagai_ _aiila b[)i]ke_ _qojon_ + The ancients make their presence delightful; + + _Qojon_ _qo[.g]ane_ + Delightful house. + +The song to the west is also followed by the benedictory chant, as +above, and after this the song which was sung to the east is repeated; +but this time it is addressed to the south. The song to the west is then +repeated, but addressed to the north, and the two songs are repeated +alternately until each one has been sung three times to each cardinal +point. The benedictory chant is sung between each repetition. + +All the men present join in the singing under the leadership of the +shaman, who does not himself sing, but only starts each song. The women +never sing at these gatherings, although on other occasions, when they +get together by themselves, they sing very sweetly. It is quite common +to hear a primitive kind of part singing, some piping in a curious +falsetto, others droning a deep bass. + +The songs are addressed to each of the cardinal points, because in the +Navaho system different groups of deities are assigned to each of these +points. The Navaho also makes a distinction between heavy rain and light +rain. The heavy rain, such as accompanies thunderstorms, is regarded +as the "male rain," while the gentle showers or "young rains," coming +directly from the house of Estsanatlehi, are regarded as especially +beneficent; but both are deemed necessary to fertilize. A distinction is +also made between "hard possessions," such as turquois and coral beads, +shell ornaments, and all articles made from hard substances, and "soft +possessions," which comprise blankets and all textile substances, skins, +etc. The Navaho prays that his house may cover many of both hard and +soft possessions. + +The songs given above are known as the twelve house-songs, although +there are only two songs, each repeated twelve times. These are sung +with many variations by the different _qacal'i_, and while the builders +are preparing for this ceremony they discuss which _qacal'i_ has the +best and most beautiful words before they decide which one to engage. +But the songs are invariably addressed to the deities named, +Qastceyalci, the God of Dawn, and Qastceqo[.g]an, the God of Twilight; +and they always have the same general significance. + +After the "twelve songs" are finished many others are sung: to +Estsanatlehi, a benignant Goddess of the West, and to Yol'kai Estsan, +the complementary Goddess of the East; to the sun, the dawn, and the +twilight; to the light and to the darkness; to the six sacred mountains, +and to many other members of a very numerous theogony. Other +song-prayers are chanted directly to malign influences, beseeching them +to remain far off: to _[)i]ntco[ng]gi_, evil in general; to _dakus_, +coughs and lung evils, and to the _b[)i]cakuji_, sorcerers, praying them +not to come near the dwelling. The singing of the songs is so timed that +the last one is delivered just as the first gray streaks of dawn appear, +when the visitors round up their horses and ride home. + + +THE HOGAN OF THE YEB[)I]TCAI DANCE + +Despite the ceremonies which have been performed, it frequently happens +that malign influences affect the new dwelling. The inmates suffer from +toothache, or sore eyes, or have bad dreams, or ghosts are heard in the +night. Then the house ceremony is repeated. If after this the conditions +still prevail and threatening omens are noted, an effort is made to +ascertain the cause. Perhaps the husband recalls an occasion when he +was remiss in some religious duty, or the wife may remember having +seen accidentally an unmasked dancer, or they may be convinced that a +sorcerer, a _c[)i]lkuji_, is practicing his evil art. Such malign +influences must be due to some definite cause, and it must be found. +Then, if the cause be grave, resort must be had to a very elaborate +ceremony, the dance of the _Yeb[)i]tcai_. + +For the observance of this ceremony it is usual to construct a flat-roof +hut called _iyacaskuni_, meaning, literally, "under the flat." The roof +is nearly square as well as flat, and the edifice, with its spreading +base, suggests a truncated pyramid; but as it is roughly covered with +earth heaped over the entire structure it is externally little more than +a shapeless mound. Plate LXXXIX is an exterior view of one of these +special hogans, which is also shown in plan in figure 241. + + [Illustration: Fig. 241--Ground plan of Yeb[)i]tcai house] + +When it has been decided to build an _iyacaskuni_ all the young men of +the neighborhood join in the labor while some of the older men direct +them in the prescribed methods. The procedure is much the same as that +employed in building the regular hogan, but larger timbers are required. +Any kind of timber growing in the vicinity is used; but as groves of +pinon and juniper are most abundant in the Navaho country, these are +the kinds usually employed. The stunted, twisted trunks of these trees +make it a matter of some difficulty to find the necessary timbers of +sufficient size, for they must be at least a foot in diameter. When +found, the trees are cut down and carried to the site selected, which +must have fairly level surroundings, free from dense wood and +underbrush, so as to afford a clear space for the ceremonial processions +and dances. Four heavy posts are necessary--"legs," the Navaho call +them--and these must be trimmed so as to leave a strong fork at the top +of each at least 6 feet from the ground when set upright. Four others, +for the horizontal roof-beams, must be 10 feet long, but without forks; +and two more, the straightest and longest, are necessary for the doorway +passage. These ten timbers are called _tsaci_, the same term that is +applied to the five main timbers of the ordinary hogan. + +The four posts are set firmly in the ground in shallow holes at +distances apart corresponding to the length of the main roof-beams, +and so arranged as to describe a square, the sides of which face the +cardinal points. The prescribed position of the doorway is the center +of the eastern side, and it must face the east exactly. The post at +the southeastern corner is the first to be set, then the one at the +southwestern corner, with the forks arranged on the same line. The +northwestern post is then set, and finally the one at the northeastern +corner, and the forks of the last two are also placed on the same line. +In the ground plan (figure 241) the posts are numbered in the order in +which they are set up. This sequence is not always strictly followed, +but the old men say that this is the proper way. + +The beam for the southern side of the roof is next lifted into place and +laid so as to rest in the forks of the two posts on that side, with the +ends projecting a little beyond them. The beam on the northern side is +similarly placed, and the western and the eastern beams are next laid +so that their ends rest upon the ends of the beams already in place. +Another timber is then placed parallel with the eastern beam, as shown +on the plan. This forms the western side of the smoke-hole and also +a support for the smaller roof-timbers to rest upon. Sometimes an +additional timber is laid across for this purpose between the one last +named and the next beam. The two timbers for the sides of the doorway +passage are then placed in position about 3 feet apart and leaning +against the eastern roof-beam. The butt ends rest upon the ground, and +the space between them should be in the center of the eastern side. +All the main posts and beams are stripped of bark, the rough knobs and +protuberances are hewn off, and they are finished according to the skill +of the builders or the exactions of the old men who superintend the +construction. + +While this work is in progress a great number of smaller and less +shapely timbers are procured for the sides and roof. To determine a +pitch for the sloping sides all the workers arrange themselves so as to +encompass the square frame, and a few of the longest of the irregular +timbers are placed here and there around it, leaning against the beams. +They are roughly aligned, and some attempt is made to have the sides of +the same slope. The floor area thus determined, the outer edge of which +would fall 4 to 6 feet outside the posts, is then lightly dug over to +remove all irregularities, and is made as level as possible. + +As in the ordinary hogan, the upright posts of the door-frame are set +near the lower ends of the doorway timbers, and the roof and sides of +the doorway are covered in when the sides of the hut are inclosed, which +is the next step in the construction. Small tree trunks and timbers are +placed closely around the excavated floor area, with their upper ends +leaning against the roof beams. They are not set very regularly and +boughs are often used to fill the larger crevices, while the corners are +turned in a clumsy manner, with the tops of the timbers overlapping +each other, while the butts diverge in a haphazard curve. + +The roof is laid with smaller timbers, the longest resting on the +smoke-hole timber and the western beam, while the shorter pieces span +the smaller interval from the former timber to the eastern beam. The +arrangement of the smoke exit differs from that of the ordinary hogan. +In the latter an open space is left between the doorway timbers at their +upper ends; in the _iyacaskuni_ the doorway roof is continued up to the +eastern beam, which forms the eastern side of the smoke hole. This hole +is in the main roof, in line with the doorway but just beyond the ends +of its timbers, and it is usually about 3 feet square. Figure 242 +is an interior view of the frame, looking outward. The structure is +finished like the hogans; the frame is covered by heavy layers of cedar +or juniper bark over the sides and roof, and finally with a deep +covering of earth packed firmly over the whole exterior. The door frame +is usually about 4 feet high and 2-1/2 feet wide; the roof is about 7 +feet high in the interior, and the floor area measures roughly 20 feet +square, with the four posts standing about 5 feet from the base of the +sides. Figure 243 shows some actual measurements. + + [Illustration: Fig. 242--Framework of Yeb[)i]tcai house] + +While the _Yeb[)i]tcai_ ceremony is in progress the hut is occupied by +the _qacal'i_ and his assistants and by the young men who assume the +sacred masks and personate the various deities in the nightly dances. In +the mornings the _qacal'i_ sits under the western side of the hut and +directs the young men in the process of sand painting, the making of +curious sand mosaics delineating mythologic subjects. The materials used +are dry sand, charcoal, and powdered ochers of different colors, which +are poured from the hand between the thumb and fingers. Without the use +of a brush or other implement the trickling stream is guided to form +intricate designs. These designs are made directly on the earthen floor +in a zone about 3 feet wide and extending nearly the entire length of +the hut from north to south. This zone, called the _ika'_, is made in +front of the _qacal'i_, and between him and the fire, which is reduced +to small dimensions to enable him to work close under the opening in +the roof. During the process the door is closed with the usual hanging +blanket, and to increase the light from above a buckskin or white cloth +is sometimes suspended as a reflector on a light frame of boughs erected +on the roof on the western side of the smoke hole. + + [Illustration: Fig. 243--Diagram showing measurements of Yeb[)i]tcai + house] + +The mask recess, which is found in all the larger hogans, is always made +in the middle of the western side of the _iyacaskuni_. It is usually +somewhat wider and deeper than in the ordinary dwelling. The bundles +containing the masks and other paraphernalia to be used in the ceremony +are placed in the recess by the _qacal'i_, who then fastens a skin or +cloth across it. The upper edge at a height of about 3 feet from the +floor is fastened with strings to the sloping timbers. The lower edge is +held by small pegs driven into the edge of the bench-like ledge of earth +which marks the limits of the floor. When he needs them the _qacal'i_ +reaches behind the curtain for the paraphernalia he has previously +prepared and deposited there. The masks must never be seen except when +worn by the dancers, nor are the fetiches exposed except when certain +rites demand their display. + +This recess is called by the Navaho _dj[)i]c b[)i]naskla_, literally +"mask recess." Besides its practical use it has a mythic significance, +as it indicates the position occupied by First-man, who sat there with +Qastceyalci (Dawn) and Qastceqo[.g]an (Twilight) on either hand, in the +house where the Corn people were made. They also occupied similar +positions in the house in which they made the celestial bodies, and +also in the first _iyacaskuni_, which was made by them to celebrate +the occurrence of the first menstruation of Estsanatlehi. + +No special veneration attaches to the _iyacaskuni_ except when a +ceremony is in progress. At that time it is devoted exclusively to the +_qacal'i_ and the other actors in the rites, and it is then known as +_qacal' biqo[.g]an_, the song house. Perhaps the family for whose +benefit it was first used may have contributed the larger share of the +food for the workers who constructed it, but it is not held to be the +exclusive property of any one person; it is for the use of the +neighborhood. In the summer time, during which season no important rites +are celebrated, the women often erect their vertical looms there and use +it as a workroom. Some of the neighbors may find it convenient to occupy +it temporarily, or when some occasion brings an influx of visitors they +adjourn to the flat-roof house, if there be one near, to smoke and +gamble and sleep there. But it is rarely used as a dwelling in winter, +as it would have to be vacated whenever one of the neighbors wished to +have a ceremony performed. Moreover, owing to its large size, it would +be more difficult to keep warm than the more compact hogan. + + +HOGAN NOMENCLATURE + +_qo[.g]an [)i]l'tc[)i]'n ceza'_--conical hut; probably from _sinil_, + a plural article pronoun; _ts[)i]n_, a timber; and _ceza'_, a point. + +_qo[.g]an c[)i]tcoli_--round, inclosed hut. Both this term and the + preceding are used to designate the ordinary dwelling hut, but the + former is more commonly used. + +_qaa'a_--east. + +_cacaa_--south. + +_i[ng]i[ng]a_--west. + +_naqokos_--north. + +_nani_--flat, bevel. + +_iiai_--vertical. + +_h[)i]'nia'_--slanting. + +_nanaai_--a long straight object, as a timber. + + _cacaace naai_--south timber. } + _i[ng]i[ng]ace naai_--west timber. } The (five) principal + _naqokosce naai_--north timber. } timbers composing the frame, + _tci[ng][)e]cince naai_-- } collectively called-- + doorway timbers (two). } + +_tsaci_--frame. Sometimes these timbers are called-- + +_cacaadje naai_, _i[ng]i[ng]adje naai_, etc. _ce_ means "here," or + "brought here;" _dje_ means "there" or "set there." The western timber + is also specially designated-- + +_bigidje nolkac_, brought together into it; an allusion to its function + as the main support of the frame, as the other two timbers rest within + its spreading fork. The two doorway timbers are also designated as + north or south timber respectively. They are also called-- + +_tci[ng][)e]cin b[)i]n[)i]n[)i]'li_, those in place at the doorway + passage. + +_ceza'_--a point; the forked apex. + +_l'ejca_--the ground; the floor. + +_bituca_--surrounding projection; the ledge or undisturbed margin of the + floor area. + +_tci[ng][)e]cin_--the road there; the doorway. This term appears to + mean "the road there" to the east--that is, to _tci[ng]hanoai_, the + sun. The word _tci[ng]_ also means day. + +_tci[ng][)e]cin s[)i]lai_--the uprights of the door frame. They are + also called-- + +_tci[ng]ecin iai_--but this, strictly speaking, means one upright. + +_s[)i]lai_, or _s[)i]lai_--a pair. + +_tci[ng][)e]cin s[)i]lai nanaai_--doorway-post horizontal timber; the + lintel. + +_tci[ng][)e]cin nacas[)i]c[)a]'ni_--another term for the lintel. + A single stick lying on the ground is called-- + +_ts[)i]n s[)i]c[)a]'ni_--but when resting upon something above the + ground it is called-- + +_ts[)i]n cas[)i]c[)a]'ni_. + +_tc[)i]legi nanaai_--smoke-hole horizontal timber; the crosspiece that + rests upon the large doorway timbers and forms the base of the + smoke-hole, and also supports one end of the doorway roof. + +_tc[)i]legi nacas[)i]c[)a]'ni_--this term is also applied to the + smoke-hole stick, as in the case of the lintel above. + +_tci[ng][)e]cin bikace nan[)i]joji_--doorway upper surface flat roof; + the doorway roof formed of parallel sticks resting on the lintel and + the smoke-hole base. The word-- + +_bo[.g]ance_--uppermost, is sometimes used instead of _bikace_. The + term-- + +_nan[)i]joji_--means, literally, timbers laid level side by side, and is + applied to a floor of wood, as in-- + +_wuyace nan[)i]joji_--the below-level arrangement of timbers or boards. + It is also applied to walls, as in-- + +_biyace b[)i]n[)i]joji_--the side arrangement of boards. A bridge across + a stream is called-- + +_co'[)i]nl[)i]'nigi nanijoji_--the first term meaning "water flowing." + +_tci[ng][)e]cin biyace b[)i]n[)i]joji_--doorway side walls; the sticks + set in between the uprights of the door-frame and the slanting doorway + timbers. + +_tc[)i]legi_--smoke-hole; derivation obscure. + +_biyace b[)i]n[)i]joji_--the side "walls;" the smaller timbers which + inclose the hut. They are also called-- + +_biya'ce b[)i]n[)i]n[)i]'li_--leaning around the sides; from + _h[)i]'nia'_, slanting, and the plural article pronoun _sinil_. + + [Illustration: Fig. 244--Interior of Yeb[)i]tcai house, illustrating + nomenclature] + +_uji_--cedar bark. + +_uji behesdjehi_--cedar bark laid on; the bark covering. + +_l'ej_--earth. + +_l'ej behesn[)i]'li_--earth thrown on or lifted on; the earth covering. + +_can[)i]pal'_--suspended thin object; this term is always applied to the + door covering, which is usually a blanket hanging from the lintel. + + +_Terms applied to different parts of the floor area_ + +_qaa'adje ni s[)i]'skla_--within the small corner in the east. The + derivation is probably as follows: _qaadje_, in the east; _ni_ from + _yuni_, within; _s[)i]s_ from _[)i]lts[)i]'si_, small; _tkla_ from + _naskla_, a corner. + +_cacaadje ni s[)i]'ckla_--within the corner in the south. + +_i[ng]i[ng]adje ni s[)i]'ckla_--within the corner in the west. + +_naqokosdje ni s[)i]'ckla_--within the corner in the north. + +_naqokosdje ni s[)i]'skla_--within the small corner in the north. + +_qonicpa[ng]gi_--means something like sacred path, or direction. + _Naspas_ is the name applied to a circle. During a ceremony persons + entering a hut must pass in to the left of the fire; to leave the hut + they pass out on the north side of the fire. + +_iyai'yi_--under half; the center of the hut. + +_ko'[ng]nike_--fireplace; probably derived from _ko[ng]_, fire; _ni'_, + land; and _ke_, track or footprint; _ke_ also means land. + +_qon[)i]cqa'_--meaning unknown; it is applied to the space between the + fire and the entrance. + +_dj[)i]c b[)i]naskla_--mask corner or recess. + +_tci[ng][)e]cin_--the entrance. See explanation above. + +_kloce_--without; the area in front of the entrance outside of the hut. + +_qo[.g]an b[)i]nece_--outside of the hut. + + + _Yeb[)i]tcai house nomenclature_[2] + +_iyacahaskuni_--or _caskuni_, the _Yeb[)i]tcai_ house; probably derived + from _iya_, under; and _cahaskuni_, a detached, smooth-sided, flat-top + mountain. This structure is also called-- + +_ci[ng]b[)i]tsaci qo[.g]an_--four-legged house. + + 1. _tci[ng][)e]cince naai_, } + _tci[ng][)e]cin b[)i]n[)i]n[)i]'li_-- } + 2. _tci[ng][)e]cin s[)i]lai_-- } + 3. _tci[ng][)e]cin s[)i]lai nanaai_, } + or _cas[)i]c[)a]'ni_-- } As in the regular + 4. _tci[ng][)e]cin bikace nanaai_-- } hogan. + 5. _tci[ng][)e]cin bo[.g]ance nan[)i]joji_-- } + 6. _tci[ng][)e]cin biyace b[)i]n[)i]joji_-- } + 7. _qaa'adje nanaai_--east horizontal timber. + _cacaadje nanaai_--south horizontal timber. + _i[ng]i[ng]adje nanaai_--west horizontal timber. + 8. _naqokosdje nanaai_--north horizontal timber. + _qaa'adje iai_ (1)[3]--east post. } + _cacaadje iai_ (2)--south post. } These posts are further + _i[ng]i[ng]adje iai_ (3)--west post. } distinguished as follows: + 9. _naqokosdje iai_ (4)--north post. } + _cacaa qaa'adje iai_ (1). + _cacaa i[ng]i[ng]adje iai_ (2). + _naqokos i[ng]i[ng]adje iai_ (3). + _naqokos qaa'dje iai_ (4). +10. _biyace b[)i]n[)i]joji_--the walls; also distinguished as north, + south, east, and west walls. +11. _bo[.g]ance nanijoji_--uppermost roof; the main roof. +12. _tci[ng][)e]cin_--doorway. +13. _tc[)i]legi_--smoke-hole. +14. _tc[)i]legi nanaai_--smoke-hole timber. The same term is applied to + the timber marked 7 in the figure. + + [Footnote 2: The figures refer to the interior view shown in figure + 244.] + + [Footnote 3: The numbers in parentheses refer to the ground plan, + figure 241.] + + + + + INDEX + + Page + Agriculture among the Navaho 503 + + Bark used in Navaho structures 493 + Benches in Navaho houses 496 + Butts and tips in Navaho house building 489, 490 + + Cardinal Points of the Navaho 488, 500, 502, 508, 511 + Carriso Mountains described 477 + Ceremony, _see_ Dedication. + Chaco Valley described 478, 479 + Chelly Canyon occupied by the Navaho 483 + Chinlee Valley described 478 + Choiskai Mountains described 477 + Cornmeal used in Navaho house dedication 504, 505 + + Dawn God of the Navaho 489 + Decoration, lack of, in Navaho houses 487 + Dedication of Navaho houses 476, 504 + Descent among the Navaho 485 + Dogs among the Navaho 484 + Doorframes of Navaho houses 492 + Drill, fire, of the Navaho 501 + + Environment, effect of, on primitive people 475 + Estufa, _see_ Kiva. + + Feast at Navaho house dedication 506 + Fire-Making by the Navaho 501 + Frog in Navaho genesis 488 + + Ganamucho, former Navaho chief 478 + Genesis of the Navaho 488 + Government of the Navaho 485 + + Hogans, _see_ Houses. + Hopi and Navaho compared 485, 486 + Houses, _see_ Tcindi Hogan. + + Kearny, _Gen._, conquest of New Mexico by 502 + Kivas partly subterranean 496 + + Land division of, by the Navaho 485 + Lukachukai mountains described 477 + + Matthews, W., acknowledgments to 476, 488 + Mindeleff, Victor, data by, on Navaho houses 476 + ----, on origin of pueblo house benches 496 + Mortuary Customs of the Navaho 487 + Myth, _see_ Genesis. + + Navaho former and present condition compared 502 + ---- habitat, description of 477 + ----, habits of the 481 + ----, modern condition of the 486 + ---- population 483 + New Mexico, _see_ Navaho. + Nomenclature of Navaho house building 491, 514-517 + + Pueblos raided by the Navaho 481 + + Rain personified by the Navaho 509 + Rainbow in Navaho genesis 488 + Recesses in Navaho houses 493, 514 + + Salt-Woman in Navaho genesis 488 + Sand Paintings of the Navaho 501, 513 + Sheep acquired by the Navaho 485, 486 + Sheep-Raising by the Navaho 481 + ----, decline of, among the Navaho 503 + Sites of Navaho houses 483, 489 + Smoking at Navaho house dedication 506 + Songs of dedication by Navaho 505-508 + ----, Navaho, necessity for correctness of 506 + Stephen, A. M., data by, on Navaho houses 476 + Summer Shelters of the Navaho 494 + Sunbeams in Navaho genesis 488 + Sunset God in Navaho mythology 489 + Sweat Baths, Navaho method of taking 500 + Sweat Houses of the Navaho 499 + + Taboo of tcindi-hogan 487 + Tc[)i]ndi Hogans of the Navaho 487 + Tobacco, _see_ Smoking. + Tortoise in Navaho genesis 488 + Traveling, Navaho method of 484 + Tsegi Canyon, _see_ Chelly Canyon. + Tunicha Mountains described 477 + + Vegetation of the Navaho country 480 + + Water Monster in Navaho genesis 488 + Women, Navaho, status of 485 + + Yeb[)i]tcai ceremony of the Navaho 500 + ---- hogan of the Navaho 509 + + * * * * * + * * * * + * * * * * + +turquois + _spelling as in original (twice)_ +The whole frame, comprising five timbers, is known as _tsaci_ + _so in original: "tsaci"?_ +On this skin the _qacal'i_ sprinkles iron ochers + _text has comma: "the _qacal'i_, sprinkles"_ +under the windy conditions that prevail in their country + _text reads "prevail n"_ +continue under the new conditions + _text reads "condi/ditions" at line break_ +May it be delightful with my food and theirs; may all be well; + _final semicolon absent in original_ +_naqokos qaa'dje iai_ (4) + _so in original: "qaa'adje"?_ + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Navaho Houses, pages 469-518, by +Cosmos Mindeleff + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NAVAHO HOUSES *** + +***** This file should be named 18206.txt or 18206.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/1/8/2/0/18206/ + +Produced by Louise Hope, Carlo Traverso, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This +file was produced from images generously made available +by the Bibliotheque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at +http://gallica.bnf.fr) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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