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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Navaho Houses, pages 469-518 + Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to + the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1895-1896, + Government Printing Office, Washington, 1898 + +Author: Cosmos Mindeleff + +Release Date: April 19, 2006 [EBook #18206] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NAVAHO HOUSES *** + + + + +Produced by Louise Hope, Carlo Traverso, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This +file was produced from images generously made available +by the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at +http://gallica.bnf.fr and The Internet Archive (American +Libraries).) + + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<div class = "mynote"> + +<p><a name = "start" id = "start">This text</a> includes characters that +require UTF-8 (Unicode) file encoding:</p> + +<p class = "inset"> +ă ĕ ĭ Ĭ letters with breve or “short” mark<br> +ŋ “eng” [ng]<br> +ġ g with dot over<br> +Ȼ ȼ c with slash (similar to “cents” sign ¢)</p> + +<p>If any of these characters do not display properly—in +particular, if the diacritic does not appear directly above the +letter—or if the apostrophes and quotation marks in this paragraph +appear as garbage, you may have an incompatible browser or unavailable +fonts. First, make sure that the browser’s “character set” or “file +encoding” is set to Unicode (UTF-8). You may also need to change your +browser’s default font.</p> + +<p>Typographical errors are marked with <ins class = "correction" +title = "like this">mouse-hover popups</ins>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class = "titlepage"> + +<h1 class = "four">SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT</h1> + +<h1 class = "six">OF THE</h1> + +<h1>BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY</h1> + +<h2 class = "six">TO THE</h2> + +<h2 class = "five">SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION</h2> + +<h2 class = "four extended">1895-96</h2> + +<h3 class = "six">BY</h3> + +<h3 class = "four">J. W. +<span class = "extended">POWELL</span><br> +<span class = "smallest">DIRECTOR</span></h3> + +<hr class = "tiny"> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<img src = "images/serieslogo.png" width = "147" height = "194" +alt = "BAE series logo"></p> + + +<h5 class = "extended">WASHINGTON<br> +<span class = "smaller">GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE<br> +1898</span></h5> + +</div> + +<div class = "titlepage"> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page467" id = "page467">467</a></span> + +<hr class = "mid"> + +<p> </p> + +<h3>ACCOMPANYING PAPERS<br> +<span class = "smallest">(CONTINUED)</span></h3> + +<p> </p> + +<hr class = "mid"> + +</div> + +<div class = "titlepage"> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page469" id = "page469">469</a></span> + +<h3 class = "extended">NAVAHO HOUSES</h3> + +<h4 class = "six">BY</h4> + +<h4>COSMOS MINDELEFF</h4> + +</div> + + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page471" id = "page471">471</a></span> + +<h3><a name = "contents" id = "contents">CONTENTS</a></h3> + +<hr class = "tiny"> + +<p class = "mynote"> +Items in <i>italics</i> were added by the transcriber.</p> + +<table class = "toc" summary = "table of contents"> +<tr> +<td></td> +<td class = "number">Page</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Introduction</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#intro">475</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Description of the country</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#description">477</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Habits of the people</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#habits">481</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Legendary and actual winter hogáns</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#winter">487</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Summer huts or shelters</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#summer">494</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Sweat houses</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#sweat">499</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Effect of modern conditions</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#modern">502</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Ceremonies of dedication</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#dedication">504</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>The hogán of the Yébĭtcai dance</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#dance">509</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Hogán nomenclature</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#nomenclature">514</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><a href = "#footnotes"><i>Footnotes</i></a></td> +<td></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><a href = "#index"><i>Index</i></a></td> +<td></td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page473" id = "page473">473</a></span> + +<h3><a name = "illus" id = "illus">ILLUSTRATIONS</a></h3> + +<hr class = "tiny"> + +<p class = "mynote"> +In the original book, the full-page Plates were interleaved with printed +pages. For this e-text, they have been placed as close as practical to +their referring text.</p> + +<table class = "toc" summary = "list of illustrations"> +<tr> +<td></td><td></td> +<td class = "number">Page</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item">Plate <a href = "#plate_82">LXXXII.</a></td> +<td>The Navaho reservation</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#plate_82">475</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#plate_83">LXXXIII.</a></td> +<td>A typical Navaho hogán</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#plate_83">483</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#plate_84">LXXXIV.</a></td> +<td>A hogán in Canyon de Chelly</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#plate_84">485</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#plate_85">LXXXV.</a></td> +<td>A Navaho summer hut</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#plate_85">495</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#plate_86">LXXXVI.</a></td> +<td>A “lean-to” summer shelter</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#plate_86">497</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#plate_87">LXXXVII.</a></td> +<td>Ĭnçá-qoġán, medicine hut</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#plate_87">501</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#plate_88">LXXXVIII.</a></td> +<td>Modern house of a wealthy Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#plate_88">505</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#plate_89">LXXXIX.</a></td> +<td>A Yébĭtcai house</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#plate_89">511</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#plate_90">XC.</a></td> +<td>Diagram plan of hogán, with names of parts</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#plate_90">514</a></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td> </td> +<td></td> +<td></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td class = "item"> Figure <a href = "#fig_230">230.</a></td> +<td>The three main timbers of a hogán</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#fig_230">489</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#fig_231">231.</a></td> +<td>Frame of a hogán, seen from below</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#fig_231">491</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#fig_232">232.</a></td> +<td>Frame of a doorway</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#fig_232">492</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#fig_233">233.</a></td> +<td>Ground plan of a summer shelter</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#fig_233">495</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#fig_234">234.</a></td> +<td>Supporting post in a summer hut</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#fig_234">496</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#fig_235">235.</a></td> +<td>Ground plan of a summer hut</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#fig_235">496</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#fig_236">236.</a></td> +<td>Section of a summer hut</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#fig_236">497</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#fig_237">237.</a></td> +<td>Masonry support for rafters</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#fig_237">497</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#fig_238">238.</a></td> +<td>A timber-built shelter</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#fig_238">498</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#fig_239">239.</a></td> +<td>Shelter with partly closed front</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#fig_239">499</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#fig_240">240.</a></td> +<td>Low earth-covered shelter</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#fig_240">500</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#fig_241">241.</a></td> +<td>Ground plan of Yébĭtcai house</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#fig_241">510</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#fig_242">242.</a></td> +<td>Framework of Yébĭtcai house</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#fig_242">512</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#fig_243">243.</a></td> +<td>Diagram showing measurements of Yébĭtcai house</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#fig_243">513</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class = "item"><a href = "#fig_244">244.</a></td> +<td>Interior of Yébĭtcai house, illustrating nomenclature</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#fig_244">516</a></td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "plate_82" id = "plate_82"> </a> +<img src = "images/plate82.jpg" width = "574" height = "535" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"><span class = "smallcaps">Plate LXXXII.</span><br> +MAP OF PARTS OF THE NAVAHO RESERVATION<br> +IN ARIZONA AND NEW MEXICO<br> +from the atlas sheets of the<br> +UNITED STATES GEOLOGICAL SURVEY</p> + +<p class = "center"> +<a href = "images/plate82_large.jpg" target = "_blank"> +<i>larger view</i></a></p> + +<hr> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page475" id = "page475">475</a></span> +<h3>NAVAHO HOUSES</h3> + +<hr class = "tiny"> + +<h5>By <span class = "smallcaps">Cosmos Mindeleff</span></h5> + +<hr class = "tiny"> + +<h3><a name = "intro" id = "intro">INTRODUCTION</a></h3> + +<p>The account of the houses or hogáns of the Navaho Indians which is +presented here will be of interest to the student of architecture, it is +believed, because data concerning such primitive types of house +structures are quite rare. It is also thought to be of interest to the +archeologist and ethnologist as well as to the general reader, for it is +well known that no one product of a people’s art exhibits so clearly +their mental attitude and their industrial status as the houses which +they build.</p> + +<p>Much of the material here presented was obtained some ten years ago, +when the recent changes which have taken place in Navaho life had only +just begun. Although the same processes are now employed in house +construction as formerly, and although the same ceremonies are observed, +they are not so universally nor so strictly adhered to as they were. The +present tendency is such that in a comparatively short time the rules +for the construction of a hogán which have been handed down through many +generations and closely followed, and the elaborate ceremonies of +dedication which formerly were deemed essential to the well-being of the +occupants, will be so far modified as to be no longer recognizable, if, +indeed, they are not altogether abandoned. Such being the case, even a +bare record of the conditions which have prevailed for at least two +centuries must be of value.</p> + +<p>As the architecture of a primitive people is influenced largely by +the character of the country in which they live, a brief description of +the Navaho reservation is deemed necessary. Similarly, the habits of +life of the people, what a naturalist would term their life history, +which in combination with the physical environment practically dictates +their arts, is worthy of notice, for without some knowledge of the +conditions under which a people live it is difficult, if not impossible, +to obtain an adequate conception of their art products.</p> + +<p>The winter hogáns are the real homes of the people, but as the form +and construction of these are dictated by certain rules and a long line +of precedents, supported by a conservatism which is characteristic of +savage life, the summer shelters, which are largely exempt from such +rules, are of considerable interest. Moreover, the effects of modern +conditions and the breaking down of the old ideas should have +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page476" id = "page476">476</a></span> +some place in a discussion of this kind, if only for the hint afforded +as to the future of the tribe.</p> + +<p>The elaborate ceremonies of dedication which in the old days always +followed the construction of a house, and are still practiced, exhibit +almost a new phase of Indian culture. The essentially religious +character of the Indian mind, and his desire to secure for himself and +for his family those benefits which he believes will follow from the +establishment of a perfect understanding with his deities—in other +words, from the rendering of proper homage to benignant deities and the +propitiation of the maleficent ones—are exhibited in these +ceremonies. The sketch of them which is here given, the songs which form +a part of the ceremony, and the native explanations of some of the +features will, it is believed, assist to a better understanding of +Indian character.</p> + +<p>Finally, the rather full nomenclature of parts and elements of the +house which forms the last section of this memoir will probably be of +service to those who find in language hints and suggestions, or perhaps +direct evidence, of the various steps taken by a people in the course of +their development. As the writer is not competent to discuss the data +from that point of view, it is presented here in this form for the +benefit of those who are. Some suggestions of the derivation of various +terms are given, but only as suggestions.</p> + +<p>Much of the material which is comprised in this report was collected +by the late A. M. Stephen, who lived for many years among the Navaho. +His high standing and universal popularity among these Indians gave him +opportunities for the collection of data of this kind which have seldom +been afforded to others. Some of the notes and sketches of Mr Victor +Mindeleff, whose studies of Pueblo architecture are well known, have +been utilized in this report. The author is indebted to Dr Washington +Matthews, the well-known authority on the Navaho Indians, for revising +the spelling of native terms occurring throughout the text.</p> + +<p>In the present paper two spellings of the Navaho word for hut are +used. The proper form is <i>qoġán</i>, but in and around the Navaho +country it has become an adopted English word under the corrupt form +<i>hogán</i>. Thus nearly all the whites in that region pronounce and +spell it, and many of the Indians, to be easily understood by whites, +are pronouncing it lately in the corrupted form. Therefore, wherever the +term is employed as an adopted English word, the form <i>hogán</i> is +given, but where it is used as part of a Navaho phrase or compound word +the strictly correct form <i>qoġán</i> is preserved.</p> + +<p>An inverted comma (‘) following a vowel shows that the vowel is +aspirated.</p> + +<p>An inverted comma following <i>l</i> shows that the <i>l‘</i> is +aspirated in a peculiar manner—more with the side than with the +tip of the tongue.</p> + +<p>ŋ represents the nasalized form of +<i>n</i>.</p> + +<p>ġ represents the Arabic <i>ghain</i>.</p> + +<p>In other respects the alphabet of the Bureau is followed.</p> + + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page477" id = "page477">477</a></span> + +<h3><a name = "description" id = "description"> +DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY</a></h3> + +<p>The Navaho reservation comprises an extensive area in the extreme +northeastern part of Arizona and the northwestern corner of New Mexico +(<a href = "#plate_82">plate <span class = +"smallroman">LXXXII</span></a>). The total area is over 11,000 square +miles, of which about 650 square miles are in New Mexico; but it would +be difficult to find a region of equal size and with an equal population +where so large a proportion of the land is so nearly worthless. This +condition has had an important effect on the people and their arts, and +especially on their houses.</p> + +<p>The region may be roughly characterized as a vast sandy plain, arid +in the extreme; or rather as two such plains, separated by a chain of +mountains running northwest and southeast. In the southern part of the +reservation this mountain range is known as the Choiskai mountains, and +here the top is flat and mesa-like in character, dotted with little +lakes and covered with giant pines, which in the summer give it a +park-like aspect. The general elevation of this plateau is a little less +than 9,000 feet above the sea and about 3,000 feet above the valleys or +plains east and west of it.</p> + +<p>The continuation of the range to the northwest, separated from the +Choiskai only by a high pass, closed in winter by deep snow, is known as +the Tunicha mountains. The summit here is a sharp ridge with pronounced +slopes and is from 9,000 to 9,400 feet high. On the west there are +numerous small streams, which, rising near the summit, course down the +steep slopes and finally discharge through Canyon Chelly into the great +Chinlee valley, which is the western of the two valleys referred to +above. The eastern slope is more pronounced than the western, and its +streams are so small and insignificant that they are hardly worthy of +mention.</p> + +<p>Still farther to the northwest, and not separated from the Tunicha +except by a drawing in or narrowing of the mountain mass, with no +depression of the summit, is another part of the same range, which bears +a separate name. It is known as the Lukachukai mountains. Here something +of the range character is lost, and the uplift becomes a confused mass, +a single great pile, with a maximum altitude of over 9,400 feet.</p> + +<p>Northwest of this point the range breaks down into Chinlee valley, +but directly to the north is another uplift, called the Carriso +mountains. It is a single mass, separated from the range proper by a +comparatively low area of less than 7,000 feet altitude, while the +Carriso itself is over 9,400 feet above the sea.</p> + +<p>The western and northwestern parts of the reservation might also be +classed as mountainous. Here there is a great mesa or elevated +table-land, cut and gashed by innumerable canyons and gorges, and with a +general elevation of 7,500 to 8,000 feet. Throughout nearly its whole +extent it is impassable to wagons.</p> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page478" id = "page478">478</a></span> +<p>The valleys to which reference has been made are the Chinlee on the west +and the Chaco on the east of the principal mountain range described. +Both run nearly due north, and the former has a fall of about 2,000 feet +from the divide, near the southern reservation line, to the northern +boundary, a distance of about 85 miles. Chaco valley heads farther south +and discharges into San Juan river within the reservation. It has less +fall than the Chinlee. Both valleys are shown on the maps as occupied by +rivers, but the rivers materialize only after heavy rains; at all other +times there is only a dry, sandy channel. Chaco “river,” which heads in +the continental divide, carries more water than the Chelly, which +occupies Chinlee valley, and is more often found to contain a little +water. The valleys have a general altitude of 5,000 to 6,000 feet above +the sea.</p> + +<p>The base of the mountain range has an average breadth of only 12 +or 15 miles, and it is a pronounced impediment to east-and-west +communication. It is probably on this account that the Navaho are +divided into two principal bands, under different leaders. Those of one +band seldom travel in the territory of the other. The Navaho of the +west, formerly commanded by old Ganamucho (now deceased), have all the +advantages in regard to location, and on the whole are a finer body of +men than those of the east.</p> + +<p>On the west the mountains break down into Chinlee valley by a gradual +slope—near the summit quite steep, then running out into +table-lands and long foothills. This region is perhaps the most +desirable on the reservation, and is thickly inhabited. On the east the +mountains descend by almost a single slope to the edge of the +approximately flat Chaco valley. In a few rods the traveler passes from +the comparatively fertile mountain region into the flat, extremely arid +valley country, and in 50 or 60 miles’ travel after leaving the +mountains he will not find wood enough to make his camp fire, nor, +unless he moves rapidly, water enough to carry his horses over the +intervening distance.</p> + +<p>Throughout the whole region great scarcity of water prevails; in the +large valleys during most of the year there is none, and it is only in +the mountain districts that there is a permanent supply; but there life +is almost impossible during the winter. This condition has had much to +do with the migratory habits of the people, or rather with their +frequent moving from place to place; for they are not a nomadic people +as the term is usually employed. This is one of the reasons why the +Navaho have no fixed habitations.</p> + +<p>San Juan river forms a short section of the northeastern boundary of +the Navaho country, and this is practically the only perennial stream to +which they have access. It is of little use to them, however, as there +are no tributaries from the southern or reservation side, other than the +Chaco and Chelly “rivers,” which are really merely drainage channels and +are dry during most of the year. The eastern slope of the mountain range +gives rise to no streams, and the foot of the range +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page479" id = "page479">479</a></span> +on that side is as dry and waterless as the valley itself. One may +travel for 20 miles over this valley and not find a drop of water. +Except at Sulphur springs, warm volcanic springs about 30 miles south of +the San Juan, the ordinary traveler will not find sufficient water +between the foot of the mountains and the river, a distance of over 50 +miles. Such is the character of Chaco valley. But the Indians know of a +few holes and pockets in this region which yield a scanty supply of +water during parts of the year, and somewhere in the vicinity of these +pockets will be found a hogán or two.</p> + +<p>Chaco wash or river, like most of the large drainage channels of this +country, has a permanent underflow, and by digging wells in the dry, +sandy bed it is often possible to obtain a limited supply of water. This +is well known to the Navaho, and 90 per cent of the houses of this +region are located within reach of the wash, whence the supply of water +which the Navaho deems essential is procured.</p> + +<p>On the western slope of the mountains and in the canyons and cliffs +of the high table-lands which form the western part of the reservation, +the water supply, while still scanty, is abundant as compared with the +eastern part. In the mountains themselves there are numerous small +streams, some of which carry water nearly all the year; while here and +there throughout the region are many diminutive springs almost or quite +permanent in character. Most of the little streams rise near the crest +of the mountains and, flowing westward, are collected in a deep canyon +cut in the western slope, whence the water is discharged into Chinlee +valley, and traversing its length in the so-called Rio de Chelly, +finally reaches San Juan river. But while these little streams are +fairly permanent up in the mountains, their combined flow is seldom +sufficient, except in times of flood, to reach the mouth of Canyon +Chelly and Chinlee valley. However, here, as in the Chaco, there is an +underflow, which the Indians know how to utilize and from which they can +always obtain a sufficient supply of potable water.</p> + +<p>The whole Navaho country lies within what the geologists term the +Plateau region, and its topography is dictated by the peculiar +characteristics of that area. The soft sandstone measures, which are its +most pronounced feature, appear to lie perfectly horizontal, but in fact +the strata have a slight, although persistent dip. From this peculiarity +it comes about that each stratum extends for miles with an unbroken +sameness which is extremely monotonous to the traveler; but finally its +dip carries it under the next succeeding stratum, whose edge appears as +an escarpment or cliff, and this in turn stretches out flat and +uninteresting to the horizon. To the eye it appears an ideal country for +traveling, but only a very slight experience is necessary to reveal its +deceptiveness. Everywhere the flat mesas are cut and seamed by gorges +and narrow canyons, sometimes impassable even to a horse. Except along a +few routes which have been established here and there, wagon travel is +extremely difficult and often impossible. It +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page480" id = "page480">480</a></span> +is not unusual for a wagon to travel 50 or 60 miles between two points +not 20 miles distant from each other.</p> + +<p>The high mountain districts are characterized by a heavy growth of +giant pines, with firs and spruce in the highest parts, and many groves +of scrub oak. The pines are abundant and make excellent lumber. Going +downward they merge into piñons, useful for firewood but valueless as +timber, and these in turn give place to junipers and cedars, which are +found everywhere throughout the foothills and on the high mesa lands. +The valleys proper, and the low mesas which bound them, are generally +destitute of trees; their vegetation consists only of sagebrush and +greasewood, with a scanty growth of grass in favorable spots.</p> + +<p>To the traveler in the valley the country appears to consist of sandy +plains bounded in the distance by rocky cliffs. When he ascends to the +higher plateaus he views a wide landscape of undulating plain studded +with wooded hills, while from the mountain summits he looks down upon a +land which appears to be everywhere cut into a network of jagged +canyons—a confused tangle of cliffs and gorges without system.</p> + +<p>For a few weeks in early summer the table-lands are seen in their +most attractive guise. The open stretches of the mesas are carpeted with +verdure almost hidden under a profusion of flowers. The gray and dusty +sagebrush takes on a tinge of green, and even the prickly and repulsive +greasewood clothes itself with a multitude of golden blossoms. Cacti of +various kinds vie with one another in producing the most brilliant +flowers, odorless but gorgeous. But in a few weeks all this brightness +fades and the country resumes the colorless monotonous aspect which +characterizes it.</p> + +<p>July and August and sometimes part of September comprise the rainy +season. This period is marked by sudden heavy showers of short duration, +and the sandy soil absorbs sufficient moisture to nourish the grass and +herbage for a time; but most of the water finds its way directly into +deep-cut channels and thence in heavy torrents to the deep canyons of +the San Juan and the Colorado, where it is lost. A small portion of the +rainfall and much of the snow water percolates the soil and the porous +sandstones which compose the region, and issues in small springs along +the edges of the mesas and in the little canyons; but these last only a +few months, and they fail in the time of greatest need—in the hot +summer days when the grass is dry and brittle and the whole country is +parched.</p> + +<p>The direct dependence of the savage on nature as he finds it is +nowhere better illustrated than on the Navaho reservation. In the three +essentials of land, water, and vegetation, his country is not an ideal +one. The hard conditions under which he lives have acted directly on his +arts and industries, on his habits and customs, and also on his mind and +his mythology. In one respect only has he an advantage: he is blessed +with a climate which acts in a measure as an offset +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page481" id = "page481">481</a></span> +to the other conditions and enables him to lead a life which is on the +whole not onerous.</p> + +<p>In these dry elevated regions the heat is never oppressive in the day +and the nights are always cool. Day temperatures of 120° or more are not +uncommon in the valleys in July and August, but the humidity is so +slight that such high readings do not produce the discomfort the figures +might imply. In his calico shirt and breeches the Navaho is quite +comfortable, and in the cool of the evening and night he has but to add +a blanket, which he always has within reach. The range between the day +and night temperature in summer is often very great, but the houses are +constructed to meet these conditions; they are cool in hot weather and +warm in cold weather.</p> + +<p>The extreme dryness of the air has another advantage from the Indian +point of view, in that it permits a certain degree of filthiness. This +seems inseparable from the Indian character, but it would be impossible +in a moist climate; even under the favorable conditions of the plateau +country many of the tribes are periodically decimated by smallpox.</p> + + +<h3><a name = "habits" id = "habits">HABITS OF THE PEOPLE</a></h3> + +<p>The habits of a people, which are to a certain extent the product of +the country in which they live, in turn have a pronounced effect on +their habitations. New Mexico and Arizona came into the possession of +the United States in 1846, and prior to that time the Navaho lived +chiefly by war and plunder. The Mexican settlers along the Rio Grande +and the Pueblo Indians of the same region were the principal +contributors to their welfare, and the thousands of sheep and horses +which were stolen from these people formed the nucleus or starting point +of the large flocks and herds which constitute the wealth of the Navaho +today.</p> + +<p>The Navajo reservation is better suited for the raising of sheep than +for anything else, and the step from the life of a warrior and hunter to +that of a shepherd is not a long one, nor a hard one to take. Under the +stress of necessity the Navajo became a peaceable pastoral tribe, living +by their flocks and herds, and practicing horticulture only in an +extremely limited and precarious way. Under modern conditions they are +slowly developing into an agricultural tribe, and this development has +already progressed far enough to materially affect their house +structures; but in a general way it may be said that they are a pastoral +people, and their habits have been dictated largely by that mode of +life.</p> + +<p>Every family is possessed of a flock of sheep and goats, sometimes +numbering many thousands, and a band of horses, generally several +hundreds, in a few instances several thousands. In recent times many +possess small herds of cattle, the progeny of those which strayed into +the reservation from the numerous large herds in its vicinity, or were +picked up about the borders by some Navaho whose thrift was more +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page482" id = "page482">482</a></span> +highly developed than his honesty. The condition of the tribe, as a +whole, is not only far removed from hardship, but may even be said to be +one of comparative affluence.</p> + +<p>Owing to the scarcity of grass over most of the country, and the +difficulty of procuring a sufficient supply of water, the flocks must be +moved from place to place at quite frequent intervals. This condition +more than any other has worked against the erection of permanent houses. +Yet the Navaho are by no means nomads, and the region within which a +given family moves back and forth is extremely circumscribed.</p> + +<p>In a general way the movements of a family are regulated by the +condition of the grass and the supply of water. In a dry season many of +the small springs cease to flow at an early date in the summer. +Moreover, if a flock is kept too long in one locality, the grass is +almost destroyed by close cropping, forcing the abandonment of that +particular place for two or three years. When this occurs, the place +will recover and the grass become good again if left entirely +undisturbed for several years.</p> + +<p>The usual practice is to take the flocks up into the mountains or on +the high plateaus during the summer, quartering them near some spring or +small stream, and when the snow comes they are moved down to the lower +foothills or out into the valleys. In the winter both shepherds and +sheep depend on the snow for their water supply, and by this means an +immense tract of country, which otherwise would be a perfect waste, is +utilized. As the snow disappears from the valleys the flocks are +gradually driven back again into the mountains.</p> + +<p>The heavy fall of snow in the mountains and its slow melting in +spring makes that region far more fertile and grassy than the valleys, +and were it possible to remain there throughout the year doubtless many +families would do so. As it is, however, the feed is covered too deeply +for the sheep to reach it, and during several months heavy snowdrifts +make communication very difficult and at times impossible. In a few +favored localities—usually small, well-sheltered valleys here and +there in the mountains—some families may remain throughout the +winter, but as a rule, at the first approach of the cold season and +before the first snow flies there is a general exodus to the low-lying +valleys and the low mesa regions, and the mountains are practically +abandoned for a time.</p> + +<p>During the rainy season pools and little lakes of water are formed +all over the flat country, lasting sometimes several weeks. Advantage is +taken of the opportunity thus afforded and the flocks are driven out on +the plains and grazed in the vicinity of the water so long as the supply +holds out, but as this is seldom prolonged more than a few weeks it is +not surprising that the house erected by the head of the family should +be of a very temporary nature. In fact the most finished house +structures of these people must be temporary rather than +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page483" id = "page483">483</a></span> +permanent so long as the conditions sketched above prevail; in other +words, so long as they depend principally on their sheep.</p> + +<p>Another result of these conditions is that each family lives by +itself and, as it were, on its own ground. Large communities are +impossible, and while there are instances where eight or ten families +occupy some place of exceptionally favorable location, these are rare. +In fact to see even three or four hogáns together is remarkable. There +are perhaps more hogáns in Canyon Chelly than in any other one locality, +but the people who live here are regarded by the other Navaho as poor, +because they own but few sheep and horses and depend principally on +horticulture for their subsistence. Incidentally it may be stated that +horses are well esteemed by the Navaho as an article of food, and that +the large herds which some of them own are not so wholly useless as they +appear to the casual traveler.</p> + +<p>Canyon Chelly, which the Navaho call Tségi, contains several small +streams and numerous patches of arable land on the bottoms. The +conditions here are exceptionally favorable for horticulture; indeed, +the numerous remains of cliff dwellings which are found in the canyon +would show this if other evidence were lacking. It has long been famous +among the Navaho as the horticultural center of the tribe, and for its +peach crops, derived from thousands of trees planted in sheltered nooks. +In the summer scattered members of the various families or clans gather +there by hundreds from every part of the reservation to feast together +for a week or two on green corn, melons, and peaches.</p> + +<p>As a rule, however, each hogán stands by itself, and it is usually +hidden away so effectually that the traveler who is not familiar with +the customs of the people might journey for days and not see half a +dozen of them. The spot chosen for a dwelling place is either some +sheltered nook in a mesa or a southward slope on the edge of a piñon +grove near a good fuel supply and not too far from water. A house is +very seldom built close to a spring—perhaps a survival of the +habit which prevailed when the people were a hunting tribe and kept away +from the water holes in order not to disturb the game which frequented +them.</p> + +<p>So prevalent is this custom of placing the houses in out-of-the-way +places that the casual traveler receives the impression that the region +over which he has passed is practically uninhabited. He may, perhaps, +meet half a dozen Indians in a day, or he may meet none, and at sunset +when he camps he will probably hear the bark of a dog in the distance, +or he may notice on the mountain side a pillar of smoke like that +arising from his own camp fire. This is all that he will see to indicate +the existence of other life than his own, yet the tribe numbers over +12,000 souls, and it is probable that there was no time during the day +when there were not several pairs of eyes looking at him, and were he to +fire his gun the report would probably be heard by several hundred +persons. Probably this custom of half-concealed habitations is a +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page484" id = "page484">484</a></span> +survival from the time when the Navaho were warriors and plunderers, and +lived in momentary expectation of reprisals on the part of their +victims.</p> + +<p>Although the average Navaho family may be said to be in almost +constant movement, they are not at all nomads, yet the term has +frequently been applied to them. Each family moves back and forth within +a certain circumscribed area, and the smallness of this area is one of +the most remarkable things in Navaho life.</p> + +<p>Ninety per cent of the Navaho one meets on the reservation are +mounted and usually riding at a gallop, apparently bent on some +important business at a far-distant point. But a closer acquaintance +will develop the fact that there are many grown men in the tribe who are +entirely ignorant of the country 30 or 40 miles from where they were +born. It is an exceptional Navaho who knows the country well 60 miles +about his birthplace, or the place where he may be living, usually the +same thing. It is doubtful whether there are more than a few dozens of +Navaho living west of the mountains who know anything of the country to +the east, and vice versa. This ignorance of what we may term the +immediate vicinity of a place is experienced by every traveler who has +occasion to make a long journey over the reservation and employs a +guide. But he discovers it only by personal experience, for the guide +will seldom admit his ignorance and travels on, depending on meeting +other Indians living in that vicinity who will give him the required +local knowledge. This peculiar trait illustrates the extremely +restricted area within which each “nomad” family lives.</p> + +<p>Now and then one may meet a family moving, for such movements are +quite common. Usually each family has at least two locations—not +definite places, but regions—and they move from one to the other +as the necessity arises. In such cases they take everything with them, +including flocks of sheep and goats and herds of ponies and cattle, if +they possess any. The <i>qasçíŋ</i>, as the head of the family is +called, drives the ponies and cattle, the former a degenerate lot of +little beasts not much larger than an ass, but capable of carrying a man +in an emergency 100 miles in a day. He carries his arms, for the coyotes +trouble the sheep at night, two or three blankets, and a buckskin on his +saddle, but nothing more. It is his special duty to keep the ponies +moving and in the trail. Following him comes a flock of sheep and goats, +bleating and nibbling at the bushes and grass as they slowly trot along, +urged by the dust-begrimed squaw and her children. Several of the more +tractable ponies carry packs of household effects stuffed into buckskin +and cotton bags or wrapped in blankets, a little corn for food, the rude +blanket loom of the woman, baskets, and wicker bottles, and perhaps a +scion of the house, too young to walk, perched on top of all. Such a +caravan is always accompanied by several dogs—curs of unknown +breed, but invaluable aids to the women and children in herding the +flocks.</p> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page485" id = "page485">485</a></span> +<p>Under the Navaho system descent is in the female line. The children +belong to the mother, and likewise practically all property except +horses and cattle. Sheep and goats belong exclusively to her, and the +head of the family can not sell a sheep to a passing traveler without +first obtaining the consent and approval of his wife. Hence in such a +movement as that sketched above the flocks are looked after by the +women, while under normal circumstances, when the family has settled +down and is at home, the care of the flocks devolves almost entirely on +the little children, so young sometimes that they can just toddle +about.</p> + +<p>The waters are usually regarded by the Navaho as the common property +of the tribe, but the cultivable lands in the vicinity are held by the +individuals and families as exclusively their own. Their flocks occupy +all the surrounding pasture, so that virtually many of the springs come +to be regarded as the property of the people who plant nearest to +them.</p> + +<p>In early times, when the organization of the people into clans was +more clearly defined, a section of territory was parceled out and held +as a clan ground, and some of the existing clans took their names from +such localities. Legends are still current among the old men of these +early days before the introduction of sheep and goats and horses by the +Spaniards, when the people lived by the chase and on wild fruits, grass +seeds, and piñon nuts, and such supplies as they could plunder from +their neighbors. Indian corn or maize was apparently known from the +earliest time, but so long as plunder and the supply of game continued +sufficient, little effort was made to grow it. Later as the tribe +increased and game became scarcer, the cultivation of corn increased, +but until ten years ago more grain was obtained in trade from the +Pueblos than was grown in the Navaho country. There are now no defined +boundaries to the ancient clan lands, but they are still recognized in a +general way and such a tract is spoken of as “my mother’s land.”</p> + +<p>Families cling to certain localities and sections not far apart, and +when compelled, by reason of failure of springs or too close cropping of +the grass, to go to other neighborhoods, they do not move to the new +place as a matter of right, but of courtesy; and the movement is never +undertaken until satisfactory arrangements have been concluded with the +families already living there.</p> + +<p>Some of the Pueblo tribes, the Hopi or Moki, for example, have been +subjected to much the same conditions as the Navaho; but in this case +similarity of conditions has produced very dissimilar results, that is, +as regards house structures. The reasons, however, are obvious, and lie +principally in two distinct causes—antecedent habits and personal +character. The Navaho are a fine, athletic race of men, living a free +and independent life. They are without chiefs, in the ordinary meaning +of the term, although there are men in the tribe who occupy prominent +positions and exercise a kind of semiauthority—chiefs by +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page486" id = "page486">486</a></span> +courtesy, as it were. Ever since we have known them, now some three +hundred years, they have been hunters, warriors, and robbers. When +hunting, war, and robbery ceased to supply them with the necessaries of +life they naturally became a pastoral people, for the flocks and the +pasture lands were already at hand. It is only within the last few years +that they have shown indication of developing into an agricultural +people. With their previous habits only temporary habitations were +possible, and when they became a pastoral people the same habitations +served their purpose better than any other. The hogáns of ten or fifteen +years ago, and to a certain extent the hogáns of today, are practically +the same as they were three hundred years ago. There has been no reason +for a change and consequently no change has been made.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, the Hopi came into the country with a +comparatively elaborate system of house structures, previously developed +elsewhere. They are an undersized, puny race, content with what they +have and asking only to be left alone. They are in no sense warriors, +although there is no doubt that they have fought bitterly among +themselves within historic times. Following the Spanish invasion they +also received sheep and goats, but their previous habits prevented them +from becoming a pastoral people like the Navaho, and their main reliance +for food is, and always was, on horticultural products. Living, as they +did, in fixed habitations and in communities, the pastoral life was +impossible to them, and their marked timidity would prevent the +abandonment of their communal villages.</p> + +<p>Under modern conditions these two methods of life, strongly opposed +to each other, although practiced in the same region and under the same +physical conditions, are drawing a little closer together. Under the +strong protecting arm of the Government the Hopi are losing a little of +their timidity and are gradually abandoning their villages on the mesa +summits and building individual houses in the valleys below. +Incidentally they are increasing their flocks and herds. On the other +hand, under the stress of modern conditions, the Navaho are surely, +although very slowly, turning to agriculture, and apparently show some +disposition to form small communities. Their flocks of sheep and goats +have decreased materially in the last few years, a decrease due largely +to the removal of the duty on wool and the consequent low price they +obtained from the traders for this staple article of their trade.</p> + +<p>In both cases the result, so far as the house structures are +concerned, is the same. The houses of the people, the homes “we have +always had,” as they put it, are rapidly disappearing, and the examples +left today are more or less influenced by ideas derived from the whites. +Among the Navaho such contact has been very slight, but it has been +sufficient to introduce new methods of construction and in fact new +structures, and it is doubtful whether the process and the ritual later +described could be found in their entirety today. Many of the modern +houses of the Navaho in the mountainous and timbered regions are built +of logs, sometimes hewn. These houses are nearly always rectangular +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page487" id = "page487">487</a></span> +in shape, as also are all of those built of stone masonry in the valley +regions.</p> + +<p>There is a peculiar custom of the Navaho which should be mentioned, +as it has had an important influence on the house-building practices of +the tribe, and has done much to prevent the erection of permanent +abodes. This is the idea of the <i>tcĭ’ndi</i> hogán. When a person dies +within a house the rafters are pulled down over the remains and the +place is usually set on fire. After that nothing would induce a Navaho +to touch a piece of the wood or even approach the immediate vicinity of +the place; even years afterward such places are recognized and avoided. +The place and all about it are the especial locale of the +<i>tcĭ’ndi</i>, the shade or “spirit” of the departed. These shades are +not necessarily malevolent, but they are regarded as inclined to resent +any intrusion or the taking of any liberties with them or their +belongings. If one little stick of wood from a <i>tcĭ’ndi</i> hogán is +used about a camp fire, as is sometimes done by irreverent whites, not +an Indian will approach the fire; and not even under the greatest +necessity would they partake of the food prepared by its aid.</p> + +<p>This custom has had much to do with the temporary character of the +Navaho houses, for men are born to die, and they must die somewhere. +There are thousands of these <i>tcĭ´ndi</i> hogáns scattered over the +reservation, not always recognizable as such by whites, but the Navaho +is unerring in identifying them. He was not inclined to build a fine +house when he might have to abandon it at any time, although in the +modern houses alluded to above he has overcome this difficulty in a very +simple and direct way. When a person is about to die in one of the stone +or log houses referred to he is carried outside and allowed to die in +the open air. The house is thus preserved.</p> + + +<h3><a name = "winter" id = "winter"> +LEGENDARY AND ACTUAL WINTER HOGÁNS</a></h3> + +<p>The Navaho recognize two distinct classes of hogáns—the +<i>keqaí</i> or winter place, and the <i>kejĭ´n</i>, or summer place; in +other words, winter huts and summer shelters. Notwithstanding the +primitive appearance of the winter huts, resembling mere mounds of earth +hollowed out, they are warm and comfortable, and, rude as they seem, +their construction is a matter of rule, almost of ritual, while the +dedicatory ceremonies which usually precede regular occupancy are +elaborate and carefully performed.</p> + +<p>Although no attempt at decoration is ever made, either of the inside +or the outside of the houses, it is not uncommon to hear the term +beautiful applied to them. Strong forked timbers of the proper length +and bend, thrust together with their ends properly interlocking to form +a cone-like frame, stout poles leaned against the apex to form the +sides, the whole well covered with bark and heaped thickly with earth, +forming a roomy warm interior with a level floor—these are +sufficient to constitute a “<i>qoġán nĭjóni</i>,” house beautiful. To +the Navaho the house +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page488" id = "page488">488</a></span> +is beautiful to the extent that it is well constructed and to the degree +that it adheres to the ancient model.</p> + +<p>There are many legends and traditions of wonderful houses made by the +gods and by the mythic progenitors of the tribe. In the building of +these houses <ins class = "correction" title = +"spelling consistent in this text">turquois</ins> +and pearly shells were freely used, as were +also the transparent mists of dawn and the gorgeous colors of sunset. +They were covered by sunbeams and the rays of the rainbow, with +everything beautiful or richly colored on the earth and in the sky. It +is perhaps on account of these gorgeous mythical hogáns that no attempt +is now made to decorate the everyday dwelling; it would be +<i>bátsĭç</i>, tabooed (or sacrilegious). The traditions preserve +methods of house building that were imparted to mortals by the gods +themselves. These methods, as is usual in such cases, are the simplest +and of the most primitive nature, but they are still scrupulously +followed.</p> + +<p>Early mention of house building occurs in the creation myths: +First-man and First-woman are discovered in the first or lowest +underworld, living in a hut which was the prototype of the hogán. There +were curious beings located at the cardinal points in that first world, +and these also lived in huts of the same style, but constructed of +different materials. In the east was Tiéholtsodi, who afterward appears +as a water monster, but who then lived in the House of Clouds, and Iȼní‘ +(Thunder) guarded his doorway. In the south was Teal’ (Frog) in a house +of blue fog, and Tiel’íŋ, who is afterward a water monster, lay at that +doorway. Ácihi Estsán (Salt-woman) was in the west, and her house was of +the substance of a mirage; the youth Çó‘nenĭli (Water-sprinkler) danced +before her door. In the north Çqaltláqale<a class = "tag" name = "tag1" +id = "tag1" href = "#note1">1</a> made a house of green duckweed, and +Sĭstél‘ (Tortoise) lay at that door.</p> + +<p>Some versions of the myth hold that First-man’s hut was made of wood +just like the modern hogán, but it was covered with gorgeous rainbows +and bright sunbeams instead of bark and earth. At that time the +firmament had not been made, but these first beings possessed the +elements for its production. Rainbows and sunbeams consisted of layers +or films of material, textile or at least pliable in nature, and were +carried about like a bundle of blankets. Two sheets of each of these +materials were laid across the hut alternately, first the rainbows from +north to south, then the sunbeams from east to west. According to this +account the other four houses at the cardinal points were similarly made +of wood, the different substances mentioned being used merely for +covering. Other traditions hold that the houses were made entirely of +the substances mentioned and that no wood was used in their construction +because at that time no wood or other vegetal material had been +produced.</p> + +<p>After mankind had ascended through the three underworlds by means of +the magic reed to the present or fourth world, Qastcéyalçi, the God of +Dawn, the benevolent nature god of the south and east, +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page489" id = "page489">489</a></span> +imparted to each group of mankind an appropriate architecture—to +the tribes of the plains, skin lodges; to the Pueblos, stone houses; and +to the Navaho, huts of wood and earth and summer shelters. Curiously +enough, nowhere in Navaho tradition is any mention or suggestion made of +the use by them of skin lodges.</p> + +<p>In building the Navaho hogán Qastcéyalçi was assisted by Qastcéqoġan, +the God of Sunset, the complementary nature god of the north and west, +who is not so uniformly benignant as the former. In the ceremonies which +follow the erection of a hogán today the structure is dedicated to both +these deities, but the door is invariably placed to face the east, that +the house may be directly open to the influences of the more kindly +disposed Qastcéyalçi.</p> + +<p>When a movement of a family has been completed, the first care of the +<i>qasçíŋ</i>, or head of the family, is to build a dwelling, for which +he selects a suitable site and enlists the aid of his neighbors and +friends. He must be careful to select a place well removed from hills of +red ants, as, aside from the perpetual discomfort consequent on too +close a proximity, it is told that in the underworld these pests +troubled First-man and the other gods, who then dwelt together, and +caused them to disperse.</p> + +<div class = "figfloat" style = "width: 280px;"> +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "fig_230" id = "fig_230"> </a> +<img src = "images/fig230.png" width = "272" height = "214" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"> +<span class = "smallcaps">Fig. 230</span>—The three main timbers +of a hogán</p> +</div> + +<p>A suitable site having been found, search is made for trees fit to +make the five principal timbers which constitute the <i>qoġán tsáȼi</i>, +or house frame. There is no standard of length, as there is no standard +of size for the completed dwelling, but commonly piñon trees 8 to 10 +inches in diameter and 10 to 12 feet long are selected. Three of the +five timbers must terminate in spreading forks, as shown in figure 230, +but this is not necessary for the other two, which are intended for the +doorway and are selected for their straightness.</p> + +<p>When suitable trees have been found, and sometimes they are a +considerable distance from the site selected, they are cut down and +trimmed, stripped of bark, and roughly dressed. They are then carried or +dragged to the site of the hogán and there laid on the ground with their +forked ends together somewhat in the form of a T, extreme care being +taken to have the butt of one log point to the south, one to the west, +and one to the north. The two straight timbers are then + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page490" id = "page490">490</a></span> +laid down with the small ends close to the forks of the north and south +timbers and with their butt ends pointing to the east. They must be +spread apart about the width of the doorway which they will form.</p> + +<p>When all the timbers have been laid out on the ground, the position +of each one of the five butts is marked by a stone or in some other +convenient way, but great care must be exercised to have the doorway +timbers point exactly to the east. Sometimes measurements are made +without placing the timbers on the site, their positions and lengths +being determined by the use of a long sapling. The interior area being +thus approximated, all the timbers are removed, and, guided only by the +eye, a rough circle is laid out, well within the area previously marked. +The ground within this circle is then scraped and dug out until a fairly +level floor is obtained, leaving a low bench of earth entirely or partly +around the interior. This bench is sometimes as much as a foot and a +half high on the high side of a slightly sloping site, but ordinarily it +is less than a foot. The object of this excavation is twofold—to +make a level floor with a corresponding increase in the height of the +structure, and to afford a bench on which the many small articles +constituting the domestic paraphernalia can be set aside and thus avoid +littering the floor.</p> + +<p>The north and south timbers are the first to be placed, and each is +handled by a number of men, usually four or five, who set the butt ends +firmly in the ground on opposite sides at the points previously marked +and lower the timbers to a slanting position until the forks lock +together. While some of the men hold these timbers in place others set +the west timber on the western side of the circle, placing it in such a +position and in such a manner that its fork receives the other two and +the whole structure is bound together at the top. The forked apex of the +frame is 6 to 8 feet above the ground in ordinary hogáns, but on the +high plateaus and among the pine forests in the mountain districts +hogáns of this type, but intended for ceremonial purposes, are sometimes +constructed with an interior height of 10 or 11 feet, and inclose an +area 25 to 30 feet in diameter. Following is a list of measurements of +four typical hogáns:</p> + +<h5><i>Measurements of typical hogáns</i></h5> + +<table class = "lines"> +<tr class = "box"> +<td colspan = "2">Door frame</td> +<td colspan = "2">Interior</td> +<td rowspan = "2">Height<br> +under<br> +apex</td> +<td colspan = "3">Smoke hole</td> +<td colspan = "2">Space between<br> +doorway timbers</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "box"> +<td>Height</td> +<td>Width</td> +<td>North and<br> +south</td> +<td>East and<br> +west</td> +<td>Width<br> +at apex</td> +<td>Width<br> +at base</td> +<td>Length</td> +<td>At apex</td> +<td>At base</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td><i>Ft. in.</i></td> +<td><i>Ft. in.</i></td> +<td><i>Ft. in.</i></td> +<td><i>Ft. in.</i></td> +<td><i>Ft. in.</i></td> +<td><i>Ft. in.</i></td> +<td><i>Ft. in.</i></td> +<td><i>Ft. in.</i></td> +<td><i>Ft. in.</i></td> +<td><i>Ft. in.</i></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td>3 8</td> +<td>3 8</td> +<td>17 10</td> +<td>18 0</td> +<td>7 9</td> +<td>1 10</td> +<td>3 0</td> +<td>3 10</td> +<td>1 10</td> +<td>3 8</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>4 0</td> +<td>1 8</td> +<td>12 8</td> +<td>12 0</td> +<td>6 6</td> +<td colspan = "3">Very irregular</td> +<td>2 0</td> +<td>3 0</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>4 0</td> +<td>1 6</td> +<td>14 9</td> +<td>15 0</td> +<td>7 0</td> +<td>1 2</td> +<td>2 4</td> +<td>3 0</td> +<td>1 2</td> +<td>3 0</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>3 6</td> +<td>1 9</td> +<td>14 5</td> +<td>14 0</td> +<td>6 9</td> +<td>1 10</td> +<td>2 10</td> +<td>3 0</td> +<td>1 10</td> +<td>3 5</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page491" id = "page491">491</a></span> +<p>In the large hogáns mentioned a crowd of workers are engaged in the +construction and ropes and other mechanical aids are employed to lift +the heavy timbers of the frame in position.</p> + +<p>At this stage in the construction the house shows only the three +principal timbers of the frame, securely locked at the apex by the +interlacing forks (as shown in figure 231) and firmly planted in the +ground. The two doorway timbers are next placed in position, with their +smaller ends resting on the forked apex of the frame, from 1½ to 2 feet +apart, and with the butt ends resting on the ground about 3½ feet apart. +The whole frame, comprising five timbers, is known as <ins class = +"correction" title = "so in original: ‘tsáçi’?"><i>tsáȼí</i></ins>, but +each timber has its own specific name, as follows:</p> + +<div class = "inset"> +<p>South timber, <i>caȼaáȼe naaí</i>.</p> + +<p>West timber, <i>iŋiŋáȼe naaí</i>.</p> + +<p>North timber, <i>náqokosȼe naaí</i>.</p> + +<p>Doorway timbers (two), <i>tcíŋĕçinȼe naaí</i>.</p> +</div> + +<p>The appearance of the frame as seen from below is shown in +figure 231.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "fig_231" id = "fig_231"> </a> +<img src = "images/fig231.png" width = "435" height = "321" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"> +<span class = "smallcaps">Fig. 231</span>—Frame of a hogán, seen +from below</p> + +<p>These names afford a good illustration of the involved nomenclature +which characterizes Indian languages. <i>Naaí</i> means a long, straight +object, like a piece of timber. The first word in each of the terms +above is the name of the cardinal point, the place it occupies (south, +west, and north), with the suffix <i>ȼe</i>, meaning “here” or “brought +here.” The same words are used with the suffix <i>dje</i>, instead of +<i>ȼe</i>, as <i>caȼaádje</i> <i>naaí</i> for the north timber, +<i>dje</i> meaning “there” or “set there.” The west timber is also +specially designated as <i>bigídje nabkád</i>, “brought +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page492" id = "page492">492</a></span> +together into it,” an allusion to its functions as the main support of +the frame, as the two other timbers rest within its spreading fork. The +two doorway timbers are also designated as north timber and south +timber, according to the position each occupies, and they are sometimes +called <i>tcíŋĕçin bĭnĭnĭ´li</i>, “those in place at the doorway +passage.” A full nomenclature of hogán construction will be found in +another section.</p> + +<p>When the <i>tsáȼi</i>, or frame of five timbers, is completed the +sides are filled with smaller timbers and limbs of piñon and cedar, the +butt ends being set together as closely as possible on the ground and +from 6 to 12 inches outside of the excavated area previously described. +The timbers and branches are laid on as flat as possible, with the upper +ends leaning on the apex or on each other. The intervening ledge thus +formed in the interior is the bench previously mentioned, and aside from +its convenience it adds materially to the strength of the structure.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "fig_232" id = "fig_232"> </a> +<img src = "images/fig232.png" width = "397" height = "339" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"> +<span class = "smallcaps">Fig. 232</span>—Frame of a doorway</p> + +<p>While the sides are being inclosed by some of the workers a +door-frame is constructed by others. This consists simply of two +straight poles with forked tops driven into the ground at the base of +and close inside of the doorway timbers, as shown in figure 232. When in +place these poles are about 4 feet high, set upright, with a straight +stick resting in the forks, as shown clearly in <a href = +"#plate_84">plate <span class = "smallroman">LXXXIV</span></a>. Another + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page493" id = "page493">493</a></span> +short stick is placed horizontally across the doorway timbers at a point +about 3½ feet below the apex, at the level of and parallel with the +cross-stick of the door-frame. The space between this cross-stick and +the apex is left open to form an exit for the smoke. Sometimes when the +hogán is unbearably smoky a rough chimney-like structure, consisting of +a rude cribwork, is placed about this smoke hole. Such a structure is +shown in plate <span class = "smallroman">LXXXIII</span>.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "plate_83" id = "plate_83"> </a> +<img src = "images/plate83.jpg" width = "482" height = "346" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"><span class = "smallcaps"> +Plate LXXXIII.</span><br> +A TYPICAL NAVAHO HOGÁN</p> + +<p>The doorway always has a flat roof formed of straight limbs or split +poles laid closely together, with one end resting on the crosspiece +which forms the base of the smoke hole and the other end on the +crosspiece of the door-frame. The whole doorway structure projects from +the sloping side of the hogán, much like a dormer window. Sometimes the +doorway roof is formed by a straight pole on each side of the smoke hole +crosspiece to the crosspiece of the door-frame, supporting short sticks +laid across and closely together with their ends resting on the two +poles. This style of doorway is shown in plate <span class = +"smallroman">LXXXIV</span>.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "plate_84" id = "plate_84"> </a> +<img src = "images/plate84.jpg" width = "466" height = "351" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"><span class = "smallcaps"> +Plate LXXXIV.</span><br> +A HOGÁN IN CANYON CHELLY</p> + +<p>The sides of the projecting doorway—that is, the spaces between +the roof and the sloping doorway timbers—are filled in with small +sticks of the required length. Sometimes the ends of these sticks are +bound in place with twigs of yucca, being made fast to the door-frame, +but generally they are merely set in or made to rest against the outer +roof covering. Usually the larger timbers are roughly dressed on the +sides toward the interior of the hut, and the smaller poles also are +stripped of bark and rough hewn.</p> + +<p>The entire structure is next covered with cedar bark; all the +interstices are filled with it, and an upper or final layer is spread +with some regularity and smoothness. Earth is then thrown on from base +to apex to a thickness of about six inches, but enough is put on to make +the hut perfectly wind and water proof. This operation finishes the +house, and usually there are enough volunteers to complete the work +in a day.</p> + +<p>It is customary to make a kind of recess on the western side of the +hut by setting out the base of the poles next to the west timber some 8 +to 15 inches beyond the line. This arrangement is usually placed next to +and on the south side of the west timber, and all the poles for a +distance of 3 or 4 feet are set out. The offset thus formed is called +the “mask recess,” and when a religious ceremony is performed in the +hogán, the shaman or medicine-man hangs a skin or cloth before it and +deposits there his masks and fetiches. This recess, of greater or less +dimensions, is made in every large hogán, but in many of the smaller +ones it is omitted. Its position and general character are shown in the +ground plan, <a href = "#plate_90">plate <span class = +"smallroman">XC</span></a>. In the construction of a hogán all the +proceedings are conducted on a definite, predetermined plan, and the +order sketched above is that ordinarily followed, but nothing of a +ceremonial nature is introduced until after the conclusion of the work +of construction.</p> + + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page494" id = "page494">494</a></span> +<h3><a name = "summer" id = "summer">SUMMER HUTS OR SHELTERS</a></h3> + +<p>The rules which govern the building of a regular hogán or winter +house, although clearly defined and closely adhered to, do not apply to +the summer huts or shelters. These outnumber the former and are found +everywhere on the reservation, but they are most abundant in the +mountain regions and in those places where horticultural operations can +be carried on.</p> + +<p>These structures are of all kinds and of all degrees of finish, +although certain well-defined types, ancient in their origin, are still +closely adhered to when the conditions permit. But under other +circumstances the rudest and most primitive shelters are constructed, +some of them certainly not so high in the scale of construction as an +ordinary bird’s nest. There is a certain interest that attaches to these +rude attempts, as they exhibit the working of the human mind practically +untrammeled by precedent.</p> + +<p>Perhaps the most primitive and simple shelter the Navaho builds is a +circle or part-circle of green boughs, generally pine or cedar. Half an +hour of work by two men with axes is all that is required to erect one +of these. A site having been selected, a tree is felled on the windward +side, and the branches trimmed from it are piled up to a height of 4 or +5 feet on three sides of a circle 15 or 20 feet in diameter. A fire is +built in the center and the natives dispose themselves around it. +Blankets are thrown over outstanding branches here and there, affording +an abundance of shade in the hot summer days when even a little shade is +agreeable. Rude as this shelter is, it is regarded by the Navaho as +sufficient when no better is available. During the recent construction +of some irrigating ditches on the reservation, when from 50 to 100 men +were employed at one time, this form of shelter was the only one used, +although in several instances the work was carried on in one place for +five or six weeks. Shelters of this kind, however, are possible only in +a wooded region, and are built only to meet an emergency, as when a man +is away from home and there are no hogáns in the vicinity where he can +stop.</p> + +<p>Another form, scarcely less rude, is sometimes found in localities +temporarily occupied for grazing or for horticulture. It consists of a +circle of small branches, sometimes of mere twigs, with the butts stuck +into the ground, and not over 2½ or 3 feet high. The circle is broken by +a narrow entrance way on one side. This form of shelter, hardly as high +as a man’s waist, does little more than mark the place where a family +have thrown down their blankets and other belongings, but it may afford +some protection against drifting sand. Shelters of this type are +occupied several months at a time. They are often seen on the sandy +bottom lands of Canyon Chelly and in other regions of like character, +and the same sites are sometimes occupied several years in +succession.</p> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page495" id = "page495">495</a></span> +<p> +From these rude makeshift types there is an unbroken range up to the +standard winter hut, which also meets the requirements of a summer +house, being as comfortable in warm weather as it is in cold weather. +The kind of house which a man builds depends almost entirely on the +purposes which it is to serve and very little on the man or his +circumstances. The houses of the richest man in the tribe and of the +poorest would be identical unless, as often happens in modern times, the +former has a desire to imitate the whites and builds a regular house of +stone or logs. If, however, a man builds a summer place to which he +intends to return year after year, and such is the usual custom, he +usually erects a fairly substantial structure, a kind of half hogán, or +house with the front part omitted. If it is possible to do so he locates +this shelter on a low hill overlooking the fields which he cultivates. +The restriction which requires that the opening or doorway of a regular +hogán shall invariably face the east does not apply to these shelters; +they face in any direction, but usually they are so placed as to face +away from the prevailing wind, and, if possible, toward the fields or +farms.</p> + +<div class = "figfloat" style = "width: 280px;"> +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "fig_233" id = "fig_233"> </a> +<img src = "images/fig233.png" width = "271" height = "204" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"> +<span class = "smallcaps">Fig. 233</span>—Ground plan of a summer +shelter</p> +</div> + +<p>Figure 233 is a ground plan of a shelter of this type, which is shown +also in plate <span class = "smallroman">LXXXV</span>. The effect is +that of a half hogán of the regular type, but with a short upright +timber in place of the usual north piece. The example shown is built on +a somewhat sloping site, and the ground inside has been slightly +excavated, but on the front the floor reaches the general level of the +ground. The principal timbers are forked together at the apex, but not +strictly according to rule. The structure is also covered with earth in +the regular way, and altogether appears to occupy an intermediate +position between the summer shelter and the winter hut. It is a type +which is common in the mountain districts and in those places where a +semipermanent shelter is needed, and to which the family returns year +after year.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "plate_85" id = "plate_85"> </a> +<img src = "images/plate85.jpg" width = "458" height = "363" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"><span class = "smallcaps"> +Plate LXXXV.</span><br> +A NAVAHO SUMMER HUT</p> + +<div class = "figfloat" style = "width: 150px;"> +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "fig_234" id = "fig_234"> </a> +<img src = "images/fig234.png" width = "132" height = "196" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"> +<span class = "smallcaps">Fig. 234</span>—Supporting post in a +summer hut</p> +</div> + +<p>The supporting post in front in this case was so short that the use +of its fork would have made the roof too low. To overcome this the side +beams were not laid directly in the fork, but a tablet or short piece of +wood was inserted, as shown in figure 234, and the timbers rest on this. +The entrance or open front faced to the northwest, and to protect it +from the evening sun a temporary shelter of piñon brush was +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page496" id = "page496">496</a></span> +put up, as shown in the illustration. This feature is a common +accompaniment of summer shelters and is often found with the regular +winter hogán.</p> + +<p>Figure 235 shows another type of summer shelter in plan, and figure +236 is a section of the same. It is of the “lean-to” type, and consists +of a horizontal beam resting on two forked timbers and supporting a +series of poles, the upper ends of which are placed against it. The +structure faces the east, and the southern end is closed in like a +hogán, but it was covered only with cedar boughs laid close together +without an earth facing.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "fig_235" id = "fig_235"> </a> +<img src = "images/fig235.png" width = "444" height = "184" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"> +<span class = "smallcaps">Fig. 235</span>—Ground plan of a summer +hut</p> + +<p>This shelter stood upon a slope and the timbers used in its +construction were small and crooked. Perhaps on account of these +disadvantages the interior was excavated, after the shelter was built, +to a depth of nearly 24 inches on the higher side, as shown in figure +236. By this expedient the space under the shelter was greatly enlarged. +The excavation was not carried all the way back to the foot of the +rafters, but, as shown in the section, a bench or ledge some 18 inches +wide was left, forming a convenient place for the many little articles +which constitute the Navaho’s domestic furniture.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "fig_236" id = "fig_236"> </a> +<img src = "images/fig236.png" width = "427" height = "237" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"> +<span class = "smallcaps">Fig. 236</span>—Section of a summer hut</p> + +<div class = "figfloat" style = "width: 270px;"> +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "fig_237" id = "fig_237"> </a> +<img src = "images/fig237.png" width = "258" height = "127" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"> +<span class = "smallcaps">Fig. 237</span>—Masonry support for +rafters</p> +</div> + +<p>Mention has been made before of this interior bench, which is an +interesting feature. It has been suggested by Mr Victor Mindeleff, whose +well-known studies of Pueblo architecture give his suggestions weight, +that we have here a possible explanation of the origin of the interior +benches which are nearly always found in the kivas or ceremonial +chambers of the Pueblo Indians, that the benches in the kivas may be +survivals of archaic devices pertaining to the primitive type from which +Pueblo architecture developed. If a low wall of masonry +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page497" id = "page497">497</a></span> + +were used as a support for rafters, in the manner shown in figure 237, +and additional space were sought by excavation, the form shown in the +illustration would be retained, for the construction would be seriously +weakened if the rude stonework were placed directly on the edge of the +excavation. Possibly this practice has some bearing on the Pueblo +requirement that the kivas should be at least partly excavated, a +requirement still rigidly adhered to. The conservatism of the Indian +mind in matters connected with their ceremonials is well known, and +forms and practices long abandoned in ordinary house construction still +survive in the building of the kivas.</p> + +<p>Plate <span class = "smallroman">LXXXVI</span> shows a shelter +somewhat resembling that last described, but of more simple +construction. Here the main crosspiece which forms the front of the +shelter is supported by forked upright timbers, as in the previous +example, and here also the fork of the main upright is too large and has +been filled in.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "plate_86" id = "plate_86"> </a> +<img src = "images/plate86.jpg" width = "482" height = "340" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"><span class = "smallcaps"> +Plate LXXXVI.</span><br> +A “LEAN-TO” SUMMER SHELTER</p> + +<p>Aside from the types described, which illustrate the more common +forms of summer shelters, all kinds and degrees of variation are found. +As they, unlike the regular hogán, do not follow any rule or precedent, +their form depends largely on the facilities or the particular +requirements or abilities of the builder. Figure 238 shows a shelter in +the mountains, where timber is abundant. Except that it is not covered +with earth and has no door-frame, it might be classed as a regular +hogán.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "fig_238" id = "fig_238"> </a> +<img src = "images/fig238.jpg" width = "438" height = "369" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"> +<span class = "smallcaps">Fig. 238</span>—A timber-built shelter</p> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page498" id = "page498">498</a></span> +<p>Figure 239 shows a form that occurs in the valley regions where +driftwood can sometimes be obtained. It is closely related to the +“lean-to” type, but it is formed partly by excavating the side of a hill +and is well covered with earth. It will be noticed that the front is +partly closed by logs leaned against it and resting against the front +crosspiece or ridgepole.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "fig_239" id = "fig_239"> </a> +<img src = "images/fig239.jpg" width = "375" height = "292" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"> +<span class = "smallcaps">Fig. 239</span>—Shelter with partly +closed front</p> + +<p>Figure 240 shows a type which is common in the valleys where timber +is scarce and difficult to procure. Sage and other brush is used largely +in the construction of shelters of this sort, as the few timbers which +are essential can be procured only with great difficulty, and usually +must be brought a great distance.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "fig_240" id = "fig_240"> </a> +<img src = "images/fig240.png" width = "442" height = "262" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"> +<span class = "smallcaps">Fig. 240</span>—Low earth-covered +shelter</p> + +<p>Plate <span class = "smallroman">LXXXVII</span> shows a structure +that might easily be mistaken for a summer shelter, but which is a +special type. It is a regular hogán, so far as the frame and timber work +go, but it is covered only with cedar boughs. The illustration shows a +part of the covering removed. This structure was a “medicine hut,” put +up for the performance of certain ceremonies over a woman who was ill. +There are no traces of any fire in the interior, perhaps for the reason +that the women’s ceremony is always performed in the day time. Aside +from its lack of covering, it is a typical hogán, and the illustration +conveys a good impression of the construction always followed. This kind +of hut is called an <i>ĭnçá qoġán</i>.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "plate_87" id = "plate_87"> </a> +<img src = "images/plate87.jpg" width = "479" height = "356" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"><span class = "smallcaps"> +Plate LXXXVII.</span><br> +ĬNÇÁ-QOGÁN OR MEDICINE HUT</p> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page499" id = "page499">499</a></span> + +<p>Rude and primitive as these structures seem, a certain amount of +knowledge and experience is necessary to build them. This has been +discovered at various times by whites who have attempted to build hogáns +and failed. An instance occurred not long ago where a trader, finding it +necessary to build some kind of a travelers’ house, where Indians who +came in to trade late in the evening or on Sunday could spend the night, +decided to build a regular hogán. He employed several Navaho to do the +work under his own supervision. The result was a failure, for, either on +account of too much slope to the sides or for other reasons, the hogán +does not remain in good order, and constant work on it is necessary to +maintain it in a habitable condition.</p> + + +<h3><a name = "sweat" id = "sweat">SWEAT HOUSES</a></h3> + +<p>All over the reservation there are hundreds of little structures +which are miniature models, as it were, of the hogáns, but they lack the +projecting doorway. These little huts, scarcely as high as a man’s hip, +look like children’s playhouses, but they occupy an important place both +in the elaborate religious ceremonies and in the daily life of the +Navaho. They are the sweat houses, called in the Navaho language +<i>çó‘tce</i>, a term probably derived from <i>qáço‘tsil</i>, “sweat” +and <i>ĭnçĭníl‘tce</i>, the manner in which fire is prepared for heating +the stones placed in it when it is used. The structure is designed to +hold only one person at a time, and he must crawl in and squat on his +heels with his knees drawn up to his chin.</p> + +<p>In the construction of these little huts a frame is made of three +boughs with forked ends, and these have the same names as the +corresponding + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page500" id = "page500">500</a></span> +timbers in a hogán. They are placed, as in the hogán, with the lower +ends spread apart like a low tripod. Two straight sticks leaned against +the apex form a narrow entrance, which, as in the hogán, invariably +faces the east. Numerous other sticks and boughs inclose the frame, and +enough bark and earth are laid on to make the structure practically +air-tight when the entrance is closed.</p> + +<p>When the place is to be used a fire is made close beside it, and in +this fire numerous stones are heated. The patient to be treated is then +stripped, placed inside the little hut, and given copious drafts +sometimes of warm or hot water. The nearly red-hot stones are rolled in +beside him and the entrance is closed with several blankets, forming in +fact a hot-air bath. In a short time the air in the interior rises to a +high temperature and the subject sweats profusely. When he is released +he rubs himself dry with sand, or if he be ill and weak he is rubbed dry +by his friends. This ceremony has a very important place in the +medicine-man’s therapeutics, for devils as well as diseases are thus +cast out; but aside from their religious use, the <i>çó‘tce</i> are +often visited by the Indians for the cleansing and invigorating effect +of the bath, with no thought of ceremonial. The Navaho, as a race or +individually, are not remarkable for cleanliness, but they use the +<i>çó‘tce</i> freely.</p> + +<p>During the <i>Yébĭtcai</i> dance or ceremony four <i>çó‘tce</i> are +set around the song house, about 40 yards distant from it, one at each +cardinal point. The <i>qaçál‘i</i>, or chief medicine-man, sweats the +patient in them on four successive mornings, just at dawn, beginning +with the east and using one each morning. The <i>çó‘tce</i> on the east +is merely an uncovered frame, and after the patient enters it and hot +stones have been rolled in it is +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page501" id = "page501">501</a></span> +covered with many blankets and a large buckskin is spread over all. +On this skin the <i>qaçál‘i</i><ins class = "correction" +title = "text has comma after _qaçál‘i_"> </ins>sprinkles +iron ochers and other colored sands in +striated bands, symbolic of the rainbow and sunbeams which covered the +early mythic houses. He and his assistants stand near the hut shaking +rattles and singing a brief song to Qastcéjĭni, at the conclusion of +which the patient is released. The initial spark of the fire used at +these ceremonies and for all religious purposes is obtained by friction, +and is regarded as essentially different from fire produced by flint and +steel or otherwise, because the first spark of friction fire was brought +from Qastcéjĭni, who is the god of the underworld fire. The production +of fire by friction is a very simple matter to these Indians and is +often done in play; frequently, under the windy conditions that +prevail<ins class = "correction" title = "text reads ‘ n ’"> in + +</ins>their country, in but little more time than a white man can +accomplish the same result with matches. For this purpose they often use +the dry, brittle stalks of the common bee weed (<i>Cleome pungens</i>). +The drill, which is whirled between the palms of the hands, consists of +a stalk perhaps a quarter of an inch in diameter. This is made to +revolve on the edge of a small notch cut into a larger stalk, perhaps an +inch in diameter. A pinch of sand is sometimes placed under the point of +the drill, the rapid revolution of which produces a fine powder. This +powder runs down the notch or groove, forming a little pile on the +ground. Smoke is produced in less than a minute, and finally, in perhaps +two minutes, tiny sparks drop on the little pile of dry powder, which +takes fire from them. By careful fostering by feeding with bits of bark +and grass, and with much blowing, a blaze is produced.</p> + +<p>It is said that First-man made the first <i>çó‘tce</i>. After coming +up the <i>qadjinaí</i>, or magic reed, he was very dirty; his skin was +discolored and he had a foul smell like a coyote. He washed with water, +but that did not cleanse him. Then Qastcéjĭni sent the firefly to +instruct him concerning the <i>çó‘tce</i> and how to rotate a spindle of +wood in a notched stick. As First-man revolved the spindle, or drill, +between his hands, Firefly ignited the dust at its point with a spark of +fire which Qastcéjĭni had given it for that purpose. There is another +myth concerning the origin of these little sweat houses which does not +agree with that just stated. According to this myth, the <i>çó‘tce</i> +were made by the Sun when the famous twins, Nayénĕzgani and +Ço‘badjĭstcíni, who play so large a part in Navaho mythology, were sent +to him by Estsánatlehi. When they reached the house of the Sun they +called him father, as they had been instructed to do, but the Sun +disowned them and subjected them to many ordeals, and even thrust at +them with a spear, but the mother had given each of the youths a magic +feather mantle impervious to any weapon. Kléhanoai (the night +bearer—the moon) also scoffed at them and filled the mind of the +Sun with doubts concerning the paternity of the twins, so he determined +to subject them to a further ordeal.</p> + +<p>He made four <i>çó‘tce</i>, but instead of using wood in their +construction he made them of a metallic substance, like iron. He placed +these at +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page502" id = "page502">502</a></span> +the cardinal points and sent the moon to make a fire near each of them. +This fire was obtained from the “burning stars,” the comets. The +<i>çó‘tce</i> were made exceedingly hot and the twins were placed in +them successively; but instead of being harmed they came out of the last +one stronger and more vigorous than ever. Then the Sun acknowledged them +as his sons and gave the elder one the magic weapons with which he +destroyed the evil genii who infested the Navaho land. This is the +reason, the Navaho say, why it is well to have many <i>çó‘tce</i> and to +use them frequently. Their use gives rest and sweet sleep after hard +work; it invigorates a man for a long journey and refreshes him after +its accomplishment.</p> + +<p>First-woman, after coming up the <i>qadjinaí</i>, was also foul and +ill smelling, and after First-man she also used the <i>çó‘tce</i>. Hence +the Navaho women use the <i>çó‘tce</i> like the men, but never together +except under a certain condition medical in character. The <i>çó‘tce</i> +is built usually in some secluded spot, and frequently large parties of +men go together to spend the better part of a day in the enjoyment of +the luxury of a sweat bath and a scour with sand. On another day the +women of the neighborhood get together and do the same, and the men +regard their privacy strictly.</p> + + +<h3><a name = "modern" id = "modern">EFFECT OF MODERN CONDITIONS</a></h3> + +<p>Up to a comparatively recent period the Navaho have been what is +usually termed a “wild tribe;” that is, they have existed principally by +war and plunder. Since the conquest of the country by General Kearny and +the “Army of the West,” in 1846, they have given us but little trouble, +but prior to that time they preyed extensively on the Pueblo Indians and +the Mexican settlements along the Rio Grande. Practically all their +wealth today, and they are a wealthy tribe, consists of thousands of +sheep and goats and hundreds of horses, all descended from flocks and +herds originally stolen. When the country came into the possession of +the United States marauding expeditions became much less frequent, and +almost insensibly the tribe changed from a predatory to a pastoral +people. But aside from the infrequency or absence of armed expeditions +the life of the people remained much the same under the changed +conditions. When the Atlantic and Pacific railroad entered the country +some sixteen or seventeen years ago traders came with it, although there +were a few in the country before, and numerous trading posts were +established in the reservation and about its borders. The effect of this +was to fix the pastoral habits of the people. Wool and pelts were +exchanged for flour, sugar, and coffee, and for calico prints and dyes, +and gradually a demand for these articles was established.</p> + +<p>The men looked after their herds of horses and took very good care of +the few cattle that drifted into the reservation; the women attended +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page503" id = "page503">503</a></span> +to their domestic duties and, with the aid of the children, took care of +the sheep and goats, which, according to long-established custom, +belonged exclusively to them. Agriculture was practically unknown. But +with the removal of the duty on wool a new era opened for the Navaho. +The price of wool fell to about one-half of the former figure, and a +flock of sheep no longer furnished the means for procuring the articles +which had grown to be necessities. The people were gradually but surely +forced to horticulture to procure the means of subsistence. It is this +tendency which is especially destructive of the old house-building +ideas, and which will eventually cause a complete change in the houses +of the people. Recently the tendency has been emphasized by the +construction, under governmental supervision, of a number of small +irrigating ditches in the mountain districts. The result of these works +must be eventually to collect the Navaho into small communities, and +practically to destroy the present pastoral life and replace it with new +and, perhaps, improved conditions.</p> + +<p>But many of the arts of the Navaho, and especially their house +building, grew out of and conformed to the old methods of life. It is +hardly to be supposed that they will continue under the new +<ins class = "correction" title = +"text reads ‘condi/ditions’ at line break">conditions</ins>, and, in +fact, pronounced variations are already apparent. Up to ten years ago +there was so little change that it might be said that there was none; +since then the difference can be seen by everyone. Should the price of +wool rise in the near future the change that has been suggested might be +checked, but it has received such an impetus that the Navaho will always +henceforth pay much more attention to horticulture than they have in the +past, and this means necessarily a modification in the present methods +of house building. The average Navaho farm, and almost every adult male +now has a small garden patch, comprises less than half an acre, while +two acres is considered a large area to be worked by one family at one +time.</p> + +<p>One result of this industrial development of the people is an +increased permanency of dwellings. As the flocks of sheep and goats +diminish and their care becomes less important, greater attention is +paid to the selection of sites for homes, and they are often located now +with reference to a permanent occupancy and with regard to the +convenience of the fields, which in some cases furnish the main source +of subsistence of the family. As a collateral result of these conditions +and tendencies an effort is now sometimes made to build houses on the +American plan; that is, to imitate the houses of the whites. Such houses +are a wide departure from the original ideas of house structures of the +Navaho. They are rectangular in plan, sometimes with a board roof, and +occasionally comprise several rooms. When the local conditions favor it +they are constructed of stone, regular walls of masonry; but perhaps the +greater number of those now in existence are in the mountain districts, +and were built of logs, often hewn square before being laid in place. +Plate <span class = "smallroman">LXXXVIII</span> shows a stone house +belonging +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page504" id = "page504">504</a></span> +to one of the wealthiest men in the tribe, Bitcai by name. It is +situated on the western slope of the Tunicha mountains and was built +some years ago, but it is a type of house which is becoming more and +more frequent on the reservation. There is practically nothing +aboriginal about it except a part of its interior furniture and its +inhabitants, and the only one of the old requirements that has been met +is the fronting of the house to the east, while the character of the +site and the natural conditions demand a western front.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "plate_88" id = "plate_88"> </a> +<img src = "images/plate88.jpg" width = "481" height = "311" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"><span class = "smallcaps"> +Plate LXXXVIII.</span><br> +MODERN HOUSE OF A WEALTHY NAVAHO</p> + +<p>The log houses referred to are constructed much like the stone house +shown in the illustration, except that they are built usually by Indian +labor and ordinarily are covered with flat earthen roofs. Frequently the +logs are hewn square before being placed in the walls, which present a +very neat and finished appearance. Sometimes door and window frames are +procured from the sawmill or from the traders, and add to such +appearance, while nearly always one or more glazed sashes occupy the +window openings and board doors close the entrances. In nearly all cases +the requirement that the entrance should face the east is observed, but +it is being more and more ignored, and in the houses constructed within +the last few years the ancient custom is frequently violated. Unless the +principal entrance were made to face the east, the performers in the +dedicatory ceremonies could not take their prescribed positions and the +ceremony would have to be either modified or omitted altogether.</p> + + +<h3><a name = "dedication" id = "dedication"> +CEREMONIES OF DEDICATION</a></h3> + +<p>Among the Pueblo Indians there are certain rituals and ceremonial +observances connected with the construction of the houses, but in the +Navaho system nothing of a ceremonial nature is introduced until the +conclusion of the manual labor. Usually there are enough volunteers to +finish the work in one day, and by evening everything is ready for the +dedication. The wife sweeps out the house with a wisp of grass and she +or her husband makes a fire on the floor directly under the smoke hole. +She then goes to her bundles of household effects, which are still +outside, and pours a quantity of white cornmeal into a shallow +saucer-shape basket. She hands this to the <i>qasçíŋ</i>, or head of the +family, who enters the hogán and rubs a handful of the dry meal on the +five principal timbers which form the <i>tsáȼi</i> or frame, beginning +with the south doorway timber. He rubs the meal only on one place, as +high up as he can reach easily, and then does the same successively on +the south timber, the west timber, the north timber, and the north +doorway timber. While making these gifts, as the proceeding is termed, +the man preserves a strict silence, and then, as with a sweeping motion +of his hand from left to right (<i>cabĭkégo</i>, as the sun travels) +he sprinkles the meal around the outer circumference of the floor, +he says in low measured tones—</p> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page505" id = "page505">505</a></span> + +<div class = "navajo"> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojónli</td> +<td>coġán</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>May it be delightful</td> +<td>my house;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Cĭtsĭ´dje</td> +<td>qojónli</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>From my head</td> +<td>may it be delightful;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Cĭkéȼe</td> +<td>qojónli</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>To my feet</td> +<td>may it be delightful;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Ciyáȼe</td> +<td>qojónli</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Where I lie</td> +<td>may it be delightful;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Cĭkígĭ ȼáltso</td> +<td>qojónli</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>All above me</td> +<td>may it be delightful;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Cĭná ȼáltso</td> +<td>qojónli</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>All around me</td> +<td>may it be delightful.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +</div> + +<p>He then flings a little of the meal into the fire, saying—</p> + +<div class = "navajo"> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojónli hóçe</td> +<td>cĭkóŋ</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>May it be delightful and well,</td> +<td>my fire.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +</div> + +<p>and tosses a handful or two up through the smoke hole, saying—</p> + +<div class = "song"> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojónli</td> +<td>Tcíŋhanoaí</td> +<td>cĭçá naiĭcní‘</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>May it be delightful</td> +<td>Sun (day carrier),</td> +<td>my mother’s ancestor, for this gift;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojónli</td> +<td>nacále</td> +<td>coġán</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>May it be delightful</td> +<td>as I walk around</td> +<td>my house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +</div> + +<p>Then two or three handfuls of meal are sprinkled out of the doorway +while he says—</p> + +<div class = "song"> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojónli</td> +<td>caĕ´çin</td> +<td>cĭçá</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>May it be delightful</td> +<td>this road of light,</td> +<td>my mother’s ancestor.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +</div> + +<p>The woman then makes an offering to the fire by throwing a few small +handfuls of meal upon it, and as she sprinkles it she says in a subdued +voice—</p> + +<div class = "song"> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojónli</td> +<td>cĭkóŋ</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>May it be delightful</td> +<td>my fire;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojónli</td> +<td>caltcíni</td> +<td>Ȼáltso yahóçe</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>May it be delightful</td> +<td>for my children;</td> +<td>may all be well;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojónli</td> +<td>cibeaçán</td> +<td>Ȼáltso yahóçe</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>May it be delightful</td> +<td>with my food and theirs;</td> +<td>may all be well<ins class = "correction" title = +"semicolon missing in original">; </ins></td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Ȼáltso cĭnalgéya</td> +<td>yahóçe ȼolel‘</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>All my possessions well</td> +<td>may they be made (that is, may they be made to increase);</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Ȼáltso cĭl‘íŋ</td> +<td>yahóçe ȼolel‘</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>All my flocks</td> +<td>well may they be made (to increase).</td> +</tr> +</table> + +</div> + +<p>When a hogán is built for a woman who has no husband, or if the +husband is absent at the time, the wife performs all these ceremonies. +In the absence of white cornmeal, yellow cornmeal is sometimes used, but +never the <i>çqaȼĭçíŋ ȼoçlĭ´j</i>, the sacred blue pollen of certain +flowers, which is reserved exclusively for the rites of the shaman.</p> + +<p>By the time these forms have been observed night will have fallen. +During the day, while the house building was in progress, the women were +busily engaged in preparing food; all now gather inside the hogán, a +blanket is suspended over the door frame, all the possessions of the +family are bought in, sheepskins are spread on the floor, the fire +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page506" id = "page506">506</a></span> +is brightened and the men all squat around it. The women bring in food +in earthen cooking pots and basins, and, having set them down among the +men, they huddle together by themselves to enjoy the occasion as +spectators. Every one helps himself from the pots by dipping in with his +fingers, the meat is broken into pieces, and the bones are gnawed upon +and sociably passed from hand to hand. When the feast is finished +tobacco and corn husks are produced, cigarettes are made, everyone +smokes, and convivial gossipy talk prevails. This continues for two or +three hours, when the people who live near by get up their horses and +ride home. Those from a long distance either find places to sleep in the +hogán or wrap themselves in their blankets and sleep at the foot of a +tree. This ceremony is known as the <i>qoġán aiíla</i>, a kind of +salutation to the house.</p> + +<p>But the <i>qoġán bĭgĭ´n</i>, the house devotions, have not yet been +observed. Occasionally these take place as soon as the house is +finished, but usually there is an interval of several days to permit the +house builders to invite all their friends and to provide the necessary +food for their entertainment. Although analogous to the Anglo-Saxon +“house warming,” the <i>qoġán bĭgĭ´n</i>, besides being a merrymaking +for the young people, has a much more solemn significance for the +elders. If it be not observed soon after the house is built bad dreams +will plague the dwellers therein, toothache (dreaded for mystic reasons) +will torture them, and the evil influence from the north will cause them +all kinds of bodily ill; the flocks will dwindle, ill luck will come, +ghosts will haunt the place, and the house will become +<i>bátsĭç</i>, tabooed.</p> + +<p>A few days after the house is finished an arrangement is made with +some shaman (<i>qaçál‘i</i>, devotional singer) to come and sing the +ceremonial house songs. For this service he always receives a fee from +those who engage him, perhaps a few sheep or their value, sometimes +three or four horses or their equivalent, according to the circumstances +of the house builders. The social gathering at the <i>qoġán bĭgĭ´n</i> +is much the same as that of the <i>qoġán aiíla</i>, when the house is +built, except that more people are usually invited to the former. They +feast and smoke, interchange scandal, and talk of other topics of +interest, for some hours. Presently the <i>qaçál‘i</i> seats himself +under the main west timber so as to face the east, and the singing +begins.</p> + +<p>In this ceremony no rattle is used. The songs are begun by the shaman +in a drawling tone and all the men join in. The <i>qaçál‘i</i> acts only +as leader and director. Each one, and there are many of them in the +tribe, has his own particular songs, fetiches, and accompanying +ceremonies, and after he has pitched a song he listens closely to hear +whether the correct words are sung. This is a matter of great +importance, as the omission of a part of the song or the incorrect +rendering of any word would entail evil consequences to the house and +its inmates. All the house songs of the numerous <i>qaçál‘i</i> are of +similar import but differ in minor details.</p> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page507" id = "page507">507</a></span> +<p>The first song is addressed to the east, and is as follows:</p> + +<h5><i>House song to the East</i></h5> + +<div class = "song"> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qa‘ádje</td> +<td>biyádje</td> +<td>beqoġán</td> +<td>aiíla</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Far in the east</td> +<td>far below</td> +<td>there a house</td> +<td>was made;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qastcéyalçi</td> +<td>bebiqoġán</td> +<td>aiíla</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>God of Dawn</td> +<td>there his house</td> +<td>was made;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qayol‘kál‘</td> +<td>bebiqoġán</td> +<td>aiíla</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>The Dawn</td> +<td>there his house</td> +<td>was made;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Naçáŋ l‘akaí</td> +<td>bebiqoġán</td> +<td>aiíla</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>White Corn</td> +<td>there its house</td> +<td>was made;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Yu´ȼi alçqasaí</td> +<td>bebiqoġán</td> +<td>aiíla</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Soft possessions</td> +<td>for them a house</td> +<td>was made;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Ço‘l‘á</td> +<td>nastcín</td> +<td>bebiqoġán</td> +<td>aiíla,</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Water in plenty</td> +<td>surrounding</td> +<td>for it a house</td> +<td>was made;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Çqaȼĭçíŋ</td> +<td>bebiqoġán</td> +<td>aiíla</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Corn pollen</td> +<td>for it a house</td> +<td>was made;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Sáŋa nagaí</td> +<td>aiíla bĭké</td> +<td>qojón</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>The ancients</td> +<td>make their presence</td> +<td>delightful;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +</div> + +<p>Immediately following this song, but in a much livelier measure, the +following benedictory chant is sung:</p> + +<div class = "navajo"> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Cĭtsĭ´dje</td> +<td>qojógo</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Before me</td> +<td>may it be delightful;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Cĭkéȼe</td> +<td>qojógo</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Behind me</td> +<td>may it be delightful;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Cĭnáȼe</td> +<td>qojógo</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Around me</td> +<td>may it be delightful;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Ciyági</td> +<td>qojógo</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Below me</td> +<td>may it be delightful;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Cĭkígi</td> +<td>qojógo</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Above me</td> +<td>may it be delightful;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Ȼáltso</td> +<td>qojógo</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>All (universally)</td> +<td>may it be delightful.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +</div> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page508" id = "page508">508</a></span> +<p>After a short interval the following is sung to the west:</p> + +<div class = "song"> + +<h5><i>House song to the West</i></h5> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Iŋiŋádje</td> +<td>biyádje</td> +<td>beqoġán</td> +<td>aiíla</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Far in the west</td> +<td>far below</td> +<td>there a house</td> +<td>was made;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qastcéqoġan</td> +<td>bebiqoġán</td> +<td>aiíla</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>God of Twilight</td> +<td>there his house</td> +<td>was made;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Naqotsói</td> +<td>bebiqoġán</td> +<td>aiíla,</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Yellow light of evening</td> +<td>there his house</td> +<td>was made;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Naçáŋ ĭl‘tsói</td> +<td>bebiqoġán</td> +<td>aiíla</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Yellow corn</td> +<td>there its house</td> +<td>was made;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Ĭntlĭ´z alçqasaí</td> +<td>bebiqoġán</td> +<td>aiíla</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Hard possessions</td> +<td>there their house</td> +<td>was made;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Ço‘biáji</td> +<td>bebiqoġán</td> +<td>aiíla</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Young rain</td> +<td>there its house</td> +<td>was made;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Çqaȼĭçíŋ</td> +<td>bebiqoġán</td> +<td>aiíla</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Corn pollen</td> +<td>there its house</td> +<td>was made;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Sáŋa nagaí</td> +<td>aiíla bĭké</td> +<td>qojón</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>The ancients</td> +<td>make their presence</td> +<td>delightful;</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table> +<tr class = "navajo"> +<td>Qojón</td> +<td>qoġáne</td> +</tr> +<tr class = "gloss"> +<td>Delightful</td> +<td>house.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +</div> + +<p>The song to the west is also followed by the benedictory chant, as +above, and after this the song which was sung to the east is repeated; +but this time it is addressed to the south. The song to the west is then +repeated, but addressed to the north, and the two songs are repeated +alternately until each one has been sung three times to each cardinal +point. The benedictory chant is sung between each repetition.</p> + +<p>All the men present join in the singing under the leadership of the +shaman, who does not himself sing, but only starts each song. The women +never sing at these gatherings, although on other occasions, when they +get together by themselves, they sing very sweetly. It is quite common +to hear a primitive kind of part singing, some piping in a curious +falsetto, others droning a deep bass.</p> + +<p>The songs are addressed to each of the cardinal points, because in +the Navaho system different groups of deities are assigned to each of +these points. The Navaho also makes a distinction between heavy +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page509" id = "page509">509</a></span> +rain and light rain. The heavy rain, such as accompanies thunderstorms, +is regarded as the “male rain,” while the gentle showers or “young +rains,” coming directly from the house of Estsánatlehi, are regarded as +especially beneficent; but both are deemed necessary to fertilize. A +distinction is also made between “hard possessions,” such as <ins class += "correction" title = "spelling consistent in this text">turquois</ins> +and coral beads, shell ornaments, and all articles made from hard +substances, and “soft possessions,” which comprise blankets and all +textile substances, skins, etc. The Navaho prays that his house may +cover many of both hard and soft possessions.</p> + +<p>The songs given above are known as the twelve house-songs, although +there are only two songs, each repeated twelve times. These are sung +with many variations by the different <i>qaçál‘i</i>, and while the +builders are preparing for this ceremony they discuss which +<i>qaçál‘i</i> has the best and most beautiful words before they decide +which one to engage. But the songs are invariably addressed to the +deities named, Qastcéyalçi, the God of Dawn, and Qastcéqoġan, the God of +Twilight; and they always have the same general significance.</p> + +<p>After the “twelve songs” are finished many others are sung: to +Estsánatlehi, a benignant Goddess of the West, and to Yol‘kaí Estsán, +the complementary Goddess of the East; to the sun, the dawn, and the +twilight; to the light and to the darkness; to the six sacred mountains, +and to many other members of a very numerous theogony. Other +song-prayers are chanted directly to malign influences, beseeching them +to remain far off: to <i>ĭntcóŋgi</i>, evil in general; to <i>dakús</i>, +coughs and lung evils, and to the <i>bĭȼakúji</i>, sorcerers, praying +them not to come near the dwelling. The singing of the songs is so timed +that the last one is delivered just as the first gray streaks of dawn +appear, when the visitors round up their horses and ride home.</p> + + +<h3><a name = "dance" id = "dance">THE HOGÁN OF THE YÉBĬTCAI DANCE</a></h3> + +<p>Despite the ceremonies which have been performed, it frequently +happens that malign influences affect the new dwelling. The inmates +suffer from toothache, or sore eyes, or have bad dreams, or ghosts are +heard in the night. Then the house ceremony is repeated. If after this +the conditions still prevail and threatening omens are noted, an effort +is made to ascertain the cause. Perhaps the husband recalls an occasion +when he was remiss in some religious duty, or the wife may remember +having seen accidentally an unmasked dancer, or they may be convinced +that a sorcerer, a <i>ȼĭlkúji</i>, is practicing his evil art. Such +malign influences must be due to some definite cause, and it must be +found. Then, if the cause be grave, resort must be had to a very +elaborate ceremony, the dance of the <i>Yébĭtcai</i>.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "plate_89" id = "plate_89"> </a> +<img src = "images/plate89.jpg" width = "468" height = "270" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"><span class = "smallcaps"> +Plate LXXXIX.</span><br> +A YÉBĬTCAI HOUSE</p> + +<p>For the observance of this ceremony it is usual to construct a +flat-roof hut called <i>iyáȼaskuni</i>, meaning, literally, “under the +flat.” The roof is nearly square as well as flat, and the edifice, with +its spreading +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page510" id = "page510">510</a></span> +base, suggests a truncated pyramid; but as it is roughly covered with +earth heaped over the entire structure it is externally little more than +a shapeless mound. Plate <span class = "smallroman">LXXXIX</span> is an +exterior view of one of these special hogáns, which is also shown in +plan in figure 241.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "fig_241" id = "fig_241"> </a> +<img src = "images/fig241.png" width = "436" height = "400" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"> +<span class = "smallcaps">Fig. 241</span>—Ground plan of Yébĭtcai +house</p> + +<p>When it has been decided to build an <i>iyáȼaskuni</i> all the young +men of the neighborhood join in the labor while some of the older men +direct them in the prescribed methods. The procedure is much the same as +that employed in building the regular hogán, but larger timbers are +required. Any kind of timber growing in the vicinity is used; but as +groves of piñon and juniper are most abundant in the Navaho country, +these are the kinds usually employed. The stunted, twisted trunks of +these trees make it a matter of some difficulty to find the necessary +timbers of sufficient size, for they must be at least a foot in +diameter. When found, the trees are cut down and carried to the site +selected, which must have fairly level surroundings, free from dense +wood and underbrush, so as to afford a clear space for the ceremonial +processions and dances. Four heavy posts are necessary—“legs,” the +Navaho call them—and these must be trimmed so as to leave a strong +fork at the top of each at least 6 feet from the ground when set +upright. Four +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page511" id = "page511">511</a></span> +others, for the horizontal roof-beams, must be 10 feet long, but without +forks; and two more, the straightest and longest, are necessary for the +doorway passage. These ten timbers are called <i>tsáȼi</i>, the same +term that is applied to the five main timbers of the ordinary hogán.</p> + +<p>The four posts are set firmly in the ground in shallow holes at +distances apart corresponding to the length of the main roof-beams, and +so arranged as to describe a square, the sides of which face the +cardinal points. The prescribed position of the doorway is the center of +the eastern side, and it must face the east exactly. The post at the +southeastern corner is the first to be set, then the one at the +southwestern corner, with the forks arranged on the same line. The +northwestern post is then set, and finally the one at the northeastern +corner, and the forks of the last two are also placed on the same line. +In the ground plan (figure 241) the posts are numbered in the order in +which they are set up. This sequence is not always strictly followed, +but the old men say that this is the proper way.</p> + +<p>The beam for the southern side of the roof is next lifted into place +and laid so as to rest in the forks of the two posts on that side, with +the ends projecting a little beyond them. The beam on the northern side +is similarly placed, and the western and the eastern beams are next laid +so that their ends rest upon the ends of the beams already in place. +Another timber is then placed parallel with the eastern beam, as shown +on the plan. This forms the western side of the smoke-hole and also a +support for the smaller roof-timbers to rest upon. Sometimes an +additional timber is laid across for this purpose between the one last +named and the next beam. The two timbers for the sides of the doorway +passage are then placed in position about 3 feet apart and leaning +against the eastern roof-beam. The butt ends rest upon the ground, and +the space between them should be in the center of the eastern side. All +the main posts and beams are stripped of bark, the rough knobs and +protuberances are hewn off, and they are finished according to the skill +of the builders or the exactions of the old men who superintend the +construction.</p> + +<p>While this work is in progress a great number of smaller and less +shapely timbers are procured for the sides and roof. To determine a +pitch for the sloping sides all the workers arrange themselves so as to +encompass the square frame, and a few of the longest of the irregular +timbers are placed here and there around it, leaning against the beams. +They are roughly aligned, and some attempt is made to have the sides of +the same slope. The floor area thus determined, the outer edge of which +would fall 4 to 6 feet outside the posts, is then lightly dug over to +remove all irregularities, and is made as level as possible.</p> + +<p>As in the ordinary hogán, the upright posts of the door-frame are set +near the lower ends of the doorway timbers, and the roof and sides of +the doorway are covered in when the sides of the hut are inclosed, which +is the next step in the construction. Small tree trunks and timbers are +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page512" id = "page512">512</a></span> +placed closely around the excavated floor area, with their upper ends +leaning against the roof beams. They are not set very regularly and +boughs are often used to fill the larger crevices, while the corners are +turned in a clumsy manner, with the tops of the timbers overlapping each +other, while the butts diverge in a haphazard curve.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "fig_242" id = "fig_242"> </a> +<img src = "images/fig242.png" width = "436" height = "292" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"> +<span class = "smallcaps">Fig. 242</span>—Framework of Yébĭtcai +house</p> + +<p>The roof is laid with smaller timbers, the longest resting on the +smoke-hole timber and the western beam, while the shorter pieces span +the smaller interval from the former timber to the eastern beam. The +arrangement of the smoke exit differs from that of the ordinary hogán. +In the latter an open space is left between the doorway timbers at their +upper ends; in the <i>iyáȼaskuni</i> the doorway roof is continued up to +the eastern beam, which forms the eastern side of the smoke hole. This +hole is in the main roof, in line with the doorway but just beyond the +ends of its timbers, and it is usually about 3 feet square. Figure 242 +is an interior view of the frame, looking outward. The structure is +finished like the hogáns; the frame is covered by heavy layers of cedar +or juniper bark over the sides and roof, and finally with a deep +covering of earth packed firmly over the whole exterior. The door frame +is usually about 4 feet high and 2½ feet wide; the roof is about 7 feet +high in the interior, and the floor area measures roughly 20 feet +square, with the four posts standing about 5 feet from the base of the +sides. Figure 243 shows some actual measurements.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "fig_243" id = "fig_243"> </a> +<img src = "images/fig243.png" width = "439" height = "436" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"> +<span class = "smallcaps">Fig. 243</span>—Diagram showing +measurements of Yébĭtcai house</p> + +<p>While the <i>Yébĭtcai</i> ceremony is in progress the hut is occupied +by the <i>qaçál‘i</i> and his assistants and by the young men who assume +the sacred masks and personate the various deities in the nightly +dances. +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page513" id = "page513">513</a></span> +In the mornings the <i>qaçál‘i</i> sits under the western side of the +hut and directs the young men in the process of sand painting, the +making of curious sand mosaics delineating mythologic subjects. The +materials used are dry sand, charcoal, and powdered ochers of different +colors, which are poured from the hand between the thumb and fingers. +Without the use of a brush or other implement the trickling stream is +guided to form intricate designs. These designs are made directly on the +earthen floor in a zone about 3 feet wide and extending nearly the +entire length of the hut from north to south. This zone, called the +<i>iká‘</i>, is made in front of the <i>qaçál‘i</i>, and between him and +the fire, which is reduced to small dimensions to enable him to work +close under the opening in the roof. During the process the door is +closed with the usual hanging blanket, and to increase the light from +above a buckskin or white cloth is sometimes suspended as a reflector on +a light frame of boughs erected on the roof on the western side of the +smoke hole.</p> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page514" id = "page514">514</a></span> +<p>The mask recess, which is found in all the larger hogáns, is always made +in the middle of the western side of the <i>iyáȼaskuni</i>. It is +usually somewhat wider and deeper than in the ordinary dwelling. The +bundles containing the masks and other paraphernalia to be used in the +ceremony are placed in the recess by the <i>qaçál‘i</i>, who then +fastens a skin or cloth across it. The upper edge at a height of about 3 +feet from the floor is fastened with strings to the sloping timbers. The +lower edge is held by small pegs driven into the edge of the bench-like +ledge of earth which marks the limits of the floor. When he needs them +the <i>qaçál‘i</i> reaches behind the curtain for the paraphernalia he +has previously prepared and deposited there. The masks must never be +seen except when worn by the dancers, nor are the fetiches exposed +except when certain rites demand their display.</p> + +<p>This recess is called by the Navaho <i>djĭc bĭnasklá</i>, literally +“mask recess.” Besides its practical use it has a mythic significance, +as it indicates the position occupied by First-man, who sat there with +Qastcéyalçi (Dawn) and Qastcéqoġan (Twilight) on either hand, in the +house where the Corn people were made. They also occupied similar +positions in the house in which they made the celestial bodies, and also +in the first <i>iyáȼaskuni</i>, which was made by them to celebrate the +occurrence of the first menstruation of Estsánatlehi.</p> + +<p>No special veneration attaches to the <i>iyáȼaskuni</i> except when a +ceremony is in progress. At that time it is devoted exclusively to the +<i>qaçál‘i</i> and the other actors in the rites, and it is then known +as <i>qaçál‘ biqoġan</i>, the song house. Perhaps the family for whose +benefit it was first used may have contributed the larger share of the +food for the workers who constructed it, but it is not held to be the +exclusive property of any one person; it is for the use of the +neighborhood. In the summer time, during which season no important rites +are celebrated, the women often erect their vertical looms there and use +it as a workroom. Some of the neighbors may find it convenient to occupy +it temporarily, or when some occasion brings an influx of visitors they +adjourn to the flat-roof house, if there be one near, to smoke and +gamble and sleep there. But it is rarely used as a dwelling in winter, +as it would have to be vacated whenever one of the neighbors wished to +have a ceremony performed. Moreover, owing to its large size, it would +be more difficult to keep warm than the more compact hogán.</p> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "plate_90" id = "plate_90"> </a> +<img src = "images/plate90.png" width = "410" height = "558" +alt = "see caption"></p> + +<p class = "caption"><span class = "smallcaps"> +Plate XC.</span><br> +DIAGRAM PLAN OF HOGÁN, WITH NAMES OF PARTS</p> + + +<h3><a name = "nomenclature" id = "nomenclature"> +HOGÁN NOMENCLATURE</a></h3> + +<div class = "hanging"> + +<p><i>qoġán ĭl‘tcĭ´n ȼezá‘</i>—conical hut; probably from +<i>siníl</i>, a plural article pronoun; +<i>tsĭn</i>, a timber; and <i>ȼezá‘</i>, a point.</p> + +<p><i>qoġán ȼĭtcóli</i>—round, inclosed hut. Both this term and the +preceding are used to designate the ordinary dwelling hut, but the +former is more commonly used.</p> + +<p><i>qaá‘a</i>—east.</p> + +<p><i>caȼaá</i>—south.</p> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page515" id = "page515">515</a></span> +<p><i>iŋiŋá</i>—west.</p> + +<p><i>náqokos</i>—north.</p> + +<p><i>náni</i>—flat, bevel.</p> + +<p><i>iiái</i>—vertical.</p> + +<p><i>hĭ´nia‘</i>—slanting.</p> + +<p><i>nanaái</i>—a long straight object, as a timber.</p> + +<table class = "inline"> +<tr> +<td> +<i>caȼaáȼe naaí</i>—south timber.<br> +<i>iŋiŋáȼe naaí</i>—west timber.<br> +<i>nâqokosȼe naaí</i>—north timber. +<p><i>tcíŋĕçinȼe naaí</i>—doorway timbers (two).</p> +</td> +<td class = "leftline"> +<p>The (five) principal timbers composing the frame, collectively +called—</p> +</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p><i>tsáȼi</i>—frame. Sometimes these timbers are called—</p> + +<p><i>caȼaádje naaí</i>, <i>iŋiŋádje +naaí</i>, etc. <i>ȼe</i> means “here,” +or “brought here;” <i>dje</i> means “there” or “set there.” The western +timber is also specially designated—</p> + +<p><i>bigídje nolkáȼ</i>, brought together into it; an allusion to its +function as the main support of the frame, as the other two timbers rest +within its spreading fork. The two doorway timbers are also designated +as north or south timber respectively. They are also called—</p> + +<p><i>tcíŋĕçin bĭnĭnĭ´li</i>, those in place at the doorway passage.</p> + +<p><i>ȼezá‘</i>—a point; the forked apex.</p> + +<p><i>l‘éjça</i>—the ground; the floor.</p> + +<p><i>bitúça</i>—surrounding projection; the ledge or undisturbed +margin of the floor area.</p> + +<p><i>tcíŋĕçin</i>—the road there; the doorway. This term appears to +mean “the road there” to the east—that is, to <i>tcíŋhanoai</i>, +the sun. The word <i>tciŋ</i> also means day.</p> + +<p><i>tcíŋĕçin sĭlái</i>—the uprights of the door frame. They are +also called—</p> + +<p><i>tcíŋeçin iái</i>—but this, strictly speaking, means one +upright.</p> + +<p><i>sĭlaí</i>, or <i>sĭlái</i>—a pair.</p> + +<p><i>tcíŋĕçin sĭlái nanaái</i>—doorway-post horizontal timber; +the lintel.</p> + +<p><i>tcíŋĕçin naȼasĭçă´ni</i>—another term for the lintel. +A single stick lying on the ground is called—</p> + +<p><i>tsĭn sĭçă´ni</i>—but when resting upon something above the +ground it is called—</p> + +<p><i>tsĭn ȼasĭçă´ni</i>.</p> + +<p><i>tcĭlégi nanaái</i>—smoke-hole horizontal timber; the +crosspiece that rests upon the large doorway timbers and forms the base +of the smoke-hole, and also supports one end of the doorway roof.</p> + +<p><i>tcĭlégi naȼasĭçă´ni</i>—this term is also applied to the +smoke-hole stick, as in the case of the lintel above.</p> + +<p><i>tcíŋĕçin bikáȼe nanĭjóji</i>—doorway upper +surface flat roof; the doorway roof formed of parallel sticks resting on +the lintel and the smoke-hole base. The word—</p> + +<p><i>boġánȼe</i>—uppermost, is sometimes used instead of +<i>bikáȼe</i>. The term—</p> + +<p><i>nanĭjóji</i>—means, literally, timbers laid level side by +side, and is applied to a floor of wood, as in—</p> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page516" id = "page516">516</a></span> + +<p><i>wúyaȼe nanĭjóji</i>—the below-level arrangement of timbers or +boards. It is also applied to walls, as in—</p> + +<p><i>biyáȼe bĭnĭjóji</i>—the side arrangement of boards. A bridge +across a stream is called—</p> + +<p><i>ço‘ĭnlĭ´nigi nanijóji</i>—the first term meaning “water +flowing.”</p> + +<p><i>tcíŋĕçin biyáȼe bĭnĭjóji</i>—doorway side walls; +the sticks set in between the uprights of the door-frame and the +slanting doorway timbers.</p> + +<p><i>tcĭlégi</i>—smoke-hole; derivation obscure.</p> + +<p><i>biyáȼe bĭnĭjóji</i>—the side “walls;” the smaller timbers which +inclose the hut. They are also called—</p> + +<p><i>biya´ȼe bĭnĭnĭ´li</i>—leaning around the sides; from +<i>hĭ´nia‘</i>, slanting, and the plural article pronoun <i>siníl</i>.</p> + +<p><i>úji</i>—cedar bark.</p> + +<p><i>úji behesdjéhi</i>—cedar bark laid on; the bark covering.</p> + +<p><i>l‘ej</i>—earth.</p> + +<p><i>l‘ej behesnĭ´li</i>—earth thrown on or lifted on; the earth +covering.</p> + +<p><i>ȼánĭpal‘</i>—suspended thin object; this term is always +applied to the door covering, which is usually a blanket hanging from +the lintel.</p> +</div> + +<h5><i>Terms applied to different parts of the floor area</i></h5> + +<div class = "hanging"> + +<p><i>qaa‘ádje ni sĭ´skla</i>—within the small corner in the east. +The derivation is probably as follows: <i>qaádje</i>, in the east; +<i>ni</i> from <i>yúni</i>, within; <i>sĭs</i> from <i>ĭltsĭ´si</i>, +small; <i>tkla</i> from <i>nasklá</i>, a corner.</p> + +<p><i>caȼaádje ni sĭ´çkla</i>—within the corner in the south.</p> + +<p><i>iŋiŋádje ni sĭ´çkla</i>—within the corner in the west.</p> + +<p><i>náqokosdje ni sĭ´çkla</i>—within the corner in the north.</p> + +<p><i>náqokosdje ni sĭ´skla</i>—within the small corner in the +north.</p> + +<span class = "pagenum"><a name = "page517" id = "page517">517</a></span> + +<p><i>qonicpáŋgi</i>—means something like sacred path, or direction. +<i>Náspas</i> is the name applied to a circle. During a ceremony persons +entering a hut must pass in to the left of the fire; to leave the hut +they pass out on the north side of the fire.</p> + +<p><i>iyái‘yi</i>—under half; the center of the hut.</p> + +<p><i>ko´ŋnike</i>—fireplace; probably derived from <i>koŋ</i>, +fire; <i>ni‘</i>, land; and <i>ke</i>, track or footprint; <i>kê</i> +also means land.</p> + +<p><i>qónĭcqa‘</i>—meaning unknown; it is applied to the space +between the fire and the entrance.</p> + +<p><i>djĭc bĭnasklá</i>—mask corner or recess.</p> + +<p><i>tcíŋĕçin</i>—the entrance. See explanation above.</p> + +<p><i>klóȼe</i>—without; the area in front of the entrance outside +of +the hut.</p> + +<p><i>qoġán bĭnéȼe</i>—outside of the hut.</p> + +</div> + +<h5><i>Yébĭtcai house nomenclature</i><a class = "tag" name = "tag2" +id = "tag2" href = "#note2">2</a></h5> + +<div class = "hanging"> + +<p><i>iyáȼahaskúni</i>—or <i>ȼaskúni</i>, the <i>Yébĭtcai</i> house; +probably derived from <i>iyá</i>, under; and <i>ȼahaskúni</i>, a +detached, smooth-sided, flat-top mountain. This structure is also +called—</p> + +<p><i>çiŋbĭtsáçi qoġán</i>—four-legged house.</p> + +<table class = "inline"> +<tr> +<td> 1. <i>tcíŋĕçinȼe naaí</i>, <i>tcíŋĕçin +bĭnĭnĭ´li</i>—</td> +<td class = "leftline" rowspan = "6"> +As in the regular hogán.</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> 2. <i>tcíŋĕçin sĭlái</i>—</td> +<!-- <td></td> --> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> 3. <i>tcíŋĕçin sĭlái nanaái</i>, or +<i>ȼasĭçă´ni</i>—</td> +<!-- <td></td> --> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> 4. <i>tcíŋĕçin bikáȼe nanaái</i>—</td> +<!-- <td></td> --> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> 5. <i>tcíŋĕçin boġánȼe nanĭjóji</i>—</td> +<!-- <td></td> --> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> 6. <i>tcíŋĕçin biyáȼe bĭnĭjóji</i>—</td> +<!-- <td></td> --> +</tr> +<tr> +<td colspan = "2"> +<p> 7. +<i>qaá‘adje nanaái</i>—east horizontal timber.<br> +<i>caȼaádje nanaái</i>—south horizontal timber.<br> +<i>iŋiŋádje nanaái</i>—west horizontal timber.</p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td colspan = "2"> 8. <i>náqokosdje nanaái</i>—north +horizontal timber.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td> +<p>  <i>qaá‘adje iái</i> (1)<a class = "tag" name = "tag3" +id = "tag3" href = "#note3">3</a>—east post.<br> +<i>caȼaádje iái</i> (2)—south post.<br> +<i>iŋiŋádje iái</i> (3)—west post.</p> +</td> +<td class = "leftline" rowspan = "2"> +These posts are further distinguished as follows: +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> 9. <i>náqokosdje iái</i> (4)—north post.</td> +<!-- <td></td> --> +</tr> +<tr> +<td colspan = "2"> +<p>  <i>caȼaá qaá‘adje iái</i> (1).<br> +<i>caȼaá iŋiŋádje iái</i> (2).<br> +<i>náqokos iŋiŋádje iái</i> (3).<br> +<i>náqokos <ins class = "correction" title = +"unchanged: error for ‘qaá‘adje’?">qaá‘dje</ins> iái</i> (4).</p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td colspan = "2"> +<p>10. <i>biyáȼe bĭnĭjóji</i>—the walls; also distinguished +as north, south, east, and west walls.</p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td colspan = "2">11. <i>boġánȼe nanijóji</i>—uppermost +roof; the main roof.</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td colspan = "2">12. <i>tcíŋĕçin</i>—doorway.</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td colspan = "2">13. <i>tcĭlégi</i>—smoke-hole.</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td colspan = "2"> +<p>14. <i>tcĭlégi nanaái</i>—smoke-hole timber. The same +term is applied to the timber marked 7 in the figure.</p> +</td> +</tr> +</table> + +</div> + +<p class = "illustration"> +<a name = "fig_244" id = "fig_244"> </a> +<img src = "images/fig244.png" width = "437" height = "274" +alt = "see caption"><p> + +<p class = "caption"><span class = "smallcaps"> +Fig. 244</span>—Interior of Yébĭtcai house, illustrating +nomenclature</p> + +<p class = "center"> +<a href = "images/fig244_large.png" target = "_blank"> +<i>larger view</i></a></p> + +<p class = "mynote"> +The numerals in this figure were redrawn in red for greater visibility. +The enlarged view shows the numerals in their original form.</p> + +<hr> + +<h4><a name = "footnotes" id = "footnotes">FOOTNOTES</a></h4> + +<div class = "footnote"> + +<p><a name = "note1" id = "note1" href = "#tag1">1.</a> +Recorded by Dr Matthews as the Blue Heron.</p> + +<p><a name = "note2" id = "note2" href = "#tag2">2.</a> +The figures refer to the interior view shown in figure 244.</p> + +<p><a name = "note3" id = "note3" href = "#tag3">3.</a> +The numbers in parentheses refer to the ground plan, +<a href = "#fig_241">figure 241</a>.</p> +</div> + +<hr> + +<h4><a name = "index" id = "index">INDEX</a></h4> + +<table> +<tr> +<td></td> +<td class = "number">Page</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Agriculture</span> among the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page503">503</a></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Bark</span> used in Navaho structures</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page493">493</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Benches</span> in Navaho houses</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page496">496</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Butts</span> and tips in Navaho house +building</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page489">489</a>, <a href = +"#page490">490</a></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Cardinal Points</span> of the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page488">488</a>, <a href = +"#page500">500</a>, <a href = "#page502">502</a>, <a href = +"#page508">508</a>, <a href = "#page511">511</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Carriso Mountains</span> described</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page477">477</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Ceremony</span>, <i>see</i> <span class = +"smallcaps">Dedication</span>.</td> +<td></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Chaco Valley</span> described</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page478">478</a>, <a href = +"#page479">479</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Chelly Canyon</span> occupied by the +Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page483">483</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Chinlee Valley</span> described</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page478">478</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Choiskai Mountains</span> described</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page477">477</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Cornmeal</span> used in Navaho house +dedication</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page504">504</a>, <a href = +"#page505">505</a></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Dawn God</span> of the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page489">489</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Decoration</span>, lack of, in Navaho +houses</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page487">487</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Dedication</span> of Navaho houses</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page476">476</a>, <a href = +"#page504">504</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Descent</span> among the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page485">485</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Dogs</span> among the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page484">484</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Doorframes</span> of Navaho houses</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page492">492</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Drill</span>, fire, of the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page501">501</a></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Environment</span>, effect of, on primitive +people</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page475">475</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Estufa</span>, <i>see</i> <span class = +"smallcaps">Kiva</span>.</td> +<td></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Feast</span> at Navaho house +dedication</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page506">506</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Fire-making</span> by the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page501">501</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Frog</span> in Navaho genesis</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page488">488</a></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Ganamucho</span>, former Navaho chief</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page478">478</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Genesis</span> of the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page488">488</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Government</span> of the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page485">485</a></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Hogans</span>, <i>see</i> <span class = +"smallcaps">Houses</span>.</td> +<td></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Hopi</span> and Navaho compared</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page485">485</a>, <a href = +"#page486">486</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Houses</span>, <i>see</i> <span class = +"smallcaps">Tcindi hogan</span>.</td> +<td></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Kearny</span>, <i>Gen.</i>, conquest of +New Mexico by</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page502">502</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Kivas</span> partly subterranean</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page496">496</a></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Land</span> division of, by the +Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page485">485</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Lukachukai</span> mountains described</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page477">477</a></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Matthews, W.</span>, acknowledgments +to</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page476">476</a>, <a href = +"#page488">488</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Mindeleff, Victor</span>, data by, on +Navaho houses</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page476">476</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps invisible">Mindeleff, Victor</span>, on +origin of pueblo house benches</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page496">496</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Mortuary customs</span> of the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page487">487</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Myth</span>, <i>see</i> <span class = +"smallcaps">Genesis</span>.</td> +<td></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Navaho</span> former and present condition +compared</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page502">502</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps invisible">Navaho</span> habitat, +description of</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page477">477</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps invisible">Navaho</span>, habits of the</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page481">481</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps invisible">Navaho</span>, modern condition +of the</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page486">486</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps invisible">Navaho</span> population</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page483">483</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">New Mexico</span>, <i>see</i> <span class += "smallcaps">Navaho</span>.</td> +<td></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Nomenclature</span> of Navaho house +building</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page491">491</a>, <a href = +"#page514">514-517</a></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Pueblos</span> raided by the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page481">481</a></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Rain</span> personified by the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page509">509</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Rainbow</span> in Navaho genesis</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page488">488</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Recesses</span> in Navaho houses</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page493">493</a>, <a href = +"#page514">514</a></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Salt-woman</span> in Navaho genesis</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page488">488</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Sand paintings</span> of the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page501">501</a>, <a href = +"#page513">513</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Sheep</span> acquired by the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page485">485</a>, <a href = +"#page486">486</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Sheep-raising</span> by the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page481">481</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps invisible">Sheep-raising</span>, +decline of, among the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page503">503</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Sites</span> of Navaho houses</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page483">483</a>, <a href = +"#page489">489</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Smoking</span> at Navaho house +dedication</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page506">506</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Songs</span> of dedication by Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page505">505</a>-508</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps invisible">Songs</span>, Navaho, necessity +for correctness of</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page506">506</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Stephen, A. M.</span>, data by, +on Navaho houses</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page476">476</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Summer shelters</span> of the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page494">494</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Sunbeams</span> in Navaho genesis</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page488">488</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Sunset god</span> in Navaho mythology</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page489">489</a></td> + +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Sweat baths</span>, Navaho method of +taking</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page500">500</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Sweat houses</span> of the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page499">499</a></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Taboo</span> of tcindi-hogan</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page487">487</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Tcĭndi +hogans</span> of the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page487">487</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Tobacco</span>, <i>see</i> <span class = +"smallcaps">Smoking</span>.</td> +<td></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Tortoise</span> in Navaho genesis</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page488">488</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Traveling</span>, Navaho method of</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page484">484</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Tségi canyon</span>, <i>see</i> <span +class = "smallcaps">Chelly canyon</span>.</td> +<td></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Tunicha Mountains</span> described</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page477">477</a></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Vegetation</span> of the Navaho +country</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page480">480</a></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Water monster</span> in Navaho +genesis</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page488">488</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Women</span>, Navaho, status of</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page485">485</a></td> +</tr> +<tr class = "letter"> +<td><span class = "smallcaps">Yébĭtcai</span> ceremony of the Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page500">500</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><span class = "smallcaps invisible">Yébĭtcai</span> hogan of the +Navaho</td> +<td class = "number"><a href = "#page509">509</a></td> +</tr> +</table> + +<hr> + + +<pre> + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Navaho Houses, pages 469-518, by +Cosmos Mindeleff + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NAVAHO HOUSES, *** + +***** This file should be named 18206-h.htm or 18206-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/1/8/2/0/18206/ + +Produced by Louise Hope, Carlo Traverso, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This +file was produced from images generously made available +by the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at +http://gallica.bnf.fr) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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