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diff --git a/18047-h/18047-h.htm b/18047-h/18047-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..222edbf --- /dev/null +++ b/18047-h/18047-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,10252 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> +<html> +<head> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=ISO-8859-1" /> +<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Dio's Rome, Volume 1 (of 6), by Cassius Dio</title> + <style type="text/css"> +/*<![CDATA[ XML blockout */ +<!-- + p { margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; + } + h1, h2, h3, h4, h5, h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; + } + hr { width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; + } + + table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + + body{margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + } + + .pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: smaller; + text-align: right; + } /* page numbers */ + + .blockquot{margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 10%;} + + .sidenote { position: absolute; + right: 92%; + font-size: smaller; + font-weight: bold; + text-align: left; + } + + .center {text-align: center;} + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + .u {text-decoration: underline;} + + + .footnotes {border: none;} + .footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + .footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + .fnanchor {font-size: .8em; text-decoration: none;} + + .poem {margin-left:10%; margin-right:10%; text-align: left;} + .poem br {display: none;} + .poem .stanza {margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em;} + .poem span.i0 {display: block; margin-left: 0em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i2 {display: block; margin-left: 2em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i4 {display: block; margin-left: 4em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + hr.full { width: 100%; } + pre {font-size: 75%;} + // --> + /* XML end ]]>*/ + </style> +</head> +<body> +<h1>The Project Gutenberg eBook, Dio's Rome, Volume 1 (of 6), by Cassius Dio, +Translated by Herbert Baldwin Foster</h1> +<pre> +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at <a href = "http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></pre> +<p>Title: Dio's Rome, Volume 1 (of 6)</p> +<p> An Historical Narrative Originally Composed in Greek during the Reigns of Septimius Severus, Geta and Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and Alexander Severus: and Now Presented in English Form</p> +<p>Author: Cassius Dio</p> +<p>Release Date: March 24, 2006 [eBook #18047]</p> +<p>Language: English</p> +<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p> +<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIO'S ROME, VOLUME 1 (OF 6)***</p> +<p> </p> +<h3>E-text prepared by Ted Garvin, Linda Cantoni,<br /> + and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br /> + (http://www.pgdp.net/)</h3> +<p> </p> +<hr class="full" /> +<p> </p> + + + + +<h1>DIO'S ROME</h1> + +<h3>AN</h3> + +<h3>HISTORICAL NARRATIVE ORIGINALLY COMPOSED IN GREEK DURING THE REIGNS OF +SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, GETA AND CARACALLA, MACRINUS, ELAGABALUS AND +ALEXANDER SEVERUS:</h3> + +<h3>AND</h3> + +<h3>NOW PRESENTED IN ENGLISH FORM</h3> + +<h3>BY</h3> + +<h2>HERBERT BALDWIN FOSTER,</h2> + +<p style="text-align: center"> +A.B. (Harvard), Ph.D. (Johns Hopkins),<br /> +Acting Professor of Greek in Lehigh University<br /> +</p> + +<h3><i>FIRST VOLUME</i></h3> + +<p style="text-align: center"><i>Gleanings from the Lost Books</i></p> + +<p style="text-align: center">I. The Epitome of Books 1-21 arranged by Ioannes Zonaras, Soldier and +Secretary,<br /> +in the Monastery of Mt. Athos, about 1130 A.D.</p> + +<p style="text-align: center">II. Fragments of Books 22-35.</p> + +<hr style="width: 35%;" /> + + +<p style="text-align: center"> +TROY NEW YORK<br /> +PAFRAETS BOOK COMPANY<br /> +1905<br /> +</p> + +<p style="text-align: center"> +<span class="smcap">Copyright</span> 1905<br /> +PAFRAETS BOOK COMPANY<br /> +<span class="smcap">Troy New York</span><br /> +</p> + +<hr style="width: 35%;" /> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Transcriber's Note:</i> This e-text contains a number of words and phrases in Greek. In the original text, some +of the Greek characters have diacritical marks which do not display properly in commonly +used browsers such as Internet Explorer. In order to make this e-text as accessible as +possible, the diacritical marks have been ignored, except that the rough-breathing mark +is here represented by an apostrophe at the beginning of the word. All text in Greek has +a mouse-hover transliteration, e.g., <span lang="el" title="Greek: kalos">καλος</span>.</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p style="text-align: center"><i>To</i></p> + +<p style="text-align: center"><i>My Friend Teacher and Inspirer</i></p> + +<p style="text-align: center"><i>Mr. Gildersleeve of Baltimore</i></p> + +<p style="text-align: center"><i>Who Has Won to the Age of Greek Lore even as to the Youth of Greek +Life</i></p> + +<p style="text-align: center"><i>I Offer a Redundant Tribute</i></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>VOLUME CONTENTS</h2> + +<table border="0" summary="contents" cellpadding="5" cellspacing="1"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <td> </td> + <td align="right"> +<span class="smcap">page</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> +<a href="#CONCERNING_THE_TRANSLATION">Concerning the Translation</a></td> + <td align="right"> +<a href="#Page_vii">vii</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> +<a href="#CONCERNING_THE_ORIGINAL">Concerning the Original</a></td> + <td align="right"> +<a href="#Page_1">1</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + + +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#A_THE_WRITING">(a) The Writing</a></span></td> + <td align="right"> + + +<span> +<a href="#Page_3">3</a></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#B_THE_WRITER">(b) The Writer</a></span></td> + <td align="right"> +<span> +<a href="#Page_33">33</a></span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> +<a href="#A_LIST_OF_THE_MORE_RECENT_DISSERTATIONS">A Select List of Dissertations on Dio</a></td> + <td align="right"> +<a href="#Page_43">43</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> +<a href="#A_LIST_OF_THE_PRINCIPAL_ARTICLES">Magazine Articles and Notes on Dio</a> (1884-1904)</td> + <td align="right"> +<a href="#Page_49">49</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> +<a href="#THE_ORIGINAL_ARRANGEMENT">Plan of the Entire Work</a> (as Conjectured by A. von Gutschmid)</td> + <td align="right"> +<a href="#Page_61">61</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> +<a href="#AN_EPITOME">An Epitome of the Lost Books 1-21</a> (by Ioannes Zonaras)</td> + <td align="right"> +<a href="#Page_67">67</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#NOTE">Fragments of Books 22-35</a> (from various sources)</td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_329">329</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXIII">Fragment LXXIII</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_331">331</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXIV">Fragment LXXIV</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_332">332</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXV">Fragment LXXV</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_332">332</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXVI">Fragment LXXVI</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_333">333</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXVII">Fragment LXXVII</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_333">333</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXVIII">Fragment LXXVIII</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_334">334</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXIX">Fragment LXXIX</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_335">335</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXX">Fragment LXXX</a> </td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_335">335</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXXI">Fragment LXXXI</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_336">336</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXXII">Fragment LXXXII</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_337">337</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXXIII">Fragment LXXXIII</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_339">339</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXXIV">Fragment LXXXIV</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_340">340</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXXV">Fragment LXXXV</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_341">341</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXXVI">Fragment LXXXVI</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_342">342</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXXVII">Fragment LXXXVII</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_342">342</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXXVIII">Fragment LXXXVIII</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_345">345</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#LXXXIX">Fragment LXXXIX</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_345">345</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#XC">Fragment XC</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_346">346</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#XCI">Fragment XCI</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_346">346</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#XCII">Fragment XCII</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_347">347</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#XCIII">Fragment XCIII</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_349">349</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#XCIV">Fragment XCIV</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_349">349</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#XCV">Fragment XCV</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_350">350</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#XCVI">Fragment XCVI</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_352">352</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#XCVII">Fragment XCVII</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_353">353</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#XCVIII">Fragment XCVIII</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_353">353</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#XCIX">Fragment XCIX</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_354">354</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#C">Fragment C</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_354">354</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#CI">Fragment CI</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_357">357</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#CII">Fragment CII</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_359">359</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#CIII">Fragment CIII</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_359">359</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#CIV">Fragment CIV</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_360">360</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#CV">Fragment CV</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_361">361</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#CVI">Fragment CVI</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_366">366</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#CVII">Fragment CVII</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_366">366</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><a href="#CVIII">Fragment CVIII</a></td> + <td align="right"><a href="#Page_368">368</a></td> + </tr> +</tbody> +</table> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Pg vii]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CONCERNING_THE_TRANSLATION" id="CONCERNING_THE_TRANSLATION"></a>CONCERNING THE TRANSLATION</h2> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Pg ix]</a></span></p> + +<p>Cassius Dio, one of the three original sources for Roman history to be +found in Greek literature, has been accessible these many years to the +reader of German, of French, and even of Italian, but never before has +he been clothed complete in English dress. In the Harvard College +Library is deposited the fruit of a slight effort in that direction, a +diminutive volume dated two centuries back, the title page of which +(agog with queer italics) reads as follows:</p> + +<p style="text-align: center">THE</p> + +<p style="text-align: center">HISTORY</p> + +<p style="text-align: center">OF</p> + +<p style="text-align: center">DION CASSIUS</p> + +<p style="text-align: center">ABBRIDG'D BY XIPHILIN</p> + +<p style="text-align: center">CONTAINING</p> + +<p style="text-align: center">The most considerable Passages under the <i>Roman</i> emperors<br /> +from the time of <i>Pompey</i> the Great, to the Reign of <i>Alexander Severus</i>.</p> + +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> + +<p style="text-align: center">In Two Volumes</p> + +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> + +<p style="text-align: center">Done from the <i>Greek</i>, by Mr. Manning</p> + +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> + +<p style="text-align: center">Tametsi haudquaquam par gloria sequatur Scriptorem, & Authorem rerum,<br /> +tamen in primis arduum videtur res gestas scribere. Salust.</p> + +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> + +<p style="text-align: center"><i>London</i>: Printed for <i>A.</i> and <i>J. Churchill</i>, in <i>Paternoster Row</i>, +1704.</p> +<p> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Pg x]</a></span></p> + +<p>Four hundred and seven small pages, over and above the Epistle +Dedicatory, are contained in Volume One. Really, however, this is not +the true Dio at all, but merely his shadow, seized and distorted to +satisfy the ideas of his epitomizer, the monk Xiphilinus, who was +separated from him by a thousand years in the flesh and another +thousand in the spirit. Of the little specimens here and there +translated for this man's or that man's convenience no mention need +here be made. Hence, practically speaking, Dio now for the first time +emerges in his impressive stature before the English-speaking public +after there has elapsed since his own day a period twice as long as +then constituted the extent of that history which was his theme.</p> + +<p>The present version, begun while I was serving as Acting Professor of +Greek at St. Stephen's College, Annandale, N.Y., has been carried +forward during such intervals of leisure as I could snatch from an +overflowing schedule at the University of South Dakota. It has been my +companion on many journeys and six states have witnessed its progress +toward completion. In spite of the time consumed it seems in +retrospect not far short of presumptuous to have tried in three or +four years to put into acceptable English what Dio spent twelve in +writing down. Yet the task was not quite the same, for half of this +historian's books have been caught up and whirled away in the cyclone +of time; and who knows whether they still possess any resting-place +above or beneath the earth?</p> + +<p>The text originally chosen as the basis for the translation was that +of Melber, the idea of the translator being that the Teubner edition +would be the most con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[Pg xi]</a></span>venient and readily obtainable standard of +reference for any one who wished to compare the Greek and the English. +Hence the numbering of the Fragments is that of Melber (subdivisions +are distinguished by a notation simpler than that of the original +"sections"). Since no Teubner volumes beyond the second proved to be +forthcoming, the rest of the work followed the stereotyped Tauchnitz +edition, which also enjoys a large circulation. This text, however, +contained so many cases of corruption and clumsiness that it seemed +best to work over carefully nearly all of the latter portion of the +English and to embody as many as possible of the improvements of +Boissevain. Incidentally Boissevain's interior arrangement of all the +later books was adopted, though it was deemed preferable (for mere +readiness of reference) to adhere to the old external division of +books established by Leunclavius. (Boissevain's changes are, however, +indicated.) The Tauchnitz text with all its inaccuracies endeavors to +present a coherent and readable narrative, and this is something which +the exactitude of Boissevain does not at all times permit. In the +translation I have striven to follow a conservative course, and at +some points a straightforward narrative interlarded with brackets will +give evidence of its origin in Tauchnitz, whereas at others loose, +disjointed paragraphs betray the hand of Boissevain who would not +willingly let Xiphilinus and Dio ride in the same compartment. My main +desire through it all has been not so much to attain a logical unity +of form as to present a history which shall look well and read well in +English. For this reason also I have banished most of the Fragments +(which must have only<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[Pg xii]</a></span> a comparatively limited interest) to the last +volume and have replaced them in my first by portions of Zonaras +(taken from Melber) which have their origin in Dio and are at the same +time clear, comprehensible, and connected.</p> + +<p>Should any person object that even so my text does not offer eye and +ear a pellucid field for smooth advance, I must reply that the +original is likewise very far from being a serene and joyous highway; +and it has not appeared to me necessary or desirable to improve upon +the form of Dio's record further than the difference in the genius of +the two languages demanded. I am reminded here of what Francisque +Reynard says regarding the difficulties of Boccaccio, and because of a +similarity in the situation I venture to quote from the preface of his +(French) version of the Decameron:</p> + +<p>"Dans son admiration exclusive des anciens, Boccace a pris pour modèle +Cicéron et sa longue période académique, dans laquelle les incidences +se greffent sur les incidences, poursuivant l'idée jusqu'au bout, et +ne la laissant que lorsqu'elle est épuisée, comme le souffle ou +l'attention de celui qui lit.... Aussi le plus souvent sa phraséologie +est-elle fort complexe, et pour suivre le fil de l'idée première, +faut-il apporter une attention soutenue. Ce qui est déjà une +difficulté de lecture dans le texte italien, devient un obstacle très +sérieux quand on a à traduire ces interminables phrases en français +moderne, prototype de précision, de clarté, de logique +grammaticale.... Je sais bien qu'il y a un moyen commode de +l'éluder...: c'est de couper les phrases et d'en faire, d'une seule, +deux, trois, quatre, autant qu'il est besoin. Mais à ce jeu on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[Pg xiii]</a></span> change +notablement la physionomie de l'original, et c'est ce que je ne puis +admettre."</p> + +<p>As is Boccaccio to Cicero, so is Cassius Dio, <i>mutatis mutandis</i>, to +Thukydides; and of course the imitator improves upon the model. +Imagine a man who out-Paters Pater when Pater shall be but a memory, +and you begin to secure a vision of the style of this Roman senator, +who accentuates every peculiarity of the tragic historian's packed +periods; and whereas his great predecessor made sentences so long as +to cause mediæval scholars heartily to wish him in the Barathron, +books and all, comes forward six hundred years later marshaling phrase +upon phrase, clause upon clause, till a modern is forced to exclaim: +"What, will the line stretch out to the crack of doom?" Now I have +dealt with these complexes in different ways; and sometimes I have +cleft and hacked and wrenched them out of all semblance of their +original shape, and sometimes I have hauled them almost entire, like a +cable, tangled with particles, out of the sea-bed of departed days.</p> + +<p>This principle of inconsistency which I have pursued in varying the +rendering of long sentences, periodic or loose, according to external +modifying conditions, may be observed also in certain other features +of the book. For I have felt obliged to allow inconsistency of letter +in the hope of approaching a consistency of spirit. I suppose that the +ideal plan to follow in a translation would be to let a given English +word represent a given Greek word, so that "beautiful" should occur as +many times in the English version as <span lang="el" title="Greek: kalos">καλος</span> in the original, +and "strength" as many times as <span lang="el" title="Greek: rhômê">'ρωμη</span>. Such a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[Pg xiv]</a></span> scheme, +however, is not feasible in a passage of any length, and its +impossibility simply goes to show what a makeshift translation is and +always has been, after all. Therefore single Greek words will be found +reproduced by various English terms, but with that color which seems +best adapted to the context.</p> + +<p>Again, in spelling I have chosen a method not unknown to recent +historians, which consists in anglicising familiar proper names that +are household words, like Antony, Catiline, etc., but keeping the +classical Latin form for persons less well known, as Antonius the +grandfather of Mark Antony. To the names of gods I have given a Latin +dress unless a particular god happened to be named by a Greek on Greek +soil. Similarly in geographical or topographical designations the +translator of Dio must needs confront a more difficult situation than +did Dio himself. Greek reduces <i>all</i> names to its own basis. In +English one must often select from the Latin form, Greek form, Native +form, or Anglicised form. Since Dio lived in Italy and was to all +intents and purposes a Roman I decided to make the Latin form the +standard, and admit rarely the Anglicised form, less often the Greek, +and least often the Native. As to the minutiæ of spelling I need +scarcely say that I have been tremendously aided by Boissevain's +exhaustive studies, briefly summarized in his notes. This painstaking +care, for which he feels almost obliged to apologize, will lend a +permanent lustre to his invaluable work.</p> + +<p>That many errors must have crept into an undertaking of this magnitude +I have only too vivid forebodings,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[Pg xv]</a></span> and this in spite of no +inconsiderable efforts of mine to avoid them: herein I can but beg the +clemency of my readers and judges and hope that such faults may be +found to be mostly of a minor character. And perhaps I can do no +better than to make common cause at once with Mr. Francis Manning +whose book I recently mentioned; for, in his Epistle Dedicatory "To +The | Right Honourable | CHARLES | Earl of Orrery", he voices as well +as possible the feelings with which I write on the dedication page the +name of Professor Gildersleeve:</p> + +<p>"Your Lordship will forgive me for detaining you thus long with +relation to the Work I have made bold to present you with in our own +Tongue. How well it is perform'd, I must leave entirely to my Readers. +I assume nothing to myself but an endeavour to make my Author speak +intelligible <i>English</i>. I shall only add what my Subject leads me to, +and what for my Reader's sake I ought to mention: That as there are +but few Authors that can present any Book to your Lordship in most +other Languages, and on most of the Learned Subjects, but might wish +they had been assisted by your Lordship's Skill and Knowledge therein, +as well as Patronage and Protection; so the Translator of this <i>Greek</i> +Historian in particular must lament, that notwithstanding all his +Industry and Pains, he is faln infinitely short of that great +Judgment, Nicety and Criticism in the <i>Greek</i> Language, which your +Lordship has in your Writings made appear to the World."</p> + +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> + +<p>Dio has long served as a source to writers treating topics of greater +or less length in Roman history. He is now presented entire to the +casual reader: his ve<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[Pg xvi]</a></span>racious narrative must ever continue to interest +the historical student, who may correct him by others or others by +him, the ecclesiastic, to whom is here offered so graphic a picture of +the conditions surrounding early Christianity, and the literary man, +who finds the limpid stream of Hellenic diction far from its source +grow turbid and turgid in turning the mill wheels for this dealer in +<span lang="el" title="Greek: onkos">ογκος</span>. Dio's faults are patent, but his excellencies, +fortunately, are patent, too; and the world may rejoice that in an age +of lust and bloodshed this serious-minded magistrate bethought him to +record with religious exactness what he believed to be the truth +respecting the Kingdom, the Republic, and the Empire of Rome even to +his own day.</p> + +<p>I desire in conclusion to express especial gratitude and appreciation +for assistance and suggestions to Professor C.W.E. Miller of Johns +Hopkins University, Professors J.H. Wright and A.A. Howard of Harvard +University, and to Mr. A.T. Robinson of the Massachusetts Institute of +Technology. Likewise I must acknowledge my obligations, in the +elucidation of particularly vexed and corrupt passages, to the +illuminative comments of Sturz, or Wagner, or Gros, or Boissée, or all +combined. Additional thanks are due to many others who have helped or +shall yet help to make Dio in English a success.</p> + +<p style="text-align: right">HERBERT BALDWIN FOSTER.</p> + +<p> +<span class="smcap">Bethlehem, Pennsylvania</span>,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">June, 1905.</span><br /> +</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CONCERNING_THE_ORIGINAL" id="CONCERNING_THE_ORIGINAL"></a>CONCERNING THE ORIGINAL.</h2> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="A_THE_WRITING" id="A_THE_WRITING"></a>A.—THE WRITING.</h2> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span></p> + + +<p>Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Roman senator and prætor, when about forty +years of age delivered himself of a pamphlet describing the dreams and +omens that had led the general Septimius Severus to hope for the +imperial office which he actually secured. One evening there came to +the author a note of thanks from the prince; and the temporary +satisfaction of the recipient was continued in his dreams, wherein his +guiding angel seemed to urge him to write a detailed account of the +reign of the unworthy Commodus (Book Seventy-two), just ended. Once +again did Dio glow beneath the imperial felicitations and those of the +public. Inoculated with the bacillus of publication and animated by a +strong desire for immortality,—a wish happily realized,—he undertook +the prodigious task of giving to the world a complete account of Roman +events from the beginning to so late a date as Fortune might +vouchsafe. Forthwith he began the accumulation of materials, a task in +which ten active years (A.D. 200 to 210) were utilized. The actual +labor of composition, continued for twelve years more at intervals of +respite from duties of state, brought him in his narrative to the +inception of the reign of his original patron, the first Severus.—All +the foregoing facts are given us as Dio's own statement, in what is at +present the twenty-third chapter of the seventy-second book, by that +painter in miniature, Ioannes Xiphilinus.</p> + +<p>It was now the year A.D. 223, Dio was either consul for the first time +(as some assert) or had the consular<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> office behind him, the world was +richer by the loss of Elagabalus, and Alexander Severus reigned in his +stead. Under this emperor the remaining books (Seventy-three to +Eighty, inclusive) must have been composed, for Dio puts the finishing +touches on his history in 229. Since by that time he was nearly eighty +years of age and since he has written of no reign subsequent to +Alexander's, we may conclude that he did not survive his master, who +died in 235. The sum total of his efforts, then, as he left it, +consisted of eighty books, covering a period from 1064 B.C. to 229 +A.D. At present there are extant of that number complete only Books +Thirty-six to Sixty inclusive, treating the events of the years 68 +B.C. to 47 A.D. The last twenty books, Sixty-one to Eighty, appear in +fairly reliable excerpts and epitomes, but for the first thirty-five +books we are dependent upon the merest scraps and fragments. How and +by what steps this great work disintegrated, and in what form it has +been preserved to modern times, this it is to be our next business to +trace.</p> + +<p>It seems that Dio's work had no immediate influence, but "Time brings +roses", and in the Byzantine age we find that he had come to be +regarded as the canonical example of the way in which Roman History +should be written. Before this desirable result, however, had been +brought to pass, Books Twenty-two to Thirty-five inclusive had +disappeared. These gave the events of the years from the destruction +of Carthage and Corinth (in the middle of the second century B.C.) to +the activity of Lucullus in 69. A like fate befell Books<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> Seventy and +Seventy-one at an early date. The first twenty-one books and the last +forty-five (save the two above noted) seem to have been extant in +their original forms at least as late as the twelfth century. Which +end of the already syncopated composition was the first to go the way +of all flesh (and parchment, too,) it would not be an easy matter to +determine. It is regarded by most scholars as certain that Ioannes +Zonaras, who lived in the twelfth century, had the first twenty-one +and the last forty-five for his epitomes. Hultsch, to be sure, +advances the opinion<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> that Books One to Twenty-one had by that time +fallen into a condensed form, the only one accessible; but the +majority of scholars are against him. After Zonaras's day both One to +Twenty-one and Sixty-one to Eighty suffer the corruption of moth and +of worm.</p> + +<p>The world has, then, in this twentieth century, those entire books of +Dio which have already been mentioned,—Thirty-six to Sixty,—and +something more. Let us first consider, accordingly, the condition in +which this intact remnant has come down to the immediate present, and +afterward the sources on which we have to depend for a knowledge of +the lost portion.</p> + +<p>There are eleven manuscripts for this torso of Roman History, taking +their names from the library of final deposit, but they are not all, +by any means, of equal value. First come Mediceus A (referred to in +this book as Ma), Vaticanus A, Parisinus A, and Venetus A (Va) of the +first class; then Mediceus B<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> of the second class; finally, Parisinus +B, Escorialensis, Turinensis, Vaticanus B, and Venetus B, with the +mongrel Vesontinus, which occupies a position in this group best +designated, perhaps, as 2-1/2.</p> + +<p>Vaticanus A has been copied from Mediceus A, and Parisinus A from +Vaticanus A, so that they are practically one with their archetype. +Venetus A is of equal age and authority with Mediceus A. One can not +now get back of these two codices. There is none of remoter date for +Dio save the parchment Cod. Vat. 1288, containing most of Books +Seventy-eight and Seventy-nine,—a portion of the work for the moment +not under discussion. Coming to the second class, Mediceus B is a +joint product of copying from the two principal MSS. just mentioned. +In the third class, Parisinus B is a copy of Mediceus B with a little +at the opening taken from Mediceus A. This was the version selected as +a guide by Robert Estienne in the first important edition of Dio ever +published (A.D. 1548). All the rest, Escorialensis, Turinensis, +Vaticanus B, and Venetus B are mere offshoots of Parisinus B. The +Vesontinus codex is derived partly from Venetus A and partly from some +manuscript of the third class.</p> + +<p>The parchment manuscript to which allusion was made above is only some +three centuries later than the time of Dio himself. It covers the +ground from Book 78, 2, 2, to 79, 8, 3 inclusive (ordinary division). +It belonged to Orsini, and after his death (A.D. 1600) became the +property of the Vatican Library. It is square in shape and consists of +thirteen leaves, each<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> containing three columns of uncials. In spite +of its age it is fairly overflowing with errors of every sort, many of +which have been emended by an unknown corrector who also wrote in +uncials; this same corrector would appear to have added the last leaf. +And there are a few additions in minuscules by a still later hand. The +leaves are very thin and in some places the ink has completely faded, +showing only the impression of the pen. For specimen illustrations of +this codex see Silvestre (Paléographie Universelle II, plate 7), +Tischendorf (cod. Sinait. plate 20) and Boissevain's Cassius Dio (Vol. +III).</p> + +<p>The dates of these codices (centuries indicated by Arabic numerals) +are about as follows:</p> + +<table border="0" summary="codices" cellpadding="5" cellspacing="1"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <td align="right">I.</td> + <td> +<span>Mediceus A-Ma-</span></td> + <td align="right">(11)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">I.</td> + <td> +<span>Venetus A-Va-</span></td> + <td align="right">(11)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">I.</td> + <td> +<span>Vaticanus A</span></td> + <td align="right">(15)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">I.</td> + <td> +<span>Parisinus A</span></td> + <td align="right">(17)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">II.</td> + <td> +<span>Mediceus B</span></td> + <td align="right">(15)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">III.</td> + <td> +<span>Parisinus B</span></td> + <td align="right">(15)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">III.</td> + <td> +<span>Venetus B</span></td> + <td align="right">(15)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">III.</td> + <td> +<span>Vaticanus B</span></td> + <td align="right">(15)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">I. and III.</td> + <td>Vesontinus</td> + <td align="right">(15)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">III.</td> + <td> +<span>Turinensis</span></td> + <td align="right">(16)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">III.</td> + <td> +<span>Escorialensis</span></td> + <td align="right">(?)</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">I.</td> + <td>Codex Vaticanus græcus No. 1288</td> + <td align="right">(5-6)</td> + </tr> +</tbody> +</table> + + +<p>Mediceus A contains practically Books Thirty-six to Fifty-four, and +Venetus A Books Forty-one to Sixty (two "decades"). As they are both +the oldest copies<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> extant and the sources of all the others, modern +editors would confine themselves to them exclusively but for the fact +that in each some gaps are found. In Mediceus A, for instance, two +quaternions (sixteen leaves) are lacking at the start, Leaf 7 is gone +from the third quaternion, Leaves 1 and 8 from the fourth; from the +thirty-first (now Quaternion 29) Leaf 1 has been cut, from the +thirty-third and last Leaf 5 has disappeared. Likewise in Venetus A +there are some gaps, especially near the end, in Book Sixty, where +three leaves are missing. Hence (without stopping to take up gaps and +breaks in detail) it may be said that the general plan pursued at the +present day is to adopt a reading drawn for each book from the +following sources respectively:</p> + +<table border="0" summary="sources" cellpadding="5" cellspacing="1"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <td>Book 36.<br /> + </td> + <td>Mediceus A, with lacuna of chapters 3-19 incl.,<br /> + supplied by the mutual corrections of Vaticanus A and Parisinus B.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Books 37 to 49.</td> + <td>Mediceus A.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Books 50 to 54.</td> + <td>Vaticanus A (vice Mediceus A).</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Books 55 to 59.</td> + <td>Venetus A.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Book 60.<br /> + </td> + <td>Venetus A, except chapter 17, sections 7 to 20, and chapter 22,<br /> + section 3, to chapter 26, section 2,—two passages supplied by Mediceus B.</td> +</tr> + </tbody> + </table> + +<p>What knowledge has the world of the first thirty-five books of Dio's +Roman History? To such a question answer must be made that of this +whole section the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> merest glimpse can be had. It is here that we +encounter the name of Zonaras, concerning whom some information will +now be in order. Ioannes Zonaras was an official of the Byzantine +Court who came into prominence under Alexis I. Comnenus in the early +part of the twelfth century. For a time he acted as both commander of +the body-guard and first private secretary to Alexis, but in the +succeeding reign,—that of Calo-Ioannes,—he retired to the monastery +of Mt. Athos, where he devoted himself to literary labors until his +death, which is said to have occurred at the advanced age of +eighty-eight. He was the author of numerous works, such as a Lexicon +of Words Old and New, an Exposition of the Apostolic and Patristic +Canons, an Argument Directed Against the Marriage of Two Nephews to +the Same Woman, etc.; but our special interest lies in his <span lang="el" title="Greek: Chronikon">Χρονικον</span> (Chronicon), a history of the world in eighteen books, from +the creation to 1118 A.D.,—this last being the date of the demise of +Alexis. The earlier portions of this work are drawn from Josephus; for +Roman History he uses largely Cassius Dio; Plutarch, Eusebius, Appian +also figure. But it has already been stated that Books Twenty-two to +Thirty-five perished at an indefinitely early date; hence it follows +that Zonaras has only Books One to Twenty-one at hand to use for his +account of <i>early</i> Rome; besides these he has later employed Books +Forty-four to Eighty. Consequently it is possible to get many of the +facts related to Dio, and in some cases his exact words, by reading +Books VII to XII of this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> <span lang="el" title="Greek: Chronikon">Χρονικον</span> or <span lang="el" title="Greek: Epitomê Historiôn">Επιτομη 'Ιστοριων</span> +by Zonaras. It is Books VII, VIII, and IX especially which +follow Books One to Twenty-one of Dio.</p> + +<p>Parallel with this account of Zonaras and extending beyond it, even to +the extent of throwing a wire of communication across the yawning +time-chasm represented by Books Twenty-two to Thirty-five, are certain +excerpts and epitomes found in various odd corners and strangely +preserved to the present moment. These are: Excerpts Concerning +Virtues and Vices; Excerpts Concerning Judgments; Excerpts Concerning +Embassies. The so-called "Planudean Excerpts" which used to be +admitted to editions are rejected on good authority<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> by Melber, whom +I have followed. I shall attempt only a brief mention of those +excerpts, to show their pertinence.</p> + +<p>The <i>Excerpts Concerning Virtues and Vices</i> exist in a manuscript of +the tenth century at the library of Tours, originally brought from the +island of Cyprus and sold to Nicolas Claude Fabre de Peiresc, who +lived from 1580 to 1637. Apparently it is a collection made at the +order of Constantine VII. Porphyrogenitus. It was first published at +Paris by Henri de Valois in 1634. The collection consists of +quotations from Polybius, Diodorus Siculus, Nicolas Damascenus, +Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Appian, Dio, John of Antioch, and others.</p> + +<p>The <i>Excerpts Concerning Judgments</i> are found in a Vatican manuscript +known as Codex Vaticanus Rescriptus Græcus, N. 73. Angelo Mai first +published the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> collection at Rome in 1826. They consist of many +narrative fragments extending over the field of Roman History from +early to late times, but fall into two parts: between these two parts +there is a gap of six or more pages. That the former set of fragments +is taken directly from Dio all scholars are ready to allow. In regard +to the latter set there have been, and perhaps still are, diverse +opinions. The trouble is that on the one hand these passages do not +end with the reign of Alexander Severus, where Dio manifestly ended +his history, but continue down to Constantine and (since the +manuscript has lost some sheets at the close) possibly much farther: +and on the other hand the style and diction differ considerably from +Dio's own. It was once the fashion to say that as many of the +fragments as come before the reign of Valerian (A.D. 253)<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> came from +Dio's composition, but that the remainder were written by an unknown +author. Now, however, it is generally agreed that all the excerpts of +the second set were the work of one man, whether John of Antioch, or +Peter Patricius, or some third individual. Still, though not direct +quotations from Dio, they are regarded as of value in filling out both +his account and that of Xiphilinus. The words are different, but the +facts remain undoubtedly true.</p> + +<p>The <i>Excerpts Concerning Embassies</i> are contained in somewhat less +than a dozen manuscripts, all of which prove to have sprung from a +Spanish archetype (since destroyed by fire) that Juan Paez de Castro +owned in the sixteenth century. Many of the copies were made<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> by +Andreas Darmarius. The first publisher of these selections was Fulvio +Orsini (= Ursinus), who brought them out at Antwerp in 1582. As their +name indicates, they are accounts of embassies sent either by the +Romans to foreign tribes or by foreign tribes to the Romans. Some of +them are taken from Cassius Dio; hence their importance here.</p> + +<p>Now it was the custom of the earlier editors to arrange the (early) +fragments of Dio according to the groups from which they were taken: +(1) the so-called Fragmenta Valesia (pickings from grammarians, +lexicographers, scholiasts), edited by the same Henri de Valois above +mentioned; (2) the Fragmenta Peiresciana (= Excerpts Concerning +Virtues and Vices); (3) the Fragmenta Ursina (= Excerpts Concerning +Embassies); and finally, in the edition of Sturz<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> (4) Excerpta +Vaticana (= Excerpts Concerning Judgments and the now rejected +"Planudean Excerpts"). The above grouping has been abandoned and a +strictly chronological order followed in all the later editions, +including Bekker, Dindorf, Melber, Boissevain.</p> + +<p>The body of Fragments preceding Book Thirty-six cites, in addition to +the collections mentioned, the following works or authors:</p> + +<p>Anecdota Græca of Immanuel Bekker (1785-1871), a scholar of vast +attainments and profound learning in classical literature. These +Anecdota are excerpts made from various Greek manuscripts found in the +course of travels extending through France, Italy, England, and +Germany. There were three volumes, appearing from 1814 to 1821.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span></p> + +<p>Antonio Melissa.—A Greek monk living between 700 and 1100 A.D. He +collected two books of quotations from early Christian Fathers (one +hundred and seventy-six titles) on the general subject of Virtues and +Vices.</p> + +<p>Arsenius.—Archbishop of Monembasia: age of the Revival of Learning.</p> + +<p>Cedrenus.—A Greek monk of the eleventh century who compiled a +historical work (<span lang="el" title="Greek: Synopsis historiôn">Συνοψις 'ιστοριων</span>) the scope of which +extended from the creation to 1057 A.D. He gives no evidence of +historical knowledge or the critical sense, but rather of great +credulity and a fondness for legends. His treatise is, moreover, +largely plagiarized from the <i>Annals</i> of Ioannes Scylitzes +Curopalates.</p> + +<p>Cramer, J.A.—An Oxford scholar who published two collections of +excerpts (similar to those of Bekker) between 1835 and 1841. The +collection referred to in our text had its source in manuscripts of +the Royal Library in Paris. It was in three octavo volumes.</p> + +<p>Etymologicum Magnum.—A lexicon of uncertain date, after Photius (886 +A.D.) and before Eustathius. This dictionary contains many valuable +citations from lost Greek works. First edition, Venice, 1499.</p> + +<p>Eustathius.—Archbishop of Thessalonica and the most learned man of +his age (latter half of the twelfth century). His most important +composition is his <i>Commentary on Homer's Iliad and Odyssey</i> in which +he quotes vast numbers of authors unknown to us now except by name. +First edition, Rome, 1542-1550.</p> + +<p>Glossary of C. Labbæus, the editor of Ancient Glosses of Law Terms, +published in Paris, 1606.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span></p> + +<p>John of Antioch.—Author of a work called "Chronological History from +Adam" quoted in the <i>Excerpts Concerning Virtues and Vices</i> (vid. +supra). Internal evidence indicates that the book was written after +610 and before 900 A.D.</p> + +<p>John of Damascus.—A voluminous ecclesiastical writer belonging to the +reigns of Leo Isauricus and Constantine VII. (approximately from 700 +to 750 A.D.). He was an opponent of the iconoclastic movement. The +best edition of his works was published at Paris in 1712. The passage +cited in our Fragments is from <span lang="el" title="Greek: peri Drakontôn">περι Δρακοντων</span>, a mutilated +essay on dragons standing between a "Dialogue Between a Saracen and a +Christian" and a "Discussion of the Holy Trinity."</p> + +<p>John Laurentius Lydus.—A Byzantine writer, born at Philadelphia (the +city of Revelation, III, 7), in 490 A.D. Although he was famed during +his lifetime as a poet, all his verses have perished. The work cited +in our Fragments,—"Concerning the Offices of the Roman Republic, in +Three Books,"—had a curious history. For centuries it was regarded as +lost, but about 1785 nine tenths of it was discovered by De Villoison +in a MS. in the suburbs of Constantinople. It was published in Paris, +1811.—Laurentius in the course of his career held important political +posts and received two important literary appointments from the +Emperor Justinian I.</p> + +<p>Suidas.—A lexicographer of the tenth century, composer of the most +comprehensive Greek dictionary of early times. It is a manual at once +of language and of antiquities. Inestimable as its value is, the +workman<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span>ship is careless and uneven. The arrangement is alphabetical.</p> + +<p>John Tzetzes.—A Greek grammarian of the twelfth century. His learning +was great but scarcely equaled his self-conceit, as repeatedly +displayed in passages of his works. Many of his writings are still +extant. One of these is called <i>Chiliades</i> (or <i>Thousands</i>), a name +bestowed by its first editor, who divided the work into sections of +one thousand lines each. The subject-matter consists of the most +miscellaneous historical or mythological narratives or anecdotes, +absolutely without connection. Tzetzes copied these accounts from +upward of four hundred writers,—one of them being Cassius Dio. The +<i>Chiliades</i> is written in the so-called <i>Versus politicus</i>, or +"political verse," which is really not verse at all, but a kind of +decadent doggerel.—A minor treatise by the same author is the +<i>Exegesis of the Iliad of Homer</i>, published by Hermann (Leipzig, +1812).</p> + +<p>Isaac Tzetzes, who has attracted less attention than his brother John, +is best known as the author of a commentary on the <i>Cassandra</i> of +Lycophron (a poem of 1474 iambic verses by a post-classical tragedian, +about 285 B.C., embodying the warnings of the royal prophetess and +couched in appropriately incomprehensible expressions). It was hardly +worth all the care that Tzetzes lavished upon it. From manuscript +evidence and various claims of John Tzetzes it seems that John worked +over, improved, and enlarged the commentary of his brother. Isaac's +name, however, still remains associated with this particular +exposition.</p> + +<p>We are now at length placed in a position to consider<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> the condition +of the ultimate portion of the work, i.e., the last twenty books, +Sixty-one to Eighty inclusive. In general it may be said that for this +section of the history we are thrown back upon an epitome of Ioannes +Xiphilinus, who lived about fifty years earlier than the Ioannes +Zonaras recently under discussion. To this general statement there are +two important exceptions. First, even as early as Xiphilinus wrote +(eleventh century) nearly two books of this last portion had perished. +Book Seventy, containing the reign of Antoninus Pius, was entirely +gone save a few miserable chapters, and Book Seventy-one had suffered +the same fate in its beginning, so that our account of the renowned +Marcus Aurelius begins practically with the year 172 instead of 161. +The gap thus created has been partially filled by extracts of every +conceivable quality and merit, from Suidas, from John of Antioch, even +from Asinius Quadratus. This on the side of loss: on the side of gain +there are numerous little excerpts (just as in the case of the early +books) that may serve to fill crevices or cover scars, and above all +there exists a parchment manuscript, known as Vaticanus 1288, older +than Mediceus A, older than Venetus A, and containing Books +Seventy-eight and Seventy-nine probably very much as Dio wrote them, +save that the account is mutilated at beginning and end.</p> + +<p>Boissevain concludes (by comparing the Table of Contents found with a +remark of Photius) that this particular piece of salvage was +originally Books Seventy-nine and Eighty (instead of Seventy-eight and +Seventy-nine), that Book Eighty of Dio was really what is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> now +commonly called Seventy-nine <i>and</i> Eighty, and that the so-called Book +Eighty (of only five chapters) was but a kind of epilogue to the whole +work. Whatever we may decide respecting the merits of his argument, +the important fact is that here for a short distance we have Dio's +original narrative, as in Books Thirty-six to Sixty, and are no longer +obliged to depend upon epitomes.</p> + +<p>A word of explanation about Xiphilinus must come next. This Xiphilinus +was a native of Trapezos (Trebizond) and became a monk at +Constantinople. Here, at the behest of Michael VII. Ducas (1071-1078) +he made an abridgment of Books Thirty-six to Eighty of Dio; thus it is +his version of the lost books Sixty-one to Eighty on which we are +compelled to rely. His task was accomplished with an even greater +degree of carelessness than is customary in such compositions, and it +may be said that his ability or, at least, his good will is not nearly +so great as that of Zonaras. Yet he is largely a <i>pis aller</i> for the +would-be reader of Cassius Dio.</p> + +<p>Whereas the original was divided arbitrarily into books, Xiphilinus +divided his condensation into "sections," each containing the life of +one emperor. Readers must further note that the present division of +Books Seventy-one to Eighty dates only from Leunclavius (1592, first +edition) and is not necessarily correct. Improvements in arrangement +by Boissevain (latest editor of Dio entire) are indicated in the +present translation, though for convenience of reference the old +headlines are still retained.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span></p> + +<p>Before speaking of the editions through which Dio's <i>Roman History</i> +has passed it seems desirable to summarize briefly the condition of +the whole as explained in the preceding pages. Here is a bird's-eye +view of the whole situation.</p> + + <table border="0" summary="books" cellpadding="5" cellspacing="1"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <td align="center">Books</td> + <td align="right">1-21</td> + <td>exist in Zonaras and various fragments.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="center">"</td> + <td align="right">22-35</td> + <td>exist in fragments only.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="center">"</td> + <td align="right">36-54</td> + <td>exist in Dio's own words, and are found in universally approved MSS.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="center">"</td> + <td align="right">54-60</td> + <td>exist in generally approved MSS.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="center">"</td> + <td align="right">60-69</td> + <td>exist in Xiphilinus and excerpts.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="center">Book</td> + <td align="right">70</td> + <td>exists in fragments only.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="center">Books</td> + <td align="right">71-77</td> + <td>exist in Xiphilinus and excerpts.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="center">"</td> + <td align="right">78, 79</td> + <td>exist in Dio's own words (oldest MS).</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="center">Book</td> + <td align="right">80</td> + <td>exists in Xiphilinus.</td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + + +<h3>EDITIONS.</h3> + +<p>A brief list of important editions of this author is appended; the +order is chronological.</p> + +<p>1. N. Leonicenus.—Italian translation of Books 35 to 60. Venice, +1533. Free, and with many errors.</p> + +<p>2. R. Stephanus.—Greek text of Books 35 to 60. Paris, 1548. Work well +done, but based on a poor MS.</p> + +<p>3. Xylander.—Latin translation of Books 35 to 60, with a brief Latin +index. Basle, 1557. This version was made from No. 2.</p> + +<p>4. Baldelli.—Italian translation of Books 35 to 60. Venice, 1562.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span></p> + +<p>5. H. Stephanus.—A second edition of No. 2 with Latin translation of +No. 2 added. A few corrections have been made and the Latin index is a +little fuller. Paris, 1591.</p> + +<p>6. Leunclavius.—A second edition of No. 3, somewhat emended, <i>and +with Books 61 to 80 (Xiphilinus) added</i>; also containing <i>Orsini's +Excerpts Concerning Embassies</i> (in Greek and Latin), notes of +Leunclavius, and a still fuller Latin index. Frankfurt, 1592.</p> + +<p>7. Leunclavius.—Posthumous edition. Text of Dio and of Xiphilinus +(the latter from Nero to Alexander Severus). Corrections of R. +Stephanus in Dio proper, and of Xylander in both Dio and Xiphilinus, +notes of Leunclavius on Dio, and notes of Orsini on <i>Excerpts +Concerning Embassies</i>. Same Latin index as in No. 6. Hanover, 1606.</p> + +<p>8. <span class="smcap">Reimar</span>. (Important. All previous editions are taken from +codex Parisinus B. Reimar, assisted by Gronovius (father and son) and +by Quirinus, employed Mediceus A (the standard codex) together with +Vaticanus A and Vaticanus B.) Text of Dio and Xiphilinus (Books 36 to +80), the Xylander-Leunclavius Latin version, the <i>Excerpts Concerning +Virtues and Vices</i>, and fragments collected from various sources by +Henri de Valois. Reimar used not only the three MSS. mentioned above, +but three copies of previous editions,—one of No. 2 (with notes of +Turnebus and others), one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> of No. 5 (with, notes of Oddey), and one of +No. 7 (with notes of an unknown individual of much learning, cited by +Reimar and in this edition as <i>N</i>). Finally he gathered all possible +emendations from as many as fourteen scholars who had suggested +improvements in the text. Hamburg, 1750.</p> + +<p>9. J.A. Wagner.—German translation in five volumes. Frankfurt, 1783.</p> + +<p>10. Penzel.—German translation with notes. Four volumes. Leipzig, +1786-1818.</p> + +<p>11. Morellius.—Fragments of Dio, with new readings of the same. +Emphasizes the importance of codex Venetus A and has some remarks on +Venetus B. Published in 1793.</p> + +<p>12. Sturz.—New edition of Dio based on No. 8, improved by a new +collation of the Medicean manuscripts and with collation of the codex +Turinensis, besides emendations gathered from many new sources. Eight +volumes. Leipzig, 1824-5. (Volume IX in 1843, containing Mai's +<i>Excerpts Concerning Judgments</i>.)</p> + +<p>13. Tauchnitz text.—Stereotyped edition, four volumes, Leipzig, 1829. +New impression, Leipzig, 1870-77. (Originally used as a basis for the +present translation after Book Fifty: later, wholesale revisions were +undertaken to make the English for the most part conform to the text +of Boissevain.)</p> + +<p>14. Tafel.—German translation, three volumes. Stuttgart, 1831-1844.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span></p> + +<p>15. J. Bekker.—Dio entire. (With new collation of the old MS. +containing most of Books Seventy-eight and Seventy-nine, and with many +new and brilliant conjectural emendations by the editor.) Two volumes. +Leipzig, 1849.</p> + +<p>16. Gros-Boissée.—French translation together with the Greek text and +copious notes. (With new collation of the Vatican, Medicean, and +Venetian codices, besides use of Parisinus A and Vesontinus; +manuscripts of the Fragments, especially the Tours manuscript +(concerning Virtues and Vices) have been carefully gone over.) Ten +volumes. Gros edited the first four; Boissée the last six. Paris, +1845-1870.</p> + +<p>17. Dindorf.—Teubner text. Dindorf was the first to perceive the +relation of the manuscripts and their respective values. He used +Herwerden's new collation of the Vatican palimpsest containing +<i>Excerpts Concerning Judgments</i>. From making fuller notes and +emendations he was prevented by untimely death. Five volumes. Leipzig, +1863-1865.</p> + +<p>18. Melber.—Teubner text, being a new recension of Dindorf, with +numerous additions. To consist of five volumes. Leipzig, from 1890. +The first two volumes, all that were available, have been used for +this translation.</p> + +<p>19. Boissevain.—The most modern, accurate, and artistic edition of +Dio. The editor is very conservative in the matter of manuscript +tradition. He personally read in Italy many of the MSS., and had the +aid of numerous friends at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> home and abroad in collating MSS., besides +the help of a few in the suggestion of new readings. In the later +portion of the text he makes a new division of books, and essays also +to assign the early fragments to their respective books. Three +volumes. Berlin, 1895, 1898, 1901. Vol. I, pp. 359 + cxxvi; Vol. II, +pp. 690 + xxxi; Vol. III, pp. 800 + xviii. The second volume contains +two phototype facsimiles of pages of the Laurentian and Marcian MSS., +and the third volume three similar specimens of the Codex Vaticanus. +In the appendix of the last volume are found, in the order named, the +following aids to the study of Dio.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>1. The <i>entire</i> epitome of Xiphilinus (Books 36-80).</p> + +<p>2. Vatican Excerpts of Peter Patricius (Nos. 1-38), compared +with Dio's wording.</p> + +<p>3. Vatican Excerpts of Peter Patricius (Nos. 156-191), +containing that portion of the Historia Augusta which is +subsequent to Dio's narrative.</p> + +<p>4. Excerpts by John of Antioch, taken from Dio.</p> + +<p>5. The "Salmasian Excerpts."</p> + +<p>6. Some "Constantinian Excerpts," compared with Dio.</p> + +<p>7. The account of Dio given by Photius and by Suidas.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span></p> + +<p>8. Table of Fragments.</p></div> + +<p>Boissevain's invaluable emendations and interpretations have been +liberally used by the present translator, and some of his changes of +arrangement have been accepted outright, others only indicated.</p> + + +<h3>CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NARRATIVE.</h3> + +<p>The atmosphere of Dio's Roman History is serious to a degree. Its +author never loses sight of the fact that by his labor he is +conferring a substantial benefit upon mankind, and he follows, +moreover, a particular historical theory, popular at the time, which +allows little chance for sportiveness or wit. Just as the early French +drama could concern itself only with personages of noble or royal +rank, so Dio's ideal compels him for the most part to restrict himself +to the large transactions of governments or rulers and to diminish the +consideration that idiosyncrasies of private life or points of +antiquarian interest might otherwise seem to claim. The name of this +ideal is "Dignity" (<span lang="el" title="Greek: onkos">ογκος</span> is the Greek), a principle of +construction which is opposed to a narration adorned with details. +However much it may have been overworked at times, its influence was +certainly healthful, for it demanded that the material be handled in +organic masses to prevent the reader from being lost in a confused +mass of minutiæ. Racy gossip and old wives' tales are to be replaced +by philosophic reflection and pictures of temperament. Instead of mere +lists of anecdotes there must be a careful survey of political<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> +relations. Names, numbers, and exact dates may often be dispensed +with. Still, amid all this, there is enough humor of situation in the +gigantic tale and enough latitude of speech on the part of the acting +personages to prevent monotony and to render intellectual +scintillations of the compiler comparatively unnecessary. +Occasionally, for the sake of sharper focus on the portrait of some +leader, Dio will introduce this or that trivial incident and may +perhaps feel called upon immediately, under the strictness of his +self-imposed régime, to apologize or justify himself.</p> + +<p>The style of the original is rendered somewhat difficult by a +conscious imitation of the involved sentence-unit found in Thukydides +(though reminiscences of Herodotos and Demosthenes also abound) but +gives an effect of solidity that is symmetrical with both the method +and the man. Moreover, one may assert of it what Matthew Arnold +declared could <i>not</i> be said regarding Homer's style, that it rises +and falls with the matter it treats, so that at every climax we may be +sure of finding the charm of vividness and at many intermediate points +the merit of grace. It is a long course that our historian, pressed by +official cares, has to cover, and he accomplishes his difficult task +with creditable zeal: finally, when his Thousand Years of Rome is +done, he compares himself to a warrior helped by a protecting deity +from the scene of conflict. Surely it must have been one of the major +battles of his energetic life to wrest from the formless void this +orderly record of actions and events embroidered with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> discussion of +the motives for those actions and the causes of such events.</p> + +<p>Dio has apparently equipped himself extremely well for his +undertaking. A fragment edited by Mai (see Fragment I) seems to make +him say that he has read every available book upon the subject; and, +like Thukydides, he is critical, he is eclectic, and often supports +his statements by the citation or introduction of documentary +testimony. His superstition is debasing and repellent, but works harm +only in limited spheres, and it is counterbalanced by the fact that he +had been a part of many events recounted and had held high +governmental offices, enjoying a career which furnished him with +standards by which to judge the likelihood of allegations regarding +earlier periods of Rome,—that, in a word, he was no mere +carpet-knight of History. He is honestly conscientious in his use of +language, attempting to give the preference to standard phrases and +words of classical Greek over corrupt idioms and expressions of a +decadent tongue; it is this very conscientiousness, of course, which +leads him to adopt so much elaborate syntax from bygone masters of +style. Finally,—the point in which, I think, Dio has come nearest to +the gloomy Athenian,—something of the matter-of-fact directness of +Thukydides is perceptible in this Roman History. The operator unrolls +before us the long panorama of wars and plots and bribes and murders: +his pictures speak, but he himself seldom interjects a word. Sometimes +the lack of comment seems almost brutal, but what need to darken the +torture-chamber in the House of Hades?<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span></p> + +<p>There are two ways of writing history. One is to observe a strictly +chronological order, describing together only such events as took +place in a single year or reign; and the other, to give all in one +place and in one narration the story of a single great movement, +though it should cover several years and a fraction,—or, again, to +sketch the condition of affairs in one province, or valley, or +peninsula for so long a time as the story of such a region seems to +possess unity of development. The first kind of writing takes the year +or the reign as its standard, whereas the second uses the matter under +discussion or some part of the earth in the same way: and they may +accordingly be called, one, the chronological method, and the other, +the pragmato-geographical. The difference between the two is well +illustrated by the varying ways in which modern works on Greek history +treat the affairs of Sicily.</p> + +<p>The first plan is that which Dio follows, and his work would have been +called by the Romans <i>annales</i> rather than <i>historiæ</i>. The method has +its advantages, one of which is, or should be, that the reader knows +just how far he has progressed; he can compare the relative +significance of events happening at the same time in widely separated +lands: he is, as it were, <i>living</i> in the past, and receives from week +to week or month to month reports of the world's doings in all +quarters. On the other hand, this plan lacks dramatic force; there are +sub-climaces and one grand climax: and the interest is apt to flag +through being obliged to divide itself among many districts. The same +results, both<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> good and bad, are observable in Thukydides, whom Dio +follows in constructive theory as well as style. It has already been +said that our historian sacrifices sharpness of dates to the Onkos, +depending, doubtless, on his chronological arrangements to make good +the loss. Usually it does so, but occasionally confusion arises. +Whether because he noticed this or not, he begins at the opening of +the fifty-first book to be accurate in his dates, generally stating +the exact day. Rarely, Dio lets his interest run away with him and +mixes the two economies.</p> + +<p>If we read the pages closely, we find that by Dio's own statement his +work falls properly into three parts. The first consists of the first +fifty-one books, from the landing of Æneas to the establishment of the +empire by Octavianus. Up to that time, Dio says (in LIII, 19), +political action had been taken openly, after discussion in the senate +and before the people. Everybody knew the facts, and in case any +authors distorted them, the public records were open for any one to +consult. After that time, however, the rulers commonly kept their acts +and discussions secret; and their censored accounts, when made public, +were naturally looked upon by the man in the street with doubt and +suspicion. Hence, from this point, says the historian, a radical +difference must inevitably be found in the character of his account.</p> + +<p>The second portion, opening with Book Fifty-two, ends at the death of +Marcus Aurelius (180 B.C.). In LXXI, 36, 4 Dio admits that the old +splendor ended with Marcus and was not renewed. His history, he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> says, +makes here a sheer descent (<span lang="el" title="Greek: katapiptei">καταπιπτει</span>) from the golden to +the iron age. It fades, as it were, into the light of common day in a +double sense: for the events succeeding this reign Dio himself was +able to observe as an intelligent eyewitness.</p> + +<p>The third section, then, extends from the beginning of Book +Seventy-two to the end of the work. Here Dio breaks away oftener than +before from his servility to the Dignity of History, only to display a +far more contemptible servility to his imperial masters. According to +his own account he stood by and passively allowed atrocities to be +multiplied about him, nor does he venture to express any forceful +indignation at the performance of such deeds. Had he protested, the +world's knowledge of Rome's degenerate tyrants would undoubtedly have +been less complete than it now is; and Dio was quite enough of an +egotist to believe that his own life and work were of paramount +importance. If we compare him unfavorably with Epictetus, we must +remember that the latter was obscure enough to be ignored.</p> + +<p>In both the second and the third parts, that is to say throughout the +entire imperial period, Dio is conceded to have committed an error in +his point of view by making the relations of the emperor to the senate +the leading idea in his narrative and subordinating other events to +that relation. Senator as he was, he naturally magnified its +importance, and in an impartial estimate of his account one must allow +for personal bias.</p> + +<p>Our historian's sources for the earlier part of his work are not +positively known. He has been credited<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> with the use of Livy, of +Cœlius, of Appian, and of Dionysios of Halicarnassos, but the +traces are not definite enough to warrant any dogmatic assertion. +Perhaps he knew Tacitus and perhaps Suetonius: the portrait of +Tiberius is especially good and was probably obtained from an author +of merit. But there were in existence a great multitude of books +inferior or now forgotten besides the works of the authors above +mentioned; and Dio's History in general shows no greater evidence of +having been drawn from writers whom we know than from others whom we +do not know.</p> + +<p>We have already noticed Dio's similarity to Thukydides in style, +arrangement, and emotional attitude. There remains one more bond of +brotherhood,—the speeches. Just as the sombre story of the +Peloponnesian conflict has for a prominent feature the pleas and +counterpleas of contending parties, together with a few independent +orations, so this Roman History is filled with public utterances of +famous men, either singly or in pairs. Dio evinces considerable +fondness for these wordy combats (<span lang="el" title="Greek: hamillai logôn">'αμιλλαι λογων</span>). About one +speech to the book is the average in the earlier portion of the work. +The author probably adapted them from rhetorical <span lang="el" title="Greek: meletai">μελεται</span>, or +essays, then in existence. He was himself a finished product of the +rhetorical schools and was inclined to give their output the greatest +publicity. The most interesting of these efforts,—some go so far as +to say the only one of real interest,—is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> the speech of Mæcenas in +favor of the establishment of monarchy by Augustus: this argument +undoubtedly sets forth Dio's own views on government. Like the rival +deliverance of Agrippa it shows traces of having undergone a revision +of the first draught, and it is more than probable that the two did +not assume their present shape until the time of Alexander Severus.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="B_THE_WRITER" id="B_THE_WRITER"></a>B.—THE WRITER.</h2> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span></p> + + +<p>Suidas, the lexicographer of the tenth century, who is profitable for +so many things, has this entry under "Dio":</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Dio—called Cassius, surnamed Cocceius (others +"Cocceianus"), of Nicæa, historian, born in the times of +Alexander son of Mammæa, wrote a Roman History in 80 books +(they are divided by decades), a "Persia", "The Getæ", +"Journey-signs", "In Trajan's Day", "Life of Arrian the +Philosopher".</p></div> + +<p>Photius, an influential Patriarch of Constantinople and belonging to +the ninth century, has in his "Bibliotheca" a much longer notice, +which, however, contains almost nothing that a reader will not find in +Dio's own record. This is about the extent of the information afforded +us by antiquity, and modern biographers usually fall back upon the +author's own remarks regarding himself, as found scattered through his +Roman History. Such personal references were for the first time +carefully collected, systematically arranged, and discussed in the +edition of Reimar; subsequently the same matter was reprinted in the +fifth volume of the Dindorf Teubner text.</p> + +<p>Just a word first in regard to the lost works with which Suidas +credits Dio. He probably never wrote the "Persia": perhaps it belonged +to Dio of Colophon, or possibly Suidas has confused <i>Dion</i> with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> +<i>Deinon</i>. It is certain that he did not write "The Getæ": this +composition was by his maternal grandfather, Dio of Prusa, and was the +fruit of exile. "Journey-signs" or "Itineraries" is an enigmatic +title, and the more cautious scholars forbear to venture an opinion +upon its significance. Bernhardy, editor of Suidas, says "Intelligo +<i>Librum de Signis</i>" and translates the title "De Ominibus inter +congrediendum." Leonhard Schmitz (in the rather antiquated <i>Smith</i>) +thinks it means "Itineraries" and that Dio Chrysostom very likely +wrote it, because he traveled considerably. Concerning "In Trajan's +Day" two opinions may be mentioned,—one, that the attribution of such +a title to Dio is a mistake (for, if true, he would have mentioned it +in his larger work): the other, that its substance was incorporated in +the larger work, and that it thereby lost its identity and importance. +The "Life of Arrian" is probably a fact. Arrian was a +fellow-countryman of Dio's and had a somewhat similar character and +career. It may be true, as Christ surmises, that this biography was a +youthful task or an essay of leisure, hastily thrown off in the midst +of other enterprises.</p> + +<p>Coming to Dio's personality we have at the outset to decide how his +name shall be written. We must make sure of his proper designation +before we presume to talk about him. The choice lies between Dio +Cassius and Cassius Dio, and the former is the popular form of the +name, if it be permissible to speak of Dio at all as a "popular" +writer. The facts in the case, however, are simple. The Greek +arrangement is <span lang="el" title="Greek: Diôn ho Kassios">Διων 'ο Κασσιος</span>. Now the regular Greek custom +is to place<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> the gentile name, or even the prænomen, <i>after</i> the +cognomen: but the regular Latin custom (and after all Dio has more of +the Roman in his makeup than of the Greek) is to observe the order +<i>prænomen</i>, <i>nomen</i>, <i>cognomen</i>. It is objected, first, that the +Greeks <i>sometimes</i> followed the regular Latin order, and, second, that +the Romans <i>sometimes</i> followed the regular Greek order (e.g., Cicero, +in his <i>Letters</i>). But the Greek exception cannot here make Dio the +<i>nomen</i> and Cassius the <i>cognomen</i>: we <i>know</i> that the historian +belonged to the gens Cassia (his father was Cassius Apronianus) and +that he took Dio as cognomen from his grandfather, Dio Chrysostom. And +the Latin exception simply offers us the alternative of following a +common usage or an uncommon usage. The real question is whether Dio +should be regarded rather as Greek or as Roman. To be logical, we must +say either Dion Kassios or Cassius Dio. Considering the historian's +times and his <i>habitat</i>, not merely his birthplace and literary +dialect, I must prefer Cassius Dio as his official appellation. Yet, +because the opposite arrangement has the sanction of usage, I deem it +desirable to employ as often as possible the unvexed single name +<i>Dio</i>.</p> + +<p>Dio's prænomen is unknown, but he had still another cognomen, +Cocceianus, which he derived along with the <i>Dio</i> from his maternal +grandfather. The latter, known as Dio of Prusa from his birthplace in +Bithynia, is renowned for his speeches, which contain perhaps more +philosophy than oratory and won for him from posterity the title of +Chrysostom,—"Golden Mouth." Dio of Prusa was exiled by the tyrant +Domitian, but recalled and showered with favors by the em<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span>peror +Cocceius Nerva (96-98 A.D.); from this patron he took the cognomen +mentioned, Cocceianus, which he handed down to his illustrious +grandson.</p> + +<p>Besides this distinguished ancestor on his mother's side Dio the +historian had a father, Cassius Apronianus, of no mean importance. He +was a Roman senator and had been governor of Dalmatia and Cilicia; to +the latter post Dio bore his father company (Books 49, 36; 69, 1; 72, +7). The date of the historian's birth is determined approximately as +somewhere from 150 to 162 A.D., that is, during the last part of the +reign of Antoninus Pius or at the beginning of the reign of Marcus +Aurelius. The town where he first saw the light was Nicæa in Bithynia.</p> + +<p>The careful education which the youth must have had is evident, of +course, in his work. After the trip to Cilicia already referred to Dio +came to Rome, probably not for the first time, arriving there early in +the reign of Commodus (Book 72, 4). This monster was overthrown in 192 +A.D.; before his death Dio was a senator (Book 72, 16): in other +words, he was by that time above the minimum age, twenty-five years, +required for admission to full senatorial standing; and thus we gain +some scanty light respecting the date of his birth. Under Commodus he +had held no higher offices than those of quæstor and ædile: Pertinax +now, in the year 193, made him prætor (Book 73, 12). Directly came the +death of Pertinax, as likewise of his successor Julianus, and the +accession of him whom Dio proudly hailed as the "Second +Au<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span>gustus,"—Septimius Severus. The new emperor exerted a great +influence upon Dio's political views. He pretended that the gods had +brought him forward, as they had Augustus, especially for his work. +The proofs of Heaven's graciousness to this latest sovereign were +probably by him delivered to Dio, who undertook to compile them into a +little book and appears to have believed them all; Severus, indeed, +had been remarkably successful at the outset. Before long Dio had +begun his great work, which he doubtless intended to bring to a +triumphant conclusion amid the golden years of the new prince of +peace.</p> + +<p>Unfortunately the <i>entente cordiale</i> between ruler and historian did +not long endure. Severus grew disappointing to Dio through his +severity, visited first upon Niger and later upon Cæsar Clodius +Albinus: and Dio came to be <i>persona non grata</i> to Severus for this +reason among others, that the emperor changed his mind completely +about Commodus, and since he had begun to revere, if not to imitate +him, what Dio had written concerning his predecessor could be no +longer palatable. The estrangement seems to be marked by the fact that +until Severus's death Dio went abroad on no important military or +diplomatic mission, but remained constantly in Italy. He was sometimes +in Rome, but more commonly resided at his country-seat in Capua (Book +76, 2). In a very vague Passage in Book 76, 16 Dio speaks of finding +"when I was consul" three thousand indictments for adultery inscribed +on the records. This leads<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> most scholars to assume that he was consul +<i>before</i> the death of Severus. Reimar thought differently, and +produces arguments to support his view. I do not deem many of the +passages which he cites entirely apposite, and yet some of the points +urged are important. I can only say that the impression left in my +mind by a rapid reading of the Greek is that Dio was consul while +Severus reigned; if such be the case, he probably held the rank of +<i>consul suffectus</i> ("honorary" or "substitute"). All who refuse to +admit that he could have obtained so high an office at that time place +the date of his first consulship anywhere from 219 to 223 A.D. because +of his own statement that in 224 he was appointed to the (regularly +proconsular) governorship of Africa.</p> + +<p>The son of Severus, Caracalla or Antoninus, drew Dio from his +homekeeping and took him with him on an eastern expedition in 216, so +that our historian passed the winter of 216-217 as a member of +Caracalla's retinue at Nicomedea (Book 77, 17 and 18) and joined there +in the annual celebration of the Saturnalia (Book 78, 8). Dio takes +occasion to deplore the emperor's bestial behavior as well as the +considerable pecuniary outlay to which he was personally subjected, +but at the same time he evidently did not allow his convictions to +become indiscreetly audible. Much farther than Nicomedea Dio cannot +have accompanied his master; for he did not go to the Parthian war, +presently undertaken, and he was not present either at Caracalla's +death (217) or at the overthrow of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span> Macrinus (218). This Macrinus, one +of the short-time emperors, gave Dio the post of <i>curator ad +corrigendum statum civitatium</i>, with administrative powers over the +cities of Pergamum and Smyrna (Book 79, 7), and his appointee remained +in active service during much of the reign of Elagabalus,—possibly, +indeed, until the accession of Alexander Severus (see Book 78, 18, +end). Mammæa, the mother of the new sovereign, surrounded her son with +skilled helpers of proved value, and it was possibly due to her wisdom +that Dio was first sent to manage the proconsulate of Africa, and, on +his return, to govern the imperial provinces of Dalmatia and Upper +Pannonia. Somewhat later, in the year 229, he became consul for the +second time, <i>consul ordinarius</i>, as colleague of Alexander himself. +But Dio's disciplinary measures in Pannonia had rendered him unpopular +with the pampered Pretorians, and heeding at once his own safety and +the emperor's request he remained most of the time outside of Rome. +This state of affairs was not wholly satisfactory, and it is not +surprising that after a short time Dio complained of a bad foot and +asked leave to betake himself to Nicæa, his native place.</p> + +<p>Here we must leave him. Whether his death came soon or late after 229 +A.D. is a matter of some uncertainty. It would be difficult to make a +more complete record out of the available material, save to say that +from two casual references it is inferred that Dio had a wife and +children, and that in his career he often, sometimes with imperial +assistance, tried cases in court.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="A_LIST_OF_THE_MORE_RECENT_DISSERTATIONS" id="A_LIST_OF_THE_MORE_RECENT_DISSERTATIONS"></a>A LIST OF THE MORE RECENT DISSERTATIONS</h2> + +<h3>ON</h3> + +<h2>CASSIUS DIO.</h2> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span></p> + + +<p>A. Baumgartner.—<i>Über die Quellen des Cassius Dio für die ältere +römische Geschichte.</i> (1880.)</p> + +<p>F. Beckurts.—<i>Zur Quellenkritik des Tacitus, Sueton und Cassius Dio.</i> +(1880.)</p> + +<p>J. Bergmans.—<i>Die Quellen der Vita Tiberii (Buch 57 der Historia +Romana) des Cassius Dio.</i> (1903.)</p> + +<p>Breitung.—<i>Bemerkungen über die Quellen des Dio Cassius LXVI-LXIX.</i> +(1882.)</p> + +<p>H. Christensen.—<i>De fontibus a Cassio Dione in Vita Neronis enarranda +adhibitis.</i> (1871.)</p> + +<p>A. Deppe.—<i>Des Dio Cassius Bericht über die Varusschlacht verglichen +mit den übrigen Geschichtsquellen.</i> (1880.)</p> + +<p>P. Fabia.—<i>Julius Pælignus, préfet des vigiles et procurateur de +Cappadoce (Tacite, Ann. XII, 49; Dion Cassius LXI, 6, 6).</i> (1898.)</p> + +<p>R. Ferwer.—<i>Die politischen Anschauungen des Cassius Dio.</i> (1878.)</p> + +<p>J.G. Fischer.—<i>De fontibus et auctoritate Cassii Dionis.</i> (1870.)</p> + +<p>H. Grohs.—<i>Der Wert des Geschichtswerkes des Cassius Dio als Quelle +für die Geschichte der Jahre 49-44 v. Chr.</i> (1884.)</p> + +<p>G. Heimbach.—<i>Quid et quantum Cassius Dio in historia conscribenda +inde a libro XI usque ad librum XLVII e Livio desumpserit.</i> (1878.)</p> + +<p>F.K. Hertlein.—<i>Conjecturen zu griechischen Prosaikern.</i> (1873.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span></p> + +<p>D.G. Ielgersma.—<i>De fide et auctoritate Dionis Cassii Cocceiani.</i> +(1879.)</p> + +<p>E. Kyhnitzsch.—<i>De contionibus, quas Cassius Dio historiæ suæ +intexuit, cum Thucydideis comparatis.</i> (1894.)</p> + +<p>E. Litsch.—<i>De Cassio Dione imitatore Thucydidis.</i> (1893.)</p> + +<p>Madvig.—<i>Adversaria Critica.</i> (1884.)</p> + +<p>J. Maisel.—<i>Observationes in Cassium Dionem.</i> (1888.)</p> + +<p>J. Melber.—<i>Der Bericht des Dio Cassius über die gallischen Kriege +Cæsars.</i> (1891.)</p> + +<p>J. Melber.—<i>Dio Cassius über die letzten Kämpfe gegen Sext. Pompeius, +36 v. Chr.</i> (1891.) In "Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiet der Klassichen +Alterthumswissenschaft, W. v. Christ zum 60. Geburtstag dargebracht +von seinen Schülern."</p> + +<p>P. Meyer.—<i>De Mæcenatis oratione a Dione ficta.</i> (1891.)</p> + +<p>M. Posner.—<i>Quibus auctoribus in bello Hannibalico enarrando usus sit +Dio Cassius.</i> (1874.)</p> + +<p>E. Schmidt.—<i>Plutarchs Bericht über die Catilinarische Verschwörung +in seinem Verhältnis zu Sallust, Livius und Dio.</i> (1885.)</p> + +<p>G. Sickel.—<i>De fontibus a Cassio Dione in conscribendis rebus inde a +Tiberio usque ad mortem Vitelii gestis adhibitis.</i> (1876.)</p> + +<p>D.R. Stuart.—<i>The attitude of Dio Cassius towards epigraphic +sources.</i> (1904.)—In "Roman Historical Sources," etc., pp. 101-147.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span></p> + +<p>H. van Herwerden.—<i>Lectiones Rheno-Traiectinæ.</i> (1882.) Pp. 78-95.</p> + +<p>A. v. Gutschmid.—See <i>Kleine Schriften</i>, V, pp. 547-554. (1894.)</p> + +<p>J. Will.—<i>Quæ ratio intercedat inter Dionis Cassii de Cæsaris bellis +gallicis narrationem et commentarios Cæsaris de bello gallico.</i> +(1901.)</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="A_LIST_OF_THE_PRINCIPAL_ARTICLES" id="A_LIST_OF_THE_PRINCIPAL_ARTICLES"></a>A LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL ARTICLES</h2> + +<h3>ON</h3> + +<h2>CASSIUS DIO</h2> + +<p style="text-align: center"><b>Found in Periodicals for the Twenty Years Preceding the Date of the +Present Translation (1884-1904).</b></p> + +<p style="text-align: center"> </p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span></p> + + +<p><b>1884.</b></p> + +<p>—— A review of <i>R. Ferwer</i>. (Die politischen Anschauungen des +Cassius Dio.) (Bursian, Jhrb.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">H. Haupt.</span>—Dio Cassius. (Yearly Review, continued.) (Rh. +Mus., Book 4.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">K. Schenkl.</span>—A general review of the advance made in the +study of Dio from 1873 to 1884. (Bursian, Jhrb. pp. 277-8; and also +pp. 186-194 for 1883.)</p> + + +<p><b>1885.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">U. Ph. Boissevain.</span>—De Cassii Dionis libris manuscriptis +(with author's stemma). (Mnemos., Vol. 13, Part 3. Also see Note on p. +456 of Part 4, same volume.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">H. Haupt.</span>—A review of <i>Grohs</i> (Der Wert des Geschichtswerkes +des Cassius Dio als Quelle der Jahre 49-44 V.C.). (Philolog. +Anzeiger.)</p> + +<p>Id.—Dio Cassius. (Yearly Review, continued.) (Philol., Vol. 44, Book +1 and Book 3.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">H. Schiller.</span>—A review of <i>Grohs</i> (same article). (B.P.W., +Feb. 21.)</p> + +<p>—— A review of U. Ph. Boissevain. (Program. On the Fragments of +Cassius Dio.) (Bursian, Jhrb.)</p> + + +<p><b>1886.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">S.A. Naber.</span>—Emendations in Dio XLII, 34, and XXXVI, 49. +(Mnemos., N.S. 14, pp. 93 and 94.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span></p> + +<p>—— Mention of Haupt's Survey in Philol. 44. (See above. Bursian, +Jhrb.)</p> + +<p>—— A review of <i>Grohs</i>. (Article cited above. Bursian, Jhrb.)</p> + +<p>—— A review of <i>Grohs</i>. (Do. do.—Litt. Cbl., Jan. 16.)</p> + + +<p><b>1887.</b></p> + +<p>—— A review of <i>C.J. Rockel</i> (De allocutionis usu qualis sit apud +Thucydidem, Xenophontem, oratores Atticos, <i>Dionem</i>, Aristidem.). +(Jhrb. of I. Müller.)</p> + +<p>—— Mention of H. Haupt's Survey in Philol. 44. (Jhrb. of I. Müller.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Br. Keil.</span>—A criticism of <i>Rockel</i>. (Article above cited. W. +Kl. Ph., May 4.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">W.F. Allen.</span>—The Monetary Crisis in Rome, A.D. 33. +(Containing citations from Dio. Tr. A. Ph. A., Vol. 18.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">E.G. Sihler.</span>—The Tradition of Cæsar's Gallic Wars from +Cicero to Orosius. (Containing citations from Dio. Tr. A. Ph. A., Vol. +18.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Liatyschev.</span>—(An article containing citations from Dio that +contribute to a knowledge of the location of the city of +Olbia.—Journal Ministerstva Narodnavo Prosvêschtscheniia, Nos. 1, 2, +3, 4.)</p> + + +<p><b>1888.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">W.F. Allen.</span>—Lex Curiata de Imperio. (Containing citations +from Dio XXXIX, 19 and elsewhere.—Tr. A. Ph. A., Vol. 19.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">S.A. Naber.</span>—Critical observations. (Including Dio XLVI, 15; +LI, 14; LV, 10; LXIX, 28; LXXVI, 14; LXXVII, 4. Mnemos., Vol. 16, part +1.)</p> + +<p>—— A review of <i>L. Poetsch</i>. (Program. Bei.—träge zur Kritik der +Kaiserbiographien <i>Cassius Dio</i>, Herodian, und Ælius Lampridius auf +Grund ihrer Berichte über den Kaiser Commodus Antoninus.—Z. œst. +Gymn., 1888, Book 3.)</p> + + +<p><b>1889.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Breitung.</span>—A review of <i>Maisel</i> (Observationes in Cassium +Dionem.). (W. Kl. Ph., June 19.)</p> + +<p>—— A review of <i>Maisel</i>. (Do. do.—The Academy, February.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">J. Hilberg.</span>—A review of <i>Maisel</i>. (Do. do.—Z. œst. +Gymn., 1889, Book 3.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">H. Kontos.</span>—Critical note on Dio, XLIX, 12, 2. (<span lang="el" title="Greek: ATHÊNA">ΑΘΗΝΑ</span>, Vol. 1, parts 3-4.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Melber.</span>—Contribution to a new order of the Fragments in +Cassius Dio. (Sitzb. d. philos.-philolog. u. hist. d. k. B. Akademie +d. Wiss. zu München, Feb. 9.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Nauck.</span>—Analecta Critica. (Proposition to restore six +fragments of Cassius Dio to Dio Chrysostom.—Hermes, Vol. 24, part 3.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Alex Riese.</span>—Die Sueben (based upon Dio). (Rh. Mus., Vol. 44, +part 3.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sp. Vasis.</span>—Passage of Dio applied to correct conclusions of +Willems on Cic. ad Att. 5, 4, 2. (<span lang="el" title="Greek: ATHÊNA">ΑΘΗΝΑ</span>, Vol. 1, parts +3-4.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span></p> + +<p>—— A review of <i>E. Cornelius</i> (Quomodo Tacitus historiæ scriptor in +hominum memoria versatus sit usque ad renascentes litteras sæc. XIV et +XV.—Dio is indirectly involved.). (Jhrb. d. phil. Ver. zu. Berlin, +1889.)</p> + +<p>—— A review of <i>C.J. Rockel</i>. (Title cited under 1887.—Jhrb. of I. +Müller.)</p> + + +<p><b>1890.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">U. Ph. Boissevain.</span>—A misplaced fragment of Dio (LXXV, 9, 6). +(Hermes, Vol. 25, part 3.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Th. Hultzsch.</span>—On Dio Cassius (relative to early alteration +of the text). (N. JB. f. Ph. u. Pä., Vol. 141, book 3.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Karl Jacoby.</span>—A review of <i>Maisel</i>. (Title cited under +1889.—B.P.W., Feb. 15.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Melber.</span>—Regarding the chronological relocation of several +fragments of Dio. (Bl. f. d. Bayer. Gymn., Vol. 26, books 6 and 7.)</p> + +<p>—— A citation of the Kontos note (see above) from <span lang="el" title="Greek: ATHÊNA">ΑΘΗΝΑ</span>. +(Rev. d. Et. Gr., Vol. 3, N. 9.)</p> + + +<p><b>1891.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Boissevain.</span>—A review of <i>Melber</i>. (Text edition of Dio, Vol. +I.) (B.P.W., Jan. 24.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Breitung.</span>—A review of <i>Melber</i>. (Do. do.—W. Kl. Ph., June +24.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">B. Kübler.</span>—A review of <i>Melber</i>. (Do. do.—Deutsche LZ., +Nov. 28.)</p> + +<p>Id.—Five conjectures in the (earlier portion of) text of Dio. (Rh. +Mus., Vol. 46, part 2.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Melber.</span>—A review of <i>Maisel</i>. (Title cited under 1889.—Bl. +f. d. Bayer. Gymn., Vol. 27, books 6 and 7.)</p> + +<p>Id.—A correction in Zonaras, IX, 5. (Bl. f. d. Bayer. Gymn., Vol. 27, +book 1.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">G.M. Rushforth.</span>—A review of <i>Melber</i> (Dio, Vol. 1). (Cl. +Rev., Vol. 5, Nos. 1 and 2.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">C. Wachsmuth.</span>—The pentad arrangement in Dio and others. (Rh. +Mus., Vol. 46, part 2.)</p> + +<p>—— Mention of an article on Dio (Cæsar's Gallic Wars) in Festgruss +des kgl. Max.-Gymn. zu München. (Phil. Rundsch., Dec. 5.)</p> + + +<p><b>1892.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">U. Ph. Boissevain.</span>—On the spellings Callæci—Gallæci, etc. +(Mnemos., N.S. Vol. 20, p. 286 ff.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">H. Schiller.</span>—A review of <i>Meyer</i> (De Mæcenatis oratione a +Dione ficta). (B.P.W., Sept. 17.)</p> + + +<p><b>1893.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Büttner-Wobst.</span>—An account of Dio in the Cod. Peir. (Berichte +der kgl. sächs. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch., part 3.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">C.G. Cobet.</span>—Emendations. (Mnemos. N.S., Vol. 21, p. 395.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">B. Heisterbergk.</span>—An emendation in XLVIII, 12. (Philol., Vol. +50, part 4.)</p> + +<p>J.J.H.—An emendation of LXVII, 12. (Mnemos., Vol. 21, part 4.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Maisel.</span>—A review of <i>Melber</i>. (Dio, Vol. 1.—Phil. Rundsch., +March 4.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">S.A. Naber.</span>—Four emendations. (Mnemos., Vol. 21, part 4.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span></p> + + +<p><b>1894.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">K. Buresch.</span>—A comment on Dio, LIV, 30, 3. (W. Kl. Ph., Jan. +24.)</p> + + +<p><b>1895.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ad. Bauer.</span>—Dio's account of the war in Dalmatia and Pannonia +(6-9 A.D.). (Archäologisch-Epigraphische Mittheilungen aus +Oesterreich-Ungarn, 17th year, book 2.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">U. Ph. Boissevain.</span>—A review of <i>Maisel</i> (Beiträge zur +Würdigung der Hdss. des Cassius Dio). (B.P.W., Apr. 13.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">K. Jacoby.</span>—A review of <i>Maisel</i>. (Do. do.—W. Kl. Ph., July +3.)</p> + +<p>Id.—A review of <i>Melber</i>. (Dio, Vol. 2.—Ibid.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Th. Mommsen.</span>—The miracle of the rain on the column of Marcus +Aurelius. (Dio as a source.) (Hermes, Vol. 30, part 1.)</p> + +<p>—— A review of <i>E. Kyhnitzsch</i> (De contionibus quas Cassius Dio +historiæ suæ intexuit, cum Thucydideis comparatis). (Litt. Cbl., Oct. +26.)</p> + + +<p><b>1896.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">U. Ph. Boissevain.</span>—A review of <i>E. Kyhnitzsch</i>. (Title just +above.—B.P.W., Jan. 18.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">P. Ercole.</span>—A review of <i>M.A. Micallela</i> (La Fonte di Dione +Cassio per le guerre galliche di Cesare). (Riv. di. Fil. e d'Istr. +Class., 25th year, part 1.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ph. Fabia.</span>—The statement of Dio about Nero and Pappæa shown +to be parallel with that of Tacitus (Hist. I, 13). (Rev. de Phil., de +Litt., et d'Hist. anciennes, Vol. 20, part 1.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">K. Kuiper.</span>—De Cassii Dionis Zonaræque historiis epistula +critica ad Ursulum Philippum Boissevain. (Mnemos., N.S. Vol. 24.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">B. Niese.</span>—Dio's contributions to the history of the war +against Pyrrhus. (Hermes, Vol. 31, part 4.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">F. Vogel.</span>—Dio worthless for facts regarding Cæsar's second +expedition into Britain. (N. JB. f. Ph. u. Pä., 1896, books 3 and 4.)</p> + +<p>—— Dio LIII, 23, compared with inscription discovered at Philæ, +Egypt. (Philol., Vol. 55, part 1.)</p> + + +<p><b>1897.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">D. Detlefsen.</span>—Dio LIV, 32, as a sample of ancient knowledge +in regard to the North Sea. (Hermes, Vol. 32, part 2.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ph. Fabia.</span>—<i>Ofonius</i> rather than <i>Sophonius</i> (Dio MSS.) for +the gentile name of Tigillinus. (Rev. de Phil., de Litt., et d'Hist. +anciennes, Vol. 21, book 3.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">P. Garofolo.</span>—A citation of Dio. (Jhrb. of I. Müller, 1897.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">B. Kübler</span>.—A review of <i>Melber</i>. (Dio, Vol. 2.—Deutsche +LZ., March 6.)</p> + +<p>Id.—A review of <i>Boissevain</i>. (Edition of Dio.—B.P.W., May 15.)</p> + +<p> +—— A mention of three articles by <i>Melber</i>.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">1.) Der Bericht des Dio Cassius über d. gall. <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span>Kriege Cäsars.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">2.) Des Dio Cassius Bericht über d. Seeschlacht d. D. Brutus geg. d. Veneter.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">3.) Dio Cassius über d. letzten Kämpfe geg. S. Pompejus, 36 v. Chr.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">(Jhrb. of I. Müller, 1897.)</span><br /> +</p> + +<p>—— Mention of a rearrangement favored by <i>Boissevain</i> ("Ein +verschobenes Fragment des Cassius Dio") who holds that a certain +fragment, old style LXXV, 9, 6, properly belongs to the year 116 A.D. +and to Trajan's expedition against the Parthians.</p> + + +<p><b>1898.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Büttner-Wobst.</span>—Dio corrected in regard to an episode in the +siege of Ambracia, 189 B.C. (Philol., Vol. 57, part 3.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ph. Fabia.</span>—An emendation and a change of order in Dio, LXI, +6, 6. (Rev. de Phil., de Litt., et d'Hist. anciennes, 1898, book 2.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">J. Kromayer.</span>—Studies in the Second Triumvirate (Dio as a +source). (Hermes, Vol. 33, part 1.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">B. Kübler.</span>—A review of <i>Boissevain</i>. (Dio, Vol. 2.—B.P.W., +Nov. 26 and Dec. 3.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">J. Vahlen.</span>—Varia. (Dio LV, 6 and 7, for date of death of +Mæcenas). (Hermes, Vol. 33, part 2.)</p> + + +<p><b>1899.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wilh. Crönert.</span>—-A study of 34 pp. on the transmission of the +text of Dio. (Wiener Studien, 1899, book 1.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">K. Jacoby.</span>—A review of <i>Boissevain</i>. (Dio, Vol. 1.—W. Kl. +Ph., March 22.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span></p> + + +<p><b>1900.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Wilh. Crönert.</span>—Criticism of Boissevain. (Rev. Crit., July +2.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">C. Robert.</span>—On Dio LV, 10. (Hermes, Vol. 25, No. 4.)</p> + +<p>—— On Dio XLVII, 17, 1. (Archiv. f. Papyrusforschung u. verw. Geb., +vol. 2, book 1.)</p> + +<p>—— Observationes. (Philol., Vol. 59, No. 2.)</p> + +<p>—— Mélanges (including Dio XXXVIII, 50, 4). (Wiener Studien, 22nd +year, book 2.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">N. Vulić.</span>—A note on Cassius Dio, XXXVIII, 50, 4. (Wiener +Studien, 22nd year, book 2, p. 314.)</p> + + +<p><b>1901.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">C. Jullian.</span>—Dio's account of the surrender of Vercingetorix +compared with others. (Rev. des Et. Anc., Vol. 3, No. 2.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">H. St. Sedimayer.</span>—Apocolocyntosis, i.e. Apotheosis per +Satiram (Dio, LX, 35). (Wiener Studien, I, pp. 181-192.)</p> + + +<p><b>1902.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">B. Kübler.</span>—A review of <i>Boissevain</i>. (Dio, Vol. 3.—B.P.W., +Dec. 20.)</p> + +<p>—— Reference to portraiture in Dio. (Philol., Vol. 61, No. 3.)</p> + +<p>—— Record of a new coin bearing the name of L. Munatius Plancus (cp. +Dio XLVI, 50). (Numismat. Zeitschr., Vol. 34.)</p> + + +<p><b>1903.</b></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">A. Bomer.</span>—An opinion to the effect that <span lang="el" title="Greek: Elisôn">Ελισων</span> (Dio +LIV, 33) is a corrupt reading for <span lang="el" title="Greek: Stibarna">Στιβαρνα</span> = Stever. (N. JB. +f. d. kl. Alt., Gesch., u. deut. Lit., 6th year, part 3.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">S.B. Cougeas.</span>—An account of a new MS. of Xiphilinus (No. 812 +of the Iberian monastery on Mt. Athos. It is incomplete and ends at L, +11, 3 of Dio). (<span lang="el" title="Greek: ATHÊNA">ΑΘΗΝΑ</span>, Vol. 15.)</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">H. Peter.</span>—A review of <i>G.M. Columba</i> (Cassio Dione e del +guerre galliche di Cesare.—B.P.W., Sept. 5).</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="THE_ORIGINAL_ARRANGEMENT" id="THE_ORIGINAL_ARRANGEMENT"></a>THE ORIGINAL ARRANGEMENT</h2> + +<h3>of</h3> + +<h2>DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY</h2> + +<p style="text-align: center"><b>as conjectured by A. von Gutschmid (<i>Kleine Schriften</i>, V, p. 561).</b></p> + +<p style="text-align: center"> </p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span></p> + + +<p> +A. Rome under the Kings (Two Books).<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Book I, B.C. 753-673.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Book II, B.C. 672-510.</span><br /> +<br /> +B. Rome under a Republic (Thirty-nine Books).<br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">a.) To the End of the Second Punic War (Fifteen Books.)</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">1.) To the Beginning of the Second Samnite War (Five Books):</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book III, B.C. 509.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book IV, B.C. 508-493.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book V, B.C. 493-449.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book VI, B.C. 449-390.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book VII, B.C. 390-326.</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">2.) To the Beginning of the Second Punic War (Five Books):</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book VIII, B.C. 326-290.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book IX, B.C. 290-278.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book X, B.C. 277-264.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XI, B.C. 264-250.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XII, B.C. 250-219.</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">3.) To the End of the Second Punic War (Five Books):</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XIII, B.C. 219-218.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XIV, B.C. 218-217.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XV, B.C. 216-211.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XVI, B.C. 211-206.</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XVII, B.C. 206-201.</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">b.) From the End of the Second Punic War (Twenty-four Books).</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">1.) To the Death of Gaius Gracchus (Eight Books):</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XVIII, B.C. 200-195.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XIX, B.C. 195-183.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XX, B.C. 183-149.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXI, B.C. 149-146.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXII, B.C. 145-140.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXIII, B.C. 139-133.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXIV, B.C. 133-124.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXV, B.C. 124-121.</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">2.) To the Dictatorship of Sulla (Eight Books):</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXVI, B.C. 120-106.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXVII, B.C. 105-101.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXVIII, B.C. 100-91.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXIX, B.C. 90-89.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXX, B.C. 88 (Happenings at Home).</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXI, B.C. 88 (Events Abroad) and 87 (Happenings at Home).</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXII, B.C. 87 (Events Abroad)-84.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXIII, B.C. 84-82.</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">3.) To the Battle of Pharsalus (Eight Books):</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXIV, B.C. 81-79.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXV, B.C. 78-70.</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXVI, B.C. 69-66.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXVII, B.C. 65-60.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXVIII, B.C. 59-58.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXIX, B.C. 57-54 (= a.u. 700) (Happenings at Home).</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XL, B.C. 54 (Events Abroad)-50.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLI, B.C. 49-48.</span><br /> +<br /> +C. Rome under Political Factions and under the Monarchy (Thirty-nine Books).<br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">a.) To the Death of Augustus (Fifteen Books).</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">1.) To the Triumvirate (Five Books):</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLII, B.C. 48-47.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLIII, B.C. 46-44.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLIV, B.C. 44.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLV, B.C. 44-43.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLVI, B.C. 43.</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">2.) To the Bestowal of the Imperial Title upon Augustus (Five Books):</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLVII, B.C. 43-42.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLVIII, B.C. 42-37.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLIX, B.C. 36-33.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book L, B.C. 32-Sept. 2, B.C. 31.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LI, Sept. 2, B.C. 31-29 (= a.u. 725) (Events Abroad).</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">3.) To the Death of Augustus (Five Books):</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LII, B.C. 29 (Happenings at Home).</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LIII, B.C. 28-23.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LIV, B.C. 22-10.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LV, B.C. 9-A.D. 8.</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LVI, A.D. 9-14.</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">b.) From the Death of Augustus (Twenty-four Books).</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">1.) To Vespasian (Eight Books):</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LVII, A.D. 14-25.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LVIII, A.D. 26-37.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LIX, A.D. 37-41.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LX, A.D. 41-46.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXI, A.D. 47 (= a.u. 800)-59.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXII, A.D. 59-68.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXIII, A.D. 68-69</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXIV, A.D. 69-70.</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">2.) To Commodus (Eight Books):</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXV, A.D. 70-79.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXVI, A.D. 79-81.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXVII, A.D. 81-96.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXVIII, A.D. 96-117.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXIX, A.D. 117-138.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXX, A.D. 138-161.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXI, A.D. 161-169.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXII, A.D. 169-180.</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">3.) To Dio's Second Consulate (Eight Books).</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXIII, A.D. 180-192.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXIV, A.D. 193.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXV, A.D. 193-197.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXVI, A.D. 197-211.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXVII, A.D. 211-217.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXVIII, A.D. 217-218.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXIX, A.D. 218-222.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXX, A.D. 222-229.</span><br /> +</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span> +</p> +<h2><a name="AN_EPITOME" id="AN_EPITOME"></a>AN EPITOME</h2> + +<h3>of</h3> + +<h2>THE LOST BOOKS I-XXI OF DIO</h2> + +<h3>as found in the</h3> + +<h2>CHRONICON</h2> + +<h3>of</h3> + +<h2>IOANNES ZONARAS.</h2> + +<hr style="width: 35%;" /> + + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span></p> + + +<h3><i>(BOOK 1, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 1</span>VII, 1.—Æneas after the Trojan war came +to the Aborigines, who were the former inhabitants of the land wherein +Rome has been built and at that time had Latinus, the son of Faunus, +as their sovereign. He came ashore at Laurentum, by the mouth of the +river Numicius, where in obedience to some oracle he is said to have +made preparations to dwell.</p> + +<p>The ruler of the land, Latinus, interfered with Æneas's settling in +the land, but after a sharp struggle was defeated. Then in accordance +with dreams that appeared to both leaders they effected a +reconciliation and the king beside permitting Æneas to reside there +gave him his daughter Lavinia in marriage. Thereupon Æneas founded a +city which he named Lavinium and the country was called Latium and the +people there were termed Latins. But the Rutuli who occupied adjoining +territory had been previously hostile to the Latins, and now they set +out from the city of Ardea with warlike demonstrations. They had the +support of no less distinguished a man than Turnus, a relative of +Latinus, who had taken a dislike to Latinus because of Lavinia's +marriage, for it was to him that the maiden had originally been +promised. A battle took place, Turnus and Latinus fell, and Æneas +gained the victory and his father-in-law's kingdom as well. After a +time, however, the Rutuli secured the Etruscans as allies and marched +upon Æneas. They won in this war. Æneas vanished, being seen no more +alive or dead, and was honored as a god by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> Latins. Hence he has +come to be regarded by the Romans as the fountain head of their race +and they take pride in being called "Sons of Æneas." The Latin domain +fell in direct succession to his son Ascanius who had accompanied his +father from home. Æneas had not yet had any child by Lavinia, but left +her pregnant. Ascanius was enclosed round about by the enemy, but by +night the Latins attacked them and ended both the siege and the war.</p> + +<p>As time went on the Latin nation increased in size, and the majority +of the people abandoned Lavinium to build another town in a better +location. To it they gave the name of Alba from its whiteness and from +its length they called it Longa (or, as Greeks would say, "white" and +"long").</p> + +<p>At the death of Ascanius the Latins gave the preference in the matter +of royal power to the son borne to Æneas by Lavinia over the son of +Ascanius, their preference being founded on the fact that Latinus was +his grandfather. The new king's name was Silvius. Silvius begat Æneas, +from Æneas sprang Latinus, and Latinus was succeeded by Pastis. +Tiberinus, who came subsequently to be ruler, lost his life by falling +into a river called the Albula. This river was renamed <i>Tiber</i> from +him. It flows through Rome and is of great value to the city and in +the highest degree useful to the Romans. Amulius, a descendant of +Tiberinus, displayed an overweening pride and had the audacity to +deify himself, pretending an ability to answer thunder with thunder by +mechanical contrivances and to lighten in response to the lightnings +and to hurl thunderbolts. He met his end by the overflow<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> of the lake +beside which his palace was set, and both he and the palace were +submerged in the sudden rush of waters. Aventinus his son perished in +warfare.</p> + +<p>So far the account concerns Lavinium and the people of Alba. At the +beginning of Roman history we see Numitor and Amulius, who were +grandsons of Aventinus and descendants of Æneas.</p> + + +<h3><i>(BOOK 2, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 672<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 82)</span>VII, 6.—When Numa died leaving no +successor, Tullus Hostilius was chosen by the people and the senate. +He followed in the footsteps of Romulus, and both welcomed combats +himself and encouraged the people to do the same. The Albanians having +become the victims of a marauding expedition on the part of the the +Romans, both sides proceeded into battle; before they came into actual +conflict, however, they effected a reconciliation and both races +decided to dwell together in one city. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 6<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">but as each clung to his own town and insisted that the other race +should remove to it, they failed of their object. next they disputed +about the leadership</span>. As neither one would yield it to the other, +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 6<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">they arranged to have a contest for +the sovereignty</span>. They did not care to fight with entire armies +nor yet to let the decision be made by a duel of champions. But there +were on both sides brethren born three at a birth, the offspring of +twin mothers, of like age and alike in strength: the Roman brethren +were called Publihoratii and the Albanian Curiatii. These they set +into battle over against one another, paying no heed to their +relationship. So they, having armed themselves and having arrayed +themselves in opposing files in the vacant space between the camps, +called upon the same family gods and cast repeated glances upward at +the sun. Having joined issue they fought now in groups, now in pairs. +Finally, when two of the Romans had fallen and all of the Al<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span>banians +had been wounded, the remaining Horatius, because he could not +withstand the three at once, even were he unwounded, gave way in order +that in pursuing him they might be scattered. And when they had become +separated in the pursuit, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 6<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">attacking +each one</span> he despatched them all. Then he was given honors. But +because he further killed his sister when she lamented on seeing +Horatius carrying the spoils of her cousins, he was tried for murder; +and having taken an appeal to the people he was released.</p> + +<p>The Albanians now became subjects of the Romans, but later they +disregarded the compact; and having been summoned, in their capacity +of subjects, to serve as allies, they attempted at the crisis of the +battle to desert to the enemy and to join in the attack upon the +Romans. They were detected, however, and punished: many (including +their leader, Mettius) were put to death, and the rest suffered +deportation; their city Alba was razed to the ground, after being +deemed for five hundred years the mother city of the Romans.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 6<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">now against the enemy tullus was +thought to be very efficient, but he neglected religion. when, +however, a pestilence was incurred and he himself fell sick, he turned +aside to a godfearing course.</span> He is said to have reached the end +of his life by being consumed by lightning<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> or else as the result of +a plot formed by Ancus Marcius, who happened to be (as has been +stated) a son of Numa's daughter. He was king of the Romans thirty-two +years.</p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span></p> +<p>VII, 7.—When Hostilius died, Marcius succeeded to the kingdom, +receiving it as a voluntary gift from the Romans. And he was not +perfect in his arm, for he was maimed at the joint (or bend), whence +he got the title Ancus (bent arm). Though gentle he was compelled to +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 7</span><span class="smcap">change his habits</span> and he turned +his attention to campaigns. For the rest of the Latins, on account of +the destruction of Alba and in fear that they themselves might suffer +some similar disaster, were angry at the Romans. As long as Tullus +survived, they humbled themselves, dreading his reputation for +warfare: but thinking that Marcius was easy to attack because of his +peaceful disposition, they assailed his territory and pillaged it. He, +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 7</span><span class="smcap">comprehending that peace could be +caused by war</span>, attacked the attackers, defended his position, and +captured their cities, one of which he razed to the ground, and +treated many of the men taken as slaves and transferred many others to +Rome. As the Romans grew and land was added to their domain, the +neighboring peoples were displeased and set themselves at odds with +the Romans. Hence the latter had to overcome the Fidenates by siege, +and they damaged the Sabines by falling upon them while scattered and +seizing their camp, and by terrifying others they got them to embrace +peace even contrary to inclination. After this the life-stint of +Marcius was exhausted, when he had ruled for twenty-four years, being +a man that paid strict attention to religion according to the manner +of his grandfather Numa.</p> + +<p>VII, 8.—The sovereignty was now appropriated by Lucius Tarquinius, +who was the son of Demaratus a Corinthian, borne to the latter by a +native woman<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> after he had been exiled and had taken up his abode in +Tarquinii, an Etruscan city; the boy had been named Lucumo. And though +he inherited much wealth from his father, yet, because as an immigrant +he was not deemed worthy of the highest offices by the people of +Tarquinii, he removed to Rome, changing his appellation along with his +city; and he changed his name to Lucius Tarquinius,—from the city in +which he dwelt. It is said that as he was journeying to his new home +an eagle swooped down and snatched the cap which he had on his head, +and after soaring aloft and screaming for some time placed it again +exactly upon his head: wherefore he was inspired to hope for no small +advancement and eagerly took up his residence in Rome. Hence not long +after he was numbered among the foremost men. <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 8</span><span class="smcap">for by using his wealth quite lavishly and by +winning over the nobles through his intelligence and wit he was +included among the patricians and in the senate by marcius, was +appointed prætor, and was entrusted with the supervision of the king's +children and of the kingdom. he showed himself an excellent man, +sharing his money with those in need and bestowing his services +readily if any one needed him to help. he neither did nor said +anything mean to any one. if he received a kindness from persons he +made much of the attention, whereas if any offence was offered him, he +either disregarded the injury or minimized it and made light of it, +and far from making reprisals upon the man that had done the injury, +he would</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> <span class="smcap">even benefit him. thus he came to dominate both marcius +himself and his circle, and acquired the reputation of being a +sensible and upright man.</span></p> + +<p>But the aforesaid estimate of him did not continue permanently. For at +the death of Marcius he behaved in a knavish way to the latter's two +sons and made the kingdom his own. The senate and the people were +intending to elect the children of Marcius, when Tarquinius made +advances to the most influential of the senators;—he had first sent +the fatherless boys to some distant point on a hunting +expedition:—and by his talk and his efforts he got these men to vote +him the kingdom on the understanding that he would restore it to the +children when they had attained manhood. And after assuming control of +affairs he so disposed the Romans that they should never wish to +choose the children in preference to him: the lads he accustomed to +indolence and ruined their souls and bodies by a kind of kindness. As +he still felt afraid in spite of being so placed, he secured some +extra strength for himself in the senate. Those of the populace who +felt friendly towards him he enrolled (to the number of about two +hundred) among the patricians and the senators, and thus he put both +the senate and the people within his own control. He altered his +raiment, likewise, to a more magnificent style. It consisted of toga +and tunic, purple all over and shot with gold, of a crown of precious +stones set in gold, and of ivory sceptre and chair, which were later +used by various officials and especially by those that held sway as +emperors. He also on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> occasion of a triumph paraded with a +four-horse chariot and kept twelve lictors for life.</p> + +<p>He would certainly have introduced still other and more numerous +innovations, had not Attus Navius prevented him, when he desired to +rearrange the tribes: this man was an augur whose equal has never been +seen. Tarquinius, angry at his opposition, took measures to abase him +and to bring his art into contempt. So, putting into his bosom a +whetstone and a razor, he went among the populace having in his mind +that the whetstone should be cut by the razor,—a thing that is +impossible. He said all that he wished, and when Attus vehemently +opposed him, he said, still yielding not a particle: "If you are not +opposing me out of quarrelsomeness, but are speaking the truth, answer +me in the presence of all these witnesses whether what I have in mind +to do shall be performed." Attus, having taken an augury on almost the +very spot, replied immediately: "Verily, O King, what you intend shall +be fulfilled." "Well, then," said the other, "take this whetstone and +cut it through with this razor; this is what I have had in mind to +come to pass." Attus at once took the stone and cut it through. +Tarquinius, in admiration, heaped various honors upon him, accorded +him the privilege of a bronze image, and did not again make any change +in the established constitution, but employed Attus as a counselor on +all matters.</p> + +<p>He fought against the Latins who had revolted, and afterwards against +the Sabines, who, aided by the Etruscans as allies, had invaded the +Roman country;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> and he conquered them all. He discovered that one of +the priestesses of Vesta, who are required by custom to remain virgins +all their life, had been seduced by a man, whereupon he arranged a +kind of underground chamber with a long passage, and after placing in +it a bed, a light, and a table nearly full of foods, he brought +thither the unchaste woman escorted by a procession and having +introduced her alive into the room walled it up. From his institution +this plan of punishing those of the priestesses that do not keep their +virginity has continued to prevail. The men that outrage them have +their necks inserted in cloven pillars in the Forum, and then are +maltreated naked until they give up the ghost.</p> + +<p>However, an attack was made upon Tarquinius by the children of Marcius +because he would not yield the sovereignty to them, but instead placed +a certain Tullius, borne to him by a slave woman, at the head of them +all. This more than anything else displeased the patricians. The young +men interested some of the latter class in their cause and formed a +plot against the king. They arrayed two men like rustics, equipped +with axes and scythes, and made them ready to attack him. So these +two, when they did not find Tarquinius in the Forum, went to the royal +court (pretending, of course, to have a dispute with each other) and +asked for admission to his presence. Their request was granted and +they began to make opposing arguments, and while Tarquinius was giving +his attention to one of them pleading his cause, the other slew him.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span></p> + +<p>VII, 9.—Such was the end that befell Tarquinius who had ruled for +thirty-eight years. By the coöperation of Tanaquil, wife of +Tarquinius, Tullius succeeded to the kingdom of Rome. He was the child +of a certain woman named Ocrisia, the wife of Spurius Tullius, a +Latin; she had been captured in the war and chosen by Tarquinius: she +had either become pregnant at home or conceived after her capture; +both stories are current. When Tullius had reached boyhood he went to +sleep on a chair once in the daytime and a quantity of fire seemed to +leap from his head. Tarquinius, seeing it, took an active interest in +the child and on his arriving at maturity had him enrolled among the +patricians and in the senate.</p> + +<p>The murderers of Tarquinius were arrested and his wife and Tullius +learned the plan of the plot; but instead of making Tarquinius's death +known at once, they took him up and tended him (pretending that he was +still alive), and meantime exchanged mutual pledges that Tullius +should take the sovereignty but surrender it to Tanaquil's sons when +they became men. And when the multitude ran together and raised an +outcry, Tanaquil, leaning out of an upper story, said: "Be not afraid. +My husband both lives and shall be seen by you shortly. But in order +that he may regain health at leisure and that no hindrance to business +may arise from his being incapacitated, he entrusts the management of +the public weal for the present to Tullius." These were her words and +the people not unwillingly accepted Tullius: for he was thought to be +an upright man.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span></p> + +<p>So, having been granted the administration of public affairs, he +managed them for the most part according to orders supposed to emanate +from Tarquinius. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 9</span><span class="smcap">but when he saw the +people obeying him in all points</span>, he brought the assassins of +Tarquinius before the senate, though, to be sure, only because of +their plot; for he was still pretending that the king was still alive. +They were sentenced and put to death, and the sons of Marcius through +fear took refuge among the Volsci. Then did Tullius reveal the death +of Tarquinius and openly take possession of the kingdom. At first he +put forward the children of Tarquinius as his excuse and caused it to +be understood that he was the guardian of their royal office, but +afterward he proceeded to pay court to the people, believing that he +could secure control of the multitude very much more easily than of +the patricians. He gave them money, assigned land to each individual, +and made preparations to free the slaves and adopt them into tribes. +As the nobles were irritated at this, he gave instructions that those +liberated should perform some services, in requital, for the men that +had liberated them. Now since the patricians were disaffected in the +matter of his aspirations and circulated among other sayings one to +the effect that no one had chosen him to hold the sovereignty, he +gathered the people and harangued them. And by the use of many +alluring statements he so disposed them toward himself that they at +once voted the kingdom to him outright. He in return bestowed many +gifts upon them and enrolled some of them in the senate.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span> These +originally in most matters were at a disadvantage as compared with the +patricians, but as time went on they shared equally with the +patricians in everything save the office of interrex and the +priesthoods, and were distinguished from them in no respect except by +their shoes. For the shoes of the patricians were made ornate by the +addition of straps and the imprint of the letter, which were intended +to signify that they were descended from the original hundred men that +had been senators. The letter R, they say, either indicates the number +of the hundred men referred to or else is used as the initial of the +name of the Romans.</p> + +<p>In this way Tullius gained control of the populace, but fearing that +some rebellion might take place he delivered the greater number and +the more important of the public positions to the care of the more +powerful citizens. Thus they became harmonious in their views and +transacted the public business in the best manner. He also conducted a +few wars against the Veians and against all the Etruscans, in the +course of which nothing was done worthy of record. Wishing to +affiliate the Latins still more closely with the Romans he persuaded +them to construct in Rome a temple out of common funds. This he +devoted to Minerva. But differences arose in regard to its +superintendence. Meantime a Sabine brought to Rome an exceedingly fine +cow, intending to sacrifice her to Minerva in accordance with an +oracle. The oracle said that he who should sacrifice her would enlarge +his country. One of the Romans learning this went to the man and told<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> +him that it was requisite for the victim first to be purified in the +river, and by his talk persuaded him. Having persuaded him he took the +cow under the pretence of keeping her safe and having taken her he +sacrificed her. When the Sabine made known the oracle the Latins both +yielded the presidency of the shrine to the Romans and in other ways +honored them as superior to themselves.</p> + +<p>This was the course these matters took. Now Tullius joined his +daughters in marriage with the Tarquins, and though he announced that +he was going to restore the kingdom to them he kept putting it off, +now on one excuse and now on another. And they were not at all +disposed to be complaisant, but were indignant. The king paid no heed +to them and urged the Romans to democracy and freedom. Then were the +Tarquins all the more disquieted. But the younger one, however ill at +ease he was, still endured it, until in the course of time he thought +he could bear Tullius no longer. And when he found that his wife did +not approve his attitude, nor did his brother, he put to death his own +wife <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">and compassed his brother's +death by poison administered by the latter's wife</span>. Then, uniting +his fortunes with his brother's spouse, he plotted with her help +against Tullius. After persuading many of the senators and patricians +whose reputations were under a cloud to coöperate with him against +Tullius he unexpectedly repaired with them to the senate, his wife +Tullia also following him. He there spoke many words to remind them of +his father's worth and uttered many<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> jests at the expense of Tullius. +When the latter on hearing of it hastily made his appearance and said +a word or two, the pretender seized him, and thrusting him out cast +him down the steps in front of the senate-house. So the king, +bewildered by the audacity of Tarquin and surprised that no one came +to his assistance, did not say or do anything more. Tarquin at once +obtained the kingdom from the senate, and sent some men who despatched +Tullius while he was on his way home. The latter's daughter, after +embracing her husband in the senate-house and saluting him as king, +departed to the palace and drove her chariot over the dead body of her +father as he lay there.</p> + +<p>VII, 10.—Thus ruled Tullius and thus he died after a reign of +forty-four years. Tarquin, who succeeded to the kingdom, stationed +body-guards around him after the manner of Romulus, and used them both +night and day, at home and abroad. For, as a result of what he had +done to his father-in-law, and his wife to her father, they in turn +were afraid of other people. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">and +when he had equipped himself to rule over them tyrannically he +arrested and put to death the most powerful members of the senate and +of the rest, executing publicly those against whom he was able to +bring a charge, and others secretly; some also he banished. he +destroyed not merely those who were attached to the party of tullius, +but in addition those who had coöperated with him in securing the +monarchy, and thus he made away with the best part of the senate and +of the knights. he understood<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> that he was hated by the entire +populace; hence he did not appoint any persons whatever to take the +places of those who kept perishing, but undertaking to abolish the +senate altogether he did not appoint a single new person to it and +communicated no news of importance to those who still were members. he +called the senators together not to help him in the administration of +any important measures, but in order that their fewness might be made +evident to all and they be consequently despised. most of his business +he carried on by himself or with the aid of his sons. it was hard to +approach and hard to accost him, and he showed great haughtiness and +brutality toward all alike, and he as well as his children adopted a +more tyrannical bearing toward all persons.</span> Hence he also cast +eyes of suspicion upon the members of his guard and secured a new +body-guard from the Latin nation, intermingling the Latins with Romans +in the ranks. He intended that the Latins by obtaining equal +privileges with the Romans should owe him gratitude therefor, and that +the Romans should cause him less terror, since they no longer had a +place of their own but bore arms only in association with the Latins.</p> + +<p>He also joined battle with the people of Gabii and fared ill in the +conflict, but by treachery overcame them; for he suggested to his son +Sextus that he desert to their side. Sextus, in order to get some +plausible pretext for the desertion, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">reviled his father publicly as a tyrant and foresworn</span>, and +the latter flogged his son and took measures of defence. Then, +according to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> arrangement, the son made his treacherous desertion to +the people of Gabii, taking along with him money and companions. The +enemy believed the trick on account of the cruelty of Tarquin and +because at this time the son spoke many words of truth in abusing his +father and by his conduct seemed to have become thoroughly estranged +from him. So they were very glad to receive him, and in his company +made many incursions into Roman territory and did it no slight damage. +For this reason and because he privately furnished some persons with +money and spent it lavishly for public purposes he was chosen prætor +by them and was entrusted with the management of the government among +them. At that he secretly sent a man and acquainted his father with +what had occurred, asking him for his intentions with regard to the +future. The king made no answer to the emissary, in order that he +might not, being equally informed, either willingly or unwillingly +reveal something; but leading him into a garden where there were +poppies he struck off with a rod the heads that were prominent and +strewed the ground with them; hereupon he dismissed the +message-bearer. The latter, without comprehending the affair, repeated +the king's actions to Sextus, and he understood the sense of the +suggestion. Therefore he destroyed the more eminent men of Gabii, some +secretly by poison, others by robbers (supposedly), and still others +he put to death after judicial trial by contriving against them false +accusations of traitorous dealings with his father.</p> + +<p>Thus did Sextus visit sorrow upon the men of Gabii and destroyed their +superior citizens, distributing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> their money among the crowd. Later, +when some had already perished and the rest had been cozened and +thoroughly believed in him, assisted by the Roman captives and the +deserters (many of whom he had gathered for his projects), he seized +the city and surrendered it to his father. The king bestowed it upon +his son, but himself made war upon other nations.</p> + +<p>VII, 11.—The oracles of the Sibyl to the Romans he obtained even +against his will. A woman whom they called Sibyl, gifted with divine +inspiration, came to Rome bringing <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">three or nine</span> books, offered these to Tarquin for purchase, +and stated the value of the books. As he paid no attention to her, she +burned one or three of the books. When again Tarquin scorned her, she +destroyed part of the rest in a similar way. And she was about to burn +up also those still left when the augurs compelled him to purchase the +few that were intact. He bought these for the price for which he might +have secured them all, and delivered them to two senators to keep. As +they did not entirely understand the contents, they sent to Greece and +hired two men to come from there to read and interpret these things. +The dwellers in the vicinity, desiring to learn what was revealed by +the books, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">managed to bribe marcus +acilius,<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> one of the custodians, and had some statements copied out. +the affair became public and marcus after being thrown into two hides +sewn together</span> was drowned (and beginning with him this punishment +has ever since prevailed in the case of parricides), in order that +earth nor water nor sun might be defiled by his death.</p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span></p> +<p>The temple on the Tarpeian rock he constructed according to the vow of +his father. And the earth having yawned even to the substructure of +the foundations there appeared the head of a man freshly slain, still +with blood in it. Accordingly the Romans sent to a soothsayer of +Etruria to ask what was signified by the phenomenon. And he, desiring +to make the portent apply to Etruria, made a diagram upon the ground +and in it laid out the plan of Rome and the Tarpeian rock. He intended +to ask the envoys: "Is this Rome? Is this the Rock? Was the head found +here?" They would suspect nothing and agree in their assent, and so +the efficacy of the portent would be transferred to the place where it +had been shown in the diagram. This was his design, but the envoys +learned from his son what his device was, and when the question was +put to them, they answered: "The settlement of Rome is not here, but +in Latium, and the hill is in the country of the Romans, and the head +was found on that hill." Thus the design of the soothsayer was +thwarted and they learned the whole truth and reported it to their +fellow-citizens, to wit, that they should be very powerful and rule +very many people. So this was another event that imbued them with +hope. Then the hill was renamed by them "Capitolium": for <i>capita</i> in +the Roman speech means "the head."</p> + +<p>Needing money for the building of the temple Tarquin waged war upon +the inhabitants of Ardea; but from it he gained no money, and he was +driven out of the kingdom. Signs also came in his way that indicated +his expulsion. Out of his garden vultures<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> drove the young of eagles, +and in the men's hall, where he was having a banquet with his friends, +a huge serpent appeared and caused him and his companions at table to +decamp. In consequence of this he sent his sons Titus and Aruns to +Delphi. But as Apollo declared that he should not be driven from his +domain till a dog should use human speech, he was elated with hopes +for the best, thinking that the oracle could never be fulfilled.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>5</sup></span><span class="smcap">now lucius junius was a son of +tarquin's sister; his father and brother tarquin had killed. so he, +fearing for his own person, feigned madness, employing this means of +safety as a screen for his life. hence he was dubbed brutus, for this +is the name by which the latins are accustomed to call idiots. while +pretending to be mad he was taken along as a plaything by the children +of tarquin, when they journeyed to delphi. and he said that he was +carrying a votive offering to the god; this was a staff, apparently +possessing no point of excellence</span>, so that he became a laughing +stock for it all the more. It furnished a kind of image of the +affliction that he feigned. For he had hollowed it out and had +secretly poured in gold, indicating thereby that the disesteem which +he suffered for his madness served to conceal a sound and estimable +intelligence. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>7</sup></span><span class="smcap">to the query of the +sons of tarquin as to who should succeed to their father's sovereignty +the god replied that the first who kissed his mother should obtain the +power. and brutus, comprehending, fell down as if accidentally and +cov</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span><span class="smcap">ered the earth with kisses, rightly deeming her to be the mother +of all.</span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>8</sup></span><span class="smcap">this brutus overthrew the +tarquins</span>, taking as his justification the case of Lucretia, +though these rulers were even without that hated by all for their +tyrannous and violent characteristics. Lucretia was a daughter of +Lucretius Spurius, a man that was a member of the senate, and she was +wife of the distinguished Tarquinius Collatinus and was renowned, as +it chanced, for her beauty and chastity. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> +10<sup>8</sup></span><span class="smcap">sextus, the son of tarquin, set his heart upon outraging +her, not so much because he was inspired with passion by her beauty as +because he chose to plot against her chaste reputation. so, having +watched for collatinus to be away from home, he came by night to her +and lodged at her house, since she was the wife of a relative. and +first he tried by persuasion to secure illicit pleasure from her and +then he resorted to violence. as he could not succeed, he threatened +to cut her throat. but inasmuch as she despised death, he threatened +furthermore to lay a slave beside her and to kill them both and to +spread the report that he had found them sleeping together and killed +them. this rendered lucretia distraught, and in fear that this might +be believed to have so happened she surrendered. and after the act of +adultery she placed a dagger beneath the pillow and sent for her +husband and her father. when they came, accompanied by brutus and +publius valerius, she shed many tears and with moans related the +entire transaction. then she added: "and i will treat my case as +be</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span><span class="smcap">comes me, but do you, if you are men, avenge me, yourselves, and +show the tyrants what manner of creatures you are and what manner of +woman they have outraged." having spoken to this effect she +immediately drew the dagger from its hiding place and killed +herself.</span></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span></p> + + +<h3><i>(BOOK 4, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p>VII, 13.—The Sabines, however, because of wrath at their treatment, +did not keep quiet even through the winter, but overran Roman +territory and damaged the forces of Postumius when he was for the +second time consul. And they would absolutely have captured him, had +not Menenius Agrippa, his colleague, come to his aid. And assaulting +them they killed a number, with the result that the rest withdrew. +After this Spurius Cassius and Opiter Verginius as consuls made peace +with the Sabines. And capturing the city of Camerium they executed +most of the inhabitants; the remnant they took alive and sold, and +razed the city to the ground.</p> + +<p>Postumius Cominius and Titus Larcius arrested and put to death some +slaves who were hatching a conspiracy to seize the Capitoline. Servius +Sulpicius and Marcus Tullius in their turn anticipated a second +conspiracy composed of slaves and some others that had joined them, +for it was reported to the consuls by certain men privy to the plot. +They surrounded and overpowered the conspirators and cut them down. To +the informers citizenship and other rewards were given.</p> + +<p>When a new war was stirred up on the part of the Latins against Rome, +the people, demanding that a cancellation of debts be authorized, +refused to take up arms. Therefore the nobles then for the first time +established a new office to have jurisdiction over both<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> classes. +Dictator was the name given to the person entitled to the position, +and he possessed all powers as much as had the kings. People hated the +name of king on account of the Tarquins, but being anxious for the +benefit to be derived from sole leadership (which seemed to exert a +potent influence amid conditions of war and revolution), they chose it +under another name. Hence the dictatorship was, as has been said, so +far as its authority went, equivalent to kingship, except that the +dictator might not ride on horseback unless he were about to start on +a campaign, and was not permitted to make any expenditure from the +public funds unless the right were specially voted. He might try men +and put them to death at home and on campaigns, and not merely such as +belonged to the populace, but also members of the knights and of the +senate itself. No one had the power to make any complaint against him +nor to take any action hostile to him,—no, not even the +tribunes,—and no case could be appealed from him. The office of +dictator extended for a period of not more than six months, to the end +that no such official by spending much time in the midst of so much +power and unhampered authority should become haughty and plunge +headlong into a passion for sole leadership. This was what happened +later to Julius Cæsar, when contrary to lawful precedent he had been +approved for the dictatorship.</p> + +<p>VII, 14.—At this time, consequently, when Larcius became dictator, +the populace made no uprising but presented themselves under arms. +When, however, the Latins came to terms and were now in a quiescent +state,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> the lenders proceeded to treat the debtors more harshly and +the populace for this reason again rebelled and even came running in a +throng into the senate. And all the senators would there have perished +at the hands of the inrushing mob, had not some persons at this +juncture reported that the Volsci had invaded the country. In the face +of such news the populace became calm, not regarding this action, +however, in the light of clemency to the senate, for they felt sure +that that body would almost immediately be destroyed by the enemy. +Hence they did not take the trouble to man the walls nor render any +assistance until Servilius released the prisoners held for default of +payments and decreed a suspension of taxes for as long as the campaign +lasted and promised to reduce the debts. Then in consequence of these +concessions they proceeded against the enemy and won the day. +Inasmuch, however, as they were not relieved of their debts and in +general could obtain no decent treatment, they again raised a clamor +and grew full of wrath and made an uprising against both the senate +and the prætors.</p> + +<p>But at the approach of another war the prætors decreed a cancellation +of debts: others opposed this measure: and so Marcus Valerius was +named dictator. He was of the kindred of Poplicola and was beloved by +the people. Then, indeed, so many gathered, animated with such zeal +(for he had promised them prizes, too), that they overran not only the +Sabines, but the Volsci and Æqui who were allied with them. As a +sequel, the populace voted many honors to Valerius, one of which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> was +their bestowal of the title Maximus. This name, translated into Greek, +signifies "greatest." And he, wishing to do the populace some favors, +made many addresses to the senate but could not get it to follow his +guidance. Consequently he rushed out of the senatorial assembly in a +rage, and after making to the populace a long speech against the +senate resigned his command. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 16<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">and +the populace was all the more provoked to revolt. as for the +money-lenders, by insisting in the case of debts upon the very letter +of the agreement and refusing to make any concession to those who owed +them they both failed to secure the exact amount and were disappointed +in many other hopes. for poverty and the resulting desperation is a +heavy curse, and is, if it spreads among a large number of people, +very difficult to combat. now the cause of most of the troubles that +befell the romans lay in the unyielding attitude adopted at this time +by the more powerful toward their inferiors.</span> For as the military +contingent came to be hard pressed by dint of campaigns and was +baffled out and out in frequent hopes frequently entertained, and the +debtors were repeatedly abused and maltreated by the money-lenders, +the people became inflamed to such a pitch of fury that many of the +destitute abandoned the city, withdrew from the camp, <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 16<sup>5</sup></span><span class="smcap">and like enemies gathered their subsistence +from the country</span>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">when this situation had been brought about, since numbers came +flocking to the side of the revolutionists, the senators, dreading +that the latter might become more estranged and the neighboring +tribes</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> <span class="smcap">join their rebellion for purposes of attack, made propositions +to them in which they promised everything that the senate was +empowered to do for them. but when they displayed the utmost audacity +and would accept no offer, one of the envoys, agrippa menenius, begged +them to hearken to a fable. having obtained their consent he spoke as +follows. once all the members of the body began a contention against +the belly. and the eyes said: "we give the hands the power to work and +the feet the power to go." and the tongue and the lips: "through us +the counsels of the heart are made known." and then the ears: "through +us the words of others are despatched to the mind." and the hands: "we +are the workers and lay up stores of wealth." and finally the feet: +"we tire ourselves out carrying the whole body in journeys and while +working and while standing." and all in a chorus: "while we labor so, +thou alone, free from contribution and labor, like a mistress art +served by us all and the fruit of all our labors thou thyself alone +dost enjoy." the belly herself admitted that this was so, and said +she: "if you like, leave me unsupplied and make me no presents." this +proposition suited, and the members voted never more to supply the +belly by their common effort. when no food was presented to her, the +hands were not nimble to work, being relaxed on account of the failure +of the belly, nor were the feet possessed of strength, nor did any +other of the limbs show its normal activity uninjured, but all were +inefficient, slow, or completely motionless. and then they +comprehended that the</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span> <span class="smcap">presents made to the belly had been supplied +not more to her than to themselves and that each one of them +incidentally enjoys the benefit conferred upon her.</span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 16<sup>5</sup></span><span class="smcap">through these words the populace +was made to comprehend that the abundance of the prosperous tends also +to the advantage of the poor, and that even though the former be +advantaged by their loans and so increase their abundance, the outcome +of this is not hurtful to the interests of the many; since, if it were +not for the wealthy owning property, the poor would not have in times +of need persons to lend to them and would perish under the pressure of +want. accordingly they became milder and reached an agreement, the +senate for its part voting a reduction in their debts and a release +from seizure of property.</span></p> + +<p>VII, 15.—They feared, however, that when their society had been +disbanded they might either find the agreements not effectual or might +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 16<sup>6</sup></span> <span class="smcap">be harmed on account of their +separation, one being punished on one pretext, another on +another</span>, in constant succession. So they formed a compact to lend +aid to one another in case any one of them should be wronged in any +particular; and they took oaths to this effect and forthwith elected +two representatives from their own number (and afterward still more) +in order that by such a partnership arrangement they might have +assistants and avengers. And this they did not only once, but the idea +now conceived in this form kept growing, and they appointed their +representatives for a year, as to some office. The men were called in +the tongue of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> Latins <i>tribunes</i> (the commanders of thousands are +also so named) but are styled <i>dêmarchoi</i> in the Greek language. In +order that the titles of the tribuni might be kept distinct they added +to the name of the one class the phrase "of the soldiers" and to that +of the other class the phrase "of the people." These <i>tribunes of the +people</i>, then, or <i>dêmarchoi</i> became responsible for great evils that +befell Rome. For though they did not immediately secure the title of +magistrates, they gained power beyond all the rest, defending every +one that begged protection and rescuing every one that called upon +them not only from private persons, but from the very magistrates, +except the dictators. If any one ever invoked them when absent, he, +too, was released from the person holding him prisoner and was either +brought before the populace by them or was set free. And if ever they +saw fit that anything should not be done, they prevented it, whether +the person acting were a private citizen or an official: and if the +people or the senate were about to do or vote anything and a single +tribune opposed it, the action or the vote became null and void. As +time went on, they were allowed or allowed themselves to summon the +senate, to punish whoever disobeyed them, to practice divination, and +to hold court. And in case they were refused permission to do +anything, they gained their point by their incontestable opposition to +every project undertaken by others. For they introduced laws to the +effect that whoever should obstruct them by deed or word, be he +private citizen or magistrate, should be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> "hallowed" and incur +pollution. This being "hallowed" meant destruction; for this was the +name applied to everything (as, for instance, a victim) that was +consecrated for slaughter. The tribunes themselves were termed by the +multitude "sacrosanct", since they obtained sacred enclosures for the +shelter of such as invoked them. For <i>sacra</i> among the Romans means +"walls", and <i>sancta</i> "sacred". Many of their actions were +unwarrantable, for they threw even consuls into prison and put men to +death without granting them a hearing. Nobody ventured to oppose them; +or, in case any one did, he became himself "hallowed." If, however, +persons were condemned not by all the tribunes, they would call to +their help those who had not concurred in the verdict, and so they +went duly through the forms of court procedure before the tribunes +themselves or before some arbiters or before the populace, and became +the possession of the side that won. In the course of time the number +of the tribunes was fixed at ten, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 16<sup>7</sup></span><span class="smcap">and as a result of this most of their power was overthrown. for as +though by nature (but really, of course, by reason of jealousy) fellow +officials invariably quarrel; and it is difficult for a number of men, +especially in a position of influence, to attain harmony</span>. No +sooner did outsiders, planning to wreck their influence, raise +factional issues to the end that dissension might make them weaker, +than the tribunes actually attached themselves some to one party, some +to another. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 16<sup>7</sup></span><span class="smcap">if even one of them +opposed a measure</span>, he rendered the decisions of the rest null and +void.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span></p> + +<p>Now at first they did not enter the senate-house, but sitting at the +entrance watched proceedings, and in case aught failed to please them, +they would show resistance. Next they were invited inside. Later, +however, the ex-tribunes were numbered with the senators, and finally +some of the senators actually were permitted to be tribunes, unless a +man chanced to be a patrician. Patricians the people would not accept: +having chosen the tribunes to defend them against the patricians, and +having advanced them to so great power, they dreaded lest one of them +might turn his strength to contrary purposes and use it against them. +But if a man abjured the rank given him by birth and changed his +social standing to that of a common citizen, they received him gladly. +Many of the patricians whose position was unquestioned renounced their +nobility through desire for the immense influence possible, and so +became tribunes.</p> + +<p>Such was the growth of the domination of the tribunes. In addition to +them the people chose two ædiles, to be their assistants in the matter +of documents. They took charge of everything that was submitted in +writing to the plebs, to the populace, and to the senate, and kept it, +so that nothing that was done escaped their notice. This and the +trying of cases were the objects for which they were chosen anciently, +but later they were charged with the supervision of buying and +selling, whence they came to be called <i>agoranomoi</i> ("clerks of the +market") by those who put their name into Greek.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span></p> + + +<h3><i>(BOOK 5, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p>VII, 16.—The first revolution of the Romans, then, terminated as +described. Many of the neighboring tribes had found in the revolution +a hostile incentive, and the Romans with a unified purpose after their +reconciliation conducted vigorously the wars which the latter waged, +and conquered in all of them. It was at this time that in the siege of +Corioli they came within an ace of being driven from their camp, but a +patrician, Gnæus Marcius, showed his prowess and repelled the +assailants. For this he received various tokens of renown and was +given the title of Coriolanus from the people which he had routed. +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 17<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">for the time he was thus exalted +but not long afterward he was anxious to be made prætor and failed, +and therefore grew vexed at the populace and evinced displeasure +toward the tribunes. hence the tribunes (whose functions he was +especially eager to abolish) heaped up accusations against him and +fixed upon him a charge of aiming at tyranny and expelled him from +rome. having been expelled he forthwith betook himself to the +volsci.</span> The latter's leaders and those in authority over them +were delighted at his arrival and again made ready for war; Attius +Tullius urged this course upon them all, but the people showed lack of +enthusiasm. So when the nobles neither by advice nor by intimidation +could prevail upon them to take up arms, they concocted the following +scheme. The Romans were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> conducting a horse-race, and the Volsci among +other neighboring peoples had gathered in a large body to behold the +spectacle. Tullius, as a pretended friend of the Romans, persuaded the +Roman prætors that they should keep watch on the Volsci, since the +latter had made ready to attack them unexpectedly in the midst of the +horse-race. The prætors, after communicating the information to the +others, made proclamation at once, before the contest, that all the +Volsci must retire. The Volsci, indignant because they alone of all +the spectators had been expelled, put themselves in readiness for +battle. Setting at their head Coriolanus and Tullius, and with numbers +swollen by the accession of the Latins, they advanced against Rome. +The Romans, when informed of it, instead of making a vigorous use of +arms fell into mutual recriminations, the popular party censuring the +patricians because Coriolanus, who was campaigning against his +country, happened to belong to their number, and the other party the +populace because they had been unjust in expelling him and making him +an enemy. Because of this contention they would have incurred some +great injury, had not the women come to their aid. For when the senate +voted restoration to Coriolanus and envoys had been despatched to him +to this end, he demanded that the land of which the Volsci had been +deprived in the previous wars be given back to them. But the people +would not relinquish the land. Consequence: a second embassy. +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 17<sup>8</sup></span><span class="smcap">and he was exceedingly angry that +they, who were in danger of losing their own country, would not</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> <span class="smcap">even +under these conditions withdraw from the possessions of others. when +this situation was reported to the disputants, they still refused to +budge, nor did the dangers cause the men, at least, to desist from +quarreling. but the women, volumnia the wife of coriolanus and +veturia<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> his mother, gathering a company of the remaining most +eminent ladies visited him in camp and took his children along with +them. while the rest wept without speaking veturia began: "we are not +deserters, my son, but the country has sent us to you to be, if you +should yield, your mother, wife and children, but otherwise your +spoil. and if even now you still are angry, kill us the first. be +reconciled and hold no longer your anger against your citizens, +friends, temples, tombs; do not take by storm your native land in +which you were born, were reared, and became coriolanus, bearer of +this great name. send me not hence without result, unless you would +behold me dead by my own hand." thereupon she sighed aloud and showed +her breasts and touched her abdomen, exclaiming: "this brought you +forth, my child, these reared you up." she, then, said this, and his +wife and children and the rest of the women joined in the lament, so +that he too was moved to grief. recovering himself with difficulty he +enfolded his mother in his arms and at the same time kissing her +replied: "see, mother, i yield to you. yours is the victory, and to +you let all ascribe this favor. for i cannot endure even to see them, +who after receiving such great benefits at my</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> <span class="smcap">hands have given me +such a recompense, nor will i enter the city. do you keep the country +instead of me, because you have so wished it, and i will depart." +having spoken thus he withdrew. and he did not accept the restoration, +but retired among the volsci and there at an advanced age departed +this life.</span></p> + +<p><a name="VII_17">VII, 17</a>.—Now the tribunes demanded that some land acquired by the +Romans from the enemy be apportioned among the people, and as a result +of their action much damage was incurred by the citizens both from the +enemy and from one another. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 19<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">for +the nobles being unable to restrain them in any other way stirred up +purposely wars after wars, in order that being busied therewith they +might not disturb themselves about the land.</span> But after a time +some persons began to suspect what was going on, and would not permit +both of the consuls (or prætors) to be appointed by the nobles, but +themselves desired to choose one of them from the patricians. Upon +effecting this they selected Spurius Furius, and campaigning with him +accomplished with enthusiasm all objects for which they had set out. +But those who took the field with his colleague, Fabius Cæso, not only +displayed no energy, but abandoned their camp, came to the city, and +raised a tumult until the Etruscans, learning of the affair, assailed +them. Even then, moreover, they did not leave the city until some of +the tribunes came to an agreement with the nobles. Still, they fought +vigorously and destroyed many of the enemy, and not a few of their own +number also were killed. One of the consuls like<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span>wise +fell,—Manlius<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>: the populace chose Manlius<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> prætor for the third +time.</p> + +<p>Again was a war waged against them by the Etruscans. And when the +Romans were in dejection and at a loss to know how they should +withstand the enemy, the Fabii came to their help. <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 20<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">they, three hundred and six in number, when +they saw that the romans were dejected</span>, were not following +profitable counsels, and were on all points in desperation, took upon +themselves the burden of the war against the Etruscans, exhibiting +readiness to carry on the conflict by themselves with their persons +and with their wealth. They occupied and fortified an advantageous +position from which as a base they harried the entire hostile domain, +since the Etruscans would not venture to engage in combat with them, +or, if they ever did join issue, were decisively defeated. But, upon +the accession of allies, the Etruscans laid an ambuscade in a wooded +spot: the Fabii, being masters of the whole field, assailed them +without precaution, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 20<sup>2</sup></span>fell into the +snare, were surrounded and all massacred. And their race would have +entirely disappeared, had not one of them because of his youth been +left at home, in whose descendants the family later attained renewed +renown.</p> + +<p>After the Fabii had been destroyed as related the Romans received +rough treatment at the hands of the Etruscans. Subsequently they +concluded a peace with the enemy, but turning against one another +committed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> many deeds of outrage, the populace not even refraining +from attack upon the prætors. They beat their assistants and shattered +their fasces and made the prætors themselves submit to investigation +on every pretext, great and small. They actually planned to throw +Appius Claudius into prison in the very midst of his term of office, +inasmuch as he persistently opposed them at every point and had +decimated the partners of his campaign after their giving way before +the Volsci in battle. Now decimation was the following sort of +process. When the soldiers had committed any grave offence the leader +told them off in groups of ten and taking one man of each ten (who had +drawn the lot) he would punish him by death. At Claudius's retirement +from office the popular party straightway brought him to trial; and +though they failed to condemn him, they forced him, by postponing +their vote, to commit suicide. And among the measures introduced by +some of the tribunes to the prejudice of the patrician interests was +one permitting the populace to convene separately, and without +interference from the patricians to deliberate upon and transact as +much business as they pleased. They also ordained that, if any one for +any cause should have a penalty imposed upon him by the prætors, the +populace might thereupon have the case appealed to them and decide it. +And they increased the number of ædiles and of tribunes, in order to +have a large body of persons to act as their representatives.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 21<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">during the progress of these +events the patricians openly took scarcely any retaliatory measures, +except in a few cases, but secretly slaughtered a</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> <span class="smcap">number of the +boldest spirits. neither this, however, nor the fact that on one +occasion nine tribunes were delivered to the flames by the populace +seemed to restrain the rest. not only were those who subsequently held +the tribuneship not calmed, but actually they were the rather +emboldened</span>. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 21<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">this was the +condition into which the patricians brought the populace. and they +would not obey the summons to go on a campaign, though the foe +assailed, unless they secured the objects for which they were +striving, and if they ever did take the field, they fought listlessly, +unless they had accomplished all that they desired. hence many of the +tribes living close to them, relying on either the dissension of their +foes or their own strength, raised the standard of revolt</span>. +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 22<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">among these were also the æqui, +who, after conquering at this time marcus minucius while he served as +prætor, became presumptuous</span>. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 22<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">those at rome, learning that minucius had been defeated, chose as +dictator lucius quinctius, who was a poor man and had devoted his life +to farming, but was distinguished for his valor and wise moderation; +and he let his hair grow in curls, whence he was named +cincinnatus</span>.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> He, being selected as dictator, took the field +that very day, used wariness as well as speed, and simultaneously with +Minucius attacked the Æqui, killing very many of them and capturing +the rest alive: the latter he led under the yoke and then released. +This matter of the yoke I shall briefly describe. The Romans used to +fix in the ground two poles (upright wooden beams, of course, with a +space between them)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span> and across them they would lay another transverse +beam; through the frame thus formed they led the captives naked. This +conferred great distinction upon the side that conducted the operation +but vast dishonor upon the side that endured it, so that some +preferred to die rather than submit to any such treatment. Cincinnatus +also captured a city of theirs called Corvinum<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> and returned: he +removed Minucius from his prætorship because of his defeat, and +himself resigned his office.</p> + +<p>VII, 18.—The Romans, however, now got another war on their hands at +home, in which their adversaries were composed of slaves and some +exiles who moved unexpectedly by night and secured possession of the +Capitol. This time, too, the multitude did not arm themselves for the +fray till they had wrung some further concessions from the patricians. +Then they assailed the revolutionists and overcame them, but lost many +of their own men.</p> + +<p>For these reasons, accordingly, and because of certain portents the +Romans became sobered and dismissed their mutual grievances and voted +to establish the rights of citizenship on a fairer basis. And they +sent three men to Greece with an eye to the laws and the customs of +the people there. Upon the return of the commission they abolished all +the political offices, including that of the tribunes, and chose +instead eight of the foremost men, and <span class="sidenote">B.C. 451<br />(<i>a.u.</i> +303)</span>designated Appius Claudius and Titus Genucius prætors with +dictatorial powers for that one year. They empowered them to compile +laws and further voted that no case could be appealed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span> from them,—a +latitude granted previously to none of the magistrates save the +dictators. These men held sway each for a day, assuming by turns the +dignity of rulership. They compiled laws and exposed the same to view +in the Forum. These statutes being found pleasing to all were put +before the people, and after receiving their ratification were +inscribed on ten tablets; for all records that were deemed worthy of +safekeeping used to be preserved on tablets.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 450<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 304)</span>The above mentioned magistrates at +the expiration of the year surrendered their office, but ten more +chosen anew (for the overthrow of the State, as it almost seemed) came +to grief. They all held sway at once on equal terms and chose from +among the patricians some most brazen youths, through whom, as their +agents, they committed many acts of violence. At last, toward the end +of the year, they compiled a few additional statutes written upon two +tablets, all of which were the product of their own individual +judgment. From these not harmony, but greater disputes, were destined +to fall to the lot of the Romans.</p> + +<p>The so-called twelve tablets were thus created at that time. But +besides doing this the lawgivers in question, when their year of +office had expired, still maintained control of affairs, occupying the +city by force; and they would not convene the senate nor the people, +lest, if they came together, they should depose them. And when the +Æqui and the Sabines now stirred up war against the Romans, these +officials by arrangement with their adherents gained their object of +hav<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span>ing the conduct of the wars entrusted to them. Of the decemvirate +Servius Oppius and Appius Claudius remained at home: the other eight +set out against the enemy.</p> + +<p>Absolutely all <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 22<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">the interests</span>, +however, <span class="smcap">of state and camp alike were thrown into confusion, and +hence contention again arose</span>. The leaders of the force had +invaded the land of the Sabines and sent a certain Lucius Sicius, who +was accounted a strong tower in warfare and likewise one of the most +prominent representatives of the populace, with companions, avowedly +to seize a certain position; but they had the man slain by the party +that had been sent out with him. The report was brought into camp that +the man with others had been killed by the foe, and the soldiers went +out to gather up the dead bodies. They found not one corpse belonging +to the enemy but many of their own race, whom Sicius had killed in his +own defence when they attacked him. And when they saw that the dead +were lying all around him and had their faces turned toward him, they +suspected what had been done and furthermore raised a tumult.—There +was still another incident that had a bearing on the situation.</p> + +<p>Lucius Virginius, a man of the people, had a daughter of surpassing +beauty whom he intended to bestow in marriage upon Lucius Icilius,<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> +a person of similar rank in society. For this maiden Claudius +conceived a passion, and not otherwise able to attain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> his ends he +arranged with certain men to declare her a slave: he was to be the +arbiter. The father of the girl accordingly came from the camp and +pled his case. When Claudius had given sentence against her and the +girl was delivered to those who had declared her a slave and no one +came to the rescue, her father wild with grief took a cleaver and +ended his daughter's life and, just as he was, rushed out to the +soldiers. They, who had been previously far from tractable, were so +wrought up that they straightway set out in haste against the city to +find Claudius. And the rest, who had gone on a campaign against the +Sabines, when they learned this abandoned their intrenchments, and, +joining with the rest, set at their head twenty men, determined to +accomplish something of importance. The remainder of the multitude in +the city likewise espoused their cause and added to the tumult.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile Claudius in terror had hidden himself and Oppius convened +the senate; and sending to the populace he enquired what they wanted. +They demanded that Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, two of the +senators who favored their cause, be sent to them, saying that through +these men they would make their reply. Owing to the fear of the ten +magistrates (for they were now all on the scene) that the people would +employ the two as leaders against them they were not sent, whereupon +the populace grew still more angry. As a consequence the senators were +inspired with no slight fear and against the will of the magistrates +they sent Valerius and Horatius to the people.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> By this means a +reconciliation was effected: the rioters were granted immunity for +their acts, and the decemvirate was abolished; the annual +magistracies, including that of tribunes, were restored with the same +privileges as they had formerly enjoyed. Virginius was one of the +magistrates appointed; and they cast into prison Oppius and Claudius +(who committed suicide before their cases were investigated), and +indicted, convicted, and banished the remainder of the board.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 449<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 305)</span>VII, 19.—Now the consuls—it is +said that this is the first time they were known as consuls, being +previously called prætors; and they were Valerius and Horatius—both +then and thereafter showed favor to the populace and strengthened +their cause rather than that of the patricians. The patricians, though +subdued, would not readily convene and did not put matters entirely in +the power of the lower class, but granted the tribunes the right of +practicing augury in their assemblies: nominally this was an honor and +dignity for them, since from very ancient times this privilege had +been accorded the patricians alone, but really it was a hindrance. The +nobles intended that the tribunes and the populace should not +accomplish easily everything they pleased, but should sometimes be +prevented under this plea of augury. The patricians as well as the +senate were displeased at the consuls, whom they regarded as favorable +to the popular cause, and so did not vote a triumph to them—though +each had won a war—and did not assign to each a day as had been the +custom. The populace, however, both held a festival for two days and +voted triumphal honors to the consuls.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 6, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 448<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 306)</span>When the Romans thus fell into +discord their adversaries took courage and came against them. It was +in the following year, when Marcus Genucius and Gaius Curtius were +consuls, that they turned against each other. The popular leaders +desired to be consuls, since the patricians were in the habit of +becoming tribunes by transference to their order, and the patricians +clung tenaciously to the consular office. They indulged in many words +and acts of violence against each other. But in order to prevent the +populace from proceeding to greater extremities the nobles yielded to +them the substance of authority though they would not relinquish the +name; and in place of the consuls they named military tribunes in +order that the honor of the title might not be sullied by contact with +the vulgar throng. It was agreed that three military tribunes be +chosen from each of the classes in place of the two consuls. However, +the name of consul was not lost entirely, but sometimes consuls were +appointed and at other times military tribunes. This, at all events, +is the tradition that has come down of what took place, with the +additional detail that the consuls nominated dictators, though their +own powers were far inferior to those appertaining to that office, and +even that the military tribunes likewise did so sometimes. It is +further said that none of the military tribunes, though many of them +won many victories, ever celebrated a triumph.</p><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 447<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 307)</span>It was in this way, then, that +military tribunes came to be chosen at that time: censors were +appointed in the following year, during the consulship of Barbatus and +Marcus Macrinus. Those chosen were Lucius Papirius and Lucius +Sempronius. The reason for their election was that the consuls were +unable, on account of the number of the people, to supervise them all; +the duties now assigned to the censors had until that time been +performed by the consuls as a part of their prerogatives. Two was the +original number of the censors and they were taken from the +patricians. They held office at first and at the last for five-year +periods, but during the intervening time for three half-years; and +they came to be greater than the consuls, though they had taken over +only a part of their functions. They had the right to let the public +revenues, to supervise roads and public buildings, to make complete +records of each man's wealth, and to note and investigate the lives of +the citizens, enrolling those deserving of praise in the tribes, in +the equestrian order, or in the senate (as seemed to fit the case of +each one), and similarly erasing from any class the names of those who +were not right livers: this power was greater than all those now left +to the consuls. They made declarations attested by oath, in regard to +every one of their acts, that no such act was prompted by favor or by +enmity but that their considerations and performances were both the +result of an unbiased opinion of what was advantageous for the +commonwealth. They convened the people when laws were to be introduced +and for other purposes, and employed all the insignia of the greater +offices save lictors. Such, at its inception, was</p><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> the office of the +censors. If any persons did not register their property and themselves +in the census lists, the censors sold the property and the consuls the +men. This arrangement held for a certain time, but later it was +determined that a man once enrolled in the senate should be a senator +for life and that his name should not be erased, unless one had been +disgraced by being tried for the commission of a crime or was +convicted of leading an evil life: the names of such persons were +erased and others inscribed in their stead.</p> + +<p>In the case of those who gave satisfaction in office principal honors +were bestowed upon dictators, honors of the second rank upon censors, +and third place was awarded to masters of horse. This system was +followed without distinction, whether they were still in office or +whether they had already laid it down. For if one descended from a +greater office to an inferior one, he still kept the dignity of his +former position intact. One particular man, whom they styled +<i>principa</i> of the senate (he would be called <i>prokritos</i> by the +Greeks) was preferred before all for the time that he was president (a +person was not chosen for this position for life) and surpassed the +rest in dignity, without wielding, however, any power.</p> + +<p>VII, 20.—For a time they maintained peace with each other and with +the adjacent tribes, but then a famine mastered them, so severe that +some not able to endure the pangs of hunger threw themselves into the +river, and they fell to quarreling. The one class blamed the +prosperous as being at fault in the handling of the grain, and the +other class blamed the poorer men for unwillingness to till the soil. +<span class="sidenote">B.C. 439<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 315)</span>Spurius Mælius, a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span> wealthy knight, +seeing this attempted to set up a tyranny, and buying corn from the +neighboring region he lowered the price of it for many and gave it +free to many others. In this way he won the friendship of a great many +and procured arms and guardsmen. And he would have gained control of +the city, had not Minucius Augurinus, a patrician, appointed to have +charge of the grain distribution and censured for the lack of grain, +reported the proceeding to the senate. The senate on receiving the +information nominated at once and at that very meeting Lucius +Quinctius Cincinnatus, though past his prime (he was eighty years +old), to be dictator. They spent the whole day sitting there, as if +engaged in some discussion, to prevent news of their action from +traveling abroad. By night the dictator had the knights occupy in +advance the Capitol and the remaining points of vantage, and at dawn +he sent to Mælius Gaius Servilius, master of the horse, to summon him +pretendedly on some other errand. But as Mælius had some suspicions +and delayed, Servilius fearing that he might be rescued by the +populace—for they were already running together—killed the man +either on his own responsibility or because ordered to do so by the +dictator. At this the populace broke into a riot, but Quinctius +harangued them and by providing them with grain and refraining from +punishing or accusing any one else he stopped the riot.</p> + +<p>Wars with various nations now assailed the Romans, in some of which +they were victorious within a few days; but with the Etruscans they +waged a long continued contest. Postumius conquered the Æqui and had +captured a large city of theirs, but the soldiers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> neither had had it +turned over to them for pillage nor were awarded a share of the +plunder when they requested it. Therefore they surrounded and slew the +quæstor who was disposing of it, and when Postumius reprimanded them +for this and strove to find the assassins, they killed him also. And +they assigned to their own use not only the captive territory but all +that at the time happened to be found in the public treasury. The +uprising would have assumed even greater dimensions but for the fact +that war against the Romans was renewed by the Æqui. Alarmed by this +situation they became quiet, endured the punishment for the murders, +which touched only a few, and took the field against their opponents, +whom they engaged and conquered. For this achievement the nobles +distributed the plunder among them, and voted pay first to the +infantry and later also to the cavalry. Up to that time they were used +to undertaking campaigns without pay and lived at their own expense; +now for the first time they began to draw pay.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 408<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 346)</span>A war arising between them and Veii, +the Romans won frequent victories and reduced the foe to a state of +siege as long as the latter fought with merely their own contingent: +but when allies had been added to their force they came out against +the Romans and defeated them. Meanwhile the lake situated close to the +Alban Mount, which was shut in by the surrounding ridges and had no +outlet, overflowed its banks during the siege of Veii to such an +extent that it actually poured over the crests of the hills and went +rushing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> down to the sea. The Romans deeming that something +supernatural was certainly signified by this event sent to Delphi to +consult the oracle about the matter. There was also among the +population of Veii an Etruscan who was a soothsayer. The Pythian +interpretation coincided with his; and both declared that the city +would be captured when the overflowing water should not fall into the +sea but be used up differently. The Romans consequently ordered +several religious services to be performed. But the Pythian god did +not specify to which of the divinities nor in what way they should +offer these, and the Etruscan appeared to have the knowledge but would +explain nothing. So the Romans who were stationed about the wall from +which he was wont to issue to consort with them pretended friendliness +toward him, permitted him to make himself at ease in every way, and +allowed him to come to visit them without interference. Thus they +succeeded in seizing him and forced him to give all the requisite +information. According to the indications he furnished they offered +sacrifices, tunneled the hill, and conducted the superfluous water by +a secret canal into the plain, so that all of it was used up there and +none ran down into the sea.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 7, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p>VII, 24.—A certain Marcus Fabius, a patrician, who chanced to be the +father of two daughters, betrothed the elder to a Licinius Stolo, much +inferior to him in rank, and married the younger to Sulpicius Rufus, +who belonged to his own class. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 27<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">now +while rufus was military tribune, once when he was in the forum his +wife had a visit from her sister. at the arrival of the husband the +lictor, according to some ancient custom, knocked at the door. the +clatter startled the woman, who was not familiar with this procedure: +thereupon both her sister and the others present burst out laughing +and she was made fun of as a simpleton. she took the matter as a +serious affront and roused her husband to canvass for office.</span> +Stolo, accordingly, incited by his wife, confided his intentions to +Lucius Sextius, one of his peers, and both forced their way into the +tribuneship; they thus overturned the good order of the State to such +an extent that for four years the people had no rulers, since these +men repeatedly obstructed the patrician elections. This state of +affairs would have continued for a still longer time, had not news +been brought that the Celtæ were again marching upon Rome.</p> + +<p>VII, 25.—It is related that after this a disaster befell Rome. The +level land between the Palatine and the Capitoline is said to have +become suddenly a yawning gulf, without any preceding earthquake or +other phenomenon such as usually takes place in nature on the occasion +of such developments. For a long time the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> chasm remained <i>in statu +quo</i>, and neither closed up in the slightest degree nor was to be +filled, albeit the Romans brought and cast into it masses of earth and +stones and all sorts of other material. In the midst of the Romans' +uncertainty an oracle was given them to the effect that the aperture +could in no way be closed except they should throw into the chasm +their best possession and that which was the chief source of their +strength: then the thing would cease, and the city should command +power inextinguishable. Still the uncertainty remained unresolved, for +the oracle was obscure. But Marcus Curtius, a patrician, young in +years, of a remarkably beautiful appearance, powerful physique, and +courageous spirit, conspicuous also for intelligence, comprehended the +meaning of the oracle. He came forward before them all and addressed +them, saying: "Why, Romans, convict the revelation of obscurity or +ourselves of ignorance? We are the thing sought and debated. For +nothing lifeless may be counted better than what has life, nor shall +that which has comprehension and prudence and the adornment of speech +fail of preference before what is uncomprehending, speechless and +senseless. What should any one deem superior to Man to be cast into +the earth-fissure, that therewith we might contract it? <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 28<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">there is no mortal creature either better or +stronger than man. for, if one may speak somewhat boldly, man is +naught else than a god with mortal body, and a god naught else than a +man without body and therefore immortal</span>, and we are not far +sundered from divine Power. This, to my mind, is the matter and I urge +you also to adhere to this view. May no one think that I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> shall have +recourse to the lot or bid maiden or lad lose a life. I myself +willingly bestow myself upon you, that you may send me this very day +as herald and envoy to the cthonian gods, to be your representative +and helper forever." At the close of these words Curtius proceeded to +put on his armor and then mounted his horse. The rest grew mad with +grief and mad with joy; they came flocking with adornments, and some +adorned the man himself with them as a hero, and others threw some of +them into the chasm. Scarcely had Curtius sprung into it fully +mounted, when the earth-fissure was closed and no one ever again +beheld either the chasm or Curtius. This is the way the story is +related by the Romans. Should any person judge it fabulous and not to +be credited, he has the right to pay no attention to it.</p> + +<p>And again wars were waged against the Romans both by Gauls and by +other nations, but they repelled all invaders, voting now for consuls, +now for dictators. Whereupon somewhat of the following nature took +place. Lucius Camillus was named dictator, as the Gauls were +overrunning the environs of Rome. He proceeded against the barbarians +with the intention of using up time and not risking the issue in +conflict with men animated by desperation: he expected to exhaust them +more easily and securely by the failure of provisions. And a Gaul +challenged the Romans to furnish a champion for a duel. His opponent, +accordingly, was Marcus Valerius, a military tribune, a grandson of +the famous Maximus. The course of the battle was brilliant on both +sides: the Roman excelled in cleverness and an unusual mastery of his +art, and the Gaul in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> strength and daring. It was regarded as still +more marvelous that a crow lighted on the helmet of Valerius and +cawing all the time made dashes at the barbarian, confusing his sight +and impeding his onset until he finally received a finishing blow. The +Gauls, consequently, indignant at being beaten by a bird, in a rage +closed at once with the Romans and suffered a severe defeat. From the +incident of the crow's assistance Valerius obtained the further name +of Corvinus.</p> + +<p>Thereafter, as the armies began to grow insubordinate and a civil war +threatened to break out, the insurgents were brought to terms by the +enactment of laws that no one's name should be erased from the lists +against his will, that any person who had served as tribune of the +soldiers should not be centurion, that both of the consuls might +belong to and be appointed from the people, and that the same man +should not hold two offices at the same time nor hold the same office +twice within ten years.</p> + +<p>VII, 26.—Now the Latins, although under treaty with the Romans, +revolted and provoked a conflict. They were filled with pride for the +reason that they had an abundance of youthful warriors and were +practiced in the details of warfare as a result of the constant +campaigning with the Romans. The other side, understanding the +situation, chose Torquatus consul for the third time and likewise +Decius, and came out to meet them. They fought a fierce battle, each +party thinking that that day was a precise test of their fortune and +of their valor. A certain event seemed to give the battle added +distinction. The consuls, seeing that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> the Latins were equipped and +spoke like the Romans, feared that some of the soldiers might make +mistakes through not distinguishing their own and the hostile force +with entire ease. Therefore they made proclamation to their men to +observe instructions carefully and in no case to fight an isolated +combat with any of the antagonists. Most observed this injunction, but +the son of Torquatus, who was on the field among the cavalry and had +been sent to reconnoitre the enemy's position, transgressed it not +through wilfulness but rather through ambition. The leader of the +Latin horse saw him approaching and challenged him to a championship +contest; and when the youth would not accept the challenge on account +of the notice that had been served, the other provoked him, saying: +"Are you not the son of Torquatus? Do you not give yourself airs with +your father's collar? Are you strong and courageous against those +low-lived Gauls but fear us Latins? Where, then, do you find your +right to rule? Why do you give orders to us as your inferiors?"—The +Roman became frenzied with rage and readily forgot the injunction: he +won the combat, and in high spirits conveyed the spoils to his father. +The latter, after assembling the army, said: "Nobly you have fought, +my child, and for this I will crown you. But because you did not +observe the orders issued, though under obligation both as a son and +as a soldier to yield obedience, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 32<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">for this reason i shall execute you, that you may obtain both the +prize for your prowess and the penalty for your disobedience</span>." +Having spoken these words<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> he at the same moment placed the garland on +his head and cut off the very head that bore it.</p> + +<p>Soon after, a dream that appeared to both consuls the same night, of +identical import in each case, seemed to tell them that they should +overcome the enemy, if one of the consuls should devote himself. +Discussing the dream together in the daytime, they decided that it was +of divine origin, and agreed that it must be obeyed. And they disputed +with each other, not as to which should be saved, but as to which of +them preferably should devote himself: they even presented their +arguments before the foremost men in camp. Finally they settled it +that one should station himself on the right wing and the other on the +left, and that whichever of those two divisions should be defeated, +the consul stationed there should give up his life. There was so much +rivalry between them in regard to the self-devotion that each of the +consuls prayed that he might be defeated, in order to obtain the right +to devote himself and the consequent glory. After joining battle with +the Latins they carried on a closely contested fight for a long time, +but finally Decius's wing gave way before the Latins a little. On +perceiving this Decius devoted himself. Slipping off his armor he put +on his purple-bordered clothing. Some say that in this costume he +sprang upon a horse and rode toward the enemy and met his death at +their hands, others that he was slain by a fellow-soldier of his own +race. A short time after Decius had perished a decisive victory fell +to the lot of the Romans and the Latins were all routed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> yet +certainly not on account of the death of Decius. <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 32<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">for how can you believe that from such a +death of one man so great a multitude of human beings was destroyed on +the one side and on the other was saved and won a conspicuous +victory?</span> So the Latins in this way were defeated, <span class="sidenote"> +<a name="Frag_32-6"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 32<sup>6</sup></a></span><span class="smcap">and torquatus, though he had killed his son +and though his colleague had lost his life, nevertheless celebrated a +triumph</span>.</p> + +<p>Once again did they subdue these very Latins, who had revolted, and +they subjugated in battle other nations, employing now consuls and now +dictators.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span></p> + +<h3><i>(BOOK 8, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p>One of the latter was Lucius Papirius, also called Cursor from his +physical condition (he was a very fleet runner) and on account of his +practicing running. After this Papirius as dictator with Fabius Rullus +as master of the horse was sent out against the Samnites and by +defeating them compelled them to agree to such terms as he wished. But +when he had resigned his leadership they again arose in arms. They +were attacked anew by the dictator Aulus Cornelius, <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">and being defeated made proposals of peace to +the men at rome. they sent them all the captives that they had, and +ascribed the responsibility for the war to rutulus, a man of influence +among them. his bones, since he anticipated them in committing +suicide, they scattered abroad. yet they did not obtain their peace, +being accounted untrustworthy; but the victors, though accepting the +prisoners, voted for relentless war against them.</span> <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">the romans, then, expecting in their extreme +arrogance that they should capture them all at the first blow, +succumbed to a terrible disaster. the samnites, being badly frightened +and thinking the refusal to make peace a calamity, fought with +desperation; and by planting an ambuscade in a narrow spot rather +closely hemmed in by hills they both captured the camp and seized +alive the whole force of the romans, all of whom they sent under the +yoke.</span>—What the operation of the yoke was has already been +described by me above.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>—How<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span>ever, they killed not a man but took +away their arms and horses and everything else they had save one +garment, and released them thus stripped of possessions under an +agreement that they should leave Samnite territory and be their allies +on an equal footing. In order to insure the articles of the agreement +being ratified also by the senate, they retained six hundred of the +knights to serve as hostages.</p> + +<p>The consuls Spurius Postumius and Tiberius Calvinus with their army +immediately withdrew, and at night they and the most notable of the +rest of the force entered Rome, while the remaining soldiers scattered +through the country districts. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>9</sup></span><span class="smcap">the +men in the city on hearing of the event did not find it possible +either to be pleased at the survival of their soldiers or to be +displeased. when they thought of the calamity their grief was extreme, +and the fact that they had suffered such a reverse at the hands of the +samnites increased their grief; when they stopped to reflect, however, +that if it had come to pass that all had perished, all their interests +would have been endangered, they were really pleased at the survival +of their own men.</span> But concealing for a time their pleasure they +went into mourning and carried on no business in the everyday fashion +either at once or subsequently, as long as they had control of +affairs. The consuls they deposed forthwith, chose others in their +stead, and took counsel about the situation. And they determined not +to accept the arrangement; but since it was impossible to take this +action without throwing the responsibility upon the men who had +conducted the negotiations, they hesitated on the one hand to con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span>demn +the consuls and the rest who, associated with the latter in their +capacity as holders of certain offices, had made the peace, and they +hesitated on the other hand to acquit them, since by so doing they +would bring the breach of faith home to themselves. Accordingly they +made these very consuls participate in their deliberations and they +asked Postumius first of all for his opinion, that he might state +separately his sentiments touching his own case, and the shame of +having disgrace attach to all of them be avoided. So he came forward +and said that their acts ought not to be ratified by the senate and +the people, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>11</sup></span><span class="smcap">for they themselves +had not acted of their own free will, but under the compulsion of a +necessity</span> which the enemy had brought upon them not through valor +but through craft and ambuscade. Now men who had practiced deception +could not, if they were deceived in turn, have any just complaint +against those who turned the tables on them. When he had finished +saying this and considerable more of the same nature, the senate found +itself at a loss how to act: but as Postumius and Calvinus took the +burden of responsibility upon their own shoulders, it was voted that +the agreements should not be ratified and that these men should be +delivered up.</p> + +<p>Both the consuls, therefore, and the remaining officials who had been +present when oaths were taken were conducted back to Samnium. +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>14</sup></span><span class="smcap">the samnites, however, would not +accept them, but demanded back all the captives, and invoked the gods +and conjured them by the divine power, and finally they dismissed the +men that had been surrendered.</span> The Romans were glad enough to get +them back, but were angry at the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> Samnites <span class="smcap">whom they attacked in +battle and vanquished, after which they accorded them a similar +treatment, for they sent them under the yoke in turn and released +them</span> without inflicting any other injury. They also got +possession of their own knights, who were being held by the Samnites +as hostages and were unharmed.</p> + +<p>VIII, 1.—After a long interval the Romans under the leadership of +Gaius Junius were again warring with the Samnites, when they met with +disaster. While Junius was pillaging the hostile territory, the +Samnites conveyed their possessions into the Avernian<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> woods, +so-called from the fact that on account of the closeness of the trees +no bird flies into them. Being there ensconced they set out some herds +without herdsmen or guards and quietly sent some pretended deserters +who guided the Romans to the booty apparently lying at their disposal. +But when the latter had entered the wood, the Samnites surrounded them +and did not cease from slaughter till they were completely tired out. +And though the Samnites fought on many other occasions against the +Romans and were defeated, they would not be quiet, but having acquired +the Gauls, besides others, as allies, they made preparations to march +upon Rome itself. The Romans, when they learned of it, fell into +alarm, for their original inclination to do so was augmented by many +portents. On the Capitol blood is reported to have issued for three +days from the altar of Jupiter, together with honey on one day, and +milk on a second—if anybody can believe it: and in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span> the Forum a +bronze statue of Victory set upon a stone pedestal was found standing +upon the ground below, without any one's having moved it; and, as it +happened, it was facing in that direction from which the Gauls were +already approaching. This of itself was enough to terrify the +populace, who were even more dismayed by ill-omened interpretations +published by the seers. However, a certain Manius, by birth an +Etruscan, encouraged them by declaring that Victory, even if she had +descended, had gone forward, and being now settled more firmly on the +ground indicated to them mastery in the war. Accordingly, many +sacrifices, too, should be offered to the gods; for their altars, and +particularly those on the Capitol, where they sacrifice +thank-offerings for victory, were regularly stained with blood in the +midst of their successes and not in their disasters. From these +developments, then, he persuaded them to expect some fortunate +outcome, but from the honey to expect disease (because invalids crave +it) and from the milk famine; for they should encounter so great a +scarcity of provisions as to seek for food of native growth and +pasturage.</p> + +<p>Manius, then, interpreted the omens in this way, <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>22</sup></span><span class="smcap">and as his prophecy turned out to be +correct, he gained thereafter a reputation for skill and foreknowledge +in all matters</span>. Now Volumnius was ordered to make war upon the +Samnites; Fabius Maximus Rullus and Publius Decius were chosen consuls +and were sent to withstand the Gauls and the other warriors in the +Gallic contingent. They, having come with speed to Etruria, saw the +camp of Appius, which was fortified by a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> double palisade; and they +pulled up the stakes and carried them off, instructing the soldiers to +place their hope of safety in their weapons. So they joined battle +with the enemy. Meanwhile a wolf in pursuit of a deer had invaded the +space between the two armies and darting toward the Romans passed +through their ranks. This encouraged them, for they regarded +themselves as having a bond of union with him, since, according to +tradition, a she-wolf had reared Romulus. But the deer ran to the +other side and was struck down, thus leaving to <i>them</i> fear and the +issue of disaster. When the armies collided, Maximus quite easily +conquered the foes opposed to him, but Decius was defeated. And +recalling the self-devotion of his father, undertaken on account of +the dream, he likewise devoted himself, though without giving anybody +any information about his act. Scarcely had he let himself be slain, +when the men ranged at his side, partly through shame at his deed +(feeling that he had perished voluntarily for them) and partly in the +hopes of certain victory as a result of this occurrence, checked their +flight and nobly withstood their pursuers. At this juncture Maximus, +too, assailed the latter in the rear and slaughtered vast numbers. The +survivors took to their heels and were annihilated. Fabius Maximus +then burned the corpse of Decius together with the spoils and made a +truce with such as asked for peace.</p> + +<p>The following year Atilius Regulus again waged war with the Samnites. +And for a time they carried on an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> evenly contested struggle, but +eventually, after the Samnites had won a victory, the Romans conquered +them in turn, took them captive, led them beneath the yoke, and so +released them. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>23</sup></span><span class="smcap">the samnites, +enraged at what had occurred, resorted to desperate measures with the +intention of either conquering or being utterly destroyed, threatening +with death him who should remain at home.</span> So these invaded +Campania: but the consuls ravaged Samnium, since it was destitute of +soldiers, and captured a few cities. Therefore the Samnites abandoning +Campania made haste to reach their own land; and having come into +hostile collision with one of the consuls they were defeated by a +trick and in their flight met with terrible reverses, losing their +camp and in addition the fortress to the assistance of which they were +advancing. The consul celebrated a triumph and devoted to public uses +the goods gathered from the spoils. The other consul made a campaign +against the Etruscans and reduced them in short order: he then levied +upon them contributions of grain and money, of which he distributed a +part to the soldiers and deposited the rest in the treasuries.</p> + +<p>However, there befell a mighty pestilence, and the Samnites and +Falisci began to bestir themselves; they entertained a contempt for +the Romans both on account of the disease and because, since no war +menaced, they had chosen the consuls not on grounds of excellence. The +Romans, ascertaining the situation, sent out Carvilius along with +Junius Brutus, and with Quintus Fabius his father Rullus Maximus, as +subcommanders or lieutenants. Brutus worsted the Falisci and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> +plundered their possessions as well as those of the other Etruscans: +Fabius marched out of Rome before his father and pushed rapidly +forward when he learned that the Samnites were plundering Campania. +Falling in with some scouts of theirs and seeing them quickly retire +he got the impression that all the enemy were at that point and +believed they were in flight. Accordingly, in his hurry to come to +blows with them before his father should arrive, in order that the +success might appear to be his own and not his elder's, he went ahead +with a careless formation. Thus he encountered a compact body of foes +and would have been utterly destroyed, had not night intervened. Many +of his men died also after that with no physician or relative to +attend them, because they had hastened on far ahead of the baggage +carriers in the expectation of immediate victory. Of a surety they +would have perished on the following day but for the fact that the +Samnites, thinking Fabius's father to be near, felt afraid and +withdrew.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>24</sup></span><span class="smcap">those in the city on hearing this +became terribly angry, summoned the consul, and wanted to put him on +trial. but the old man his father by enumerating his own and his +ancestors' brave deeds, by promising that his son should make no +record that was unworthy of them, and by urging his son's youth to +account for the misfortune, immediately abated their wrath. joining +him in the campaign he conquered the samnites in battle, captured +their camp, ravaged their country, and drove away great booty. a part +of it he devoted to public uses and a part he accorded to the +soldiers. for these reasons the romans extolled</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> <span class="smcap">him and ordered that +his son also should command for the future with consular powers and +still employ his father as lieutenant. the latter managed and arranged +everything for him, sparing his old age not a whit, yet he did not let +it be seen that he was executing the business on his own +responsibility, but made the glory of his exploits attach to his +child.</span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 37</span>VIII, 2.—<span class="smcap">after this, when the +tribunes moved an annulment of debts, the people, since this was not +yielded by the lenders as well, fell into turmoil</span>: and their +turbulent behavior was not quieted until foes came against the city.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 9, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p>Those to begin the wars were the Tarentini, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> +39<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">who had associated with themselves the etruscans and gauls +and samnites and several other tribes</span>. These allies the Romans +engaged and defeated in various battles, with different consuls on +different occasions, but the Tarentini, although they had themselves +been the authors of the war, nevertheless did not yet openly present +an imposing array in battle. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 39<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">now +lucius valerius while admiral wanted to anchor with his triremes off +tarentum (being on his way to a place whither he had been despatched +with them), for he deemed the country friendly.</span> <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 39<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">but the tarentini, owing to a guilty sense of +their own operations, suspected that valerius was sailing against +them, and in a passion set sail likewise and attacking him when he was +expecting no hostile act sent him to the bottom along with many +others. of the captives they imprisoned some and put others to death. +when the romans heard of this, they were indignant, to be sure, but +nevertheless despatched envoys upbraiding them and demanding +satisfaction. the offenders not only failed to vouchsafe them any +decent answer, but actually jeered at them, going so far as to soil +the clothing of lucius postumius, the head of the embassy. at this an +uproar arose and the tarentini indulged in continued guffaws. but +postumius cried: "laugh on, laugh on while you may! for long will be +the period of your weeping, when you shall wash this garment clean +with your blood."</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span></p> + +<p>Upon the return of the envoys the Romans, learning what had been done, +were grieved and voted that Lucius Æmilius the consul make a campaign +against the Tarentini. He advanced close to Tarentum and sent them +favorable propositions, thinking that they would choose peace on fair +terms. Now they were at variance among themselves in their opinions. +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 39<sup>6</sup>?</span>The elderly and well-to-do were +anxious for peace, but those who were youthful and who had little or +nothing were for war. The younger generation had its way. Being timid +for all that they planned to invite Pyrrhus of Epirus to form an +alliance, and sent to him envoys and gifts. Æmilius, learning this, +proceeded to pillage and devastate their country. They made sorties +but were routed, so that the Romans ravaged their country with +impunity and got possession of some strongholds. Æmilius showed much +consideration for those taken prisoners and liberated some of the more +influential, and the Tarentini, accordingly, filled with admiration +for his kindness, were led to hope for reconciliation and so chose as +leader with full powers Agis, who was of kindred to the Romans. +Scarcely had he been elected when Cineas, sent ahead by Pyrrhus, +planted himself in the pathway of negotiations. <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">for pyrrhus, king of the so-called epirus, +surpassed everybody through natural cleverness and through the +influence and experience bestowed by education; and he had made the +larger part of hellas his own, partly by benefits and partly by +fear.</span> <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">accordingly, chance +having thrown the envoys of the tarentini in his way, he deemed the +alliance a piece of good luck. for a considerable</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> <span class="smcap">time he had had his +eye on sicily and carthage and sardinia, but nevertheless he shrank +from personally taking the initiative in hostilities against the +romans</span>. He announced that he would lead the Tarentini, but in +order that the motive of his declaration might not be suspected (for +reasons indicated) he stated that he should return home without delay, +and insisted upon a clause being added to the agreement to the effect +that he should not be detained by them in Italy further than actual +need required. After settling this agreement he detained the majority +of the envoys as hostages, giving out that he wanted them to help him +get the armies ready: a few of them together with Cineas he sent in +advance with troops. As soon as they arrived the Tarentini took +courage, gave up their attempted reconciliation with the Romans, and +deposing Agris from his leadership elected one of the envoys leader. +Shortly afterward Milo, sent by Pyrrhus with a force, took charge of +their acropolis and personally superintended the manning of their +wall. The Tarentini were glad at this, feeling that they did not have +to do guard duty or undergo any other troublesome labor, and they sent +regular supplies of food to the men and consignments of money to +Pyrrhus.</p> + +<p>Æmilius for a time held his ground, but when he perceived that the +Pyrrhic soldiers had come, and recognized his inability on account of +the winter to maintain an opposition, he set out for Apulia. The +Tarentini laid an ambush at a narrow passage through which he was +obliged to go, and by their arrows, javelins and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> slingshots rendered +progress impossible for him. But he put at the head of his line their +captives whom he was conveying. Fear fell upon the Tarentini that they +might destroy their own men instead of the Romans, and they ceased +their efforts.</p> + +<p>Now Pyrrhus set off, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">not even +awaiting the coming of spring</span>, taking a large, picked army, and +twenty elephants, beasts never previously beheld by the Italians. +Hence the latter were invariably filled with alarm and astonishment. +While crossing the Ionian Sea he encountered a storm and lost many +soldiers of his army: the remainder were scattered by the violent +waters. Only with difficulty, then, and by land travel did he reach +Tarentum. He at once impressed those in their prime into service +alongside of his own soldiers so as to make sure that they should not +be led, by having a separate company, to think of rebellion; he closed +the theatre, presumably on account of the war and to prevent the +people from gathering there and setting on foot any uprising; also he +forbade them to assemble for banquets and revels, and ordered the +youth to practice in arms instead of spending all day in the +market-place. When some, indignant at this, left the ranks, he +stationed guards from his own contingent so that no one could leave +the city. The inhabitants, oppressed by these measures, and by +supplying food, compelled as they were, too, to receive the guardsmen +into their houses, repented, since they found in Pyrrhus only a +master, not an ally. He, fearing for these reasons that they might +lean to the Roman cause, took note of all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> the men who had any ability +as politicians or could dominate the populace and sent them one after +another to Epirus to his son on various excuses; occasionally, +however, he would quietly assassinate them instead. A certain +Aristarchus, who was accounted one of the noblest of the Tarentini and +was a most persuasive speaker, he made his boon companion to the end +that this man should be suspected by the people of having the +interests of Pyrrhus at heart. When, however, he saw that he still had +the confidence of the throng, he gave him an errand to Epirus. +Aristarchus, not daring to dispute his behest, set sail, but went to +Rome.</p> + +<p>VIII, 3.—Such was the behavior of Pyrrhus toward the Tarentini. +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>8</sup></span><span class="smcap">those in rome learning that +pyrrhus had come to tarentum were smitten with terror because the +italian states had been set at enmity with them and because he was +reported to be without doubt a good warrior and to have a force that +was by no means despicable as an adversary.</span> So they proceeded to +enlist soldiers and to gather money and to distribute garrisons among +the allied cities to prevent them from likewise revolting; and +learning that some were already stirred with sedition they punished +the principal men in them. A handful of those from Præneste were +brought to Rome late in the afternoon and thrown into the treasury for +security. Thereby a certain oracle was fulfilled for the Romans. For +an oracle had told them once that these people should occupy the Roman +treasure-house. The oracle, then, resulted this way: the men lost +their lives.</p> + +<p>Valerius Lavinius was despatched against Pyrrhus, the Tarentini, and +the rest of their associates, but a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> part of the army was retained in +the city. As for Lavinius, he at once set out on his march so that he +might carry on the war as far as possible from his own territory. He +hoped to frighten Pyrrhus by showing the latter those men advancing +against him of their own accord whom he had thought to besiege. In the +course of his journey he seized a strong strategic point in the land +of the Lucanians, and he left behind a force in Lucania to hinder the +people from giving aid to his opponents.</p> + +<p>Pyrrhus on learning of Lavinius's approach made a start before the +latter came in sight, established a camp, and was desirous of using up +time while waiting for allies to join. He sent a haughty letter to +Lavinius with the design of overawing him. The writing was couched +thus: "King Pyrrhus to Lavinius, Greeting. I learn that you are +leading an army against Tarentum. Send it away, therefore, and come +yourself to me with few attendants. For I will judge between you, if +you have any blame to impute to each other, and I will compel the +party at fault, however unwilling, to grant justice." Lavinius wrote +the following reply to Pyrrhus: "You seem to me, Pyrrhus, to have been +quite daft when you set yourself up as judge between the Tarentini and +us before rendering to us an account of your crossing over into Italy +at all. I will come, therefore, with all my army and will exact the +appropriate recompense both from the Tarentini and from you. What use +can I have for nonsense and palaver, when I can stand trial in the +court of Mars, our progenitor?" After sending such an answering +despatch he hurried on and pitched camp, leaving the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> stream of the +river at that point between them. Having apprehended some scouts he +showed them his troops and after telling them he had more of them, +many times that number, he sent them back. Pyrrhus, struck with alarm +by this, was not desirous of fighting because some of the allies had +not yet joined his force, and he was constantly hoping that provisions +would fail the Romans while they delayed on hostile soil. Lavinius, +too, reckoned on this and was eager to join issue. As the soldiers had +become terrified at the reputation of Pyrrhus and on account of the +elephants, he called them together and delivered a speech containing +many exhortations to courage; then he busily prepared to close with +Pyrrhus, willing or unwilling. The latter had no heart to fight, but +in order to avoid an appearance of fearing the Romans he also in +person addressed his own men, inciting them to the conflict. Lavinius +tried to cross the river opposite the camp, but was prevented. So he +retired and himself remained in position with his infantry, but sent +the cavalry off (apparently on some marauding expedition) with +injunctions to march some distance and then make the attempt. In this +way both they assailed the enemy unexpectedly in the rear, and +Lavinius, in the midst of the foe's confusion, crossed the river and +took part in the battle. Pyrrhus came to the aid of his own men, who +were in flight, but lost his horse by a wound and was thought by them +to have been killed. Then, the one side being dejected and the other +scornfully elated, their actions were correspondingly altered. He +became<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> aware of this and gave his clothing, which was more striking +than that of the rest, to Megacles, bidding him put it on and ride +about in all directions to the end that thinking him safe his +opponents might be brought to fear and his followers to feel +encouragement. As for himself, he put on an ordinary uniform and +encountered the Romans with his full army, save the elephants, and by +bringing assistance to the contestants wherever they were in trouble +he did his supporters a great deal of good. At first, then, for a +large part of the day they fought evenly; but when a man killed +Megacles, thinking to have killed Pyrrhus and creating this impression +in the minds of the rest, the Romans gained vigor and their opponents +began to give way. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>12</sup></span><span class="smcap">pyrrhus, +noting what was taking place, cast off his cap and went about with his +head bare; and the battle took an opposite turn.</span> Seeing this, +Lavinius, who had horsemen in hiding somewhere, outside the battle, +ordered them to attack the enemy in the rear. In response to this +Pyrrhus, as a device to meet it, raised the signal for the elephants. +Then, indeed, at the sight of the animals, which was out of all common +experience, at their bloodcurdling trumpeting, and at the clatter of +arms which their riders, seated in the towers, made, both the Romans +themselves became panic stricken and their horses, in a frenzy, either +shook off their riders or bolted, carrying them away. Disheartened at +this the Roman army was turned to flight and in their rout some +soldiers were destroyed by the men in the towers on the elephants' +backs, and others by the beasts them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span>selves, which with their trunks +and horns (or teeth?) took the lives of many and crushed and trampled +under foot no less. The cavalry, following after, slew many; not one, +indeed, would have been left, had not an elephant been wounded, and by +its own struggles as a result of the wound as well as by its +trumpeting thrown the rest into confusion. Only this restrained +Pyrrhus from pursuit and only in this way did the Romans manage to +cross the river and make their escape into an Apulian city. Many of +Pyrrhus's soldiers and officers alike fell, so that <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>13</sup></span><span class="smcap">when certain men congratulated him on his +victory, he said; "if we ever conquer again in like fashion, we shall +be ruined." the romans, however, he admired even in their defeat, +declaring: "i should already have mastered the whole inhabited world, +were i king of the romans."</span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>14</sup></span><span class="smcap">pyrrhus, accordingly, acquired a +great reputation for his victory and many came over to his side: the +allies also espoused his cause. these he rebuked somewhat on account +of their tardiness, but gave them a share of the spoil.</span> VIII, +4.—The men of Rome felt grief at the defeat, but they sent an army to +Lavinius; and they summoned Tiberius from Etruria and put the city +under guard when they learned that Pyrrhus was hastening against it. +Lavinius, however, as soon as he had cured his own followers of their +wounds and had collected the scattered, the reinforcements from Rome +now having arrived, followed on the track of Pyrrhus and harassed him. +Finding out that the king was ambitious to capture Capua he occupied +it in advance and guarded it. Disappointed there Pyrrhus set out for +Neapolis. Since<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> he developed no power to accomplish anything at this +place either and was in haste to occupy Rome, he passed on through +Etruria with the object of winning that people also to his cause. He +learned that they had made a treaty with the Romans and that Tiberius +was moving to meet him face to face. (Lavinius was dogging his +footsteps.) <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>19</sup></span><span class="smcap">a dread seized him of +being cut off on all sides by them while he was in unfamiliar +regions</span> and he would advance no farther. <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>20</sup></span><span class="smcap">when, as he was retreating and had reached +the vicinity of campania, lavinius confronted him and the latter's +army was much larger than it was before, he declared that the roman +troops when cut to pieces grew whole again, hydra-fashion. and he made +preparations in his turn, but did not come to the issue of +battle.</span> He had ordered his own soldiers before the shock of +conflict, in order to terrify the Romans, to smite their shields with +their spears and cry aloud while the trumpeters and the elephants +raised a united blare. But when the other side raised a much greater +shout, actually scaring the followers of Pyrrhus, he no longer wanted +to come to close quarters, but retired, as if he found the omens bad. +And he came to Tarentum. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>21</sup></span><span class="smcap">thither +came roman envoys to treat in behalf of the captives,—fabricius among +others. these he entertained lavishly and showed them honor, expecting +that they would conclude a truce and make terms as the defeated +party</span>. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>22</sup></span><span class="smcap">fabricius asked that +he might get back the men captured in battle for such ransom as should +be pleasing to both. pyrrhus, quite dumfounded because the man did not +say that</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span> <span class="smcap">he was also commissioned to treat about peace, took counsel +privately with his friends, as was his wont, about the return of the +captives, but also about the war and how he should conduct it.</span> +Milo advised neither returning the captives nor making a truce, but +overcoming all remaining resistance by war, since the Romans were +already defeated: Cineas, however, gave advice just the opposite of +his; he approved of surrendering the captives without price and +sending envoys and money to Rome for the purpose of obtaining an +armistice and peace. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>23</sup></span><span class="smcap">to his +decision did the rest also cleave, and pyrrhus, too, chanced to be of +this mind. having called the ambassadors, therefore, he said: "not +willingly, romans, did i lately make war upon you, and i have no wish +to war against you now. it was my desire to become your friend. +wherefore i release to you the captives without ransom and ask the +privilege of making peace."</span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>24</sup></span><span class="smcap">these words he had spoken to the +envoys as a whole and had either given or furnished them promises of +money, but in conversation with fabricius alone he said: "i would +gladly become a friend to all romans, but most of all to you. i see +that you are an excellent man and i ask you to help me in getting +peace." with these words he attempted to bestow upon him a number of +gifts. but fabricius said: "i commend you for desiring peace, and i +will effect it for you, if it shall prove to our advantage. for you +will not ask me, a man who, as you say, pretends to uprightness, to do +anything against my country. nay, i would not even accept any of these +things which you are fain to give. i ask you, therefore,</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> <span class="smcap">whether you +in very truth regard me as a reputable man or not. if i am a +scoundrel, how is it that you deem me worthy of gifts? if, on the +other hand, i am a man of honor, how can you bid me accept them? be +then assured that i have very many possessions, that i am satisfied +with what i now have and feel no need of more. you, however, even if +you are ever so rich, are in unspeakable poverty. for you would not +have crossed over to this land, leaving behind epirus and the rest of +your possessions, if you had been content with them and were not +reaching out for more."</span></p> + +<p>After this conversation had taken place as recounted, the envoys took +the captives and departed. Pyrrhus despatched Cineas to Rome with a +large amount of gold coin and women's apparel of every description, so +that even if some of the men should resist, their wives, at least, won +by the appeal of the finery, might make them share in the prostitution +of principles. Cineas on coming to the city did not seek an audience +with the senate, but lingered about, alleging now one reason, now +another. He was visiting the houses of leading men and by his +conversation and gifts was slowly extending his influence over them. +When he had won the attachment of a number, he entered the +senate-chamber and spoke, saying; "King Pyrrhus offers as his defence +the fact that he came not to make war upon you, but to reconcile the +Tarentini, and in answer to their entreaties. Indeed, he has released +your prisoners, waiving ransom, and though he might have ravaged your +country and assaulted your city, he requests to be en<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span>rolled among +your friends and allies, hoping to gain much assistance from you and +to render you still more and greater benefits in return."</p> + +<p>Thereupon the greater part of the senators evinced pleasure because of +the gifts and because of the captives: however, they made no reply, +but went on deliberating for several days more as to the proper course +to pursue. There was a deal of talk, but the disposition to accord a +truce predominated. On learning this Appius the Blind was carried to +the senate-house (for by reason of his age and his infirmity he was a +stay-at-home) and declared that the <i>modus vivendi</i> with Pyrrhus was +not advantageous to the State. He urged them to dismiss Cineas at once +from the city and to make known to Pyrrhus by his mouth that the king +must first withdraw to his home country and from there make +propositions to them about peace or about anything else he wanted. +This was the advice Appius gave. The senate delayed no longer, but +forthwith unanimously voted to send Cineas that very day across the +borders and to wage an implacable war with Pyrrhus, so long as he +should abide in Italy. They imposed upon the captives certain +degradations in the campaigns and used them no longer against Pyrrhus +nor for any other project as a unit (out of apprehension that if they +were together they might rebel), but sent them to do garrison duty, a +few here, a few there.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 10, BOISSEVAIN).</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 279<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 475)</span>VIII, 5.—During the winter both +sides busied themselves with preparations. When spring had now begun, +Pyrrhus invaded Apulia and reduced many places by force, many also by +capitulation. Finally the Romans came upon him near a city called +Asculum and pitched camp opposite. For several days they lingered, +rather avoiding each other. The Romans were not feeling confident +against men who had once beaten them, and the others dreaded the +Romans as persons animated by desperation. Meanwhile some were talking +to the effect that Decius was getting ready to "devote himself" after +the fashion of his father and grandfather, and by so doing they +terribly alarmed the followers of Pyrrhus, who believed that through +his death they would certainly be ruined. Pyrrhus then convened his +soldiers and discussed this matter, advising them not to be +disheartened nor scared out of their wits by such talk. One human +being, he said, could not by dying prevail over many nor could any +incantation or magic prove superior to arms and men. By making these +remarks and confirming his words by arguments Pyrrhus encouraged the +army under his lead. Also he enquired into the details of the costume +which the Decii had used in devoting themselves, and sent injunctions +to his men, if they should see anybody so arrayed, not to kill him, +but seize him alive. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>28</sup></span><span class="smcap">and he sent +to decius and told him that he would not succeed in</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> <span class="smcap">accomplishing +this, even if he wished it, and threatened that if he were taken +alive, he should perish miserably. to this the consuls answered that +they were in no need of having recourse to such a proceeding as the +one mentioned, since they were sure to conquer him anyway.</span> There +was a river not easy to ford running between the two camps, and they +enquired whether he chose to cross unmolested himself, while they +retired, or whether he would allow them to do it, the object being +that the forces should encounter each other intact and so from a +battle with conditions equal the test of valor might be made an +accurate one. The Romans delivered this speech to overawe him, but +Pyrrhus granted them permission to cross the river, since he placed +great reliance upon his elephants. The Romans among their other +preparations made ready, as a measure against the elephants, +projecting beams on wagons, overlaid with iron and bristling in all +directions. From these they intended to shoot and to withstand the +animals with fire as well as by other means. When the conflict began, +the Romans forced the Greeks back, slowly to be sure, but none the +less effectually, until Pyrrhus, bringing his elephants to bear not +opposite their chariots but at the other end of the line, routed their +cavalry through fear of the beasts even before they had come close. +Upon their infantry, however, he inflicted no great damage. Meantime +some of the Apulians had started for the camp of the Epirots and by so +doing brought about victory for the Romans. For when Pyrrhus sent some +of his warriors against them, all the rest were thrown into dis<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span>order +and suspecting that their tents had been captured and their companions +were in flight they gave way. Numbers of them fell, Pyrrhus and many +commanding officers besides were wounded, and later on account of the +lack of food and of medical supplies they incurred great loss. Hence +he retreated to Tarentum before the Romans were aware. As for the +consuls, they crossed the river to fight, but when they ascertained +that all had scattered, they withdrew to their own cities. They were +unable to pursue after their foes on account of wounds among their own +following. Then the Romans went into winter quarters in Apulia, +whereas Pyrrhus sent for soldiers and money from home and went on with +other preparations. But learning that Fabricius and Pappus had been +chosen consuls and had arrived in camp, he was not constant in the +same intention.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 278<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 476)</span>The aforesaid consuls were now in +the midst of their army, when a certain Nicias, one of those believed +to be loyal to Pyrrhus, came to Fabricius and offered to murder him +treacherously. Fabricius, indignant at this (for he wanted to overcome +the enemy by valor and main force, like Camillus), informed Pyrrhus of +the plot. This action of his moved the king so strongly that he again +released the Roman captives without price and sent envoys once more in +regard to peace. But when the Romans made no reply about peace, but as +before bade him depart from Italy and only in that event make +propositions to them, and since they kept overrunning and capturing +the cities in alliance with him, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>29</sup></span><span class="smcap">he fell into perplexity</span>; till at length some Syra</p><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span>cusans +called on him for aid—they had been quarreling, as it chanced, ever +since the death of Agathocles—and surrendered to him both themselves +and their city. Hereupon he again breathed freely, hoping to subjugate +all of Sicily. Leaving Milo behind in Italy to keep guard over +Tarentum and the other positions, he himself sailed away after letting +it be understood that he would soon return. The Syracusans welcomed +him and laid everything at his feet, so that in brief time he had +again become great and the Carthaginians in fright secured additional +mercenaries from Italy. But presently his prospects fell to the other +extreme of fortune <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>30</sup></span><span class="smcap">by reason of +the fact that he either expelled or slew many who held office and had +incurred his suspicions</span>. Then the Carthaginians, seeing that he +was not strong in private forces and did not possess the devotion of +the natives, took up the war vigorously. They harbored any Syracusans +who were exiled and rendered his position so uncomfortable that he +abandoned not only Syracuse, but Sicily as well.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 277<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 477)</span>VIII, 6.—The Romans on finding out +his absence took courage and turned their attention to requiting those +who had invited him. Postponing till another occasion the case of the +Tarentini they invaded Samnium with their consuls Rufinus and Junius, +devastated the country as they went along, and took several deserted +forts. The Samnites had conveyed their dearest and most valuable +treasures into the hills called the <i>Cranita</i>, because they bear a +large growth of cornel-wood (<i>crania</i>). The Romans in contempt for +them dared to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> begin the ascent of the aforementioned hills. As the +region was tangled with shrubbery and difficult of access many were +killed and many, too, were taken prisoners.</p> + +<p>The consuls now no longer carried on the war together, since each +blamed the other for the disaster, but Junius went on ravaging a +portion of Samnium, while Rufinus inflicted injury upon Lucanians and +Bruttians. He then started against Croton, which had revolted from +Rome. His friends had sent for him, but the other party got ahead of +them by bringing a garrison from Milo, of which Nicomachus was +commander. Ignorant of this fact he approached the walls carelessly, +supposing that his friends controlled affairs, and suffered a setback +by a sudden sortie made against him. Then, bethinking himself of a +trick, he captured the city. He sent two captives as pretended +deserters into Croton; one at once, declaring that he had despaired of +capturing the place and was about to set out into Locris, which was +being betrayed to him; the other later, corroborating the report with +the further detail that he was on his way. That the story might gain +credence he packed up the baggage and affected to be in haste. +Nicomachus trusted this news (for his scouts made the same report), +and leaving Croton set off with speed into Locrian territory by a +somewhat shorter road. When he had got well into Locris, Rufinus +turned back to Croton, and escaping observation because he was not +expected and because of a mist that then prevailed he captured the +city. Nicomachus learn<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span>ing this went back to Tarentum, and +encountering Rufinus on the way lost many men. The Locrians came over +to the Roman side.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 276<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 478)</span>The next year the Romans made +expeditions into Samnium and into Lucania and fought with the +Bruttians. Pyrrhus, who had been driven out of Sicily and had +returned, was now troubling them grievously. He got back the Locrians +(by their killing the Roman garrison and changing their rulers), but +in a campaign against Rhegium was repulsed, was himself wounded, and +lost great numbers. He then retired into Locris and after executing a +few who opposed his cause he got food and money from the rest and made +his way back to Tarentum. The Samnites, hard pressed by the Romans, +caused him to leave the shelter of that town: <span class="sidenote">B.C. 275<br /> +(<i>a.u.</i> 479)</span> but on coming to their assistance he was put to flight. +A young elephant was wounded, and shaking off its riders wandered +about in search of its mother; the latter thereupon became +unmanageable, and as all the rest of the elephants raised a din +everything was thrown into dire confusion. Finally the Romans won the +day, killing many men and capturing eight elephants, and occupied the +enemy's entrenchments. Pyrrhus accompanied by a few horsemen made his +escape to Tarentum, and from there sailed back to Epirus, leaving Milo +behind with a garrison to take care of Tarentum because he expected to +come back again. He also gave them a chair fastened with straps made +from the skin of Nicias, whom he put to death for treachery. This was +the vengeance, then, that he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> took upon Nicias, <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>32</sup></span><span class="smcap">and he was intending to exact vengeance from +some youths who had ridiculed him at a banquet; but he asked them why +they were ridiculing him, and when they answered: "we should have said +a lot more things a good deal worse, if the wine hadn't failed us", he +laughed and let them go</span>.</p> + +<p>Now Pyrrhus, who had made a most distinguished record among generals, +who had inspired the Romans with great fear and left Italy in the +fifth year to make a campaign against Greece, not long afterward met +his death in Argos. A woman, as the story runs, being eager to catch a +sight of him from the roof as he passed by, made a misstep and falling +upon him killed him. The same year Fabricius and Pappus became +censors; and among others whose names they erased from the lists of +the knights and the senators was Rufinus, though he had served as +dictator and had twice been consul. The reason was that he had in his +possession silver plate of ten pounds' weight. This shows how the +Romans regarded poverty as consisting not in the failure to possess +many things but in wanting many things. Accordingly, their officials +who went abroad and others who set out on any business of importance +to the State received besides other necessary allowances a seal-ring +as a public gift.</p> + +<p>Some of the Tarentini who had been abused by Milo attacked him, with +Nico at their head. Not accomplishing anything they occupied a section +of their own wall, and with that as headquarters kept making assaults +upon Milo. When they found out that the Romans were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> disposed to make +war upon them, they despatched envoys to Rome and obtained peace.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 41<br /> B.C. 273<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 481)</span> +<span class="smcap">and ptolemy philadelphus, king of egypt, when he learned that +pyrrhus had fared poorly and that the romans were growing, sent gifts +to them and made a compact. and the romans, pleased with this, +despatched ambassadors to him in turn. the latter received magnificent +gifts from him, which they wanted to put into the treasury; the +senate, however, would not accept them, but allowed them to keep +them.</span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 272<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 482)</span>After this, by the activity of +Carvilius they subdued the Samnites, and overcame the Lucanians and +Bruttians by the hands of Papirius. The same Papirius quelled the +Tarentini. The latter, angry at Milo and subjected to abuse by their +own men, who, as has been told, made the attack on Milo, called in the +Carthaginians to their aid when they learned that Pyrrhus was dead. +Milo, seeing that his chances had been contracted to narrow limits, as +the Romans beset him on the land side and the Carthaginians on the +water front, surrendered the citadel to Papirius on condition of being +permitted to depart unharmed with his immediate followers and his +money. Then the Carthaginians, as representatives of a nation friendly +to the Romans, sailed away, and the city made terms with Papirius. +They delivered to him their arms and their ships, demolished their +walls, and agreed to pay tribute.</p> + +<p>The Romans, having thus secured control of the Tarentini, turned their +attention to Rhegium, whose inhabitants after taking Croton by +treachery had razed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span> the city to the ground and had slain the Romans +there. They averted the danger that was threatening them from the +Mamertines holding Messana (whom the people of Rhegium wanted to get +as allies), by coming to an agreement with them; but in the siege of +Rhegium they suffered hardships through a scarcity of food and some +other causes until Hiero by sending from Sicily grain and soldiers to +the Romans strengthened their hands and materially aided them in +capturing the city. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 270<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 484)</span>The place was +restored to the survivors among the original inhabitants: those who +had plotted against it were punished.</p> + +<p>Hiero, who was not of distinguished family on his father's side and on +his mother's was akin to the slave class, ruled almost the whole of +Sicily and was deemed a friend and ally of the Romans. After the +flight of Pyrrhus he became master of Syracuse, and having a cautious +eye upon the Carthaginians who were encroaching upon Sicily he was +inclined to favor the Romans; and the first mark of favor that he +showed them was the alliance and the forwarding of grain already +narrated.</p> + +<p>After this came a winter so severe that the Tiber was frozen to a +great depth and trees were killed. The people of Rome suffered +hardships and the hay gave out, causing the cattle to perish.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 269<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 485)</span>VIII, 7.—The next year a Samnite +named Lolius living in Rome as a hostage made his escape, gathered a +band and seized a strong position in his native country from which he +carried on brigandage. Quintus Gallus<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> and Gaius Fabius made a +campaign against him. Him and the rabblement with him, most of them +unarmed, they suppressed; on proceeding, however, against the Carcini +in whose keeping the robbers had deposited their booty, they +encountered trouble. Finally one night, led by deserters, they scaled +the wall at a certain point and came dangerously near perishing on +account of the darkness,—not that it was a moonless night but because +it was snowing fiercely. But the moon shone out and they made +themselves absolute masters of the position.</p> + +<p>A great deal of money fell to the share of Rome in those days, so that +they actually used silver denarii.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 267<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 487)</span>Next they made a campaign into the +district now called Calabria. Their excuse was that the people had +harbored Pyrrhus and had been overrunning their allied territory, but +as a fact they wanted to gain sole possession of Brundusium, since +there was a fine harbor and for the traffic with Illyricum and Greece +the town had an approach and landing-place of such a character that +vessels would sometimes come to land and put out to sea wafted by the +same wind. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 266<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 488)<br /><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 42</span>They captured it and sent +colonists to it and to other settlements as well. While the +accomplishment of these exploits <span class="smcap">raised them to a higher plane of prosperity, they showed no +haughtiness: on the contrary they surrendered to the apolloniatians on +the ionian gulf quintus fabius, a senator, because he had insulted +their ambassadors. but these on receiving him sent him back home again +unharmed.</span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 265<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 489)</span>In the year of the consulship of +Quintus Fabius and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span> Æmilius they went on a campaign to the Volsinii to +secure the freedom of the latter, for they were under treaty +obligations to them. These people were originally a branch of the +Etruscans, and they gathered power and erected an extremely strong +rampart; they enjoyed also a government guided by good laws. For these +reasons once, when they were involved in war with the Romans, they +offered resistance for a very long time. When they had been subdued, +they deteriorated into a state of effeminacy, left the management of +the city to their servants and let those servants, as a rule, also +carry on their campaigns. Finally they encouraged them to such an +extent that the servants possessed both spirit and power, and thought +they had a right to freedom. In the course of time their efforts to +obtain it were crowned with success. After that they were accustomed +to wed their mistresses, to inherit their masters, to be enrolled in +the senate, to secure the offices, and to hold the entire authority +themselves. Indeed, it was usual, when insults were offered them by +their masters, for them to requite the authors of them with rather +unbecoming speed. Hence the old-fashioned citizens, not being able to +endure them and yet possessing no power of their own to repress them, +despatched envoys by stealth to Rome. The envoys urged the senate to +convene with secrecy at night in a private house, so that no report +might get abroad, and they obtained their request. The meeting +accordingly deliberated under the idea that no one was listening: but +a sick Samnite, who was being entertained as a guest of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> master of +the house, kept his bed unnoticed, learned what was voted, and gave +information to those against whom charges were preferred. The latter +seized and tortured the envoys on their return; when they found out +what was on foot they killed the messengers and also some of the +foremost men.</p> + +<p>The above were the causes which led the Romans to send Fabius against +them. He routed the body of the foe that met him, destroyed many in +their flight, shut up the remainder within the wall, and made an +assault upon the city. In that action he was wounded and killed, +whereupon gaining confidence the enemy made a sortie. They were again +defeated, retired, and had to submit to siege. When they began to feel +the pangs of hunger, they surrendered. The consul delivered to outrage +and death the men who had appropriated the honors of the ruling class +and he razed the city to the ground; the native inhabitants, however, +and many servants who had rendered valuable service to their masters +he settled on another site.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 11, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p>VIII, 8.—From that time the Romans began struggles oversea: they had +previously had no experience at all in naval matters. They now became +seamen and crossed over to the islands and to other divisions of the +mainland. The first people they fought against were the Carthaginians. +These Carthaginians were no whit inferior to them in wealth or in the +excellence of their land; they were trained in naval operations to a +great degree of accuracy, were equipped with cavalry forces, with +infantry and elephants, ruled the Libyans, and held possession of both +Sardinia and the greater part of Sicily: as a result they had +cherished hopes of subjugating Italy. Various factors contributed to +increase their self-conceit. They were especially delighted with their +position of independence: their king they elected under the title of a +yearly office and not for permanent sovereignty. Animated by these +considerations they were at the point of most zealous eagerness.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">the reasons alleged for the war +were—on the part of the romans that the carthaginians had assisted +the tarentini, on the part of the carthaginians that the romans had +made a treaty of friendship with hiero. the fact was, however, that +they viewed each other with jealousy and thought that the only +salvation for their own possessions lay in the possibility of +obtaining what the other held. at a time when their attitude toward +each other</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span> <span class="smcap">was of this nature a slight accident that befell broke the +truce and provoked a conflict between them.</span> This is what +happened.</p> + +<p>The Mamertines, who had once conducted a colony from Campania to +Messana, were now being besieged by Hiero, and they called upon the +Romans as a nation of kindred blood. The latter readily voted to aid +them, knowing that in case the Mamertines should not secure an +alliance with them, they would have recourse to the Carthaginians; and +then the Carthaginians would sweep all Sicily and from there cross +over into Italy. For this island is such a short distance away from +the mainland that the story goes that it was itself once a part of the +mainland. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">so the island thus lying +off italy seemed to invite the carthaginians, and it appeared as if +they might lay claim to the land over opposite, could they but occupy +it. and the possession of messana gave to its masters the right to be +lords of the strait also.</span></p> + +<p>Though the Romans voted to assist the Mamertines, they did not quickly +come to their aid because of various hindrances that occurred. Hence +the Mamertines, under the spur of necessity, called upon the +Carthaginians. These brought about peace with Hiero both for +themselves and for the party that had invoked their help, so as to +prevent the Romans from crossing into the island; and under the +leadership of Hanno they retained the guardianship of strait and city. +<span class="sidenote">B.C. 264<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 490)</span>Meantime Gaius Claudius, military +tribune, sent in advance with a few ships by Appius Claudius, had +arrived at Rhegium. But to sail across was more than he dared, for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span> he +saw that the Carthaginian fleet was far larger. So he embarked in a +skiff and approached Messana, where he held a conversation, as +extended as the case permitted, with the party in possession. When the +Carthaginians had made reply, he returned without accomplishing +anything. Subsequently he ascertained that the Mamertines were at odds +(they did not want to submit to the Romans, and yet they felt uneasy +about the Carthaginians), and he sailed over again. <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">among other remarks which he made to tempt +them he declared that the object of his presence was to free the city, +and as soon as he could set their affairs in order, he should sail +away. he bade the carthaginians also either to withdraw, or, if they +had any just plea, to offer it. now when not one of the mamertines (by +reason of fear) opened his lips, and the carthaginians since they were +occupying the city by force of arms paid no heed to him, he said: "the +silence on both sides affords sufficient evidence. it shows that the +one side is in the wrong, for they would have justified themselves if +their purposes were at all honest; and that the other side covets +freedom, for they would have been quite free to speak, if they had +espoused the cause of the carthaginians." and he volunteered to aid +them.</span> At this a tumult of praise arose from the Mamertines. He +then sailed back to Rhegium and a little later with his entire fleet +forced his passage across. However, partly because of the numbers and +skill of the Carthaginians, but chiefly because of the difficulty of +sailing and a storm that suddenly broke <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> +43<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">he lost some of his tri</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span><span class="smcap">remes and with the remainder barely +succeeded in getting back to rhegium</span>.</p> + +<p>VIII, 9.—<span class="smcap">however, the romans did not shun the sea because of +their defeat.</span> Claudius proceeded to repair his ships, <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>5</sup></span><span class="smcap">while hanno, wishing to throw the +responsibility for breaking the truce upon the romans, sent to +claudius the captured triremes and restored the captives, urging him +to agree to peace.</span> <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>6</sup></span><span class="smcap">but when +the other would accept nothing, he threatened that he would never +permit the romans even to wash their hands in the sea</span>. Claudius +now having become acquainted with the strait watched for a time when +the current and the wind both carried from Italy toward Sicily, and +under those circumstances sailed to the island, encountering no +opposition. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>7</sup></span><span class="smcap">he discovered the +mamertines at the harbor: hanno had before become suspicious of their +movements and had established himself in the acropolis, which he was +guarding. the roman leader accordingly convened an assembly and after +some conversation with them persuaded them to send for hanno. the +latter refused to come down</span>, but filled with a subsequent fear +that the Mamertines might allege injustice on his part and revolt he +did enter the assembly. After many words had been spoken to no purpose +by both sides, one of the Romans seized him and, with the approval of +the Mamertines, threw him into prison.</p> + +<p>Thus, under compulsion, Hanno left Messana entirely. The Carthaginians +disciplined him and sent a herald to the Romans bidding them leave +Messana and depart from all of Sicily by a given day; they also set<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> +an army in motion. Since the Romans paid no heed, they put to death +the mercenaries serving with them who were from Italy, and made an +assault upon Messana, Hiero accompanying them. Then for a season they +besieged the city and kept guard over the strait, to prevent any +troops or provisions being conveyed to the foe. The consul was +informed of this when he was already quite close at hand, and found a +number of Carthaginians disposed at various points in and about the +harbor under pretence of carrying on trade. In order to get safe +across the strait he resorted to deception and did succeed in +anchoring off Sicily by night. His point of approach was not far from +the camp of Hiero and he joined battle without delay, thinking that +his appearance in force would be most likely to inspire the enemy with +fear. When they came out to withstand the attack, the Roman cavalry +was worsted but the heavy-armed infantry prevailed. Hiero retired +temporarily to the mountains and later to Syracuse.</p> + +<p>When Hiero had retired, the Mamertines took courage because of the +presence of Claudius. He therefore assailed the Carthaginians, who +were now isolated, and their rampart, which was situated on a kind of +peninsula. For on the one side the sea enclosed it and on the other +some marshes, difficult to traverse. At the neck of this peninsula, +the only entrance and a very narrow one, a cross wall had been built. +In an attempt to carry this point by force the Romans fared badly and +withdrew under a shower of weapons. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>9</sup></span><span class="smcap">the libyans</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span> <span class="smcap">then took courage and sallied out, pursuing the +fugitives, as they thought them, beyond the narrow strip of land. +thereupon the romans wheeled, routed them, and killed a number, so +that they did not issue from the camp again,—at least so long as +claudius was in messana.</span> He, however, not daring to attack the +approach in force, left a detachment behind in Messana and turned his +steps toward Syracuse and Hiero. He personally superintended the +assault upon the city, and now and then the inhabitants would come out +to battle. Each side would sometimes be victorious and sometimes incur +defeat. One day the consul got into a confined position and would have +been caught, had he not, before being surrounded, sent to Hiero an +invitation to agree to some terms. When the representative came with +whom he was to conclude the terms, he kept falling back unobtrusively, +while he conversed with him, until he had retired to safety. But the +city could not easily be taken, and a siege, on account of scarcity of +food supplies and disease in the army, was impracticable. Claudius +accordingly withdrew; and the Syracusans following held discussions +with his scattered followers and would have made a truce, if Hiero +also had been willing to agree to terms. The consul left behind a +garrison in Messana and sailed back to Rhegium.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 263<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 491)</span>As Etruscan unrest had come to a +standstill and affairs in Italy were perfectly peaceful, whereas the +Carthaginian state was becoming ever greater, the Romans ordered both +the consuls to make an expedition into Sicily. Valerius Maximus and +Otacilius Crassus consequently crossed over and in their progress<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span> +through the island together and separately they won over many towns by +capitulation. When they had made the majority of places their own, +they set out for Syracuse. Hiero in terror sent a herald to them with +offers: he expressed a readiness to restore the cities of which they +had been deprived, promised money, and liberated the prisoners. On +these terms he obtained peace, for the consuls thought they could +subjugate the Carthaginians more easily with his help. After reaching +an agreement with him, then, they turned their attention to the +remaining cities garrisoned by Carthaginians. They were repulsed from +all of them except Segesta, which they took without resistance. Its +inhabitants because of their relationship with the Romans (they +declare they are descended from Æneas) slew the Carthaginians and +joined the Roman alliance.</p> + +<p>VIII, 10.—On account of the winter the consuls embarked again for +Rhegium. The Carthaginians conveyed most of their army to Sardinia in +the intention of attacking Rome from that quarter. They would thus +either rout them out of Sicily altogether or would render them weaker +after they had crossed. Yet they achieved neither the one object nor +the other. The Romans both kept guard over their own land and sent a +respectable force to Sicily with Postumius Albinus and Quintus +Æmilius.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> <span class="sidenote">B.C. 262<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 492)</span>On arriving in Sicily +the consuls set out for Agrigentum and there besieged Hannibal the son +of Gisco. The people of Carthage, when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> apprised of it, sent Hanno, +with a powerful support, to aid him in the warfare. This leader +arrived at Heraclea, not far from Agrigentum, and was soon engaged in +war. A number of battles, but not great ones, took place. At first +Hanno challenged the consuls to fight, then later on the Romans +challenged him. For as long as the Romans had an abundance of food, +they did not venture to contend against a superior force, and were +hoping to get possession of the city by famine; when, however, they +encountered a permanent shortage of grain, they displayed a zeal for +taking risks, but Hanno showed hesitation; their eagerness led him to +suspect that he might be ambushed. Everybody therefore was satisfied +to revere the Romans as easy conquerors, and Hiero, who once +coöperated with them sulkily, now sent them grain, so that even the +consuls took heart.</p> + +<p>Hanno now undertook to bring on a battle, expecting that Hannibal +would fall upon the Romans in the rear, assailing them from the wall. +The consuls learned his plan but remained inactive, and Hanno in scorn +approached their intrenchments. They also sent some men to lie in +ambush behind him. When toward evening he fearlessly and +contemptuously led a charge, the Romans joined battle with him from +ambush and from palisade and wrought a great slaughter of the enemy +and of the elephants besides. Hannibal had in the meantime assailed +the Roman tents, but was hurled back by the men guarding them. Hanno +abandoned his camp and made good his escape to Heraclea. Hannibal then +formed a plan to escape as runaways from Agri<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span>gentum by night, and +himself eluded observation; the rest, however, were recognized and +were killed, some by the Romans and many by the Agrigentinians. For +all that the people of Agrigentum did not obtain pardon, but their +wealth was plundered and they themselves were all sold into servitude.</p> + +<p>On account of the winter the consuls retired to Messana. The +Carthaginians were angry with Hanno and despatched Hamilcar the son of +Barca in his stead, a man superior in generalship to all his +countrymen save only Hannibal his son. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 261<br />(<i>a.u.</i> +493)</span>Hamilcar himself guarded Sicily and sent Hannibal as admiral to +damage the coast sections of Italy and so draw the consuls to his +vicinity. Yet he did not accomplish his aim, for they posted guards +along both shores and then went to Sicily. They effected nothing +worthy of record, however. And Hamilcar, becoming afraid that his +Gallic mercenaries (who were offended because he had not given them +full pay) might go over to the Romans, brought about their +destruction. He sent them to take charge of one of the cities under +Roman sway, assuring them that it was in course of being betrayed and +giving them permission to plunder it: he then sent to the consuls +pretended deserters to give them advance information of the coming of +the Gauls. Hence all the Gauls were ambuscaded and destroyed; many of +the Romans also perished.</p> + +<p>After the consuls had departed home Hamilcar sailed to Italy and +ravaged the land and won over some cities in Sicily. On receipt of +this information the Romans<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span> <span class="sidenote">B.C. 260<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 494)</span>gathered a fleet and put one of the consuls, Gaius Duillius, in +command of it, while they sent his colleague, Gaius<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> Cornelius, to +Sicily. He, neglecting the war on land which had fallen to his lot, +sailed with the ships that belonged to him to Lipara, on the +understanding that it was to be betrayed to him. Through treachery it +had fallen into the hands of the Carthaginians. When, therefore, he +put into Lipara, Bodes the lieutenant of Hannibal closed in upon him. +As Gaius<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> made preparations to defend himself, Bodes fearing the +Romans' desperation invited them to discuss terms. Having persuaded +them to do so he took the consul and military tribunes, who supposed +they were to meet the admiral, on board his own trireme. These men he +sent to Carthage: the rest he captured without their so much as +lifting a weapon.</p> + +<p>VIII, 11.—Then Hannibal continued the ravaging of Italy, while +Hamilcar made a campaign against Segesta, where the Romans had most of +their infantry force. Gaius Cæcilius, a military tribune, wanted to +assist them, but Hamilcar waylaid him and slaughtered many of his +followers. The people of Rome learning this at once sent out the +prætor urbanus and incited Duillius to haste. On coming to Sicily he +learned the fact that the ships of the Carthaginians were inferior to +his own in stoutness and size, but excelled in the quickness of their +rowing and variety of movement. Therefore he fitted out his triremes +with mechanical devices,—anchors and grappling irons with long spikes +and other such things,—in order that by laying hold of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> the hostile +ships with these they might pin them fast to their own vessels; then +by crossing over into them they might have a hand to hand conflict +with the Carthaginians and engage them just as in an infantry battle. +When the Carthaginians began the fight with the Roman ships, they +sailed round and round them using the oars rapidly and would make +sudden dashes. So for the time the conflict was an evenly matched one: +later the Romans got the upper hand and sank numbers of crews, +retaining possession also of large numbers. Hannibal conducted the +fight on a boat of seven banks, but when his own ship became entangled +with a trireme, he feared capture, hastily left the seven banked +affair, and transferring to another ship effected his escape.</p> + +<p>This was the way, then, that the naval battle resulted, and much spoil +was taken. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>13</sup></span><span class="smcap">the carthaginians +would have put hannibal to death on account of the defeat, if he had +not immediately enquired of them whether, granted that the business +were still untouched, they would bid him risk a sea-fight or not. they +agreed that he ought to fight, for they prided themselves upon having +a superior navy. he then added: "i, then, have done no wrong, for i +went into the engagement with the same hopes as you. it was the +decision, but not the fortune of the battle that happened to be within +my power."</span> So he saved his life, but was deprived of his +command.—Duillius after securing a reinforcement of infantry rescued +the people of Segesta, and Hamilcar would not venture to come into +close conflict with him. He strengthened the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span> loyalty of the other +friendly settlements and returned to Rome at the close of autumn. Upon +his departure Hamilcar took forcible possession of the place called +Drepanum (it is a convenient roadstead), deposited there the objects +of greatest value and transferred to it all the people of Eryx. The +city of the latter, because it was a strong point, he razed to the +ground to prevent the Romans from seizing it and making it a base of +operations for the war. He captured some cities, too, some by force, +some by betrayal; and if Gaius Florus who wintered there had not +restrained him, he would have subjugated Sicily entire.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 259<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 495)</span>Lucius Scipio, his colleague, made a +campaign against Sardinia and against Corsica. These islands are +situated in the Tyrrhenian sea only a short distance apart,—so short +a distance, in fact, that from a little way off they seem to be one. +His first landing place was Corsica. There he captured by force +Valeria, its largest city, and subdued the remainder of the region +without effort. As he was sailing toward Sardinia he descried a +Carthaginian fleet and directed his course to it. The enemy fled +before a battle could be joined and he came to the city of Olbia. +There the Carthaginians put in an appearance along with their ships, +and Scipio being frightened (for he had no infantry worthy the +mention) set sail for home.</p> + +<p>These were the days when the Samnites with the coöperation of other +captives and slaves in the city came to an agreement to form a +conspiracy against Rome. Numbers of them had been brought there with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span> +a view to their utilization in the equipment of the fleet. Herius +Potilius, the leader of the auxiliary force, found it out and +pretended to be of like mind with them, in order that he might fully +inform himself in regard to what they had determined. As he was not +able to give knowledge of the affair,—for all those about him were +Samnites,—he persuaded them to gather in the Forum at a time when a +senate meeting was being convened and denounce him with declarations +that they were being wronged in the matter of the grain which they +were receiving. They did this and he was sent for as being the cause +of the tumult; and he then laid bare to the Romans the plot. For the +moment they merely dismissed the protestants (after they had become +quiet) but by night all of those who held slaves arrested some of +them. And in this way the entire conspiracy was overthrown.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 253<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 496)</span>The following summer the Romans and +the Carthaginians fought in Sicily and Sardinia at once. Somewhat +later Atilius Latinus<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> went to Sicily and finding a city named +Mytistratus being besieged by Florus he made use of the latter's +support. He made assaults upon the circuit of the wall which the +natives with the help of the Carthaginians at first withstood +vigorously, but when the women and children were moved to tears and +laments they abandoned resistance. The Carthaginians passed out +secretly by night and at daybreak the natives voluntarily swung the +gates wide open. The Romans went in and proceeded to slaughter them +all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span> till Atilius made proclamation that the remainder of the booty +and the human beings belonged to him who might take them. Forthwith +they spared the lives of the remaining captives and after pillaging +the city burned it to the ground.</p> + +<p>VIII, 12.—Thence they proceeded heedlessly against Camarina and came +into a region where an ambuscade had already been set. They would have +perished utterly, had not Marcus Calpurnius, serving as military +tribune, matched the catastrophe by his cleverness. He saw that one +and one only of the surrounding hills had by reason of its steepness +not been occupied and he asked of the consul three hundred heavy-armed +men and with them he set out for that point. His purpose was to make +the enemy turn their attention to his detachment so that then the rest +of the Romans might make their escape. And so it happened; for when +the adversaries saw his project, they were thunderstruck and left the +consul and his followers as men already captured in order to make a +united rush upon Calpurnius. A fierce battle ensued in which many of +the opposing side and all the three hundred fell. Calpurnius alone +survived. He had been wounded and lay unnoticed among the heaps of +slain, being as good as dead by reason of his wounds; afterward he was +found alive and his life was saved. While the three hundred were +fighting, the consul got away; and after this escape he reduced +Camarina and other cities, some by force and some by capitulation. +Next Atilius set out against Lipara. But Hamilcar at night by stealth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> +occupied it in advance and by making a sudden sally killed many +Romans.</p> + +<p>Gaius Sulpicius overran the most of Sardinia and filled with arrogance +as a result he set out for Libya. The Carthaginians, alarmed for the +safety of their home population, also set sail with Hannibal, +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>14</sup></span><span class="smcap">but as a contrary wind was +encountered both leaders turned back. subsequently atilius<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> brought +about hannibal's defeat through some false deserters</span> who +pretended that Atilius<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> was going to sail to Libya again. Hannibal +weighed anchor and came out with speed, whereupon Sulpicius sailed to +meet him and sank the majority of his vessels, which, because of a +mist, did not know for a long time what was taking place and were +thrown into confusion; all that made their escape to land he seized, +though minus their crews, for Hannibal who saw that the harbor was +unsafe abandoned them and retired to the city of Sulci. There the +Carthaginians engaged in mutiny against their leader and he came forth +before them alone and was slain. The Romans in consequence overran the +country with greater ease, but were defeated by Hanno. This is what +took place that year. Also stones in great quantities at once, and in +appearance something like hail, fell from heaven upon Rome +continually. It likewise came to pass that stones descended upon +Albanum and elsewhere.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 257<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 497)</span>The consuls on coming to Sicily made +a campaign against Lipara. Perceiving the Carthaginians lying in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span> the +harbor below the height called Tyndaris they divided their expedition +in two. One of the consuls with half the fleet surrounded the +promontory, and Hamilcar thinking them an isolated force set sail. +When the rest came up, he turned to flight and lost most of his fleet. +The Romans were elated, and feeling that Sicily was already theirs +they left it and ventured to make an attempt on Libya and Carthage. +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>16</sup></span><span class="smcap">their leaders were marcus regulus +and lucius manlius, preferred before others for their excellence</span>. +<span class="sidenote">B.C. 256<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 498)</span>These two sailed to Sicily, settled +affairs there, and made ready for the voyage to Libya: the +Carthaginians did not wait for their hostile voyage to begin, but +after due preparation hastened toward Sicily. Off Heracleotis the +opposing forces met. The contest was for a long time evenly balanced +but in the end the Romans got the best of it. Hamilcar did not dare to +withstand their progress, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>17</sup></span><span class="smcap">but +sent hanno to them pretendedly in behalf of peace, whereas he really +wished to use up time; he was in hopes that an army would be sent to +him from home. when some clamored for hanno's arrest, because the +carthaginians had also treacherously arrested cornelius</span>, the +envoy said: "If you do this, you will be no longer any better than +Libyans." He, therefore, by flattering them most opportunely escaped +any kind of molestation: the Romans, however, again took up the war. +And the consuls sailed from Messana, while Hamilcar and Hanno +separated and studied how to enclose them from both sides. Hanno, +however, would not stand before them when they approached, but sailed +away betimes to the harbor of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> Carthage and kept constant guard of the +city. Hamilcar, apprised of this, stayed where he was. The Romans +disembarked on land and marched against the city Aspis, whose +inhabitants, seeing them approaching, slipped out quietly and in good +season. The Romans thus occupied it without striking a blow and made +it a base in the war. From it they ravaged the country and acquired +cities, some of their own free will and others by intimidation. They +also kept securing great booty, receiving vast numbers of deserters, +and getting back many of their own men who had been captured in the +previous wars.</p> + +<p>VIII, 13.—Winter came on and Manlius sailed back to Rome with the +booty, whereas Regulus remained behind in Libya. The Carthaginians +found themselves in the depths of woe, since their country was being +pillaged and their vassals alienated; but cooped up in their +fortifications they remained inactive. <span class="sidenote">(<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> +43<sup>18</sup>?)</span><span class="smcap">while regulus was beside the bagradas river a serpent of +huge bulk appeared to him, the length of which is said to have been +one hundred and twenty feet. its slough was carried to rome for +exhibition purposes. and the rest of its body corresponded in +size.</span> It destroyed many of the soldiers that approached it and +some also who were drinking from the river. Regulus overcame it by a +crowd of soldiers and hurling-engines. After thus destroying it he +gave battle by night to Hamilcar, who was encamped upon a high, woody +spot; and he slew many in their beds as well as many who had just +risen. Any who escaped fell in with Romans guarding the roads, who +despatched them. In this way a large<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span> division of Carthaginians was +blotted out and numerous cities went over to the Romans. <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>19</sup></span><span class="smcap">those in the town being in fear of capture +sent heralds to the consul to the end that having by some satisfactory +arrangement induced him to go away they might avoid the danger of the +moment and so escape. but when many unreasonable demands were made of +them, they decided that the truce would mean their utter subjugation +and prepared rather to fight.</span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 255<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 499)</span>Regulus, however, who up to that +time was fortunate, became filled with boastfulness and conceit, so +much so that he even wrote to Rome that he had sealed up the gates of +Carthage with fear. His followers and the people of Rome thought the +same way, and this caused their undoing. Allies of various sorts came +to the Carthaginians, among them Xanthippus from Sparta. He assumed +the general superintendence of the Carthaginians, for the populace was +eager to entrust matters to his charge and Hamilcar together with the +other officials stepped aside voluntarily. The new leader, then, +disposed things excellently in every way, and particularly he brought +the Carthaginians down from the heights, where they were staying +through fear, into the level country, where their horses and elephants +were sure to develop greatest power. For some time he remained +inactive until at length he found the Romans encamped in a way that +betokened their contempt. They were very haughty over their victorious +progress and looked down upon Xanthippus as a "Græcus" (this is a name +they give to Hellenes and they use this epithet as a reproach to them +for their mean birth);<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span> <span class="sidenote">B.C. 255<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 499)</span>consequently +they had constructed their camp in a heedless fashion. While the +Romans were in this situation, Xanthippus assailed them, routed their +cavalry with his elephants, cut down many and captured many alive, +among them Regulus himself. This put the Carthaginians in high +spirits. They saved the lives of the captives in order that their own +citizens previously taken captive by the Romans might not be killed. +All the Roman prisoners were treated with consideration except +Regulus, whom they kept in a state of utter misery; they offered him +only just food enough to maintain existence and they would repeatedly +lead an elephant close up to him to frighten him, so that he might +have peace in neither body nor mind. After afflicting him in this way +for a good while they placed him in prison.</p> + +<p>The manner in which the Carthaginians dealt with their allies forms a +chapter of great ruthlessness in this story. They were not supplied +with sufficient wealth to pay them what they had originally promised, +and dismissed them with the understanding that they would pay them +their wages before very long. To the men who escorted the allies, +however, they issued orders to put them ashore on a desert island and +quietly sail away. As to Xanthippus, one story is that they drowned +him, attacking him in boats after his boat had departed: the other is +that they gave him an old ship which was in no wise seaworthy but had +been newly covered over with pitch outside, that it might sink quite +of itself; and that he, aware of the fact, got aboard a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span> different +ship and so was saved. Their reason for doing this was to avoid +seeming to have been preserved by his ability; for they thought that +once he had perished the renown of his deeds would also perish.</p> + +<p>VIII, 14.—The people of Rome were grieved at the turn of events and +more especially because they were looking for the Carthaginians to +sail against Rome itself. For this reason they carefully guarded Italy +and hastily sent to the Romans in Sicily and Libya the consuls Marcus +Æmilius and Fulvius Pætinus.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> They after sailing to Sicily and +garrisoning the positions there started for Libya, but were overtaken +by a storm and carried to Cossura. They ravaged the island and put it +in charge of a garrison, then sailed onward again. Meanwhile a fierce +naval battle with the Carthaginians had taken place. The latter were +struggling to eject the Romans entirely from their native land, and +the Romans to save the remnants of their soldiers who had been left in +hostile territory. In the midst of a close battle the Romans in Aspis +suddenly attacked the Carthaginians in ships from the rear, and by +getting them between two forces overcame them. Later the Romans also +won an infantry engagement and took many prisoners, whose lives they +saved because of Regulus and those captured with him. They made +several raids and then sailed to Sicily. After encountering a storm, +however, and losing many of their number, they sailed for home with +the ships that remained.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 254<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 500)</span>The Carthaginians took Cossura and +crossed over to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span> Sicily; and had they not learned that Collatinus<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> +and Gnæus Cornelius were approaching with a large fleet, they would +have subjugated the whole of it. The Romans had quickly fitted out a +first-class fleet, had made levies of their best men, and had become +so strong that in the third month they returned to Sicily. It was the +five hundredth year from the founding of Rome. The lower city of +Panhormus they took without trouble, but in the siege of the citadel +they fared badly until food failed those in it. Then they came to +terms with the consuls. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>20</sup></span><span class="smcap">the +carthaginians kept watch for their ships homeward bound and captured +several that were full of money.</span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 253<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 501)</span>The next event was that Servilius +Cæpio and Gaius Sempronius, consuls, made an attempt upon Lilybæum +(from which they were repulsed) and crossing over to Libya ravaged the +coast districts. As they were returning homeward they encountered a +storm and incurred damage. Hence the people, thinking that the damage +was due to their inexperience in naval affairs, voted that they should +keep away from the sea in general but with a few ships should guard +Italy.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 252<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 502)</span>In the succeeding year Publius +Gaius<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> and Aurelius Servilius<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> came to Sicily and subdued Himera +besides some other places. However, they did not get possession of any +of its inhabitants, for the Carthaginians conveyed them away by night. +After this Aurelius secured some ships from Hiero and adding to his +con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span>tingent all the Romans that were there he sailed to Lipara. Here +he left the tribune Quintus Cassius,<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> who was to keep a lookout but +avoid a battle, and set sail for home. Quintus, disregarding orders, +made an attack upon the city and lost many men. Aurelius, however, +subsequently took the place, killed all the inhabitants, and deposed +Cassius from his command.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 251<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 503)</span>The Carthaginians learned what the +Romans had determined regarding the fleet and sent an expedition to +Sicily hoping now to bring it entirely under their control. As long as +both consuls, Cæcilius Metellus and Gaius Furius, were on the ground, +they remained quiet; but when Furius set out for Rome, they conceived +a contempt for Metellus and proceeded to Panhormus. Metellus +ascertained that spies had come from the enemy, and assembling all the +people of the city he began a talk with them, in the midst of which he +suddenly ordered them to lay hold of one another. He was thus enabled +to investigate who each one was and what was his business and so +detected the enemy.—The Carthaginians now set themselves in battle +array and Metellus pretended to be afraid. As he continued this +pretence for several days the Carthaginians became filled with +presumption and attacked him rather recklessly. Then Metellus raised +the signal for the Romans. Forthwith they made an unexpected rush +through all the gates, easily overcame resistance, and enclosed the +enemy in a narrow place through which they could now no longer +retreat. Being many in number and with many ele<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span>phants along they were +huddled together and thrown into confusion. Meanwhile the Libyan fleet +approached the coast and became the prime cause of their destruction. +The fugitives seeing the ships rushed toward them and made desperate +exertions to climb aboard; some fell into the sea and perished, other +were killed by the elephants, which got close to one another and to +the human beings, still others were slain by the Romans; many also +were captured alive, men as well as elephants. For since the beasts, +bereft of the men to whom they were used, became furious, Metellus +made a proclamation to the prisoners, offering preservation and +forgiveness to such as would check them: accordingly, some keepers +approached the gentlest of the animals, controlling them by the +influence of their accustomed presence, and then won over the +remainder. These, one hundred and twenty in number, were conveyed to +Rome, and they were ferried across the strait in the following way. A +number of huge jars, separated by pieces of wood, were fastened +together in such a way that they were neither detached nor yet did +they touch; then this framework was spanned by beams and on the top of +all earth and brush were placed and the surface was fenced in round +about so that it resembled a courtyard. The beasts were put on board +this and were ferried across without knowing that they were moving on +the water. Thus did Metellus win a victory: Hasdrubal, the +Carthaginian leader, though he got away safe on this occasion was +later summoned to trial by the Carthaginians at home and suffered +impalement.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>21</sup></span>VIII, 15.—<span class="smcap">the carthaginians now +began negotiations with the romans on account of the great number of +the captives (among other causes); and with the envoys they also sent +regulus himself, thinking that through him their object had +practically been already gained because of the reputation and valor of +the main: and they bound him by oaths to return without fail. and he +acted in all respects like one of the carthaginians; for he did not +even grant his wife leave to confer with him nor did he enter the city +although repeatedly invited to do so; instead, when the senate was +assembled outside the walls, as they were accustomed to do in treating +with envoys of the enemy</span>, and he was introduced into the +gathering, he said: "We, Conscript Fathers, have been sent to you by +the Carthaginians. They it was who despatched me on this journey, +since by the law of war I have become their slave. They ask, if +possible, to conclude the war upon terms pleasing to both parties or, +if not, to effect an exchange of prisoners." At the end of these words +he withdrew with the envoys that the Romans might deliberate in +private. When the consuls urged him to take part in their discussion, +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>22</sup></span><span class="smcap">he paid no heed until permission +was granted by the carthaginians</span>. For a time he was silent. Then, +as the senators bade him state his opinion, he spoke:</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 12, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p>"I am one of you, Conscript Fathers, though I be captured times +without number. My body is a Carthaginian chattel, but my spirit is +yours. The former has been alienated from you, but the latter nobody +has the power to make anything else than Roman. As captive I belong to +the Carthaginians, yet, as I met with misfortune not from cowardice +but from zeal, I am not only a Roman, but my heart is in your cause. +Not in a single respect do I think reconciliation advantageous to +you."</p> + +<p>After these words Regulus stated also the reasons for which he favored +rejecting the proposals, and added: "I know, to be sure, that manifest +destruction confronts me, for it is impossible to keep them from +learning the advice I have given; but even so I esteem the public +advantage above my own safety. If any one shall say: 'Why do you not +run away, or stay here?' he shall be told that I have sworn to them to +return and I would not transgress my oaths, not even when they have +been given to enemies. There are various explanations for this, but +the principal one is that if I abide by my oath I alone shall suffer +disaster, but if I break it, the whole city will be involved."</p> + +<p>But the senate out of consideration for his safety showed a +disposition to make peace and to restore the captives. When he was +made aware of this, he pretended, in order that he might not be the +cause of their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span> letting slip their advantage, that he had swallowed +deadly poison and was destined certainly to die from its effects. +Hence no agreement and no exchange of prisoners was made. As he was +departing in company with the envoys, his wife and children and others +clung to him, and the consuls declared they would not surrender him, +if he chose to stay, nor yet would they detain him if he was for +departing. Consequently, since he preferred not to transgress the +oaths, he was carried back. He died of outrages, so the legend +reports, perpetrated by his captors. They cut off his eyelids and for +a time shut him in darkness, then they threw him into some kind of +specially constructed receptacle bristling with spikes; and they made +him face the sun; so that through suffering and sleeplessness,—for +the spikes kept him from reclining in any fashion,—he perished. When +the Romans found it out, they delivered the foremost captives that +they held to his children to outrage and put to death in revenge.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 250<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 504)</span>They voted that the consuls, Atilius +Gaius, brother of Regulus, and Lucius Manlius, should make a campaign +into Libya. On coming to Sicily they attacked Lilybæum and undertook +to fill up a portion of the ditch to facilitate bringing up the +engines. The Carthaginians dug below the mound and undermined it. As +they found this to be a losing game because of the numbers of the +opposing workmen, they built another wall, crescent-shaped, inside. +The Romans ran tunnels under the circle, in order that when the wall +settled they might rush in through the breach thus made. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span> +Carthaginians then built counter-tunnels and came upon many workers +who were unaware of what the other side was doing. These they killed, +and also destroyed many by hurling blazing firewood into the diggings. +Some of the allies now, burdened by the strain of the siege and +displeased because their superiors did not come down with their full +wages, made propositions to the Romans to betray the place. Hamilcar +discovered their plot but did not disclose it, for fear of driving +them into open hostility. However, he supplied their leaders with +money and in addition promised other supplies of it to the mass of +them. In this way he won their favor, and they did not even deny their +treachery but drove away the last envoys who returned. The latter then +deserted to the consuls and received from them land in Sicily and +other gifts.</p> + +<p>The Carthaginians at home, hearing this, sent Adherbal with a very +large number of ships carrying grain and money to Lilybæum. The leader +waited for a time of storm and sailed in. Thereupon many others +likewise ventured to attempt a landing, and some made it, others were +destroyed.</p> + +<p>As long as both the consuls were present, the conflicts were even. +Pestilence and famine, however, came to harass them and these caused +one of them with the soldiers of his division to return home. Hamilcar +then took courage and made sorties in which he would set fire to the +engines and slay the men defending them; his cavalry, starting from +Drepanum, prevented the Romans from getting provisions and overran the +territory<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span> of their allies; and Adherbal ravaged the shores now of +Sicily, now of Italy, so that the Romans fell into perplexity. +<span class="sidenote">B.C. 249<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 505)</span>Meantime, however, Lucius Junius was +making ready a fleet, and Claudius Pulcher made haste to reach +Lilybæum, where he manned ships of war. With these he overhauled Hanno +the Carthaginian as he was leaving harbor on a five-banked ship. The +prize craft served the Romans as a model in shipbuilding.</p> + +<p>The interests of their fleet were so frequently endangered that the +Romans were disheartened by the constant destruction of their ships. +In these they lost numbers of men and vast sums of money. Yet they +would not give up; nay, they even executed a man who in the senate +opened his mouth about reconciliation with the Carthaginians, and they +voted that a dictator should be named. Collatinus<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> was therefore +named dictator and Metellus became master of the horse, but they +accomplished nothing worthy of remembrance. While Collatinus<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> was +being named dictator, Junius had won over Eryx, and Carthalo had +occupied Ægithallus and taken Junius alive.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 248<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 506)</span>VIII, 16.—The next year Gaius +Aurelius and Publius Servilius took office and spent their time in +harrying Lilybæum and Drepanum, in keeping the Carthaginians off the +land, and in devastating the region that was in alliance with them. +Carthalo undertook many different kinds of enterprises against them, +but, as he accomplished nothing, he started for Italy with the object +of thus attracting the consuls to that country or,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span> in any case, of +injuring the district and capturing cities. Yet he made no headway +even there and on learning that the prætor urbanus was approaching +sailed back to Sicily. His mercenaries now rebelled about a question +of pay, whereupon he put numbers ashore on desert islands and left +them there, and sent many more off to Carthage. When the rest heard +this, they became indignant and were on the point of an uprising. +Hamilcar, Carthalo's successor, cut down numbers of them one night and +had numerous others drowned. In the meantime the Romans had concluded +a perpetual friendship with Hiero and they furthermore remitted all +the dues which they were accustomed to receive from him annually.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 247<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 507)</span>Next year the Romans officially +refrained from naval warfare because of their misfortunes and +expenses, but some private individuals asked for ships on condition of +restoring the vessels but appropriating any booty gained; and among +other injuries that they inflicted upon the enemy they sailed to +Hippo, a Libyan city, and there burned to ashes all the boats and many +of the buildings. The natives put chains across the mouth of their +harbor and the invaders found themselves encompassed but saved +themselves by cleverness and good fortune. They made a quick dash at +the chains, and just as the beaks of the ships were about to catch in +them the members of the crew went back to the stern, and so the prows +being lightened cleared the chains: and again, by their making a rush +into the prows, the sterns of the vessels were lifted high<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span> enough in +the air. Thus they effected their escape, and later near Panhormus +they conquered the Carthaginians with these ships.</p> + +<p>Of the consuls Metellus Cæcilius was in the vicinity of Lilybæum, and +Numerius Fabius was investing Drepanum, with additional designs upon +the islet of Pelias. As this had been seized earlier by the +Carthaginians, he sent soldiers by night who killed the garrison and +took possession of the island. Learning this Hamilcar at dawn attacked +the party that had crossed to it. Fabius not being able to ward them +off led an assault upon Drepanum that he might either capture the city +while deserted or bring back Hamilcar from the island. One of these +objects was accomplished, for Hamilcar in fear retired within the +fortifications. So Fabius occupied Pelias, and by filling in the +strait (which happened to be shallow) between it and the mainland he +made a clear stretch of solid ground and thus conducted with greater +facility his hostile operations against the wall, which was rather +weak at that point. Incidentally the Carthaginians caused the Romans +excessive annoyance by undertaking circuitous voyages to Sicily and +making trips across into Italy.—They exchanged each other's captives +man for man; those left over (since the numbers were not equal) the +Carthaginians got back for money.</p> + +<p>In the subsequent period various persons became consuls but effected +nothing worthy of record. The Romans owed the majority of their +reverses to the fact that they kept sending out from year to year +different<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span> and ever different leaders, and took away their office from +them when they were just learning the art of generalship. It looked as +if they were choosing them for practice and not for service.</p> + +<p>The Gauls, who were acting in alliance with the Carthaginians and +hated them because their masters treated them ill, abandoned to the +Romans for money a position with the guarding of which they had been +entrusted. The Romans secured for mercenary service the Gauls and +other of the Carthaginian allies who had revolted from their service; +never before had they supported foreigners in their army. Elated at +this accession and furthermore by the ravaging of Libya on the part of +the private citizens who were managing the ships, they were no longer +willing to neglect the sea, and they again got together a fleet.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 241<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 513)</span>VIII, 17.—And Lutatius Catulus was +chosen consul and with him was sent out Quintus Valerius Flaccus as +prætor urbanus. On coming to Sicily they assailed Drepanum both by +land and by sea and demolished a section of the wall. They would have +captured the town but for the fact that the consul was wounded and the +soldiers were wholly engrossed in caring for him. During the delay +which ensued they learned that a body of the enemy had come from home +with a huge fleet commanded by Hanno, and they turned their attention +to these new arrivals. When the forces had been marshaled in hostile +array, a meteor like a star appeared above the Romans and after rising +high to the left of the Carthaginians plunged into their ranks. The +naval<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span> combat was a vigorous one on the part of both nations, and for +several reasons; especially were the Carthaginians anxious to drive +the Romans into complete despair of naval success, and the Romans to +retrieve their former disasters. In spite of everything the Romans +carried off the victory, for the Carthaginian vessels were impeded by +the fact that they carried freight,—grain and money and other things.</p> + +<p>Hanno escaped and hastened at once to Carthage. The Carthaginians, +seized with wrath and fear, crucified him and sent envoys to Catulus +regarding peace. And he was disposed to end the war since his office +was soon to expire and he could not hope to destroy Carthage in so +short a time; nor, again, did he care to leave his successors the +glory of his own efforts. Consequently they effected an armistice by +giving him money, grain, and hostages; these preliminaries secured +them the right of sending envoys to Rome and proposing as conditions +that they retire from Sicily entire, yielding it to the Romans, as +well as abandon all the surrounding islands, that they carry on no war +with Hiero, and pay an indemnity, a part at the time of making the +treaty and a part later, and that they return the Roman deserters and +captives free of cost, but ransom their own.</p> + +<p>Such were the terms agreed upon. Hamilcar succeeded only in having the +disgrace of going under the yoke left out. After settling these +conditions he led his soldiers out of the fortifications and sailed +for home before the oaths were imposed. The people of Rome<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span> soon +learned of the victory and were greatly elated, feeling that their +superiority was indisputable. Upon the arrival of envoys they could no +longer restrain themselves and hoped to possess all of Libya. +Therefore they would not abide by the terms of the consul: instead, +they exacted from them a very much larger sum of money than had been +promised. They forbade them also to sail past Italy or allied +territory abroad in ships of war, or to employ mercenaries from such +districts.</p> + +<p>The first war between the Carthaginians and the Romans, then, ended +this way in the twenty-fourth year. Catulus celebrated a triumph over +its conclusion. Quintus Lutatius became consul and departed for +Sicily, where with his brother Catulus he enforced order in all +communities; and he deprived the islanders of arms. Thus Sicily, with +the exception of Hiero's domain, was made a slave of Rome, and from +this time its people were on a friendly footing with the +Carthaginians.</p> + +<p>Both soon were again involved in other wars outside. At Carthage the +remnant of their mercenary force and the slave population in the city +and a large proportion of their hostages (influenced by the disasters +of the State) joined in an attack upon it. The Romans did not heed the +invitations to aid the party that had assumed the offensive, but sent +envoys in turn for discussion; and when they found themselves unable +to reconcile the combatants, they released free of cost all the +Carthaginian captives they were holding, sent grain to the city and +permitted it to gather mercenaries from Ro<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span>man allied territory. By +this action they were seeking to gain a reputation for fairness rather +than displaying a real interest in their own advantage, and this later +caused them trouble. For the great Hamilcar Barca, after he had +conquered his adversaries, did not dare to make a campaign against the +Romans, much as he hated them; but he started for Spain contrary to +the wishes of the magistrates at home.</p> + +<p>VIII, 18.—This, however, took place later. At the time under +discussion the Romans entered upon war with the Falisci, and Manlius +Torquatus ravaged their country. In a battle with them his heavy +infantry was worsted but his cavalry conquered. In a second engagement +with them he was victorious and took possession of their arms, their +cavalry, their furniture, their slaves, and half their country. Later +on the original city, which was set upon a steep mountain, was torn +down and another one was built, easily reached by road. After this the +Romans again waged wars upon the Boii and upon the Gauls that were +neighbors of the latter, and upon some Ligurians. The Ligurians were +conquered in battle and otherwise injured by Sempronius Gracchus: +Publius Valerius in a conflict with the Gauls was at first defeated, +but soon, learning that troops had come from Rome to his assistance, +he renewed the struggle with the Gauls, determined either<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span> to conquer +by his own exertions or to die—he preferred that rather than to live +and bear the stigma of disgrace; and by some fortune or other he +managed to win the day.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 238<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 516)</span>At this time these events befell the +Romans as described. They also secured Sardinia from the Carthaginians +and a new supply of money by charging them with harming Roman +shipping. The Carthaginians, not having yet recovered strength, feared +their threats.—Next year Lucius Lentulus and Quintus Flaccus made a +campaign against the Gauls; and as long as they remained together, +they were invincible, <span class="sidenote">B.C. 237<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 517)</span>but when they +began to pillage districts separately with the idea of getting greater +booty, the army of Flaccus fell into danger, being surrounded by +night. Temporarily the barbarians were beaten back, but having gained +accessions of allies they proceeded anew with a huge force against the +Romans. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 236<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 518)</span>When confronted by Publius +Lentulus and Licinius Varus, they hoped to overcome them by their +numbers and prevail without a battle. So they sent and demanded the +land surrounding Ariminum and commanded the Romans to remove from the +city since it belonged to them. The consuls on account of their small +numbers did not dare to risk a battle nor would they take the +responsibility of releasing any territory, and accordingly they +arranged a truce to confer with Rome. Gallic emissaries came before +the senate with the aforementioned representations. As none of their +demands was granted, the envoys returned to camp. There they found +their cause was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span> ruined. Some of their allies had repented and +regarding the Romans with fear had turned upon the Boii, and many had +been killed on both sides. Then the remainder had gone home and the +Boii had obtained peace only at the price of a large portion of their +land.</p> + +<p>The Gallic wars having now ceased, Lentulus conducted a campaign +against the Ligurians. He drove off the attacking parties and gained +possession of several fortresses.—Varus took Corsica as his objective +point, and inasmuch as he lacked the necessary ships to carry him +over, he sent a certain Claudius Clineas in advance with troops. The +latter terrified the Corsicans, held a conference with them, and made +peace as though he had full authority to do so. But Varus, paying no +attention to the covenant, fought against the Corsicans until he had +subjugated them. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 44<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">the romans to +divert the blame for breaking the compact from themselves sent to the +people offering to give claudius up. when he was not received, they +drove him into exile</span>. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 45<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">they +were on the point of leading an expedition against the carthaginians +alleging that the latter were committing outrages upon the merchants; +but instead of doing this they exacted money and renewed the +truce.</span> Yet the agreements were not destined even so to be of long +standing.—The case of the Carthaginians was accordingly postponed and +they made an expedition against the Sardinians, who would not yield +obedience, and conquered them. Subsequently the Carthaginians +persuaded the Sardinians to plan a secret uprising against the Romans. +Besides these the Corsicans also revolted and the Ligurians did not +remain at rest.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 234<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 520)</span>The following year the Romans +divided their forces into three parts in order that all the rebels, +finding war waged upon them at once, might not render assistance to +one another; and they sent Postumius Albinus into Liguria, Spurius +Carvilius against the Corsicans, and Publius Cornelius, the prætor +urbanus, into Sardinia. And the consuls not without trouble, yet with +some speed, accomplished their missions. The Sardinians, animated by +an immoderate amount of spirit, were vanquished by Carvilius in a +fierce battle, for Cornelius and many of his soldiers had been +destroyed by disease. When the Romans left their country, the +Sardinians and the Ligurians revolted again. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 233<br /> +(<i>a.u.</i> 521)</span>Quintus Fabius Maximus was accordingly sent to Ligurian +territory and Pomponius Manius into Sardinia. The Carthaginians, as +the cause of the wars, were adjudged enemies, and they sent to them +and demanded money and ordained that they should remove their ships +from all the islands, since these ports were hostile to them. In +making known their attitude the Romans despatched to their rivals a +spear and a herald's staff, bidding them choose one, whichever they +pleased. But the Carthaginians without shrinking made a rather rough +answer and declared that they chose neither of the articles sent them, +but were ready to accept either that the challengers might leave +there. Henceforth the two nations hated each other but hesitated to +begin war.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 232<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 522)</span>As there was again a hostile +movement of the Sardinians against the Romans, both the consuls took +the field, Marcus Malleolus and Marcus Æmilius. And they secured rich +spoils, which, however, were taken<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span> away from them by the Corsicans +when they touched at their island. Hence the Romans next turned their +attention to both. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 231<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 523)</span>Marcus Pomponius +harried Sardinia, but could not find most of the inhabitants, who, as +he learned, had slipped into caves of the forest, difficult to locate; +therefore he sent for keen-scented dogs from Italy and with their aid +he discovered the trail of both men and cattle and cut off many such +parties. Gaius Papirius drove the Corsicans from the plains, but in +attempting to force his way to the mountains he lost numerous men +through ambush and would have suffered loss of still more through lack +of water, had not water after a great while been found; then he +persuaded the Corsicans to come to terms.</p> + +<p>VIII, 19.—About this time also Hamilcar the Carthaginian general was +defeated by the Spaniards and lost his life. For, on the occasion of +his being arrayed in battle against them, they led out in front of the +Carthaginian army wagons full of pine wood and pitch and as they drew +near they set fire to these vehicles, then hurried on with goads the +animals that were drawing them. Forthwith their opponents were thrown +into confusion, were disorganized and turned to flight, and the +Spaniards pursuing killed Hamilcar and a very great number of others. +He having reached the very highest pinnacle of fame thus met his end, +and at his death his brother-in-law Hasdrubal succeeded him. The +latter acquired a large portion of Spain and founded a city called +Carthage, after his native town.</p> + +<p>As the Boii and the rest of the Gauls were continually offering for +sale many articles and an especially large<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span> number of captives, the +Romans became afraid that they might some day use the money against +them, and accordingly forbade everybody to give to a Gaul either +silver or gold coin.—<span class="sidenote">B.C. 230<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 524)</span>Soon after the +Carthaginians,<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> learning that the consuls Marcus Æmilius and Marcus +Junius had started for Liguria, made preparations to march upon Rome. +The consuls became aware of this and proceeded toward them in force, +whereupon the Carthaginians became frightened and met them with all +appearances of friendliness. The consuls likewise feigned that they +had not set out against them but were going through their country into +the Ligurian territory.</p> + +<p>Now the Romans crossed the Ionian Gulf and laid hands upon the Greek +mainland. They found an excuse for the voyage in the following +circumstances. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 47<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">issa is an island +situated in the ionian gulf. its dwellers, known as issæans, had of +their own free will surrendered themselves to the romans</span> because +they were angry with their ruler Agro, king of the Ardiæans and of +Illyrian stock. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 47<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">to him the consuls +sent envoys</span>. But he had died, leaving a son as his successor who +was still a mere child, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 47<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">and his +wife, the boy's stepmother, was administering the domain of the +ardiæans. her dealings with the ambassadors were characterized by a +lack of moderation, and when they spoke frankly she cast some of them +into prison and killed others. immediately the romans voted for war +against her, however, she was panic-stricken, promised to restore the +ambassadors that were left alive, and declared</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span> <span class="smcap">that the dead had been +slain by robbers. when the romans demanded the surrender of the +murderers, she declared that she would not give them up and despatched +an army against issa. then she again grew fearful and sent a certain +demetrius to the consuls, assuring them of her readiness to heed them +in every detail. a truce was made with her emissary upon the latter's +agreeing to give them corcyra. yet when the consuls had crossed over +to the island, she, possessing woman-like a light and fickle +disposition, felt imbued with new courage, and sent out an army to +epidamnus and apollonia. at the news that the romans had rescued the +cities, that they had detained ships of hers laden with treasure which +were sailing home from the peloponnesus, that they had devastated the +coast regions, that demetrius as a result of her capriciousness had +transferred his allegiance to the romans besides persuading some +others to desert, she became utterly terrified and withdrew from her +sovereignty.</span> Demetrius as destined guardian of the child was +given charge of the ex-queen also. The Romans were thanked by the +Corinthians for this action and took part in the Isthmian contest, +Plautus winning the stadium race in it. Moreover they formed a +friendship with the Athenians and took part in their government and in +the Mysteries.</p> + +<p>The name Illyricum was anciently applied to various regions, but later +it was transferred to the upper mainland, that above Macedonia and +Thrace, located this side of Hæmus and toward Rhodope: it lies between +these mountains and the Alps, also between the river<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span> Ænus and the +Ister, extending as far as the Euxine Sea,—indeed, its boundaries at +some points extend beyond the Ister.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">(<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 48?)</span><span class="smcap">as an oracle had once come to the +romans that greeks and gauls should occupy the city, two gauls and a +couple of greeks, male and female, were buried alive in the +forum</span>, that in this way destiny might seem to have fulfilled +itself and they be properly regarded, since buried alive, as +possessing a part of the city.</p> + +<p>After this the Sardinians, deeming it a calamity that a Roman prætor +was forever set over them, made an uprising. They were again enslaved, +however.</p> + +<p>VIII, 20.—The Insubres, a Gallic tribe, having gained allies among +their kinsmen beyond the Alps turned their arms against the Romans, +and the latter accordingly made counter-preparations. The barbarians +plundered some towns, but at last a great storm occurred in the night +and they began to suspect that Heaven was against them. Consequently +they lost heart and falling into a panic attempted to entrust their +safety to flight. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 225<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 529)</span>Regulus pursued +them and brought on an engagement with the rear guards in which he was +defeated and lost his life. Æmilius occupied a hill and remained +quiet. The Gauls in turn occupied another one and for several days +were inactive; then the Romans through anger at what had taken place +and the barbarians from arrogance born of the victory charged down +from the heights and came to blows. For a long time the battle was +evenly con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span>tested, but finally the Romans surrounded them with their +horse, cut them down, seized their camp, and got back the spoils. +After this Æmilius wrought havoc among the possessions of the Boii and +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 49<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">celebrated a triumph, in which he +conveyed the foremost captives clad in armor up to the capitol, making +jests at their expense for having sworn not to remove their +breastplates before they had mounted the capitol</span>. The Romans now +secured control of the entire territory of the Boii and for the first +time crossed the Po to take the offensive against the Insubres; and +they continued to ravage their country.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile portents had occurred which threw the people of Rome into +great fear. A river in Picenum ran the color of blood, in Etruria a +good part of the heavens seemed to be on fire, at Ariminum a light +like daylight blazed out at night, in many portions of Italy the +shapes of three moons became visible in the night time, and in the +Forum a vulture roosted for several days. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 223<br />(<i>a.u.</i> +531)</span>Because of these portents and inasmuch as some declared that the +consuls had been illegally chosen, they summoned them home. The +consuls received the letter but did not open it immediately, since +they were just entering upon war: instead, they joined battle first +and came out victorious. After the battle the letter was read, and +Furius was for obeying without discussion; but Flaminius was elated +over the victory and pointed out that it had proved their choice to be +correct, and he went on with vehement assertions that it was because +they were jealous of him that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span> influential men were even +falsifying heavenly warnings. Consequently he refused to depart until +he had settled the whole business in hand, and he said he would teach +the people at home, too, not to be deceived by relying on birds or any +other such thing. So he was anxious to remain on the ground and made +repeated attempts to detain his colleague, but Furius would not heed +him. But since the men who were going to be left behind with Flaminius +dreaded lest in their isolation they might suffer some disaster at the +hands of their opponents and begged him to stay by them for a few +days, he yielded to their entreaties but did not take part in any +action. Flaminius traveled about laying waste the country, subjugated +a few forts, and bestowed all the spoils upon the soldiers as a means +of winning their favor. At length the leaders returned home and were +put on trial by the senate for their disobedience (on account of their +anger towards Flaminius they subjected Furius also to disgrace); but +the populace was against the senate and showed emulation in +Flaminius's behalf, so that it voted them a triumph. After celebrating +it they laid down their office.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 222<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 532)</span>Other consuls, Claudius Marcellus +and Gnæus Scipio, chosen in their stead, made an expedition against +the Insubres, for the Romans had not complied with the latter's +requests by voting for peace. Together at first they carried on the +war and were in most cases victorious. Soon, learning that the allied +territory was being plundered, they severed their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span> forces. Marcellus +made a quick march against those plundering the land of the allies, +but did not find them on the scene; he then pursued them as they fled +and when they made a stand overcame them. Scipio remained where he was +and proceeded to besiege Acerræ; he took it and made it a base for the +war, since it was favorably located and well walled. Starting from +that point they subdued Mediolanum and another village-town. After +these had been captured the rest of the Insubres also made terms with +them, giving them money and a section of the land.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 221<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 533)<br />B.C. 220<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 534)<br /><span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 51</span>Thereafter Publius Cornelius and +Marcus Minucius made a campaign to the Ister regions and brought into +subjection many of the nations there, some by war and some on terms +agreed upon. Lucius Veturius and +Gaius Lutatius went as far as the Alps and without any fighting +established Roman sovereignty over many people. The prince of the +Ardiæans, however, <span class="smcap">demetrius, was, +as has been stated above, hateful to the natives and injured the +property of neighboring tribes; and it appeared that it was by +misusing the friendship of the romans that he was able to wrong those +peoples</span>. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 219<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 535)</span><span class="smcap">as soon as the +consuls, æmilius paulus and marcus livius, heard of this they summoned +him before them. when he refused compliance and actually assailed +their allies, they made a campaign against issa, where he was.</span> +And having received advance information that he was lying secretly at +anchor somewhere in the vicinity of the landing-places they sent a +portion of their ships to the other side of the island to bring on an +engagement.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span> When the Illyrians accordingly fell upon the +reconnoitering party, thinking them alone, the main body approached at +leisure in their ships and after pitching camp in a suitable place +repulsed the natives, who, angry at the trick, lost no time in +attacking them. Demetrius made his escape to Pharos, another island, +but they sailed to that, overcame resistance, and captured the city by +betrayal, only to find Demetrius fled. He at this time reached +Macedonia with large amounts of money and went to Philip, the king of +the country. He was not surrendered by him, but on returning to the +Illyrians was arrested by the Romans and was executed.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 13, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 218<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 536)</span>VIII, 21.—In the succeeding year +the Romans became openly hostile to the Carthaginians, and the war, +though of far shorter duration than the previous one, proved to be +both greater and more baneful in its exploits and effects. It was +brought on chiefly by Hannibal, general of the Carthaginians. This +Hannibal was a child of Hamilcar Barca, and from his earliest boyhood +had been trained to fight against the Romans. Hamilcar said he was +raising all his sons like so many whelps to fight against them, but as +he saw that this one's nature was far superior to that of the rest, he +made him take an oath that he would wage war upon them, and for this +reason he instructed the boy in warfare above all else when only +fifteen years old. On account of this youthfulness Hannibal was not +able, when his father died, to succeed to the generalship. But when +Hasdrubal was dead, he delayed no longer, being now twenty-six years +of age, but at once took possession of the army in Spain and after +being acclaimed as leader by the soldiers brought it about that his +right to lead was confirmed also by those in authority at home. After +effecting this he needed a plausible excuse for his enterprise against +the Romans, and this he found in the Saguntines of Spain. These +people, dwelling not far from the river Iber and a short distance +above the sea, were dependents of the Romans, and the latter held them +in honor and in the treaty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span> with the Carthaginians had made an +exception of them. For these reasons, then, Hannibal began a war with +them, knowing that the Romans would either assist the Saguntines or +avenge them if they suffered injury. Hence for these reasons as well +as because he knew that they possessed great wealth, which he +particularly needed, and for various other causes that promised him +advantages against the Romans he made an attack upon the Saguntines.</p> + +<p>Spain, in which the Saguntines dwell, and all the adjoining land is in +the western part of Europe. It extends for a considerable distance +along the inner sea, beside the Pillars of Hercules, and along the +ocean; furthermore it occupies the upper part of the mainland for a +very great distance, as far as the Pyrenees. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> +53</span><span class="smcap">this range, beginning at the sea called anciently the sea of +the bebryces but later the sea of the narbonenses, reaches to the +great outer sea, and confines many diverse nationalities; it also +separates spain from the neighboring land of gaul.</span> The tribes did +not employ the same language nor carry on a common government. This +resulted in their not having a single name. The Romans called them +Hispanii, but the Greeks Iberians, from the river Iber.</p> + +<p>These Saguntines, then, being besieged sent to those near them and to +the Romans asking for aid. But Hannibal checked any local movement, +and the Romans sent ambassadors to him bidding him not come near the +Saguntines, and threatening in case he should not obey to sail to +Carthage at once and lay accusations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span> against him. When the envoys +were now close at hand, Hannibal sent some of the natives who were to +pretend that they were kindly disposed to them and were instructed to +say that the general was not there but had gone some distance away +into parts unknown; they advised the enemy, therefore (they were to +say), to depart as quickly as possible and before their presence +should be reported lest in the disorder prevailing because of the +absence of the general they should lose their lives. The envoys +accordingly believed them and set off for Carthage. An assembly being +called some of the Carthaginians counseled maintaining peace with the +Romans, but the party attached to Hannibal affirmed that the +Saguntines were guilty of wrongdoing and the Romans were meddling with +what did not concern them. Finally those who urged them to make war +won the day.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile Hannibal in the course of his siege was conducting vigorous +assaults. Many kept falling and many more were being wounded on +Hannibal's side. One day the Carthaginians succeeded in shaking down a +portion of the outer circuit and had been daring enough to enter +through the breach, when the Saguntines made a sortie and scared them +away. This gave the besieged strength and the Carthaginians fell back +in dejection. They did not leave the spot, however, till they had +captured the city, though the siege dragged on to the eighth month. +Many unusual events happened in that time, one of which was Hannibal's +being dangerously wounded. The place was taken in this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span> manner. They +brought to bear against the wall an engine much higher than the +fortification and carrying heavy-armed soldiers, some visible, some +concealed. While the Saguntines, therefore, were quite strenuously +fighting against the men they saw, thinking them the only ones, those +hidden had dug through the wall from below and found their way inside. +The Saguntines overwhelmed by the unexpectedness of the event ran up +to the citadel and held a conference to see whether by any reasonable +concessions they might be preserved. But as Hannibal held out no +moderate terms and no assistance came to them from the Romans, they +begged for a cessation of the assaults until they should deliberate a +little about their position. During this respite they gathered +together the most highly prized of their treasures and cast them into +the fire; then such as were incapable of fighting committed suicide, +and those who were in their prime advanced in a body against their +opponents and in a desperate struggle were cut down.</p> + +<p>VIII, 22.—For their sakes the Romans and the Carthaginians embarked +upon war. Hannibal after gaining numerous allies was hastening toward +Italy. The Romans on ascertaining this assembled in their senate-hall, +and many speeches were delivered. Lucius Cornelius Lentulus addressed +the people and said they must not delay but vote for war against the +Carthaginians and separate consuls and armies into two detachments, +and send the one to Spain and the other to Libya, in order that at one +and the same time the land<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span> of the enemy might be desolated and his +allies injured; thus neither would he be able to assist Spain nor +could he himself receive assistance from there. To this Quintus Fabius +Maximus rejoined that it was not so absolutely and inevitably +necessary to vote for war, but they could first employ an embassy, and +then if the Carthaginians persuaded them that they were guilty of no +wrong, they should remain quiet, but if the same people were convicted +of wrongdoing, they might thereupon wage war against them, "in order," +he said, "that we may cast the responsibility for the war upon them." +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 54<sup>9</sup></span><span class="smcap">the opinions of the two men were +substantially these. the senate decided to make preparations, to be +sure, for conflict, but to despatch envoys to carthage and denounce +hannibal; and if the carthaginians refrained from approving the +exploits, they would arbitrate the matter, or if all responsibility +were laid upon his shoulders, they would demand his extradition, and +if he were not given up, they would declare war upon the nation.</span></p> + +<p>The envoys set out and the Carthaginians considered what must be done. +And a certain Hasdrubal, one of those who had been primed by Hannibal, +counseled them that they ought to get back their ancient freedom and +shake off by means of money and troops and allies, all welded +together, the slavery imposed by peace, adding: "If you only permit +Hannibal to act as he wishes, the proper thing will be done and you +will have no trouble." After such words on his part the great Hanno, +opposing Hasdrubal's argument, gave it as his opinion that they ought +not to draw war upon them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span>selves lightly nor for small complaints +concerning foreigners, when it was in their power to settle a part of +the difficulty and divert the rest of it upon the heads of those who +had been active in the matter. With these remarks he ceased, and the +elder Carthaginians who remembered the former war sided with him, but +those in robust manhood and especially all the partisans of Hannibal +violently gainsaid him. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 54<sup>10</sup></span><span class="smcap">inasmuch, +then, as they made no definite answer and showed contempt for the +envoys, marcus fabius thrusting his hands beneath his toga and holding +them with palms upward said: "here i bring to you, carthaginians, both +war and peace: do you choose whichever of them you wish." upon their +replying that they chose neither, but would readily accept either that +the romans should leave, he immediately declared war upon them.</span></p> + +<p>In this way, then, and for these reasons the Romans and the +Carthaginians became involved in war for the second time. And the +Divinity beforehand indicated what was to come to pass. For in Rome an +ox talked with a human voice, and another at the Ludi Romani threw +himself out of a house into the Tiber and was lost, many thunderbolts +fell, and blood in one case was seen coming from sacred statues +whereas in another it dripped from the shield of a soldier, and the +sword of another soldier was snatched by a wolf from the very midst of +the camp. Many unknown wild beasts went before Hannibal leading the +way, as he was crossing the Iber, and a vision appeared to him in a +dream. He thought that the gods once, sitting in assembly, sent for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span> +him and bade him march with all speed into Italy and receive from them +a guide for the way, and that by this guide he was commanded to follow +without turning around. He did turn around, however, and saw a great +tempest moving and an immense serpent accompanying it. In surprise he +asked his conductor what these creatures were; and the guide said: +"Hannibal, they are on their way to help you in the sack of Italy."</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 14, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p>VIII, 23.—These things inspired Hannibal with a firm hope, but threw +the Romans into a state of profound terror. The Romans divided their +forces into two parts and sent out the consuls,—Sempronius Longus to +Sicily and Publius Scipio to Spain. Hannibal, desiring to invade Italy +with all possible speed, marched on hurriedly and traversed without +fighting the whole of Gaul lying between the Pyrenees and the Rhone. +As far as the Rhone river no one came to oppose him, but at that point +Scipio showed himself although he had no troops with him. Nevertheless +with the help of the natives and their nearest neighbors he had +already destroyed the boats in the river and had posted guards over +the stream. Hannibal therefore used up some time in building rafts and +skiffs, some of them out of a single log of wood, but still with the +help of a large corps of workers had everything in readiness that was +needful for crossing before Scipio's own army could arrive. He sent +his brother Mago accompanied by the horsemen and a few light troops to +cross at a point where the river is scattered over considerable +breadth, with branches separated by islands; he himself, of course, +proceeded by way of the natural ford, his object being that the Gauls +should be deceived and array themselves against him only, while they +set their guards with less care at other points along the river. This +object was accomplished. Mago had already got<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span> across the river when +Hannibal and his followers were crossing by the ford. On reaching the +middle of the stream they raised a war cry and the trumpeters joined +with the blare of their instruments, and Mago fell upon their +antagonists from the rear. In this way the elephants and all the rest +were ferried safely over. They had just finished crossing when +Scipio's own force arrived. Both sides, then, sent horsemen to +reconnoitre, after which they entered upon a cavalry battle with the +same results as attended the war as a whole. The Romans, that is, +after first seeming to get the worst of it and losing a number of men +were victorious.</p> + +<p>Then Hannibal, in haste to set out for Italy but suspicious of the +more direct roads, turned aside from them and followed another, on +which he underwent bitter hardships. The mountains there are +exceedingly precipitous and the snow falling in great quantities was +driven by the winds and filled the chasms, and the ice was frozen to a +great thickness. These things conspired to cause them fearful +suffering, and many of his soldiers perished through the winter cold +and lack of food; many also returned home. There is a story to the +effect that he himself would also have turned back but for the fact +that the road already traversed was longer and more difficult than the +portion left before him. For this reason he did not retrace his steps, +but suddenly appearing south of the Alps spread astonishment and +terror among the Romans.</p> + +<p>So he advanced taking possession of whatever lay before him. Scipio +sent his brother Gaius<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> Scipio, who was serving as a lieutenant +under him, into Spain to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span> either seize and hold it or bring Hannibal +back, but he himself marched against Hannibal. They waited a few days; +then both moved into action. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">before beginning operations, hannibal called together the soldiers +and brought in the captives whom he had taken by the way: he asked the +latter whether they chose to undergo imprisonment and to endure a +grievous slavery, or to fight in single combat with one another on +condition that the victors should be released without ransom. when +they accepted the second alternative, he set them to fighting. and at +the end of the conflict he addressed</span> his own soldiers, +encouraging them and whetting their eagerness for war. Scipio also did +this on the Roman side. Then the contest began and looked at the +outset as if it would involve the entire armies: but Scipio in a +preliminary cavalry skirmish was defeated, lost many men, was wounded +and would have been killed, had not his son Scipio, though only +seventeen years old, come to his aid; he was consequently alarmed lest +his infantry should similarly meet with a reverse, and he at once fell +back and that night withdrew from the field.</p> + +<p>VIII, 24.—Hannibal did not learn of his withdrawal till daybreak and +then went to the Po, and finding there neither rafts nor boats,—for +they had been burned by Scipio,—he ordered his brother Mago to swim +across with the cavalry and pursue the Romans, whereas he himself +marched up toward the sources of the river and commanded that the +elephants cross where the tributary streams converged. In this manner, +while the water was temporarily dammed and torn piecemeal by the +animals' bulk, he effected a crossing more easily below<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span> them. Scipio +overtaken stood his ground and would have offered battle but for the +fact that by night the Gauls in his army deserted. Embarrassed by this +occurrence and still suffering from his wound he once more broke up at +night and located his entrenchments on high ground. He was not +pursued, but subsequently the Carthaginians came up and encamped, with +the river between the two forces.</p> + +<p>Scipio on account of his wound and because of what had taken place was +inclined to wait and send for reinforcements; and Hannibal after many +attempts to provoke him to battle, finding that he could not do this +and that he was short of food, attacked a fort where a large supply +for the Romans was stored. As he made no headway he employed money to +bribe the commander of the garrison, which thus came into his +possession by betrayal. He hoped also to attain his other objects, +partly by arms and partly by gold. Meanwhile Longus had entrusted +Sicily to his lieutenant and had come in response to Scipio's call. +Not much later influenced by ambition on the one hand and also by the +fact of a victory over some marauders he presented himself in battle +array. He lost the day by falling into an ambuscade, and when Hannibal +appeared upon the scene with his infantry and elephants the followers +of the Roman leader turned to flight and many were put to the sword, +many also heedless of the river fell in and were choked. Only a few +saved themselves with Longus. However, Hannibal though victorious was +not happy, because he had lost many soldiers and all of his elephants, +except one, as a result of the winter and from wounds.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span></p> + +<p>Accordingly, they arranged an armistice without any desire for peace +implied and both sides retired to the territory of their allies and +passed the winter in the cities there. Plenty of provisions kept +coming to the Romans, but Hannibal, not satisfied with the +contributions of the allies, made frequent raids upon the Roman +villages and cities and sometimes would conquer, sometimes be +repulsed. Once he was beaten by Longus with the cavalry and received a +wound. Some of the Roman settlers encouraged by this came out by +themselves to oppose him when he assailed them. These would-be +warriors he destroyed and received the capitulation of the place, +which he razed to the ground. Of the captives taken he killed the +Romans but released the rest. This he did also in the case of all +those taken alive, hoping to conciliate the cities by their influence. +And, indeed, many of the Gauls as well as Ligurians and Etruscans +either murdered the Romans dwelling within their borders or +surrendered them and then transferred their allegiance.</p> + +<p>As Hannibal was advancing toward Etruria Longus attacked him in the +midst of a great storm. Many fell on both sides and Hannibal entered +Ligurian territory and delayed some time. He was suspicious of even +his own men and was free to trust no one, but made frequent changes of +costume, wore false hair, spoke different languages at different times +(for he knew a number, including Latin) and both night and day he +would frequently make the rounds of his camp. He was always listening +to some conversations in the guise of an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span> entirely different person +from Hannibal and occasionally he talked thus in character.</p> + +<p>VIII, 25.—While this was going on in Italy the other Scipio, Gaius, +had sailed along the coast to Spain, and had won over, partly by force +and partly without opposition, all the districts to the Iber that +border on the sea and considerable of the upper peninsula. He had also +defeated Banno in battle and had taken him prisoner. Hasdrubal, the +brother of Hannibal, on learning this crossed the Iber and reduced +some of the rebels, but at Scipio's approach he fell back.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 217<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 537)</span>The people of Rome again chose +Flaminius and Geminus consuls. Just after the advent of spring +Hannibal was apprised that Flaminius together with Servilius Geminus +would march against him with a large force, and he devoted his +attention to deceiving them. He pretended that he was going to spend +his time and meet the issue where he was, and when the Romans, +thinking that he was permanently located, began to show carelessness +in their line of march, he started just after nightfall, leaving his +cavalry behind at camp, noiselessly traversed the passes and hastened +on toward Aretium; and the cavalry, after he had got far ahead, set +out to follow him. When the consuls found out that they had been +tricked, Geminus stayed behind to harass the revolted districts and +prevent them from assisting the Carthaginians, and Flaminius alone +pursued, eager that his alone should be the credit of the expected +victory. He succeeded in occupying Aretium beforehand, for Hannibal in +taking a shorter road had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span> encountered difficult marching, and had +lost numerous men, many pack animals, and one of his eyes. It was +late, then, before he reached Aretium and found there Flaminius, whom +he regarded with contempt. He did not give battle, for the situation +was unsuitable, but by way of testing his enemy's disposition he laid +waste the country. At this the Romans made a sally and he retired, to +give them the idea that he was afraid. During the night he broke up +and found a satisfactory spot for battle, where he remained. He +arranged that most of the infantry should form an ambush along the +mountain sides and ordered all the cavalry to lie in wait concealed +from view outside the pass; he himself encamped with a few followers +on the hilltop. Flaminius was in good spirits and when he saw him with +but a few men on the high ground he believed that the rest of the army +must have been sent to some distant point and hoped to take him easily +thus isolated. So he carelessly entered the mouth of the pass and +there (for it was late) pitched camp. About midnight, when they were +sleeping unguarded through scorn of their enemies, the Carthaginians +surrounded them on every side at once and by using from a distance +javelins, slings, and arrows they killed some still in their beds, +others just seizing their arms, without receiving any serious harm in +return. The Romans, having no tangible adversaries and with darkness +and mist prevailing, found no chance to employ their valor. So great +was the uproar and of such a nature the disordered alarm that seized +them, that they were not even aware of earthquakes then<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span> prevailing, +although many buildings fell in ruins and many mountains either were +cleft asunder or collapsed so that they blocked up ravines, and rivers +shut off from their ancient outlet sought another. Such were the +earthquakes which overwhelmed Etruria, yet the combatants were not +conscious of them. Flaminius himself and a vast number of others fell, +though not a few managed to climb a hill. When it became day, they +started to flee and being overtaken surrendered themselves and their +arms on promise of free pardon. Hannibal, however, recking little of +his oaths, imprisoned and kept under guard the Romans themselves, but +released their subjects and allies among all the captives he had in +his army. After this success he hastened toward Rome and proceeded as +far as Narnia devastating the country and winning over the cities, +save Spoletium; there he surrounded and slew the prætor Gaius +Centenius who was in ambush. He made an attack upon Spoletium, but was +repulsed, and as he saw that the bridge over the Nar had been torn +down and ascertained that this had been done also in the case of the +other rivers which he was obliged to cross, he ceased his headlong +rush upon Rome. Instead, he turned aside into Campania, for he heard +that the land was excellent and that Capua was a great city, and +thought that if he should first occupy these he might acquire the rest +of Italy in a short time.</p> + +<p>The people of Rome when informed of the defeat were grieved and +lamented both for themselves and for the lost. They were in sore +straits and tore down the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span> bridges over the Tiber, save one, and +proceeded hurriedly to repair their walls, which were weak in many +places. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>9</sup></span><span class="smcap">wishing to have a dictator +ready, they had proclaimed one in assembly. satisfied if they +themselves only should be saved, they had despatched no aid to the +allies. but now, learning that hannibal had set out into campania, +they determined to assist the allies also.</span> To Hannibal they +opposed the dictator Fabius and the master of horse Marcus Minucius. +These leaders set out in his direction but did not come into close +quarters with him. They followed and kept him in view in the hope that +a favorable opportunity for battle might possibly befall. Fabius was +unwilling to risk a conflict with cowed and beaten soldiers against a +greater number who had been victorious. Furthermore he hoped that the +more his foes should injure the country, the sooner would they be in +want of food. Calculating in this way he did not defend Campania nor +any other district. For these reasons he confined hostilities entirely +within Campania; unknown to the enemy he had surrounded them on every +side and now kept guard over them. He himself secured an abundance of +provisions both from the sea and from the territory of allies, but the +invaders, he knew, had only the products of the land which they were +devastating to depend upon. Therefore he waited and did not mind the +delay. Hence also he was blamed by his fellow-citizens and was even +given the name of The Delayer.</p> + +<p>VIII, 26.—When it came to be nearly winter and Hannibal could not +pass that season where he was owing to a lack of the necessities of +life and had been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span> checked in many attempts to get out of Campania, he +devised a plan of this kind. He first slew all the captives, that no +one of them might escape and acquaint the Romans with what was being +done. Then he gathered the cattle which were in camp, affixed torches +to their horns, and went at nightfall to the mountains forming the +boundary of Samnium, where he lighted the torches and threw the cattle +into a fright. They, maddened by the fire and the driving, set fire to +the forest in many places and consequently rendered it easy for +Hannibal to cross the mountains. The Romans in the plain as well as +those on the heights dreaded an ambuscade and would not budge. Thus +Hannibal got across and made his way into Samnium.</p> + +<p>Fabius, ascertaining the next day what had been done, gave chase and +routed those left behind on the road to hinder his men's progress, +afterward defeating also troops that came to the assistance of the +first party. He then encamped not far from the enemy, yet would not +come into conflict with them. However, he prevented them from +scattering and foraging, so that Hannibal in perplexity at first +started for Rome. As Fabius would not fight, but quietly accompanied +him, he again turned back into Samnium. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> +56<sup>10</sup></span><span class="smcap">and fabius following on continued to besiege him from a +safe distance, being anxious not to lose any of his own troops</span>, +especially since he could obtain necessities in abundance, whereas he +saw that his foe actually possessed nothing outside of his weapons and +that no assistance was sent to him from home. <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>11</sup></span><span class="smcap">for the cartha</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span><span class="smcap">ginians were disposed to make +sport of him in that he wrote of his splendid progress and his many +successes and in the same breath asked soldiers of them and money. +they said that his requests were not in accord with his successes: +conquerors ought to find their army sufficient, and to forward money +to their homes instead of demanding more.</span></p> + +<p>As long as Fabius was in the field, no disaster happened to the +Romans, but when he started for Rome on some public business, they met +with a setback. Rufus, his master of horse, was only a young man and +therefore full of empty conceit; he was not observant of the errors of +warfare and was wearied by the delays of Fabius: hence, when he once +held the leadership of the army alone, he disregarded the injunctions +of the dictator and hastened to bring on a set battle, in which at +first he seemed to be victorious, but was soon defeated. Indeed, he +would have been utterly destroyed, had not some Samnites arrived by +chance to aid the Romans and impressed the Carthaginians with the idea +that Fabius was approaching. When for this reason they retired he +thought that he had vanquished them and sent messages to Rome +magnifying his exploit and also slandering the dictator; he called +Fabius timorous and hesitating and a sympathizer with the enemy.</p> + +<p>The people of Rome believed that Rufus had really conquered, and in +view of this unexpected encouragement they commended and honored him. +They were suspicious of Fabius both because of the outcome and because +he had not ravaged his own land in Campania, and it would have taken +but little to make them depose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span> him from his command. However, as they +believed him useful, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>14</sup></span><span class="smcap">they did not +depose him but they assigned equal power to his master of horse so +that both held command on an equal footing. when this had been +decreed, fabius harbored no wrath against either the citizens or +rufus; but rufus, who had not shown the right spirit in the first +place, was now especially puffed up and could not contain himself. he +kept asking for the right to hold sole sway a day at a time, or for +several days alternately. fabius, possessed with dread that he might +work some harm if he should get possession of the undivided power, +would not consent to either plan of his, but divided the army in such +a way that they each, the same as the consuls, had a separate force. +and immediately rufus encamped apart, in order to illustrate the fact +that he was holding sway in his own right and not subject to the +dictator.</span> Hannibal, accordingly, perceiving this came up as if to +seize a position, and drew him into battle. He then encompassed him +about by means of an ambuscade and plunged him into danger, to such an +extent, indeed, that he would have annihilated his entire army, if +Fabius had not assailed Hannibal in the rear and prevented it.</p> + +<p>After this experience <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>16</sup></span><span class="smcap">rufus +altered his attitude, led the remnant of the army immediately into +fabius's quarters and laid down his command. he did not wait for the +people to revoke it, but voluntarily gave up the leadership which he, +a mere master of the horse, had obtained from his superior. and for +this all praised him. and fabius at once, nothing doubting, accepted +entire control and the people</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span> <span class="smcap">sanctioned it</span>. <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>17</sup></span><span class="smcap">thereafter as head of the army he afforded +greatest security, and when about to retire from office sent for the +consuls, surrendered the army to them, and advised them very fully +regarding all the details of what must be done. and they were not +unduly bold, but acted entirely on the suggestion of fabius</span>, +notwithstanding that Geminus had had some previous success. He had +seen the Carthaginian fleet at anchor off Italy but not venturing to +display any hostility because of the Roman ability to meet it, and he +had started on a retaliatory voyage, first making sure the good +conduct of the Corsicans and Sardinians by a cruise past their coasts; +he had then landed in Libya and plundered the shore district. In spite +of this achievement he was not so puffed up by it as to risk a +decisive engagement with Hannibal, but was willing to abide by the +injunctions of Fabius. One consequence was that the cities were no +longer found siding with the Carthaginians, as they had done; for they +feared that Hannibal would be driven out of Italy and they themselves +suffer some calamity at the hands of the Romans since they were their +kinsmen. The majority were engaged in trying to read the future, but a +few again espoused the Roman cause, and some sent them offerings. And +though Hiero often sent grain (and also sent a statue of Victory), the +Romans accepted it only once. Yet they were in such hard straits for +money that the silver coinage which was previously unalloyed and pure +was now mixed with copper.</p> + +<p>IX, 1.—All this is what took place in Italy at that period. Some +slaves also formed a conspiracy against Rome, but were apprehended in +advance. And a spy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span> caught in the city had his hands cut off and was +released that he might tell the Carthaginians his experience with his +own lips.—In Spain in a sea-fight near the mouth of the Iber Scipio +was victorious; for when the struggle proved to be too even, the sails +were cut down in order that the men being placed in a desperate +position might struggle more zealously. He also ravaged the country, +got possession of numerous fortresses and through his brother Publius +Scipio gained control of some Spanish cities. A Spaniard named Habelux +affecting loyalty to the Carthaginians but in reality in the Roman +service persuaded the Carthaginian guardian of the Spanish hostages to +send them to their homes, in order that they might use their influence +to bring their cities into friendly relations. Habelux naturally took +charge of them, inasmuch as he had been the one to suggest the idea, +but first sent to the Scipios and held a discussion about what he +desired; then, while he was secretly taking the hostages away by +night, he of course got captured. In this way it was the Romans who +obtained possession of these men and acquired control of their native +states by returning them to their homes.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 15, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 216<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 538)</span>Though in these matters they were +fortunate, they encountered elsewhere a fearful disaster, than which +they never suffered one more terrible either earlier or subsequently. +It was preceded by certain portents and the solemn verses of the Sibyl +which had prophesied the disaster to them so many years before. +Remarkable was also the prediction of Marcius. He also was a +soothsayer and it was his rede that, inasmuch as they were Trojans of +old, they should be overthrown in the Plain of Diomed. This was in +Daunian Apulia and took its name from the settlement of Diomed, which +he made there in the course of his wanderings. In that plain is also +Cannæ, where the present misfortune occurred, close to the Ionian Gulf +and near the mouths of the Aufidus. The Sibyl had urged them to beware +of the spot, yet said it would avail them naught, even if they should +keep it under strictest guard.</p> + +<p>Such were the oracular utterances: now what befell the Romans was +this. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>21</sup></span><span class="smcap">the commanders were æmilius +paulus and terentius varro, men not of similar temperament. for the +one was a patrician, possessed of the graces of education, and +esteemed safety before haste: but terentius had been brought up among +the rabble, was practiced in vulgar bravado, and so displayed lack of +prudence in nearly all respects, thinking, for instance, that he alone +should have the leadership in view of the quiet behavior of his +colleague. now they both reached the camp at a</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span> <span class="smcap">most opportune time: +hannibal had no longer any provender; spain was in turmoil; the +affection of the allies was being alienated from him; and if they had +waited for even the briefest possible period, they would have +conquered. as matters went, however, the recklessness of terentius and +the submissiveness of paulus compassed their defeat.</span> Hannibal +attempted to lead them into a conflict at once, and with a few +followers drew near their stronghold: then, when a sortie was made, he +purposely fell back to create the impression of being afraid and so +drew them the more surely into a set battle. But, as Paulus restrained +his own soldiers from pursuit, Hannibal simulated terror and that +night packed up as if to depart; and he left behind him numerous +articles lying within the palisade and ordered the rest of the baggage +to be escorted with a considerable show of carelessness so as to make +the Romans devote their attention to plundering it and give him +thereby a chance to attack them. He would have translated his wish +into fact, if Paulus had not held back his soldiers, in spite of their +reluctance, and held back Terentius as well.</p> + +<p>So Hannibal, having failed in this essay also, came by night to Cannæ, +and since he knew the place as one fit for ambuscades and for a +pitched battle, he encamped there. And first he ploughed the whole +site over, because it had a sandy subsoil and his object was to have a +cloud of dust raised in the conflict; the wind generally springs up +there in summer toward noon, and he contrived to get it behind his +back. The consuls seeing at dawn that his stockade was empty of men at +first waited, apprehending ambush, but later in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span> the broad daylight +came to Cannæ. Each of the Roman leaders bivouacked apart beside the +river, for since they were not congenial they avoided association +together. Paulus remained quiet, but Terentius was anxious to force +the issue; when he saw, however, that the soldiers were rather +listless, he gave up the idea. But Hannibal, who was determined to +goad them into battle even against their will, shut them off from +their sources of water, prevented their scattering into small parties, +and threw the bodies of the slain into the stream above their +intrenchments and in plain sight, in order to disgust them with the +drinking supply. Then the Romans started to array themselves for +battle. Hannibal anticipating this movement had planted ambuscades at +the foot of the hills but held the remainder of his army drawn up. He +also ordered some men at a given signal to simulate desertion; they +were to throw away their shields and spears and larger swords but +secretly to retain their daggers, so that after his antagonists had +received them as unarmed, they might attack them unexpectedly.</p> + +<p>The Romans having had in view since early morning the troops arrayed +about Hannibal were now arming themselves and taking their places. The +trumpets incited both parties, the signals were raised, and then +ensued the clash of battle and a contest which assumed a variety of +aspects. Until noon the advantage had not fallen distinctly to either +side. Then the wind came up and the false deserters were received as +men destitute of arms and got behind the Romans, alleging the very +natural reason that they wanted to be out of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span> way of the +Carthaginian attack. At this moment the men rose from ambush on both +sides, Hannibal with his cavalry charged the front ranks, the enemy +confused the Romans on every hand, the wind and the dust cloud +assailed their faces violently, causing perplexity, and interfered +with their breathing, which was already growing quick and labored from +exertion, so that deprived of sight, deprived of voice, they perished +in a wild mêlée, preserving no semblance of order. So great a +multitude fell that Hannibal did not even try to find out the number +of the common people, and in regard to the number of the knights and +members of the senate he did not write to the Carthaginians at home +but indicated it by the finger-rings; these he measured off by the +quart and sent away. Only the senators and the knights wore +finger-rings. Yet after all a number made good their escape even on +this occasion, among them Terentius; Paulus was killed. Hannibal did +not pursue nor did he hasten to Rome. He might have set out at once +for Rome with either his entire army or at least a portion of it and +have quickly ended the war; yet he did not do so, although Maharbal +urged him to do so. Hence he was censured as being able to win +victories but not understanding how to use them. Since they had +delayed this time, they could never again have an opportunity to make +haste. Therefore Hannibal regretted it, feeling that he had committed +a blunder, and was ever crying out: "Oh Cannæ, Cannæ!"</p> + +<p>IX, 2.—The Romans, who had been in such imminent danger of being +destroyed, won back their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span> superiority through Scipio. He was a son of +the Publius Scipio in Spain, and had saved the life of his father when +the latter was wounded: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>24</sup></span><span class="smcap">he was at +this time serving in the army, had fled to canusium, and later +achieved renown. by common consent of the fugitives assembled at +canusium he received the leadership, set in order affairs at that +place, sent garrisons to the regions in proximity, and both planned +and executed all measures well.</span></p> + +<p>The people of Rome heard of the defeat but did not believe it. When +they at last came to believe it, they were filled with sorrow and met +in the senate-house, but were ready to break up without accomplishing +anything, when finally Fabius proposed that they send scouts to bring +a report of what had really happened and what Hannibal was doing. He +advised them not to lament but to go about in silence that the +necessary measures might be taken, and furthermore to collect as large +a force as they might and to call upon adjoining settlements for aid. +After this, upon learning that Hannibal was in Apulia and receiving a +letter from Terentius stating that he was alive and what he was doing, +they recovered a little of their courage. Marcus Junius was named +dictator and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus master of the horse. +Immediately they enrolled not only those of the citizens who were in +their prime but also those even who were past the fighting age; they +added to their forces prisoners on promise of pardon and slaves on +promise of freedom and a brigand here and there; moreover they called +on their allies to help, reminding them of any kindness ever shown +them and promising in addition to give to some<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span> of them grain, to +others money, as they had never done before; they also sent emissaries +to Greece to either persuade or hire men to serve as their allies.</p> + +<p>Hannibal, learning that the Romans had united their troops and were +engaged in preparations, still delayed at Cannæ despairing of a +capture by assault. Of the captives he released the allied contingent +without ransom as before, but the Romans he kept, hoping to dispose of +them by sale, since this would make him better off but the Romans +worse off. When no one came from Rome in quest of the captives, he +ordered them to send some of their number home after ransom, provided +they had first taken oath to return. When even then the Romans refused +to ransom them, he shipped those who were of any value to Carthage, +and of the rest he put some to death after maltreating them and forced +the others to fight as gladiators, pitting friends and relatives +against each other. Those who were sent for ransom returned in order +to be true to their oaths, but later fled. They were disfranchised by +the censors and committed suicide.</p> + +<p>Hannibal sent his brother Mago to report the victory to the +Carthaginians and to ask them for money and troops. He on his arrival +counted over the rings and described the success naturally in even +more glowing terms than it deserved; everything that he asked was +voted and they would not listen to Hanno who opposed it and advised +them to end the war while they seemed to have the upper hand. However, +they never put their vote into effect, but delayed. Hannibal +mean<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span>while had advanced into Campania, had seized a Samnite fortress, +and marched upon Neapolis. He sent before him a few soldiers with the +booty and when the people of the city, thinking them alone, rushed out +upon them, he unexpectedly appeared in person and slew a large number. +He did not capture the city, nor did he lay siege to it for long. The +reason will presently be plain. Of the Campanian inhabitants of Capua +a part clung to Roman friendship, but others favored Hannibal. After +his success at Cannæ and when some of their men taken captive had been +released the populace was clamorous to revolt to Hannibal, but the men +of rank waited for some time. Finally the crowd made a rush upon them +as they were assembled in the senate-house and would have made away +with them all but for the action of some one of the crowd who saw how +great a misfortune this would be. This person denounced the senators +as by all means deserving to perish, but said that they ought first to +choose others to fill their places, for the State could not endure +without some men to concert measures for them. Having gained the +assent of the Capuan people he ejected each one of them from the +senate-house, asking the populace, as he did so, whom they chose in +his place. Thus, as they found themselves unable to choose others on +short notice, they let all the old senators go unharmed, because they +appeared to be necessary. Later they became reconciled with one +another and made peace with Hannibal. This is why he quickly retired +from Neapolis and came to Capua. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span> held a conference with the people +and made many attractive offers, among other things promising to give +them the supreme direction of Italy; for he was anxious that they +should be animated by hope and, feeling that they would be working for +themselves, develop greater zeal in the struggle.</p> + +<p>At the revolt of Capua the rest of Campania also became restive, and +the news of the town's secession troubled the Romans. As for Hannibal, +he started on a campaign against the Nucerini. Under stress of siege +and owing to lack of food they thrust out that portion of the +population which was not available for fighting. Hannibal would not +receive them, however, and gave them assurance of safety only in case +they should go back to the city. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>25</sup></span><span class="smcap">therefore the rest also agreed to leave the city carrying one +change of clothing. as soon, however, as hannibal was master of the +situation, he shut the senators into bath-houses and suffocated them, +and in the case of the others, although he had told them to go away +where they pleased, he cut down on the road many even of them. a +number of them saved their lives only by taking refuge in the woods. +thereupon the rest became afraid and would no longer come to terms +with him, but resisted while they were able.</span> The people of Nola +were planning to range themselves under his banner, but when they saw +what had been done to their countrymen, they quietly let Marcellus in +and later repulsed Hannibal when he assaulted their city. Repelled +from Nola he captured the people of Acerræ by starving them out. +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>29</sup></span><span class="smcap">he made the same</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span> <span class="smcap">terms with them +as with the dwellers in nuceria and also accorded them the same +treatment.</span> After that he directed his forces against Casilinum in +which Romans and about a thousand of the allies had taken refuge. +These put to death the native citizens who were meditating how to +betray them, repulsed Hannibal several times and held out nobly +against hunger. When food was failing them they sent a man across the +river on an inflated skin to inform the dictator. The latter put jars +filled with wheat into the river at night and bade them keep their +eyes on the current in the darkness. For a while he thus supplied them +with nutriment without being discovered, but eventually a jar was +dashed against some obstacle and shattered; then the Carthaginians +became aware of what was going on and put chains across the river. +After a number had perished of hunger and of their wounds, they +abandoned one half of the city, cut down the bridge, and held out in +the other half. They now threw turnip seed from the wall upon a spot +outside, doing this in order to alarm the enemy and make them believe +that they were likely to endure for a long time. Hannibal, indeed, +thinking that they must have plenty of food and astonished at their +endurance invited them to capitulate and released them for money. The +Romans outside were glad to ransom them, and more than that they +showed them honor.</p> + +<p>IX, 3.—While these events took place the messengers returned from +Delphi saying that the Pythia admonished them to shake off sloth and +devote them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span>selves to the war. Then they were filled with new +strength. They overtook Hannibal and encamped near him so as to watch +his movements. Junius the dictator ordered the Romans to do exactly as +the Carthaginians were commanded to do. So they took their food and +sleep at the same time, visited the sentries in the same manner, and +were doing everything else in similar fashion. When Hannibal +understood the situation, he waited for a stormy night and announced +to some of his soldiers a skirmish for after nightfall. Junius did the +same thing. Thereupon Hannibal ordered different detachments to attack +him in succession at different times in order that his opponent might +be involved in constant labor as a result of sleeplessness and the +storm. He himself rested with the troops not in action. When day was +about to break, he recalled the army, as was expected, and the Romans +put away their weapons and retired to rest; then all of a sudden he +attacked them, with the result that he killed a number and captured +the entrenchments, which were deserted.</p> + +<p>Conditions in Sicily and Sardinia grew unsettled but did not receive +any consideration at the hands of the Romans. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 215<br /> +(<i>a.u.</i> 539)</span>The consuls chosen were Gracchus, previously master of +the horse, and Postumius Albinus. Albinus was ambuscaded and destroyed +with his entire army by the Boii as he was traversing a wooded +mountain. The barbarians cut off his head, scooped out the interior +and after gilding it used it for a bowl in their sacred +ceremonials.—Portents occurred at this time.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span> A cow brought forth a +horse and fire shone out at sea. The consuls Gracchus and Fabius +encamped and kept watch of Hannibal while he stayed in Capua, to see +what he did. They spent their time in sending scouts in every +direction, defending the allies, trying to win back the revolted and +injuring their adversaries' interests. Hannibal, so long as he +obtained a barely sufficient supply of food at the cost of +encountering dangers, led a temperate life, as did his army; but after +they had taken Capua and wintered there in idleness with ample +provisions, they began to lose their physical strength by not laboring +and their intellectual force by tranquillity, and in changing their +ancestral habits they learned an accomplishment new to them,—that of +being defeated in battle.—When the work of war finally became +pressing, Hannibal transferred his quarters to the mountains and gave +the army exercise. But they could not get strong in a short space of +time. He was encouraged by the arrival of reinforcements from home, +especially in the matter of elephants. He now set out against Nola +intending to capture it or else to draw Marcellus, who was ravaging +Samnium, away from that region. As he could accomplish nothing, he +withdrew from the city and laid waste the country, until he suffered a +decisive defeat in battle,—an event which grieved him. Many Spaniards +and even many Libyans now forsook him and deserted to the Romans,—a +new experience for him. Consequently, despairing of his own and the +soldiers' prospects he abandoned that entire region and retired to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> +Capua. Afterward he left there also to take up a different position.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 217<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 537)</span>The Scipios had crossed the river +Iber and were ravaging the country; they had secured control of +various cities and when Hasdrubal for this reason hastened to oppose +them, they had conquered him in battle. The Carthaginians learning +this thought that Hasdrubal needed more assistance than did Hannibal, +and fearing that the Scipios might attempt to cross into Libya also +they sent only a small body of troops to Hannibal, but despatched the +largest detachment with Mago to Spain with the utmost speed; and they +bade him after the reduction of Spain to remain to guard their +interests there, whereas Hasdrubal was to be sent with a body of +troops against Italy. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 216<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 538)</span>The Scipios, +made aware of the plan, no longer gave battle for fear that Hasdrubal +perhaps might win a victory and then hasten to Italy. However, as the +Carthaginians went on injuring the part of the country that was +friendly to the Romans, Publius engaged in a struggle with such of his +opponents as attacked him and won a victory; Gnæus intercepted the +enemy who were retiring from this battle and annihilated them. As a +result of this disaster and because numerous cities were transferring +their allegiance to the Romans and some of the Libyans had gone over +to their side, Hasdrubal remained there longer than he was intending. +The Scipios sent their accessions at once to Italy, and they +themselves continued to adjust affairs in Spain. They captured the +subjects of Saguntum who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span> had caused them the war and their reverses, +and they tore down the hostile settlement and sold the men. After this +they took possession of Saguntum and restored it to its original +inhabitants. They were so scrupulous in regard to the plunder that +they sent nothing home. They allowed the partners of their campaign to +do so, but for themselves they sent only some jackstones to their +children. Hence the senate upon the request of Gnæus for leave of +absence that he might go home and borrow a dowry for his daughter, who +was of age to be married, voted that a dowry be given her from the +public funds.</p> + +<p>IX, 4.—In the course of the same period both Sicily and Sardinia had +become openly hostile. But the disturbance in these regions soon +subsided. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 215<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 539)</span>Hasdrubal, who was aiding +them, was captured and Manlius Torquatus recovered almost the entire +island. For the time being affairs in Sicily were quiet, but afterward +disturbance reigned anew. King Philip of Macedonia showed himself a +most open partisan of the Carthaginians. In his desire to add Greece +to his possessions he made an agreement with Hannibal that they should +conduct the war in common, and that the Carthaginians should get Italy +but he should have Greece and Epirus together with the islands. The +agreement was made on this basis, but through the capture of the +herald who had been sent to Hannibal by Philip the Romans learned what +was taking place and forthwith despatched the prætor Marcus Valerius +Lævinus<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span> against him. They intended to make him anxious about +internal affairs, so that he should stay at home. The plan worked. +<span class="sidenote">B.C. 214<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 540)</span>Philip had progressed as far as +Corcyca with the intention of sailing to Italy, but on learning that +Lævinus was already at Brundusium he returned home. When Lævinus had +sailed as far as Corcyca, Philip set out against the Roman allies; he +had captured Oricum and was besieging Apollonia. Lævinus made an +expedition against him anew, recovered Oricum and rescued Apollonia. +Then Philip after burning the ships which he had used retired +homewards overland.</p> + +<p>The people of Rome chose Fabius and Marcellus consuls. Hannibal was +then traveling about in what is called Calabria and in adjacent +regions, and they assigned the care of him to Gracchus, who had held +office before them. The latter routed Hanno (who had come from +Bruttium and confronted him near Beneventum), and then going on he +watched Hannibal closely, kept ravaging the possessions of rebels and +won some cities safely back. The consuls themselves turned their steps +toward Campania, for they were anxious to subdue it and so leave no +element of hostility behind their backs when they should march against +Hannibal. They then divided forces. Fabius overran the districts of +Campania and Samnium. Marcellus crossed into Sicily and proceeded to +besiege Syracuse. The town had submitted to him, but then had revolted +again through the treachery of some men by the use of a false message. +He would have subdued<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span> it very speedily,—for he assaulted the wall by +both land and sea at once,—had not Archimedes with his inventions +enabled the citizens to resist an extremely long time. By his devices +he suspended stones and heavy-armed soldiers in the air whom he would +let down suddenly and soon draw up again. Even ships that carried +towers he would dash one upon another; he would pull them up and +<span class="sidenote">(<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>31</sup>?)</span><span class="smcap">lifting them high would let go +all in a mass</span> so that when they fell into the water they were +sunk by the impact. At last in an incredible manner he destroyed the +whole Roman fleet by conflagration. By tilting a kind of mirror toward +the sun he concentrated the sun's beams on it; and as the thickness +and smoothness of the mirror coöperated to ignite the air from these +beams he kindled a great flame, all of which he directed upon the +ships that lay at anchor in the path of the fire, and he consumed them +all. Marcellus, therefore, despairing of capturing the city on account +of the inventiveness of Archimedes thought to take it by famine after +a regular investment. This duty he assigned to Pulcher while he +himself turned his attention to those who had participated in the +revolt of Syracuse. Any who yielded were granted pardon, but those who +resisted he treated harshly, and he captured a number of the cities by +force, some also by betrayal. In the meantime Himilco had come from +Carthage with an army, had occupied Agrigentum and Heraclea and had +reached Syracuse. There he was first defeated, then was in turn +victorious, and finally was beaten by a sudden assault on the part of +Marcellus.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span></p> + +<p>IX, 5.—Thereafter Marcellus was still investing Syracuse. Hannibal +was passing his time in Calabria. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 212<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 542)</span>The Romans, moreover, had again experienced many and disagreeable +reverses. The consuls had received a setback near Capua, Gracchus had +died in Lucania, Tarentum and other cities had revolted, Hannibal, +previously cowed, remained in Italy and had marched upon Rome, and +both the Scipios had perished. Elated by these events Hannibal +undertook to render assistance to Capua. He went as far as Beneventum, +then, ascertaining that Claudius had returned from Samnium into +Lucania on account of the death of Gracchus, he became afraid that the +Romans might secure control of parts of it, and he advanced no farther +but turned to meet Claudius.—Upon the death of the Scipios the whole +of Spain was thrown into disorder. Some towns voluntarily went over to +the Carthaginians and others under compulsion, even if they did later +swing back to the Roman side.</p> + +<p>Marcellus, finding that he was accomplishing naught by assault on +Syracuse, thought of the following scheme. There was a vulnerable spot +in the Syracusans' wall, which they called Galeagra; it had never +before been recognized as such, but the fact was at this time +discovered. He waited till the whole town of Syracuse celebrated an +all night festival to Artemis and then bade some soldiers scale the +wall at that point. After that some gates were opened by them and, as +soon as a few others had gone in, all, both inside and outside, at a +given signal raised a shout and struck their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span> spears upon their +shields, and the trumpeters blew a blast, with the result that utter +panic overwhelmed the Syracusans, who were anyway somewhat the worse +for drink, and the city was captured with the exception of Achradina +and what is called the "island." Marcellus plundered the captured town +and attacked the portions not yet taken, and with time and labor but +after all successfully he conquered the remainder of Syracuse. The +Romans when they became masters of these districts killed many +persons, among them Archimedes. He was constructing a geometrical +figure and hearing that the enemy were at hand he said: <span class="sidenote"> +(<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>32</sup>?)</span>"Let them come at my head, but keep their +distance from my figure!" He was little perturbed when a hostile +warrior confronted him, and by his words, "Fellow, stand away from my +figure," he irritated the man and was cut down.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 211<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 543)<br />cp. +<a href="#Frag_32-6"> <span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 32<sup>6</sup></a></span>Marcellus for his capture of +Syracuse and his conciliation of most of the rest of Sicily received +high praise and was appointed consul. They had nominated Torquatus, +who once had put his son to death. He declined, however, saying: +"I could not endure your blunders, +nor you my punctiliousness," whereupon they elected Marcellus and +Valerius Lævinus.</p> + +<p>IX, 6.—After Marcellus left Sicily, Hannibal sent a troop of cavalry +there and the Carthaginians despatched another. They won several +battles and acquired some cities. And if the prætor Cornelius +Dolabella had not come upon the scene, they would have subjugated all +Sicily.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span></p> + +<p>Capua was at this time taken by the Romans. It availed nothing that +Hannibal marched upon Rome in order to draw away from Capua the forces +besieging it, although he traversed Latium, came to the Tiber, and +laid waste the suburbs of the city. The people of Rome were +frightened, but still they voted that one of the consuls<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> should +remain at Capua while the other defended them. It was Claudius who +remained at Capua, for he had been wounded: Flaccus hastened to Rome.</p> + +<p>Hannibal kept making raids all the time before their eyes and doing a +great amount of harm, but for some time they were satisfied to +preserve their possessions within the walls. When, however, he reached +the point of assaulting the city and their armies at once, they risked +the proverbial cast of the die and made a sortie. They were already +engaged in skirmishing when <span class="sidenote">(<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>33</sup>?)</span><span class="smcap">an +extraordinary storm accompanied by an inconceivably strong wind as +well as thunder, hail, and lightning, broke from a clear sky</span>, so +that both were glad enough to flee as if by mutual consent back to the +place from which they had set out. They were just laying aside their +arms when the sky became clear. Although Hannibal concluded that the +event mentioned, coming as it did precisely at the moment of conflict, +had not occurred without divine ordering, yet he did not desist from +his siege operations and even attempted again on a subsequent occasion +to force the issue. But when the same phenomena were met for the +second time, he became<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span> terrified. What added to his alarm was that +the enemy though in so great danger did not withdraw from Capua and +were getting ready to send both soldiers and a prætor into Spain, and +that being in need of funds they sold the spot where he was encamped, +which was a piece of public property. In despair he retired, often +crying aloud, "Oh, Cannæ, Cannæ!" And he no longer showed a +disposition to render aid to Capua.</p> + +<p>The people of that city although in extremities were nevertheless +desperate, believing that they could not obtain pardon from the +Romans, and they therefore held out and sent a letter to Hannibal +begging him to assist them. The bearers of the letter were seized by +Flaccus (Claudius had before this time died of his wound) and had +their hands cut off. Seeing them the Campanians were terribly dismayed +and took counsel as to what they should do. After considerable talk a +certain Vibius Virius, one of the foremost men and most responsible +for the revolt, spoke, saying: "Our only refuge and freedom lies in +death. Escort me home. I have a poison made ready." So he took with +him those who were willing to accept his advice and with them +voluntarily gave up his life. The rest opened the gates to the Romans. +Flaccus took possession of all their arms and money, killed some of +the head men and sent others to Rome. The only ones that he left +unmolested were the survivors of the common people, and he spared them +only on condition that they receive a Roman governor, maintain no +senate, and hold no assembly.</p> + +<p>Later they subjected themselves to other disabilities<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span> by daring to +accuse Flaccus. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>34</sup></span><span class="smcap">the campanians +undertook to accuse flaccus and the syracusans marcellus</span>, when +the latter was already consul. And Marcellus made a defence, refusing +to perform any of the duties of his office until he had defended +himself. The Syracusans when given a hearing were rather sparing of +their remarks and devoted themselves not to accusing Marcellus but to +supplication and defence, showing that they had not of their own free +will revolted from the Romans and begging that pardon be granted them. +While uttering these words they fell upon the ground and bewailed +their lot. When a decision was rendered, it was to the effect that +Marcellus was not guilty; that the Syracusans, however, were deserving +of a certain degree of kind treatment not for their acts but for their +words and supplications. As Marcellus asked to be excused from +returning to Sicily, they sent Lævinus. The Syracusans in this way +obtained some consideration: the Campanians, however, were led by +stupidity to deliver their accusation with too much audacity and were +rebuked. Flaccus was not present, but one of his ex-lieutenants +conducted his defence for him.</p> + +<p>After the capture of Capua the other strongholds in the vicinity went +over to the Romans, with the exception of Atellanæ. The dwellers in +this town abandoned their city and went in a body to Hannibal. Also +the rest of Italy that favored the Carthaginian cause was being +gradually estranged and the consuls in their tours of the country were +taking possession of it. The Tarentini did not as yet openly avow +their allegiance to the Romans, but secretly they were getting tired +of the Carthaginians.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 16, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>35</sup></span><span class="smcap">the romans made propositions to +hannibal that both sides should return their prisoners. they did not +effect the exchange because they would not receive carthalo, as being +an enemy, inside of their walls. and he refused to hold any +conversation with them, but immediately turned back in a rage.</span></p> + +<p>At this time, moreover, Lævinus made friends with the Ætolians, who +were allies of Philip; and when Philip had advanced as far as Corcyra +he scared him away again so that the king returned to Macedonia with +speed.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 210<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 544)</span>IX, 7.—The people of Rome sent +Gaius Claudius Nero with soldiers into Spain. He followed the line of +the coast with his fleet as far as the Iber, where he found the +remainder of the Roman forces and confronted Hasdrubal before his +presence had been made known. He enclosed the Carthaginians securely +but was then cheated out of the advantage gained. Hasdrubal, seeing +that he was cut off, sent heralds to Nero proposing to give up the +whole of Spain and leave the country. Nero gladly accepted the offer +and his opponent postponed the settlement of the terms to the +following day. That night Hasdrubal quietly sent out a number of his +men to various parts of the mountains, and they got safely away +because the Romans, in expectation of a truce, were not keeping any +guard. The next day he held a conference with Nero but used up the +whole time without fixing upon anything definitely. That night he sent +off other men in like manner. This<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</a></span> he did similarly on several other +days while disputing about some points in the treaty. When the entire +infantry had gone in advance, he himself at last with the cavalry and +elephants silently slipped away. He reached a place of safety and +managed to make himself a source of anxiety to Nero subsequently.</p> + +<p>On learning this the people of Rome condemned Nero and voted to +entrust the leadership to somebody else. And they were at a loss whom +to send, for the situation required no ordinary man and many were +breaking away from allegiance on account of the untimely fate of the +Scipios. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>37</sup></span><span class="smcap">thereupon the famous +publius scipio, who saved his wounded father, offered himself +voluntarily for the work of the campaign. he surpassed in excellence +and was also renowned for his education.</span> He was chosen forthwith, +but his supporters not long after regretted their action because of +his youth (he was in his twenty-fourth year) and because his house was +in mourning for the loss of his father and uncle. Accordingly he made +a second public appearance and delivered a speech; and his words put +the senators to shame, so that they did not, to be sure, release him +from his command, but sent Marcus Junius, an elderly man, to accompany +him.</p> + +<p>After these events matters progressed without catastrophes for the +Romans and gradually grew better. Marcellus after his acquittal before +the court had set out against Hannibal and was making nearly +everything safe, though he was afraid to risk an engagement with men +driven to desperation. At any time that he was forced into a combat he +came out victorious as the result of prudence mingled with daring. +Hannibal now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span> undertook to inflict injury upon those regions which he +was unable to occupy, being influenced by the reasons aforementioned +as also by the fact that the cities in his alliance had either +abandoned him or were intending to do so, and by some other causes. He +hurt a great many and several towns deserted to the Romans for this +reason.</p> + +<p>In the case of the city of Salapia the following incident occurred. +Two men managed affairs there and were hostile to each other. +Alinius<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> favored the Carthaginian cause, and Plautius<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> the +Roman; and the latter talked with Alinius about betraying the place to +the Romans. Alinius at once informed Hannibal of the fact and Plautius +was brought to trial. While Hannibal was deliberating with the +councilors as to how to punish him, Plautius dared in his presence to +speak again to Alinius, who stood near, about betrayal. The latter +cried out: "There, there, he's talking to me about this very matter +now." Hannibal distrusted him on account of the improbability of the +case and acquitted Plautius as a victim of blackmail. After his +release the two men became harmonious and brought in soldiers obtained +from Marcellus, with whose aid they cut down the Carthaginian garrison +and delivered the city to the Romans.</p> + +<p>This was the state of Carthaginian interests in Italy. Not even Sicily +retained its friendliness for them, but submitted to the consul +Lævinus. The leader of the Carthaginians in Sicily was Hanno, and +Muttines was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span> a member of his staff. The latter had been with Hannibal +formerly and owing to the latter's jealousy of his great deeds of +valor had been sent into Sicily. When there also he made a brilliant +record as commander of the cavalry, he incurred the jealousy of Hanno +as well, and as a consequence was deprived of his command. Deeply +grieved at this he joined the Romans. First he accomplished the +betrayal of Agrigentum for them and then he helped them in reducing +other places, so that the whole of Sicily came again under their sway +without any great labor.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 209<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 545)</span>IX, 8.—Fabius and Flaccus subdued +among other cities Tarentum, which Hannibal was holding. They gave +orders to a body of men to overrun Bruttium in order that Hannibal +might leave Tarentum and come to its assistance. When this had +happened, Flaccus kept watch of Hannibal while Fabius by night +assailed Tarentum with ships and infantry at once and captured the +city by means of his assault aided by betrayal. Hannibal, enraged at +the trick, was eager to find some scheme for paying Fabius back. So he +sent him a letter, purporting to be from the dwellers in Metapontum, +looking to a betrayal of the city; for he hoped that Fabius would +advance carelessly in that direction and that he might set a trap for +him on the way. But the Roman leader suspected the truth of the case +and by comparing the writing with the letter which Hannibal had once +written to the Tarentini, he detected the plot from the similarity of +the two.</p> + +<p>Scipio for the first part of the time, however much he may have longed +to avenge his father and uncle and however much he yearned for glory +in the war, never<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span>theless showed no haste on account of the multitude +of his opponents. But after he ascertained that they were passing the +winter at a considerable distance, he disregarded them and marched +upon Carthage,—the Spanish town. Moreover no one gained the slightest +knowledge of his march till he had come close to Carthage itself. And +by much exertion he took the city.</p> + +<p>Following the capture of Carthage a very great <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>39</sup></span><span class="smcap">mutiny of the soldiers</span> came very near +<span class="smcap">taking place</span>. Scipio had promised to give a crown to the +first one that set foot on the wall, and two men, the one a Roman, the +other belonging to the allies, quarreled over it. Their continued +dispute promoted a disturbance among the rest as well and they became +inflamed to the utmost degree and were ready to commit some fearful +outrage when Scipio settled the trouble by crowning both men. +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>39</sup></span><span class="smcap">and he distributed many gifts to +the soldiers, assigning many also to public uses; and all the hostages +who were being detained there he gave back freely to their relatives. +as a result many towns and many princes espoused his cause, the +celtiberian race among the best. he had taken among the captives a +maiden distinguished for her beauty and it was thought that he would +fall in love with her; but when he learned that she was betrothed to +one of the celtiberian magistrates, he sent for him and delivered the +young girl to him, bestowing upon him furthermore the ransom which her +kinsfolk had brought for her. by this procedure he attached to his +cause both them and the remainder of the nation.</span></p> + +<p>Next he learned that Hasdrubal the brother of Hannibal was approaching +rapidly, still ignorant of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span> capture of the city and expecting to +meet no hostile force on his march. Scipio therefore confronted and +defeated him, and afterward bivouacked in his camp and got control of +many places in the vicinity. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>40</sup></span><span class="smcap">for +he was clever in strategy, agreeable in society, terrifying to +opponents, and thoroughly humane to such as yielded. and especially +the recollection that he had made a prediction, saying beforehand that +he would encamp in the enemy's country, caused all to honor him. the +spaniards actually named him "great king."</span></p> + +<p>Hasdrubal, giving up all hope, was anxious to leave Spain for Italy. +<span class="sidenote">B.C. 208<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 546)</span>So after packing everything for the +march he started in winter. His fellow commanders held their ground +and kept Scipio busy so that he could not pursue Hasdrubal nor lighten +the burden of war for the Romans in Italy by going there, nor sail to +Carthage. But, although Scipio did not pursue Hasdrubal, he sent +runners through whom he apprised the people of Rome of his approach, +and he himself gave attention to his own immediate concerns. As he saw +that his opponents were spread over a goodly portion of the country, +he dreaded that whenever he should begin an engagement with them, he +should be the cause of their gathering in one place through a +necessity of aiding one another. Accordingly, he conducted in person a +campaign against Hasdrubal, son of Gisco, and sent Silanus into +Celtiberia against Mago, and also Lucius Scipio his brother into +Bastitania. Lucius occupied the district after hard fighting, +conquered Mago, kept close at his heels as he fled to Hasdrubal, and +came to Scipio before the latter had accomplished anything as yet.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span></p> + +<p>Now that Mago had joined Hasdrubal and Lucius his brother Scipio, at +first they would make descents into the plain and fight strenuously +with their cavalry, and later they would array their whole army in +line of battle but did not do any fighting. This went on for several +days. When the clash finally came, the Carthaginians themselves and +their allies were defeated, their stronghold was taken by the Romans, +and the Romans made use of the provisions in it. This Scipio had +prophesied, as the story goes, three days before. For when materials +for food had failed them he predicted—by what prompting is unknown—: +"On such and such a day we shall make use of the enemy's +store."—After this he left Silanus to take care of the surviving +opponents and himself took his departure to the other cities, many of +which he won over. When he had brought order into the newly acquired +territory he took up his winter abode there. His brother Lucius he +despatched to Rome to report the progress made, to convey the captives +thither, and to investigate how the people of Rome felt toward him.</p> + +<p>IX, 9.—The dwellers in Italy had suffered from disease and had +encountered hardships in battles, for some of the Etruscans had +rebelled. But what grieved them more than all else was the fact that +they had lost Marcellus. They had been making a campaign against +Hannibal, who chanced to be at Locri, and both the consuls had been +surrounded by an ambuscade, Marcellus perishing instantly and +Crispinus dying from a wound not long after. Hannibal found the body +of Marcellus and taking his ring with which Marcellus was accustomed +to seal his documents he would forward letters<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span> to the cities +purporting to come from him. He was accomplishing whatever he pleased +until Crispinus became aware of it and sent them a warning to be on +their guard. As a result of this the tables were turned upon Hannibal. +He had sent a message to the citizens of Salapia through a fictitious +deserter, and approached the walls in the guise of Marcellus, using +the Latin language in company with other men who understood it, in +order to be taken for Romans. The Salapini, informed of his artifice, +were artful enough in turn to pretend that they believed Marcellus was +really approaching. Then drawing up the portcullis they admitted as +many as it seemed to them they could conveniently dispose of and +killed them all. Hannibal withdrew at once on learning that Locri was +being besieged by the Romans, who had sailed against it from Sicily.</p> + +<p>Publius Sulpicius assisted by Ætolians and other allies devastated a +large part of Achæa. But as soon as Philip the Macedonian formed an +alliance with the Achæans, the Romans would have been driven out of +Greece completely but for the fact that the helmet of Philip fell off +and the Ætolians got possession of it. For in this way a report +reached Macedonia that he was dead and a factional uprising took +place; Philip, consequently, fearing that he should be deprived of his +kingdom, hastened to Macedonia. Then the Romans stuck to their places +in Greece and conquered a few cities.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 207<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 547)</span>The following year upon announcement +of Hasdrubal's approach the people of Rome gathered their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span> forces, +summoned their allies, and chose Claudius Nero and Marcus Livius +consuls. Nero they sent against Hannibal, Livius against Hasdrubal. +The latter met him near the city of Sena but did not immediately open +engagement with him. For many days he remained stationary, and +Hasdrubal was in no hurry for battle, either, but remained at rest +awaiting his brother. Nero and Hannibal entered Lucania to encamp and +neither hastened to array his forces for battle, but in other ways +they had some conflicts. Hannibal kept constantly changing position +and Nero kept careful watch of him. As he constantly had the advantage +of him and ere long captured the letter sent to him by Hasdrubal, he +began to despise Hannibal, but fearing that Hasdrubal might overwhelm +Livius through mere numbers he ventured upon a hazardous exploit. He +left on the spot a portion of his force sufficient to check Hannibal +in case the latter should make any movement, and he gave the men +injunctions to do everything to create the impression that he was also +there. He selected the flower of his army and started out apparently +to attack some neighboring city, nor did any one know his true +intentions. He hastened on, then, against Hasdrubal, reached his +colleague at night, and took up his quarters in the latter's +entrenchments. Both made ready for a sudden attack upon the invader. +The situation did not go concealed, but Hasdrubal inferred what had +happened from the fact that the word of command was given twice; for +each consul issued orders to his own troops separately. Suspecting +therefore that Hannibal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span> had been defeated and had perished,—for he +calculated that if his brother were alive, Nero would never have +marched against <i>him</i>,—he determined to retire among the Gauls and +there find out definitely about his brother and so carry on the war at +his convenience.</p> + +<p>So after giving orders to the army to break up he started out that +night, and the consuls from the noise suspected what was going on, yet +they did not move immediately because of the darkness. At dawn, +however, they sent the cavalry ahead to pursue the enemy and they +themselves followed. Hasdrubal made a stand against the cavalry, +deeming them an isolated troop, but the consuls came up and routed him +and followed after the fugitives, of whom they slaughtered many. Even +the elephants were of no help to the Carthaginians. Inasmuch as some +of them that had been wounded did more harm to those in charge of them +than had been done by the enemy, Hasdrubal gave orders to those seated +upon them to slay the beasts as fast as they got wounded. And they +killed them very easily by piercing them with an iron instrument under +the ear. So they were destroyed by the Carthaginians, but the men by +the Romans. So many fell that the Romans became surfeited with +slaughter and did not wish to pursue the rest. They had destroyed +Hasdrubal along with many others, they had secured huge quantities of +spoil, they had found Roman captives to the number of four thousand in +the camp, and thought they had sufficiently retrieved the disaster of +Cannæ.</p> + +<p>At the conclusion of these operations Livius stayed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span> where he was, but +Nero returned to Apulia, reaching it on the sixth day; his absence up +to that time had not been detected. Some of the prisoners he sent into +Hannibal's camp to explain what had happened, and he fixed Hasdrubal's +head on a pole nearby. Hannibal, learning that his brother was +vanquished and dead, and that Nero had conquered and returned, +lamented bitterly, often crying out upon Fortune and Cannæ. And he +retired into Bruttium where he remained inactive.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 206<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 548)</span>IX, 10.—Scipio was detailed to +superintend Roman interests in Spain till what time he should reach a +satisfactory adjustment of them all. First he sailed to Libya with two +quinqueremes, and it so happened that Hasdrubal son of Gisco landed +there at the same time as he did. Syphax, who was king of a portion of +Libya and had enjoyed friendly relations with the Carthaginians, +entertained them both and endeavored to reconcile them. But Scipio +said that he had no private enmity and he could not on his own +responsibility arrange terms for his country.</p> + +<p>Accordingly he went back again and began a war against the +Iliturgitani because they had handed over to the Carthaginians the +Romans who took refuge with them after the death of the Scipios. He +did not make himself master of their city until he dared to scale the +wall in person and got wounded. Then the soldiers, put to shame and +fearing for his life, made a very vigorous assault. Having mastered +the situation they killed the whole population and burned down the +entire<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span> city. As a result of the fear thus inspired many voluntarily +ranged themselves on his side, whereas many others had to be subdued +by force. Some when subjected to siege burned their cities and slew +their kinsmen and finally themselves.</p> + +<p>After subjugating the greater part of the country Scipio shifted his +position to Carthage and there instituted funeral combats in full +armor in honor of his father and his uncle. When many others had +contended, there came also two brothers who continued at variance +about a kingdom, though Scipio had made efforts to reconcile them. And +the elder slew the younger in spite of the superior strength of the +latter.</p> + +<p>Subsequently Scipio fell sick, and that was the signal for a rebellion +of the Spaniards. One of Scipio's legions that was in winter quarters +near Sucro became restless. It had shown a lack of docility before +this, but had not ventured upon open rebellion. Now, however, +perceiving that Scipio was incapacitated and influenced further by the +fact that their pay had been slow in coming they mutinied outright, +drove away the tribunes, and elected consuls for themselves. Their +number was about eight thousand. The Spaniards on ascertaining this +revolted with greater readiness and proceeded to damage the territory +belonging to the Roman alliance. Mago, who had intended to abandon +Gades, consequently did not abandon it, but crossed over to the +mainland and wrought considerable mischief.</p> + +<p>Scipio learning this wrote and sent a letter to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span> apostate legion in +which he affected to pardon them for revolting on account of the +scarcity of the necessities of life, and did not seem to think it +proper to view them with suspicion but conferred praise upon those who +had accepted their leadership for the purpose of preventing any +outrage due to lack of government being either suffered or committed. +When Scipio had written to this effect and the soldiers had learned +that he was alive and was not angry with them, they made no further +demonstrations. Even after he recovered his health he did not use +harsh threats in dealing with them, but sent a promise to supply them +with food and invited them all to come to him either all together or +only a part at a time. The soldiers, not daring to go in small squads, +went in a body. Scipio arranged that they should bivouac outside the +wall—for it was nearly evening—and furnished them provisions in +abundance. So they encamped, but Scipio brought it about that the +boldest spirits among them should enter the city, and during the night +he overpowered and imprisoned them. At daybreak he sent forth all his +army as if to go on an expedition somewhere. Then he called the recent +arrivals inside the wall without their weapons in order to join his +undertaking after they had received their provision-money. As soon as +they had accordingly entered he signaled the men who had gone forth to +return just as they were. Thus he surrounded the rebels and heaped +upon them many reproaches and threats, saying finally: <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>42</sup></span><span class="smcap">"you all deserve to die: however, i shall +not put you all to death but i shall execute only a few whom i have +already arrested; the rest i shall release."</span> With<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span> these words he +set the prisoners in their midst, fixed them upon crosses, and after +copious abuse killed them. Some of the soldiers standing by grew +indignant and raised an outcry, whereupon he punished a number of them +also. After this he gave the rest their pay and conducted a campaign +against Indibilis and Mandonius. As they were too timid to offer him +battle, he attacked and was victorious.</p> + +<p>Following their capitulation most of the rest of Spain was again +enslaved, Mago abandoned Gades, and Masinissa took the Roman side. The +Carthaginians at news of the death of Hasdrubal, Hannibal's brother, +had voted to give up Spain but to recover their prestige in Italy. And +they sent money to Mago that he might gather a force of auxiliaries +and lead a campaign against that country. He, setting out once more +for Italy, reached the Gymnasian islands. The larger one escaped his +grasp; the natives from a distance kept using their slings (in which +art they were masters) against the ships, so that he could not effect +a landing: but he anchored off the smaller one and waited there on +account of the winter. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>44</sup></span><span class="smcap">these +islands are situated close to the mainland in the vicinity of the +iber. they are three in number and the greeks and the romans alike +call them the gymnasian, but the spaniards the baleares or +hyasousæ</span>,<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> or, separately, the first Ebusus, the second the +"Larger,"<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> and the third the "Smaller,"<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> exceedingly well +named.—Gades was occupied by the Romans.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 17, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>45</sup></span>IX, 11.—<span class="smcap">masinissa ranked among +the most prominent men: in force and in planning alike he displayed a +superiority, as it chanced</span>, where warlike deeds were concerned. +He had left the Carthaginians for the Romans as a result of +circumstances now to be related. Hasdrubal the son of Gisco was a +friend of his and had betrothed to him his daughter Sophonis. +Hasdrubal, however, became acquainted with Syphax and perceiving that +he favored the Romans did not keep his agreement with Masinissa any +longer. He was so anxious to add Syphax, who was lord of a very great +power, to the Carthaginian alliance that when his father about this +time died he helped him to take possession of his domain, which +properly belonged to Masinissa, and furthermore gave him Sophonis in +marriage. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>46</sup></span><span class="smcap">she was conspicuous for +beauty, had been trained in a liberal literary and musical education, +was of attractive manners, coy, and so lovable that the mere sight of +her or even the sound of her voice vanquished even a person quite +devoid of affection.</span></p> + +<p>Syphax for these reasons attached himself to the Carthaginians, and +Masinissa on the contrary took up with the Romans and from first to +last proved very useful to them. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>47</sup></span><span class="smcap">scipio after winning over the whole territory south of the +pyrenees, partly by force, partly by treaty, equipped himself to +journey to libya. the people of rome, however, through jealousy of his +successes and through fear that he</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span> <span class="smcap">might become arrogant and play the +tyrant sent two of the prætors to relieve him and called him +home.</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">thus he was deposed from his command. but sulpicius together with +attalus occupied oreus by treachery and opus by main force. philip was +unable to send them speedy aid as the ætolians had seized the passes +in advance. but at last he did arrive on the scene and forced attalus +back to his ships. philip, however, wished to conclude a truce with +the romans. and after some preliminary discussion the peace +proposition was withdrawn, but he moved the ætolians out of their +position of alliance with the romans and made them his own friends +instead.</span></p> + +<p>Hannibal for a time kept quiet, satisfied if he might only retain such +advantages as were already his. And the consuls thinking that his +power had slowly wasted away without a battle also waited.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 205<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 549)<br /><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>48</sup></span>The succeeding year Publius Scipio +and <span class="smcap">licinius crassus became +consuls</span>. And <span class="smcap">the latter stayed in italy</span>, but Scipio had +received orders to leave there for Sicily and Libya to the end that in +case he should not capture Carthage he might at least eventually draw +Hannibal from Italy. He did not succeed in securing an army of any +real value nor in getting an expenditure for triremes, because the +honors accorded to his prowess had made him an object of jealousy. The +people would scarcely supply him with the necessities. While he set +out with the fleet of the allies and a few volunteers drawn from the +populace, Mago left the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span> island and after sailing along the Italian +coast disembarked in Liguria. Crassus was in Bruttium lying in wait +for Hannibal. Philip, however, had become reconciled with the Romans; +for on ascertaining that Publius Sempronius had reached Apollonia with +a large force he was glad to make peace.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">(<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>50</sup>?)</span>Scipio the consul landed in Sicily +and made ready to sail to Libya, but he could not do so because he did +not have a complete force at his disposal and what he had was +undisciplined. Therefore he resided there for the entire winter, +drilling his followers and enrolling others in addition. As he was on +the point of making the passage, a message came to him from Rhegium +that some of the citizens of Locri would betray the city. Having +denounced the commander of the garrison and obtained no satisfaction +from Hannibal they were now ready to go over to the Romans. +Accordingly he sent a detachment there and with the aid of the +traitors seized a good part of the city during the night. The +Carthaginians were huddled together in the citadel and sent for +Hannibal, whereupon Scipio also set sail with speed and by a sudden +sally repulsed Hannibal when the latter was close to the city. Next he +captured the acropolis and, after entrusting the entire city to the +care of the military tribunes, sailed back again. He was unable, +however, to consummate his voyage to Libya. The Carthaginians so +dreaded his advance that they despatched money to Philip to induce him +to make a campaign against Italy, and sent grain and soldiers to +Hannibal and to Mago ships and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span> money that he might prevent Scipio +from crossing. The Romans, led by certain portents to expect a +brilliant victory, entrusted to Scipio the army of Libya and gave him +permission to enroll as large an additional force as he should please. +<span class="sidenote">B.C. 204<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 550)</span>Of the consuls they set Marcus +Cethegus over against Mago and Publius Sempronius against Hannibal.</p> + +<p>IX, 12.—The Carthaginians, fearing that Masinissa would join Scipio, +persuaded Syphax to restore his domain to him, the giver receiving +assurance that he would get the tract back again. Masinissa was +suspicious of the transaction, yet agreed to peace, in order to win +the confidence of the Carthaginians and so be able to plunge them into +some great catastrophe. For he was more enraged over Sophonis than +over the kingdom, and consequently worked for Roman interests while +affecting to be for the Carthaginians. Syphax, who was a Libyan +adherent, professed a friendliness for the Romans and sent to Scipio +warning him against crossing over. Scipio heard this as a piece of +secret information, and to prevent the knowledge of it from reaching +the soldiers he sent the herald back post-haste before he had had time +to meet anybody else. Then he called together the army and hastened +forward the preparations for crossing; he declared that the +Carthaginians were unprepared and that first Masinissa and now Syphax +was calling for them and upbraiding them for lingering. After this +speech he suffered no further delay but set sail. He brought his ships +to anchor near the cape called<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span> Apollonium, and <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>51</sup></span><span class="smcap">pitched his camp, devastated the country, +made assaults upon the cities and captured a few. as the romans were +harrying the country, hanno the cavalry commander, who was a son of +hasdrubal son of gisco, was persuaded by masinissa to attack them. +scipio accordingly sent some horsemen and was plundering some +districts that were suitable for him to overrun, to the end that his +men by simulated flight might draw upon them the pursuers. so when +they turned to flee, according to previous arrangements, and the +carthaginians followed them up, masinissa with his followers got in +the rear of the pursuers and attacked them and scipio making an onset +from his ambush joined battle with them. and many were destroyed, many +also were captured, among them hanno himself. therefore hasdrubal +arrested the mother of masinissa, and an exchange of the two captives +was effected. syphax now renounced even the appearance of friendship +for the romans and openly attached himself to the carthaginians. and +the romans both plundered the country and recovered many prisoners +from italy who had been sent to libya by hannibal and they went into +winter quarters where they were.</span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 203<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 551)</span>After this Gnæus Scipio<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> and +Gaius Servilius became consuls, and during their year of office the +Carthaginians, having got the worst of it in the struggle, felt a +desire to arrange terms of peace and furthermore both Hannibal and +Mago were driven out of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span> Italy. It was the consuls who made a stand +against Hannibal and Mago, while Scipio was inflicting damage upon +Libya and assailing the cities. Meantime <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> +56<sup>52</sup></span><span class="smcap">he had captured a carthaginian vessel, but released it when +they feigned to have been coming on an embassy to him. he knew, to be +sure, that it was only a pretext, but preferred to avoid the +possibility of it being said against him that he had detained envoys. +and in the case of syphax, who was still endeavoring to negotiate a +reconciliation on the terms that scipio should sail from libya and +hannibal from italy, he received his proposition not in a trustful +mood, but to the end that he might ruin him.</span> For on the excuse +afforded by the postponed truce he sent various bodies of soldiers at +various times into the Carthaginian camp and into that of Syphax; and +when they had carefully inspected everything on the side of their +opponents, he put aside the treaty on a plausible pretext, which was +the more readily found because Syphax had been detected in a plot +against Masinissa. And Scipio went by night to where their two camps +were located, not very far apart, and secretly set fire to Hasdrubal's +camp at many points at once. It rapidly blazed up—for their tents had +been made of corn-stalks and leafy branches—and the Carthaginians +fared badly. The followers of Syphax in attempting to aid them +encountered the Romans, who closed in the place, and were themselves +destroyed; and their own camp was set on fire in addition, and in it +many men and horses perished. The Romans escaped injury during the +rest of the night<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span> following the exploit, but just after daylight +Spaniards who had lately arrived as an accession to the Carthaginian +alliance fell upon them unexpectedly and killed a large number.</p> + +<p>As a result of all this Hasdrubal straightway retired to Carthage and +Syphax to his own country. Scipio set Masinissa and Gaius Lælius to +oppose Syphax while he himself marched against the Carthaginians. The +Carthaginians for their part sent ships toward the Roman stronghold, +which the enemy were using as winter quarters and as a storehouse for +all their goods. In this way they might either capture it or draw +Scipio away from themselves. Such also was the result. As soon as he +heard of the manœuvre, he withdrew and hurried to the harbor, which +he placed under guard. And on the first day the Romans easily repulsed +their assailants, but on the next they had decidedly the worst of the +encounter. The Carthaginians even went so far as to take away Roman +ships by seizing them with grappling irons. They did not venture, +however, to disembark but finally sailed homewards, after which they +superseded Hasdrubal and chose a certain Hanno in his place. From this +time Hanno was the general, but his predecessor privately got hold of +some slaves and deserters whom he welded together into a fairly strong +force; he then quietly persuaded some of the Spaniards who were +serving in Scipio's army to help him and attempted one night to carry +out a plot against the Roman's camp. Something would have come of it, +had not the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span> soothsayers, dismayed by the actions of birds, and the +mother of Masinissa, as a result of divinations, caused an +investigation of the Spaniards to be made. So their treachery was +anticipated and punished, and Scipio again made a campaign against +Carthage; he was engaged in devastating their fields [IX, 13.] while +Syphax was waging war upon the followers of Lælius. That prince +offered successful resistance for some time, but eventually the Romans +prevailed, slaughtered many, took many alive, and captured Syphax. +They also acquired possession of Cirta, his palace, without a contest +by displaying to the guardians within their king, now a prisoner.</p> + +<p>It was there that Sophonis also was. Masinissa at once rushed toward +her and embracing her said: "I hold Syphax that snatched thee away. I +hold thee also. Fear not. Thou hast not become a captive, since thou +hast me as an ally." After these words he married her on the spot, +anticipating any action on the part of the Romans out of fear that he +might somehow lose her, were she reckoned among the spoil. Then he +assumed control of the rest of the cities of Syphax also. <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>53</sup></span><span class="smcap">and they brought to scipio along with the +other property syphax himself. and the commander would not consent to +see him remain bound in chains, but calling to mind his entertainment +at the other's court and reflecting on human possibilities he leaped +from his chair, loosed him, embraced him, and treated him with +respect.</span> Once he asked him: "What possessed you to go to war with +us?" Syphax<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span> excused himself skillfully and at the same time made +himself secure against Masinissa by declaring that Sophonis had been +responsible for his attitude. To please her father Hasdrubal she had +ensnared him by witchcraft against his will to espouse the +Carthaginian cause. "At any rate," he went on, "I have paid a proper +penalty for being hoodwinked by a woman, and in the midst of my evils +have at least one consolation,—that Masinissa has married her. For +she will certainly bring about his utter ruin likewise."</p> + +<p>Scipio feeling suspicious about this action of Masinissa called him +and censured him for having so speedily married a woman taken captive +from the enemy without the commanding officer's consent, and he bade +him give her up to the Romans. Masinissa, thoroughly distracted, +rushed into the tent where Sophonis was and cried out to her: "If I +might by my own death ensure thee liberty and freedom from outrage, I +would cheerfully die for thee; but since this is impossible, I send +thee before me whither I and all shall come." With these words he held +out poison to her. And she uttered neither lament nor groan but with +much nobility made answer: "Husband, if this is thy will, I am +content. My soul shall after thee know no other lord: for my body, if +Scipio require it, let him take it with life extinct." Thus she met +her death, and Scipio marveled at the deed.</p> + +<p>Lælius conducted to Rome Syphax and his son Vermina and some others of +the foremost men; and the citizens gave Syphax an estate at Alba, +where at his death<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span> they honored him with a public funeral, and +confirmed Vermina in the possession of his father's kingdom besides +bestowing upon him the captured Nomads.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>54</sup></span><span class="smcap">the carthaginians while making +propositions to scipio through heralds gave him money at once and gave +back all the prisoners, but in regard to the remaining matters they +despatched an embassy to rome. however, the romans would not receive +the envoys at that time, declaring that it was a tradition in the +state not to admit an embassy from any parties and negotiate with them +in regard to peace while their armies were still in italy. later, when +hannibal and mago had embarked, they accorded the envoys an audience +and voted the peace.</span> But Hannibal and Mago departed from Italy +not on account of the tentative arrangements but through haste to +reach the scene of war at home.</p> + +<p>The Carthaginians in Libya were not thinking seriously of peace even +before this and had made propositions about a truce only for the +purpose of using up time and with a view to securing Hannibal's +presence. When they heard that Hannibal was really drawing near, they +took courage <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>55</sup></span><span class="smcap">and attacked scipio +both by land and by sea. when the latter complained to them about +this, they returned no proper answer to the envoys and actually +plotted against them when they sailed back; and had not a wind +fortunately arisen to help them, they would have perished. hence +scipio, though at this time the vote regarding peace was brought to +him, refused any longer to make it.</span> So the Carthaginians sent +Mago back to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span> Italy, but deposed Hanno from his command and appointed +Hannibal general with full powers. Hasdrubal they even voted to put to +death, and finding that he had by poison intentionally compassed his +own destruction they abused his dead body. Hannibal having secured +complete leadership invaded the country of Masinissa, where he +proceeded to do mischief and made ready to fight against the Romans. +Counter-preparations were made by the followers of Scipio.</p> + +<p>IX, 14.—The people of Rome were regretting that they had not +prevented the return voyage of Hannibal, and when they learned that he +was consolidating the opposition in Libya, they were again terrified +beyond measure. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 202<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 552)</span>Accordingly they +sent Claudius Nero, one of the consuls, to attend to him, and allotted +to Marcus Servilius the protection of Italy. Nevertheless Nero was not +able to reach Libya, being detained in Italy by stormy weather and +again at Sardinia. After that he progressed no farther than Sicily, +for he learned that Scipio had proved the victor. Scipio, indeed, was +afraid that Nero might be so prompt as to appropriate the glory that +properly was the fruit of his own toils, and so, at the very first +glimmer of spring, he took up his march against Hannibal; he had +already received information that the latter had conquered Masinissa. +Hannibal, upon ascertaining the approach of Scipio, did not wait, but +went out to meet him. They encamped opposite each other and did not at +once come to blows, but delayed several days; and each commander +addressed words to his own army and incited it to battle.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span></p> + +<p>When it seemed best to Scipio not to delay any further but to involve +Hannibal in conflict whether he wished it or not, he set out for +Utica, that by creating an impression of fear and flight he might gain +a favorable opportunity for attack; and this was what took place. +Hannibal, thinking that he was in flight and being correspondingly +encouraged, pursued him with cavalry only. Contrary to his +expectations Scipio resisted, engaged in battle and came out +victorious. After routing this body he directed his next attentions +not to pursuing them but to their equipment train, which chanced to be +on the march, and he captured it entire. This behavior caused Hannibal +alarm, an alarm increased by the news that Scipio had done no injury +to three Carthaginian spies whom he had found in his camp. Hannibal +had learned this fact from one of them, for the other two had chosen +to remain with the Romans. Disheartened and confused he no longer felt +the courage to carry on a decisive engagement with the Romans, but +determined to make efforts for a truce as quickly as possible, in +order that if this attempt should not be successful, it might at least +cause a temporary delay and cessation of hostilities. So he sent to +Masinissa, and through him as a man of the same stock asked for a +truce. And he secured a conference with Scipio, but accomplished +nothing. For Scipio avoided a definite answer as much as he did a +harsh one, but throughout pursued a middle course, albeit preserving +an agreeable tone, in order to lead Hannibal into careless behavior by +pretending a willingness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span> to come to terms. Such was the result. +Hannibal now gave no thought to battle, but concerned himself with a +desire to change his camp to a more favorable location. Scipio, +gaining this information from deserters, broke up beforehand by night +and occupied the spot which was the goal of Hannibal's striving. And +when the Carthaginians had reached a depressed part of the road +unsuited for encampment he suddenly confronted them. Hannibal refused +to fight and in his efforts to locate a camp there and to dig wells he +had a hard time of it all night long. Thus Scipio forced the enemy, +while at a disadvantage from weariness and thirst, to offer battle +whether pleased or not.</p> + +<p>Accordingly, the Romans entered the conflict well marshaled and eager, +but Hannibal and the Carthaginians listlessly and in dejection, a +dejection for which a total eclipse of the sun at this time was +largely accountable. From this combination of circumstances Hannibal +suspected that this, too, foreboded to them nothing auspicious. In +this frame of mind they stationed the elephants in front of them as a +protection. Suddenly the Romans emitted a great, bloodcurdling shout, +and smiting their spears against their shields advanced with +determination and on a run against the elephants. Thrown into a panic +by the onset most of the beasts did not await the enemy's approach, +but turned to flee and receiving frequent wounds wrought greater +turmoil among their keepers. Others entered the fray, and then the +Romans would stand apart and the animals ran through the spaces in +their ranks, getting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span> struck and wounded from close at hand as they +passed along. For a time the Carthaginians resisted, but at length, +when Masinissa and Lælius fell upon them from the rear with horsemen, +they all fled. The majority of them were destroyed and Hannibal came +very near losing his life. As he fled, Masinissa pursued him at +breakneck speed, giving his horse free rein. Hannibal turned and saw +him in mad career; he swerved aside just slightly, <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>57</sup></span><span class="smcap">and checked his forward course</span>: +Masinissa rushed by and Hannibal got behind and wounded him. Shortly +after with a few attendants the Carthaginian leader made good his +escape.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 201<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 553)<br /><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>62</sup></span>Scipio followed up his victory by a +rapid advance against Carthage and proceeded to besiege it by land and +sea at once. The Carthaginians at first set themselves in readiness as +though to endure the siege, but later, brought to the end of their +resources, <span class="smcap">they made overtures to +scipio for peace</span>. Scipio accepted their proposals and discussed +with them the articles of the compact. <span class="smcap">the terms agreed upon were: +that the hostages and the captives and the deserters should be given +up by the carthaginians, that all the elephants and the triremes (save +ten) should be delivered over, and that in the future they should not +keep elephants nor more ships of war than ten, nor make war upon any +one contrary to the advice and consent of the romans</span>, and a few +other points.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">when an agreement of this nature had been reached, the +carthaginians despatched ambassadors to rome</span>. <span class="sidenote"> +(<span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 56<sup>63</sup>?)</span><span class="smcap">so they went their way, but the senate +did not receive the embassy readily; indeed, its members</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span> <span class="smcap">disputed for +a long time, one party being opposed to another</span>. <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>64</sup></span><span class="smcap">the popular assembly, however, unanimously +voted for peace and accepted the agreement and sent ten men that in +conjunction with scipio they might settle all the details. and the +treaty was accepted, the triremes were given up and burned, and of the +elephants the larger number were carried off to rome, and the rest +were presented to masinissa. the romans now abandoned libya, and the +carthaginians italy.</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">the second war, then, with the carthaginians resulted in this way +at the end of sixteen years. by it scipio had been made illustrious, +and he was given the title of africanus (africa was the name of that +part of libya surrounding carthage), and many also called him +"liberator" because he had brought back many captive citizens. he +therefore attained great prominence by these deeds, but hannibal was +accused by his own people of having refused to capture rome when he +was able to do so, and of having appropriated the plunder in italy. he +was not, however, convicted, but was shortly after entrusted with the +highest office in carthage.</span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 57<sup>1</sup></span>IX, 15.—<span class="smcap">the romans now became +involved in other wars</span>, which were waged against Philip the +Macedonian and against Antiochus.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 18, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p>As long as the struggle with the Carthaginians was at its height they +treated Philip with consideration even if his attitude toward them was +not one of friendliness; for they wished to prevent him from +consolidating with the Carthaginians or leading an expedition into +Italy. But when the previous hostilities had come to a standstill, +they did not wait a moment, but embarked upon open warfare with him, +which they justified by the presentation of many complaints. +Accordingly, the Romans sent envoys to him, and when he complied with +none of their orders, voted for war. They used his descent upon the +Greeks as a pretext, but their real reason was irritation at his +general behavior and a determination to anticipate him, so that he +should not be able to enslave Greece and conduct a campaign against +Italy after the fashion of Pyrrhus. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 200<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 554)</span>As a consequence of their vote they made effective preparations in all +departments and they associated with Sulpicius Galba Lucius Apustius +as legatus in charge of the fleet. Galba after crossing the Ionian +Gulf was sick for some time; accordingly the aforementioned legatus +and the sub-lieutenant Claudius Cento assumed charge of his entire +force. The second of these with the aid of the fleet rescued Athens, +which was being besieged by the Macedonians, and sacked Chalcis, which +was occupied by the same enemy. Philip returned just then, having +finished his campaign against Athens, but Cento drove<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span> him back at his +first approach and repulsed him again on the occasion of a subsequent +assault. Apustius, while Philip was busy with Greece, had invaded +Macedonia, and was plundering the country as well as making garrisons +and cities subject. For these reasons Philip found himself in a +quandary, and for a time scurried about hither and thither, defending +now one place, now another. This he did until Apustius proved himself +a mighty menace to his country and the Dardanians were injuring the +part of Macedonia close to their borders <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> +57<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">(this people dwell above the illyrians and the +macedonians)</span> and some Illyrians together with Amynander king of +the Athamanians, a Thessalian tribe, though they had previously been +his allies now transferred themselves to the Roman side. In view of +these events he conceived a suspicion of Ætolian loyalty and began to +fear for his interests at home, and he hastened thither with the +larger part of his army. Apustius, apprised of his approach, retired, +for by this time it was winter.</p> + +<p>Galba on recovering from his illness made ready a still larger force +and at the beginning of spring pushed forward into Macedonia. When the +two leaders drew near each other they <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 57<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">both pitched camp and conducted skirmishes of the horse and +light-armed troops. when the romans transferred their camp to a +certain spot from which they could get food more easily, philip +decided that they had shifted position out of fear of him; therefore +he attacked them unexpectedly while they were engaged in plundering +and killed a few of them. and galba on perceiving this</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span> <span class="smcap">made a sortie +from the camp, attacked him and slew many more in return. philip, +then, in view of his defeat and the fact that he was wounded, withdrew +just after nightfall. galba, however, did not follow him up but +retired to apollonia. apustius with the rhodians and with attalus +cruised about and subjugated many of the islands.</span></p> + +<p>About the same time <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 57<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">hamilcar, a +carthaginian who had made a campaign with mago in italy and remained +there unnoticed, after a term of quiet caused the gauls as soon as the +macedonian war broke out to revolt from the romans; then with the +rebels he made an expedition against the ligurians and won over some +of them also. they fought with lucius furius the prætor, were +defeated, and sent envoys about peace. the ligurians obtained +this</span>, but it was not granted to the others. Instead, Aurelius the +consul, who was jealous of the prætor's victory, led a new campaign +against them.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 199<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 555)</span>The succeeding year a great deal of +havoc was wrought by Hamilcar and the Gauls. They conquered the prætor +Gnæus Bæbius, overran the territory which was in alliance with the +Romans, besieged Placentia, and capturing it razed it to the ground.</p> + +<p>IX, 16.—To return to the campaign in Greece and Macedonia—Publius +Villius the consul was encamped opposite Philip, who had occupied in +advance the passes of Epirus through which are the entrances to +Macedonia. Philip had extended a wall across the entire mountain +region in between and held a formidable position, <span class="sidenote">B.C. 198<br /> +(<i>a.u.</i> 556)</span>but the consul Titus Flamininus<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> at the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span> conclusion +of winter got around the circumvallation with a few followers by a +narrow path. And appearing suddenly on higher ground he terrified +Philip, who thought that the whole army of Titus had come up through +the pass. Hence he fell back into Macedonia at once. The consul did +not pursue him, but assumed control of the cities in Epirus. He also +went into Thessaly and detached a good part of it from Philip and then +retired into Phocis and Bœotia. While he was besieging Elatea his +brother Lucius Flamininus in company with Attalus and the Rhodians was +subduing the islands. Finally, after the capture of Cenchrea, they +learned that envoys had been sent to the Achæans to see about an +alliance and they despatched some themselves in turn, the Athenians +associating in the embassy. And at first the opinions of the Achæans +were divided, some wanting to vote their alliance to Philip and some +to the Romans; eventually, however, they voted assistance to the +latter. And they joined in an expedition against Corinth, where they +succeeded in demolishing portions of the wall, but retired after +losses suffered through sallies of the citizens.</p> + +<p>Then Philip, growing afraid that many cities might be taken, made +overtures to the consul regarding peace. The latter accepted his +representations and they and their allies met, but nothing was +accomplished except that permission was granted Philip to send envoys +to Rome. Nor was anything done there. For, when the Greeks insisted +that he depart from Corinth and Chalcis and from Demetrias in +Thessaly, the envoys of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span> Philip said they had received no instructions +on this point and closed an ineffectual mission.</p> + +<p>The people of Rome in voting to Flamininus the supreme direction in +Greece for another year also committed to his charge the case of +Philip as well. The Roman leader, since he was to remain at his post, +prepared for war, and the more so because the Lacedæmonian tyrant +Nabis, although a friend of Philip from whom he had received Argos, +had made a truce with him. The Macedonian monarch being unable to +administer many districts at once and fearing that the city might be +seized by the Romans had deposited it with Nabis to be restored again.</p> + +<p>In a campaign of the consul Ælius Pætus against the Gauls many +perished on both sides in the stress of conflict and no advantage was +achieved. And the Carthaginian hostages together with the slaves +accompanying them and the captives who had been sold to various +persons had the hardihood to take possession of the several cities in +which they were living; and after slaughtering many of the native +population were overthrown by the prætor Cornelius Lentulus before +they had wrought any more mischief. The Gauls, however, elated by +their successes and aware of the fact that it was only a secondary war +the Romans were waging against them prepared as if to march upon Rome. +<span class="sidenote">B.C. 197<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 557)</span>The Romans consequently became +afraid and sent both the consuls, Cornelius Cethegus and Minucius +Rufus, against the Gauls. They parted company and individually ravaged +different tracts of country. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span> enemy accordingly also divided +forces to meet the consuls. One band under Hamilcar encountered +Cethegus and was defeated; the rest when made aware of this showed the +white feather and would no longer face Rufus; consequently the latter +overran the country at will. Those who had fought against Cethegus +then made peace; the remainder still continued under arms.</p> + +<p>At this time Flamininus in company with Attalus reduced the whole of +Bœotia. Attalus expired of old age in the midst of a speech which +he was making to the people there. Flamininus went into Thessaly and +came into collision with Philip. It was only a cavalry skirmish in +which they engaged, for the ground was not suitable for a battle on a +vaster scale; hence both withdrew. And having reached a certain hill, +the top ridge of which is called Dog's Head (Cynoscephale), they +bivouacked, one on one side, the other on the other. Here also they +fought with their entire armies, and the outcome would have left both +with equal honors if the Ætolians had not made the Romans superior. So +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 58</span><span class="smcap">philip was defeated</span> and fled, +and afterward, learning that Larissa and the cities surrounding it had +chosen to follow the fortunes of the victors, <span class="smcap">he sent heralds to +flamininus. and he made a truce</span> as soon as Philip had given money +and hostages, among them his own son Demetrius, and had sent out +envoys to Rome in regard to peace.</p> + +<p>During the period of these transactions Androsthenes also had been +vanquished by the Achæans and had lost Corinth. And Lucius Flamininus +who was in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</a></span> charge of the fleet, when he could not persuade the +Acarnanians to refrain from allying themselves with Philip, besieged +and captured Leucas; later they became aware of Philip's defeat and he +secured their submission with greater ease.</p> + +<p>Thus was the Macedonian war terminated and the people of Rome very +readily became reconciled with Philip upon the following terms. He +should restore the captives and deserters; give up the elephants and +triremes save five (including the flagship, a vessel of sixteen +banks), pay an indemnity, part at once, the rest in definite +installments; be king of Macedonia alone; not keep more than five +thousand soldiers, nor make war with any person outside his own +country. For the rest of the cities situated in Asia and Europe which +were previously subservient to him they let go free.</p> + +<p>The consuls waged once more with the Gauls a war not unfraught with +difficulties, yet in spite of all they got the better of this people, +too.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 195<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 559)</span>IX, 17.—Porcius Cato being chosen +consul won back Spain, which had been almost entirely alienated. He +was a man who surpassed those of his age in every virtue. Now after +the defeat inflicted upon the Romans at Cannæ a law had been passed to +the effect that women should not wear gold nor be carried in chairs +nor make use at all of variegated clothing; and the people were +deliberating as to whether they ought to abolish this law. And on this +subject Cato delivered a speech in which he made out that the law +ought to prevail, and finally he added these words: "Let the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span> women, +then, be adorned not with gold nor precious stones nor with any bright +and transparent clothing, but with modesty, with love of husband, love +of children, persuasion, moderation, with the established laws, with +our arms, our victories, our trophies."—Lucius Valerius, a tribune, +spoke in opposition to Cato, urging that the privilege of the old-time +ornament be restored to the women. After speaking at length in this +vein to the people he then directed his discourse to a consideration +of Cato, and said: "You, Cato, if you are displeased at women's +ornaments and wish to do something magnificent and befitting a +philosopher, clip their hair close all around and put on them short +frocks and tunics with one shoulder; yes, by Jove, you go ahead and +give them armor and mount them on horses and, if you like, take them +to Spain; and let's bring them in here, so that they may take part in +our assemblies." Valerius said this in jest, but the women hearing him +(many of them were hanging about near the Forum inquisitive to know +how the affair would come out) rushed into the assembly denouncing the +law; and accordingly, as it was speedily repealed, they put on some +ornaments right there in the assembly and went out dancing.</p> + +<p>Cato sailed away and reached Spain. There he learned that all the +dwellers as far as the Iber had united in order to wage war against +him in a body. After organizing his army he attacked and defeated them +and forced them to submit to him. They did so in the fear that +otherwise they might lose the cities at a single<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span> stroke. At the time +he did them no harm, but later when some of them incurred his +suspicion, he deprived them all of arms and made the natives +themselves tear down their own walls. Letters were sent in every +direction with orders that they should be delivered to everybody on +the same day; and in these he commanded the people to raze the circuit +of their fortifications instanter, threatening the disobedient with +death. Those occupying official positions when they had read them +thought in each case that the message had been written to them alone, +and without taking time for deliberation they all threw down their +walls.</p> + +<p>Cato now crossed the Iber, and though he did not dare to contend with +the Celtiberian allies of the enemy on account of their number, yet he +handled them in marvelous fashion, now persuading them by a gift of +larger pay to change front and join him, now admonishing them to +return home, sometimes even announcing a battle with them for a stated +day. The result of it all was that they broke up into separate +factions and became so fearful that they no longer ventured to fight +with him.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 19, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p>IX, 18.—At this time Flamininus, too, made a campaign against Argos, +for the Romans seeing that Nabis was not loyal to them and was a +source of terror to the Greeks treated him as an enemy. With an +accession of allies from Philip Flamininus marched upon Sparta, +crossed Taygetus without effort and advanced toward the city, meeting +with no opposition. For Nabis, being afraid of the Romans and +suspicious of the natives, did not rouse himself to the point of +meeting Flamininus at a distance; but when the latter came nearer he +made a hostile excursion from the town, thinking lightly of his +opponent because of the fatigue of the journey and because Flamininus +was kept employed by the business of encamping; and he did cause a few +flurries. The next day he came out to face the Romans when they +assaulted, but as he lost large numbers he did not come out again. So +Flamininus, leaving a portion of his army there to prevent a warlike +demonstration anywhere, with the rest turned his attention to the +country districts; these he ravaged with the aid of his brother and +the Rhodians and Eumenes, son of Attalus. Nabis was consequently in +despair and despatched a herald to Flamininus about peace. The latter +listened to his proposals but did not immediately cease hostilities. +For Nabis did not dare to refuse the arrangements which he was asked +to make, nor yet would he consent to make them. And the populace<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span> +prevented him from coming to an agreement. So temporarily Nabis did +not come to terms, but when the Romans attacked again and captured +almost all of Sparta (it was in part destitute of a wall), he would +wait no longer, but made a truce with Flamininus and by sending an +embassy to Rome effected a settlement.</p> + +<p>Flamininus hereupon set all the Greeks free; <span class="sidenote">B.C. 194<br /> +(<i>a.u.</i> 560)</span>later he convened them in session and after reminding +them of the benefits they had received urged them to maintain a kindly +attitude toward the Romans: he then withdrew all their garrisons and +departed with his entire army.</p> + +<p>Upon the arrival of Flamininus at Rome Nabis rebelled. And straightway +the whole Greek world, so to speak, was thrown into a turmoil which +the Ætolians did their best to increase. They were making ready for +war and were sending embassies to Philip and Antiochus. They persuaded +the latter to assume a position of hostility to the Romans, promising +him that he should be king of both Greece and Italy. Roman interests +were so upset that they had no hope of overcoming Antiochus, but were +satisfied if they could preserve their former conquests. Antiochus was +regarded as a mighty personage both in the light of his own power, +through which he had performed distinguished exploits and above all +had subjugated Media, <span class="sidenote">B.C. 193<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 561)</span>and he loomed +far mightier still for having attached to his cause Ptolemy, king of +Egypt, and Ariarathes, monarch of Cappadocia, as a kinsman by +marriage.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span></p> + +<p>Antiochus being so esteemed, the Romans as long as they were at war +with Philip were careful to court his favor, keeping up friendly +relations with him through envoys and sending him gifts. But when they +had vanquished their other enemy, they despised also this king whom +they had formerly feared. Antiochus himself crossed over into Thrace +and gained control of many districts. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 192<br />(<i>a.u.</i> +562)</span>He helped colonize Lysimachia, which had been depopulated, +intending to use it as a base. It was Philip and Nabis who had invited +his assistance. Hannibal, too, had been with him and had caused him to +hope that he might sail to Carthage and from there to Italy, and +further that he could subjugate the races along the Ionian Gulf and +with them set out against Rome. Twice before, indeed, Antiochus had +crossed into Europe and had reached Greece. This time he learned that +Ptolemy was dead, and deeming it all important that he should obtain +the sovereignty of Egypt he left his son Seleucus with a force at +Lysimachia and himself set out on the march. He found out, however, +that Ptolemy was alive, and so kept away from Egypt and made an +attempt to sail to Cyprus. Baffled by a storm he returned home. The +Romans and he both despatched envoys to each other submitting mutual +complaints that they might get an excuse for the war and inspect +conditions on each side betimes.</p> + +<p>Hannibal had obtained the most important office at Carthage and in his +tenure of it had offended the most powerful nobles and incurred their +hatred. Malicious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span> reports about him were conveyed to the Romans to +the effect that he was rousing the Carthaginians to revolt and was +negotiating with Antiochus. Learning that some men from Rome were at +hand and fearing possible arrest he escaped from Carthage by night. He +came then to Antiochus and paved the way for his own restoration to +his native country and for war against the Romans by promising the +king that he would secure to him the rulership of Greece and Italy. +All went well until Scipio Africanus joined them. Scipio had been sent +to Libya as arbitrator between Masinissa and the Carthaginians, who +were at variance over some land boundaries, and had left their dispute +still hanging in the air that they might continue to quarrel and +neither of them be angry at the Romans on account of a definite +decision. From there he crossed into Asia nominally as an envoy to +Antiochus but in reality to smite both him and Hannibal with terror by +his appearance and accomplish what was for the advantage of the +Romans. After his arrival Antiochus no longer bestowed a similar +degree of attention upon Hannibal. He suspected him of secret dealings +with Scipio, and found him burdensome besides, because everybody +ascribed every plan to Hannibal and all placed in him their hope for +success in the war. For these reasons, then, he became both jealous +and afraid of Hannibal, dreading that he might change his demeanor, +should he get control of any power. So he neither supplied him with an +army nor sent one to Carthage; and he did not favor him very<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span> much +with audiences but made it a practice not to sanction any of his +proposals.</p> + +<p>IX, 19.—The rumors about Antiochus occupied a large share of Rome's +attention and caused the Romans no small degree of uneasiness. The +name of Antiochus was in many mouths: some said that he already held +the whole of Greece, others talked to the effect that he was hastening +toward Italy. The Romans accordingly despatched envoys to Greece, +among them Flamininus, who was on intimate terms with the people, in +order to prevent them and Philip from creating any disturbance; and of +the prætors they sent Marcus Bæbius to Apollonia, in case Antiochus +should undertake to cross over into Italy that way, and Aulus Atilius +to attend to Nabis. The second of these had no work to do, for Nabis +had ere this perished, the victim of a plot on the part of the +Ætolians, and Sparta had been captured by the Achæans: Bæbius and +Philip confirmed the loyalty of many portions of Thessaly. The +Macedonian king was true to his agreement with the Romans principally +for the reason that Antiochus had attached some settlements belonging +to him in Thrace.</p> + +<p>Flamininus went about Greece, and some he persuaded not to revolt, +others already revolted he won back, except the Ætolians and a few +towns elsewhere. The Ætolian league had bound itself to Antiochus and +was forming a union out of some states that were willing and others +that were unwilling. Antiochus in spite of the winter time hastened +forward to fulfill the hopes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span> of the Ætolians, and this explains why +he did not bring along a respectable force. With what he had, however, +he took Chalcis and gained control of the rest of Eubœa. Finding +some Romans among the captives he released them all. Then he entered +Chalcis to spend the winter, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 59<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">with +the result that he himself and his generals and his soldiers had their +mental energies ruined beforehand; for by his general indolence and +his passion for a certain girl he drifted into luxurious living and at +the same time rendered the best unfit for warfare</span>.</p> + +<p>The people of Rome learning that he was in Greece and had captured +Chalcis took up the war in earnest. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 191<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 563)</span>Of the consuls they retained Scipio Nasica to guard Italy and sent +Manius Glabrio with a large army into Greece. Nasica conducted a war +against the Boii, and Glabrio drove Antiochus out of Greece. He also +went to Thessaly and with the help of Bæbius and Philip gained control +of many of the towns there. He captured Philip of Megalopolis and sent +him to Rome, and drove Amynander out of his domain, which he then gave +to the Macedonian ruler.</p> + +<p>Antiochus meanwhile was staying at Chalcis and keeping quiet. +Afterward he entered Bœotia and at Thermopylæ withstood the Romans +who came to meet him. Considering the fewness of his soldiers he +thought it best to seek an ally in the natural advantages of his +position. And in order to avoid having himself such an experience as +the Greeks had met who were arrayed there against the Persian he sent +a division of the Ætolians up to the summit of the moun<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span>tains to keep +guard there. Glabrio cared little for the location and did not +postpone a battle: however, he despatched his lieutenants Porcius Cato +and Valerius Flaccus by night against the Ætolians on the summit and +himself engaged in conflict with Antiochus just about dawn. As long as +he fought on level ground he had the best of it, but when Antiochus +fell back to a position higher up, he found himself inferior till Cato +arrived in the enemy's rear. Cato had come upon the Ætolians asleep +and had killed most of them and scattered the rest; then he hurried +down and participated in the battle going on below. So they routed +Antiochus and captured his camp. The king forthwith retired to +Chalcis, but learning that the consul was approaching went back +unobserved to Asia.</p> + +<p>Glabrio at once occupied Bœotia and Eubœa, and proceeded to +deliver assaults upon Heraclea, since the Ætolians were unwilling to +yield to him. The lower city he captured by means of a siege and +received the capitulation of those who had fled to the acropolis. +Among the prisoners taken at this time was found Democritus the +Ætolian general, who had once refused alliance to Flamininus, and when +the latter asked for a decree that he might send it to Rome, had said: +"Don't worry. I will carry it there with my army and read it to you +all on the banks of the Tiber."—Philip was engaged in besieging Lamia +when Glabrio came against it and appropriated both victory and booty. +Though the remainder of the Ætolians wanted to become reconciled, +still they made no truce because<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span> Antiochus sent them envoys and +money; and they set themselves in readiness for war. Philip affected +friendliness toward the Romans, but his heart was with Antiochus. +Meantime Glabrio was besieging Naupactus which belonged to the +Ætolians, and Flamininus coming to them persuaded the inhabitants to +make peace, for he was well known to them. They as well as the Epirots +despatched envoys to Rome. Philip for sending a triumphal crown to +Capitoline Jupiter received in return among other presents his son +Demetrius, who was living at Rome a hostage. A truce was not made with +the Ætolians, for they would not submit to any curtailment of +privilege.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 190<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 564)</span>IX, 20.—The Romans set against +Antiochus the Scipios, Africanus and his brother Lucius. They granted +the Ætolians a respite for the purpose of once more conducting an +embassy to Rome regarding peace, and hurried on against Antiochus. On +reaching Macedonia they secured allies from Philip and marched on to +the Hellespont. After crossing into Asia they occupied most of the +coast districts which had previously been occupied by the Romans who +had gone there first, as well as by Eumenes and the Rhodians; the +latter had also conquered Hannibal in the region of Pamphylia, as he +was taking some ships out from Phœnicia. Eumenes and his brother +Attalus proceeded to injure the country of Antiochus, and cities kept +coming over, some under compulsion, some voluntarily, to the Romans, +with the ultimate result that Antiochus was obliged to abandon Europe +en<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span>tirely and to recall his son Seleucus from Lysimachia. When this +son had accomplished the return journey, he sent him with troops +against Pergamum. Inasmuch, however, as his investment of the town +proved ineffectual and the Scipios soon reached his vicinity, +Antiochus lost no time in concluding a truce with them; for he +expected to obtain terms since <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 59<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">he +had got possession of the son of africanus and was according him the +kindest treatment. and finally, though he failed of securing peace, he +released him without ransom.</span> The peace project, however, came to +nothing, because Antiochus would not agree to accede to the Roman +demands.</p> + +<p>Still, for a long time their attitude was marked by inaction. Finally +they fell to fighting again. The following may serve as a general +description of the contest. Antiochus put the chariots in front, with +the elephants next, and behind these the slingers and the archers. But +the Romans anticipated the charge of the chariots by a charge of their +own and with a great clamor they rushed straight at them and repulsed +them, so that most of these vehicles turned in the direction of the +elephants. In their backward career they threw their own contingent +into confusion,—for their erratic course terrified and dispersed the +men marshaled close to them,—and a heavy rain which now came up +rendered weak the detachment of archers and slingers. A heavy, +all-enveloping mist succeeded, which was of no hindrance to the +Romans, who had the upper hand and were fighting at close range; but +in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span> the case of their opponents, who were in dread and employed +cavalry and archers for the most part, it made it out of the question +to see which way to shoot their arrows and caused them to stumble over +one another, like men in the dark. Nevertheless Antiochus developed +sufficient power, by means of his armored cavalry, to rout the +antagonists directly confronting him and to advance in pursuit of them +as far as their camp. Indeed, he would have taken it, had not Marcus +Æmilius Lepidus, who was charged with guarding it, killed the first +Romans that came in after they had refused to heed his exhortations to +check their flight. As a result the rest of the party turned back and +the commander himself made a sortie with members of the garrison who +were free from the prevailing demoralization, and their united efforts +repulsed Antiochus. While this action was taking place, Zeuxis had +assailed the ramparts in another quarter, had succeeded in getting +within them, and continued to pillage until Lepidus became aware of it +and came to the rescue of his own interests. At the same time Scipio +captured the camp of Antiochus, wherein he found many human beings, +many horses, baggage animals, silver and gold coins, elephants, and a +number of precious objects besides. Antiochus after this defeat at +once retired into Syria, and the Asiatic Greeks made common cause with +the Romans.</p> + +<p>After this, upon overtures made by Antiochus, an armistice was +arranged. Africanus was well disposed toward him for his son's sake, +and the consul, too, did<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span> not want to leave the victory to be grasped +by his successor, now approaching; consequently they laid upon +Antiochus conditions no more severe than those they had originally +set, before the battle. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 189<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 565)</span>Indeed, +Gnæus Manlius who succeeded them in office was not pleased with the +agreement reached, and he made additional demands upon the king, +requiring him besides to give hostages, one of whom should be his son +Antiochus, and to deliver up all the deserters, among whom was +Hannibal. Antiochus reluctantly yielded obedience on all points: to +give up Hannibal, however, was out of his power, since that prince had +taken seasonable refuge with Prusias, king of Bithynia. On these terms +Antiochus was able to send envoys to Rome and effect a cessation of +hostilities. Lucius Scipio received praise for his victory, and it +gave him the title of Asiaticus in the same way as his brother had +been called Africanus for conquering Carthage, which had possessed the +most considerable power in Africa.</p> + +<p>These brothers who had proved themselves men of such valor and as a +result of excellence had attained such a height of reputation were not +long afterward brought to court and handed over to the populace. +Lucius was condemned on the suspicion of his having appropriated no +inconsiderable share of the spoil, and Africanus nominally for having +made the conditions lighter out of gratitude for kindness shown his +son; (the true cause of his conviction was jealousy). <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 60</span><span class="smcap">that they could not justly be charged with +wrongdoing is made plain both by other evidence and most of</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span> <span class="smcap">all by +the fact that when the property of asiaticus was confiscated it was +found to consist merely of his original inheritance, and that though +africanus retired to liternum and abode there to the end, no one ever +again passed sentence of condemnation upon him.</span></p> + +<p>Manlius all this time was engaged in winning over Pisidia, Lycaonia, +and Pamphylia, and a large district of Galatia in Asia. For there +exists in that region too a race of Gauls which broke off from the +European stock. Years ago with their king, Brennus, at their head they +overran Greece and Thrace, and crossing thence to Bithynia they +detached certain portions of Phrygia, Paphlagonia, Mysia adjacent to +Olympus, and Cappadocia, and took up their residence in them; and they +constitute to-day a separate nation bearing the name of Gauls. This +people caused Manlius trouble, but he managed to overcome them too, +capturing their city Ancyra by assault and gaining control of the rest +of the towns by capitulation. This effected, he set sail for home +after he had received a large price for peace from Ariarathes, king of +Cappadocia.</p> + +<p>IX, 21.—The Ætolians when they had sent ambassadors to Rome the +second time in regard to peace themselves raised the standard of +rebellion. Hence the Romans immediately dismissed the ambassadors and +referred the conduct of affairs in Greece to Marcus Fulvius. He set +out first for the large city of Ambracia (it had once been the royal +residence of Pyrrhus and was now occupied by the Ætolians) and +pro<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span>ceeded to besiege it. So the Ætolians held a conference with him +about peace, but finding him disinclined to a truce they sent a part +of their army into Ambracia. The Romans undertook to capture the town +by an underground passage and pushed their mine straight forward, +temporarily eluding the notice of the besieged party; but the latter +began to suspect the true state of affairs when the excavated earth +attained some dimensions. As they were not aware in what direction the +trench was being dug, they kept applying a bronze shield to the +surface of the ground all about the circuit of the walls. By means of +the resonance they found out the place and went to work in their turn +to dig a tunnel from inside and approached the Romans, with whom they +battled in obscurity. Finally they devised the following sort of +defence. They filled a huge jar with feathers and put fire in it. To +this they attached a bronze cover that had a number of holes bored in +it. Then, after carrying the jar into the mine and turning the mouth +of it toward the enemy, they inserted a bellows in the bottom, and by +blowing this bellows with vigor they caused a tremendous amount of +unpleasant smoke, such as feathers would naturally create, to pour +out, so that not one of the Romans could endure it. Hence the Romans +in despair of succeeding made a truce and raised the siege. When they +had agreed to treat, the Ætolians also changed their course and +secured an armistice. Subsequently they obtained a peace from the +People by the gift of considerable money and many hostages.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span> Fulvius +induced Cephallenia to capitulate and reduced to order the +Peloponnesus, which was in a state of factional turmoil.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 187<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 567)<br />B.C. 183<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 571)</span>After a little, in the consulship of +Gaius Flaminius and Æmilius Lepidus, Antiochus died and his son +Seleucus succeeded him. Much later, at the demise of Seleucus, the +Antiochus who spent some time as a hostage in Rome became king. +And Philip had courage enough to +revolt because he had been deprived of some towns in Thessaly and of +Ænus and Maronea besides, but he was unable to do so on account of his +age and what had happened to his sons.—Some Gauls crossed the Alps +and desired to found a city to the south of the mountains. Marcus +Marcellus took away their arms and everything that they had brought: +the Romans in the capital, however, upon receiving an embassy from +them restored everything on condition that they should at once retire.</p> + +<p>These years also saw the death of Hannibal. Envoys had been sent from +Rome to Prusias, monarch of Bithynia, and a part of their errand was +to make him give up Hannibal, who was at his court. The Carthaginian +had advance information of the facts and being unable to escape +committed suicide. <span class="sidenote">cp. <span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 64.</span><span class="smcap">an oracle +had once announced to him that he should die in the land of libyssa, +and he was expecting to die in libya, his native country, but, as it +happened, his demise occurred while he chanced to be staying in a +certain place called libyssa.</span> Scipio Africanus also died at this +time.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 20, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 179<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 575)</span>IX, 22.—Philip, king of Macedonia, +had put to death his son Demetrius and was about to slay his other son +Perseus, when death overtook him. Because Demetrius had gained the +affection of the Roman people through his sojourn as hostage and +because he himself and the rest of the Macedonian people hoped that he +would secure the kingdom after Philip was done with it, Perseus, who +was his elder, became jealous of him and falsely reported him to be +plotting against his father. Thus Demetrius was forced to drink poison +and perished. Philip not long after ascertained the truth and desired +to take measures against Perseus; he did not, however, possess +sufficient strength and death overtook him. Perseus succeeded to the +kingdom. The Romans confirmed his claims to it and renewed the compact +of friendship enjoyed by his father.</p> + +<p>In the period immediately following some events of importance took +place, yet they were not of so vital a character that one should deem +them worthy of record. Still later Perseus put himself in the position +of an enemy to the Romans, and in order to delay actual warfare until +he should reach a state of preparation he sent envoys to Rome +presumably to make a defence on the charges which were being pressed +against him. These messengers the Romans would not receive within the +wall, but they transacted business with them in the space before the +city; and no other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span> answer was vouchsafed them than that they would +send a consul with whom he might confer on whatever topics he pleased. +They also caused them to depart the same day, having given them guides +to prevent their associating with anybody. And Perseus was forbidden +in the future to set foot on the soil of Italy.</p> + +<p>The Romans next sent out Gnæus Sicinius, a prætor, with a small force +(they had not yet made ready their greater armament) and Perseus made +a tentative invasion of Thessaly in which he won over the greater part +of that country. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 171<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 583)</span>When spring opened +they sent Licinius Crassus against him as well as a prætor, Gaius +Lucretius, in charge of the fleet. The latter first encountered +Perseus near Larissa and was worsted in a cavalry skirmish: later, +though, he got the best of him and Perseus accordingly retreated into +Macedonia. As for Crassus, he assailed the Greek cities which were +held in subjection by Philip and was repulsed from the majority of +them, although he did get possession of a few. Some he razed to the +ground and sold the captives. When the inhabitants of Rome learned +these details, they became indignant and later they imposed a money +fine on Crassus, liberated the captured cities, and bought back from +the purchasers such of their inhabitants as had been sold and were +then found in Italy.</p> + +<p>So fared the Romans in these undertakings, but in the war against +Perseus as a whole they suffered many great reverses and their +fortunes at many points were at a low ebb. Perseus occupied the +greater part of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span> Epirus and Thessaly, having gathered a large body of +troops. As a measure of defence against the Romans' elephants he had +trained a phalanx of heavy-armed warriors whose shields and helmets he +had taken care should be studded with sharp iron nails. Also, in order +to make sure that the beasts should not prove a source of terror to +the horses he constructed images of elephants that were smeared with +some kind of ointment to give them a fearful odor and were frightful +both to see and to hear (for a mechanical device enabled them to emit +a roar resembling thunder); and he kept continually leading the horses +up to these representations until they took courage. Perseus, then, as +a result of all this had acquired great confidence and entertained +hope that he might surpass Alexander in glory and in the size of his +domain; the people of Rome <span class="sidenote">B.C. 169<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 585)</span>when they +learned this sent out with speed Marcius Philippus, who was consul. +He, on reaching the camp in Thessaly, drilled the Romans and the +allies so that Perseus, becoming afraid, remained quietly in Dium of +Macedonia and close to Tempe, and continued to keep watch of the pass. +Philippus, encouraged by this behavior of his, crossed the mountain +range in the center and occupied some possessions of Perseus. But as +he was progressing toward Pydna he fell short of provisions and turned +back to Thessaly. Perseus gained boldness anew, recovered the places +that Philippus had occupied, and with his fleet damaged the Romans at +numerous points. He also secured allies <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> +65<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">and hoped to eject the romans from greece altogether, but</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</a></span> +<span class="smcap">through his excessive and inopportune parsimony and the consequent +contempt of his allies he became weak once more. so soon as roman +influence was declining slightly and his own was increasing, he was +filled with scorn and thought he had no further need of his allies, +and would not give them the money which he had offered. the zeal of +some accordingly became blunted and others abandoned him entirely, +whereupon he was so overwhelmed by despair as actually to sue for +peace. and he would have obtained it through eumenes but for the +presence of rhodians also in the embassy. they, by adopting a haughty +tone with the romans, prevented him from obtaining peace.</span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 168<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 586)</span>IX, 23.—At this point the war waged +against him was entrusted to Æmilius Paulus, now for the second time +consul. He rapidly traversed the distance separating him from Thessaly +and having first set the affairs of the soldiers in order forced his +way through Tempe, which was being guarded by only a few men, and +marched against Perseus. The latter had ere this erected breastworks +along the river Elpeus which intervened, had occupied and rendered +impassable by means of stone walls and palisades and buildings all the +ground between Olympus and the sea, and was encouraged by the lack of +water in the place. Yet even so the consul sought to effect a passage +and found a means of overcoming the prevailing drought. By piercing +the sand bed at the foot of Olympus he found water that was delicious +as well as drinkable.—Meanwhile envoys of the Rhodians reached him +animated by the same insolence which they had displayed on their +former em<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span>bassy to Rome. He would make no statement to them beyond +saying that he would return an answer in a few days, and dismissed +them.—Since he could accomplish nothing by direct assault, but +learned that the mountains were traversable here and there, he sent a +portion of his army toward that pass across them which was the more +difficult of approach, to seize opportune points along the route (on +account of its difficulty of access it had an extremely small guard); +and he himself with the remainder of his army attacked Perseus that +the latter might not entertain any suspicion which might lead to his +guarding the mountains with especial care. After this, when the +heights had been occupied, he set out by night for the mountains and +by passing unnoticed at some points and employing force at others he +crossed them. Perseus on learning it became afraid that his enemy +might assail him from the rear or even get control of Pydna before he +could (for the Roman fleet was simultaneously sailing along the +coast), and he abandoned his fortification near the river and +hastening to Pydna encamped in front of the town. Paulus, too, came +there, but instead of immediately beginning an engagement they delayed +for a number of days. Paulus had found out prior to the event that the +moon was about to suffer an eclipse, and after collecting his army on +the evening when the eclipse was due to occur gave the men notice of +what would happen and warned them not to let it disturb them at all. +So the Romans on beholding the eclipse looked for no evil to come from +it, but it made an impression of terror upon the Macedonians and they +thought that the prodigy had a bearing on the cause<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</a></span> of Perseus. While +each side was in this frame of mind an entirely accidental occurrence +the next day threw them into a fierce conflict and put an end to the +war. One of the Roman pack-animals had fallen into the water from +which a supply was being drawn, and the Macedonians laid hold of him, +while the water-carriers in turn tightened their grasp. At first they +fought by themselves; then the remainder of the forces gradually +issued from the respective camps to the assistance of their own men +and everybody on both sides became engaged. A disordered but sharp +conflict ensued in which the Romans were victorious and pursuing the +Macedonians as far as the sea slaughtered numbers of them by their own +efforts and allowed the fleet, which was drawing inshore, to slay +numbers more. Not one of them would have been left alive but for the +timely succor of night (for the battle had raged during the late +afternoon).</p> + +<p>Perseus consequently made his escape to Amphipolis, where he intended +to rally the survivors and reorganize the campaign; but as nobody came +to him save Cretan mercenaries and he learned that Pydna and other +cities had espoused the Roman cause, he removed thence, and after +putting aboard some vessels all the money that he was carrying he +sailed away by night to Samothrace. Before long he ascertained that +Octavius was approaching at the head of his fleet and that Paulus was +in Amphipolis; so he sent him a letter requesting permission to confer +about terms. Since, however, he described himself in the letter as +"king", he did not get any answer. Subsequently he despatched a letter +without any such appellation con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</a></span>tained in it and was granted a +conference to consider the question of peace, but the victor declared +that he would not sanction any conditions that did not include +Perseus's surrender of his person and all his possessions to the +Romans' keeping. Hence they failed to come to an agreement. <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 65<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">after this a demand was made upon perseus by +the romans for the surrender of one evander, a cretan, who had +assisted him in many schemes against them and was most faithful to +him. the prince, fearing that he might declare all the intrigues to +which he had been privy, did not deliver him but secretly slew him and +had it rumored that the man had perished by his own hand. then the +associates of perseus, fearing his treachery</span> (for they were not +ignorant of what had occurred), <span class="smcap">began to desert his standard</span>. +Perseus, then, being afraid that he should be delivered up to the +Romans tried one night to escape by flight and might have taken +himself away unobserved to Cotys, a Thracian potentate, but for the +fact that the Cretans abandoned him. They placed the money in boats +and weighed anchor for home. So he remained there for some days with +Philip, one of his sons, hidden from sight, but on ascertaining that +the rest of his children and his retinue had fallen into the hands of +Octavius <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 65<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">he allowed himself to be +found. upon his being brought to amphipolis paulus did him no injury, +but both entertained him and had him sit at his table, keeping him, +likewise, although a prisoner, unconfined, and showing him +courtesy.</span> After this Paulus returned through Epirus to Italy.</p> + +<p>IX, 24.—About the same time Lucius Anicius, a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</a></span> prætor sent to conduct +operations against Gentius, both conquered those who withstood him and +pursued Gentius, when he fled, to Scodra (where his palace was +located) and shut him up there. The place was built on a spur of the +mountain and had deep ravines containing boiling torrents winding +about it, besides being girt by a steadfast wall; and so the Roman +commander's siege of it would have come to naught, if Gentius +presuming greatly upon his own power had not voluntarily advanced to +battle. This act gave the control of his entire domain to Anicius, who +then proceeded, before Paulus could arrive, to Epirus and tamed the +quarrelsome pride of that district as well.</p> + +<p>The Romans of the capital by some vague report heard of the victory of +Paulus on the fourth day after the battle, but they placed no sure +confidence in it. Then letters were brought from Paulus regarding his +success and they were mightily pleased and plumed themselves not +merely upon having vanquished Perseus and acquired Macedonia but upon +having beaten the renowned Philip of old time and Alexander himself +together with all that empire which he had held. When Paulus reached +Rome many decrees in his honor were passed and the celebration of his +triumph proved a most brilliant event. He had in his procession all +the booty which he had captured, and he had also Bithys, the son of +Cotys, besides Perseus and his wife and three children altogether in +the garb of captives. Fearing that Heaven might wax envious of the +Romans on account of their excess of good fortune he prayed, as +Camillus had done before, that no ill to the State might result from +it all but rather to him if it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</a></span> should be unavoidable: and, indeed, he +lost two sons, one a little before the celebration and the other +during the triumphal festival itself. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 66</span><span class="smcap">he was not only good at generalship, but he looked down upon +money. of this the following is a proof. though he had at that time +entered for a second term upon the consulship and had gained +possession of untold spoils, he continued to live in so great +indigence that when he died the dowry was with difficulty paid back to +his wife.</span></p> + +<p>Of the captives Bithys was returned to his father without ransom, but +Perseus with his children and attendants was settled in Alba. There he +endured so long as he still hoped to recover his sovereignty, but when +he despaired of doing so he despatched himself. His son Philip and his +daughter also died shortly after: only the youngest son survived for a +time and served in the capacity of under-secretary to the magistrates +of Alba. Thus Perseus, who boasted of tracing his descent through +twenty kings and often had Philip and still oftener Alexander in his +mouth, lost his kingdom, became a captive, and marched in the +procession of triumph wearing chains as well as his diadem.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 67<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">the rhodians, who in their earlier +dealings with the romans displayed self-esteem, now begged the latter +not to bear ill-will toward them</span>: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 67<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">and whereas they had previously refused to accept the title of +roman allies, they were now especially anxious to secure it</span>; and +they obtained the object of their eagerness, but only after long +delay. The Romans harbored resentment against the Cretans, too, but in +response to a number of embassies on the part<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</a></span> of this nation they +eventually relaxed their anger. Their behavior was similar <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 68</span><span class="smcap">in the case of prusias and eumenes. the former +came personally to the city and entered the senate-house, covered the +threshold with kisses, and worshipped the senators; thus he obtained +pity</span> and was held guiltless: Eumenes through Attalus his brother +secured himself against any continuation of malice on their part.</p> + +<p>At this time, too, the affairs of Cappadocia were settled in the +following manner. The monarch of that country, Ariarathes, had a +legitimate son Ariarathes. But since for a long time before she had +this son his wife had failed to conceive, she had adopted a child whom +she called Orophernes. When the true son was later born the position +of the other was detected and he was banished. Naturally after the +death of Ariarathes he headed an uprising against his brother. Eumenes +allied himself with Ariarathes, and Demetrius the king of Syria with +Orophernes. Ariarathes after sustaining a defeat found an asylum with +the Romans and was appointed by them to share the kingdom with +Orophernes. But the fact that Ariarathes had been termed "friend and +ally" by the Romans enabled him subsequently to make the entire domain +his own. Attalus soon succeeded Eumenes (who died) and drove +Orophernes and Demetrius out of Cappadocia altogether.</p> + +<p>IX, 25.—Ptolemy, ruler of Egypt, passed away leaving two sons and one +daughter. When the brothers began to quarrel with each other about the +supreme office, Antiochus the son of Antiochus the Great sheltered the +younger, who had been driven out,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</a></span> in order that under the pretext of +defending him he might interfere in Egyptian politics. In a campaign +directed against Egypt he conquered the greater part of the country +and spent some time in besieging Alexandria. As the unsubdued sought +refuge with the Romans, Popilius was sent to Antiochus and bade him +keep his hands off Egypt; for the brothers, comprehending the designs +of Antiochus, had become reconciled. When the latter was for putting +off his reply, Popilius drew a circle about him with his staff and +demanded that he deliberate and answer standing where he was. +Antiochus then in fear raised the siege. The Ptolemies (such was the +name of both princes) on being relieved of foreign dread fell into +renewed disputing. Then they were reconciled again by the Romans on +the condition that the elder should have Egypt and Cyprus, and the +other one the country about Cyrene, which was likewise part of Egypt +at that time. The younger one was vexed at having the inferior portion +and came to Rome where he secured from the government a grant of +Cyprus in addition. Then the elder once more effected an arrangement +with the younger son by giving him some cities in exchange for Cyprus +and being rated to contribute money and grain.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 164<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 590)</span>Antiochus subsequently died, leaving +the kingdom to a child of the same name whom the Romans confirmed in +possession of it and sent three men (with sufficient show of reason, +for he was a minor) to act as his guardians. They on finding elephants +and triremes contrary to the compact ordered the elephants all to be +slain and administered everything else in the in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</a></span>terest of Rome. +Therefore Lysias, who had been entrusted with the surveillance of the +king, incited the populace to cast out the Romans and also kill +Gaius<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> Octavius. When these plans had been carried out Lysias +straightway despatched envoys to Rome to offer a defence for what had +been done. Demetrius the son of Seleucus son of Antiochus, who was +staying in Rome as a hostage at the time of his father's death and had +been deprived of the kingdom by his uncle Antiochus, asked for his +ancestral domain when he learned of the death of Antiochus, but the +Romans would neither help him to get it nor permit him to set out from +Rome. In spite of his dissatisfaction he remained quiet. But when the +affair of Lysias came up, he no longer delayed but escaped by flight +and sent a message to the senate from Lycia saying that his objective +was not his <i>cousin</i> Antiochus (the children of brothers were so +termed by the ancients) but Lysias, and his purpose was to avenge +Octavius. Hastening to Tripolis in Syria he won over this town also, +pretending that he had been sent out by the Romans to take charge of +the kingdom. No one at this time had any idea of his secret flight, +and so after conquering Apamea and gathering a body of troops he +marched to Antioch. There he destroyed Lysias and the boy, who came to +meet him in the guise of friends (through fear of the Romans they had +offered no opposition), <span class="sidenote">B.C. 162<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 592)</span>and he +recovered the kingdom, whereupon he for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</a></span>warded to Rome a crown and the +assassins of Octavius. The citizens, being enraged at him, would +accept neither the one nor the other.</p> + +<p>Next the Romans made a campaign against the Dalmatians. This race +consists of Illyrians who dwell along the Ionian Gulf, some of whom +the Greeks used to call Taulantii, and part of them are close to +Dyrrachium. The cause of the war was that they had been abusing some +of their neighbors who were in a league of friendship with the Romans, +and when the Romans joined an embassy in their behalf the Dalmatians +returned an answer that was not respectful, and even arrested and +killed the envoys of the other nations. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 155<br />(<i>a.u.</i> +599)</span>Scipio Nasica subdued this race in a campaign against them. He +captured their towns and several times sold the captives.—Other +events, too, took place in those days,—not, however, of a kind to +deserve mention or historical record.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 21, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 153<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 601)</span>IX, 26.—The rattling of dice in the +box of Circumstance now announced the final cast in the struggle with +Carthage,—the third of the series. The Carthaginians could not endure +their subordinate position, but contrary to the treaty were setting +their fleet in readiness and making alliances as measures of +preparation for war with the Nomads: <span class="sidenote">B.C. 152<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 602)</span>and the Romans, having settled other questions to their own +satisfaction, did not remain at rest, but by the mouth of Scipio +Nasica their commissioner they charged their rivals with this breach +of faith and ordered them to disband their armament. The Carthaginians +found fault with Masinissa and on account of the war with him declined +to obey the command. The Romans then arranged terms for them with +Masinissa and prevailed upon him to retire from some territory in +their favor. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 150<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 604)</span>Since they showed +themselves no more tractable than before, the Romans waited a bit, and +as soon as information was received that the Carthaginians had been +worsted in a great battle by Masinissa they voted for war against +them. The Carthaginians, who were feeling the effects of their defeat, +became frightened on learning this and sent envoys to Rome to secure +an alliance; for other neighboring tribes were also beginning to +attack them. They feigned a readiness to yield to the Romans on all +points, and their very intention of not remaining true to their +agreements rendered them all the more ready to promise anything.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</a></span></p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 149<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 605)</span>When the senate called a meeting to +consider the matter, Scipio Nasica advised receiving the Carthaginian +embassy and making a truce with them, but Marcus Cato declared that no +truce ought to be arranged nor the decree of war rescinded. The +senators accepted the supplication of the envoys, promised to grant +them a truce, and asked for hostages as an earnest of these +conditions. These hostages were sent to Sicily and Lucius Marcius and +Marcus Manilius went there, took charge of them, and sent them on to +Rome. They themselves made haste to occupy Africa. After encamping +they summoned the magistrates of Carthage to appear before them. When +these officials arrived they did not unmask all their demands at once, +for they feared that if the Carthaginians understood them in season +they would plunge into war with resources unimpaired. So first they +asked for and received grain, next the triremes, and after that the +engines; and then they demanded the arms besides. They secured the +entire visible supply (but the Carthaginians had a great deal of other +equipment safely hidden) and at length ordered them to raze their city +and to build in its place an unwalled town inland, eighty stades +distant from the sea. At that the Carthaginians were dissolved in +tears, acknowledged that they were trapped, and bewailed their fate, +begging the consuls not to compel them to act as the assassins of +their country. They soon found that they could accomplish nothing and +had to face the repeated command either to execute the order or to +cast the die of war. Many of the people then remained there on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</a></span> +Roman side, tacitly admitting their success: the remainder withdrew, +and after killing some of their rulers for not having chosen war in +the first place and after murdering such Romans as were discovered +within the fortification they turned their attention to war. Under +these circumstances they liberated all the slaves, restored the +exiles, chose Hasdrubal once more as leader, and made ready arms, +engines, and triremes. With war at their doors and the danger of +slavery confronting them they prepared in the briefest possible time +everything that they needed. They spared nothing, but melted down the +statues for the sake of the bronze in them and used the hair of their +women for ropes. The consuls at first, thinking them unarmed, expected +to overcome them speedily and merely prepared ladders, with which they +expected to scale the wall at once. As the assault showed their +enemies to be armed and they saw that they possessed means for a +siege, the Romans, before approaching close to the city again, devoted +themselves to the manufacture of engines. The construction of these +machines was fraught with danger, since Hasdrubal set ambuscades for +those who were gathering the wood and annoyed them considerably, but +in time they were able to assail the town. Now Manilius in his assault +from the land side could not injure the Carthaginians at all, but +Marcius, while delivering an attack from marshy ground on the side +where the sea was, managed to shake down a part of the wall, though he +could not get inside. The Carthaginians repulsed those who attempted +to force their way in, and at night issued<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</a></span> through the ruins to slay +numerous men and burn up a very large number of engines. Hasdrubal and +the cavalry, however, did not allow them to scatter over any +considerable territory and Masinissa lent them no aid. He had not been +invited at the opening of the war, and, though he had promised +Hasdrubal that he would fight now, they gave him no opportunity of +doing so.</p> + +<p>IX, 27.—The consuls in view of the outcome of their attempts and +because their fleet had been damaged by its stay in the lake raised +the siege. Marcius endeavored to achieve some advantage by sea or at +least to injure the coast districts, but not accomplishing anything he +sailed for home, then turned back and subdued Ægimurus: and Manilius +started for the interior, but upon sustaining injuries at the hands of +Himilco, commander of the Carthaginian cavalry, whom they called also +Phameas, he returned to Carthage. There, while the outside forces of +Hasdrubal troubled him, the people in the city harassed him by +excursions both night and day. In fact, the Carthaginians came to +despise him and advanced as far as the Roman camp, but being for the +most part unarmed they lost a number of men and shut themselves up in +their fortifications again. Manilius was particularly anxious to get +into close quarters with Hasdrubal, thinking that, if he could +vanquish him, he should find it easier to wage war upon the remainder. +His wish to get into close quarters with him was eventually realized. +He followed Hasdrubal to a small fort whither the latter was retiring, +and before he knew<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span> it got into a narrow passage over rough ground and +there suffered a tremendous reverse. He would have been utterly +destroyed, had he not found a most valuable helper in the person of +Scipio the descendant of Africanus, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 69</span><span class="smcap">who excelled in apprehending and devising beforehand the most +advantageous movements, but excelled also in executing them. in bodily +frame he was strong; he was amiable, too, and moderate; and for these +reasons he escaped envy. he chose to make himself like to his +inferiors, not better than his equals</span> (he served as military +tribune), <span class="smcap">and weaker than greater men</span>. Manilius both reported +what Scipio had done and sent a letter to the people of Rome +concealing nothing, but including among other matters an account of +the proceedings of Masinissa and Phameas. These were as follows.</p> + +<p>Masinissa on his death-bed was at a loss to know how he should dispose +of his kingdom, his dilemma being due to the number of his sons and +the variety of their family ties on their mothers' side. Therefore he +sent for Scipio to advise him, and the consul let Scipio go. But the +demise of Masinissa occurred before Scipio arrived, and he gave his +ring to his son Micipsa and delivered and committed all the other +interests pertaining to his kingdom to Scipio, so soon as the latter +should arrive. Scipio being aware of the preferences of Masinissa's +sons assigned the kingdom to no one of them singly; but whereas there +were three most distinguished, the eldest Micipsa, the youngest +Gulussa, and intermediate in age Mastanabal, he appointed these to +have charge of affairs, though separately. To the eldest, who was +versed in business and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</a></span> fond of wealth, he entrusted the fiscal +administration, to the second son, who possessed the critical faculty, +he granted the right to decide disputes, and to Gulussa, who chanced +to be of a warlike temperament, he delivered the troops. They had also +numerous brothers on whom he bestowed certain cities and districts. He +took Gulussa along with him and introduced him to the consul.</p> + +<p>Now at the beginning of spring they made a campaign against the allies +of the Carthaginians and brought many of them to terms forcibly while +inducing many others to capitulate. Scipio was especially active in +the work. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 70</span><span class="smcap">when phameas, despairing +of carthaginian success</span>, went over to the Romans and held a +conference with Scipio, then they all set out against Hasdrubal. For +several days they assailed his fortress, but as necessaries failed +them they retired in good order. During the siege Phameas had attacked +them and made a show of fighting, and in the progress of the action he +had deserted together with some of the cavalry. Then Manilius went to +Utica and remained quiet, while Scipio took Phameas back to Rome, +where he himself received commendation and Phameas was honored to the +extent of being allowed to sit with the senate in the senate-house.</p> + +<p>IX, 28.—It was at this time, too, that the episode occurred in which +Prusias figured. The latter being old and of an irritable disposition +became possessed by a fear that the Bithynians would expel him from +his kingdom, choosing in his stead his son Nicomedes. So on some +pretext he sent his son to Rome, with orders to make that his home. +But since he plotted against<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[Pg 316]</a></span> the younger man even during the sojourn +in Rome and labored to kill him, some Bithynians made visits to Rome, +took Nicomedes away secretly and conveyed him to Bithynia, and after +slaying the old man designated him king. This act vexed the Romans, +but did not incense them to the point of war.</p> + +<p>A certain Andriscus, who was a native of Atramyttium and resembled +Perseus in appearance, caused a wide area of Macedonia to revolt by +pretending to be his son and calling himself Philip. First he went to +Macedonia and tried to upheave the country, but as no one would yield +him allegiance he took his way to Demetrius in Syria to obtain from +him the aid which relationship might afford. Demetrius arrested him +and sent him to Rome, where he met with general contempt, both because +he stood convicted of not being the son of Perseus and because he had +no other qualities that were worthy of attention. On being released he +gathered a band of revolutionists, drew after him a number of cities, +and finally, assuming the kingly garb and mustering an army, he +reached Thrace. There he added to his army numbers of the independent +lands as well as numbers of princes who disliked the Romans, invaded +Macedonia (which he occupied), and setting out for Thessaly made not a +little of that territory his own.</p> + +<p>The Romans at first scorned Andriscus and then they sent Scipio Nasica +to effect some peaceful settlement in those parts. On reaching Greece +and ascertaining what had occurred he despatched a letter to the +Romans explaining the case; then after collecting troops from allies +there he gave attention to the busi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</a></span>ness in hand and advanced as far +as Macedonia. The people of Rome when informed of the doings of +Andriscus sent an army and Publius Juventius, a prætor. Juventius had +just reached the vicinity of Macedonia, when Andriscus gave battle, +killed the prætor, and would have annihilated his entire force but for +its withdrawal by night. Next he invaded Thessaly, damaged a very +great extent of it, and ranged Thracian interests on his side. +Consequently the people of Rome once more despatched a prætor, Quintus +Cæcilius Metellus, with a strong body of troops: he proceeded to +Macedonia and enjoyed the assistance of the fleet of Attalus. The +fleet inspired Andriscus with some alarm for the coast districts so +that he did not venture to advance farther but moved up to a point +slightly beyond Pydna. There he had the best of it in a cavalry +encounter but out of fear of the infantry turned back. His elation was +such that he divided his army into two sections, and with one remained +on the watch where he was, while he sent the other to ravage Thessaly. +Metellus in derision of the forces confronting him joined battle, and +by overpowering those with whom he first came into conflict he got +control of the remainder with greater ease; for they made terms with +him readily, inasmuch as they had erred. Andriscus fled to Thrace and +after assembling a body of fighters gave battle to Metellus as the +latter was advancing on his track. His vanguard, however, was routed +first; then his contingent of allies was scattered; and Andriscus +himself was betrayed by Byzes, a Thracian prince, and executed.</p> + +<p>One Alexander, that also declared himself to be a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</a></span> son of Perseus and +collected a band of warriors, had occupied the country round about the +river which is called the Mestus:<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> but he now took to flight, and +Metellus chased him as far as Dardania.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 148<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 606)</span>IX, 29.—The Romans put Piso the +consul in the field against the Carthaginians. Piso did not try +conclusions with Carthage and Hasdrubal, but devoted himself to the +coast cities. He was repulsed from Aspis, captured and razed Neapolis, +and in his expedition against the town of Hippo merely used up time +without accomplishing anything. The Carthaginians took heart both for +the reasons indicated and because some allies had joined their cause. +Learning this the Romans in army and city alike had recourse to Scipio +and created him consul in spite of the fact that his age would not +properly let him hold the office. <span class="sidenote">Cp. <span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 71</span> own deeds and the excellence of his father Paulus and of his +grandfather Africanus implanted in the breasts of all a firm hope that +through him they should vanquish their enemies and utterly root out +Carthage.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 147<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 607)</span>While Scipio was en route to Libya, +Mancinus was sailing along the coast of Carthage. He noticed a point +called Megalia which was inside the city wall and was located on a +cliff having a sheer descent into the sea. This point was a long +distance away from the rest of the town and had but few guards because +of the natural strength of its position. Suddenly Mancinus applied +ladders to it from the ships and ascended. Not till he was safely up +did some of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</a></span> Carthaginians hastily gather, but even so they were +unable to repulse him from his vantage ground. He then sent to Piso an +account of his exploit and a request for assistance. Piso, however, +being far in the interior, proved of no aid to Mancinus, but Scipio +happened along at nightfall just after the receipt of the news and +immediately sent him help. The Carthaginians would have either +captured or destroyed Mancinus, if they had not seen Scipio's vessels +skirting the shore: then they grew discouraged, but would not fall +back. So Scipio sent them some captives to tell them that he was at +hand, upon receipt of which information they no longer stood their +ground, but retired to send for Hasdrubal and fortify with trenches +and palisades the cross-wall in front of the residences. Scipio now +left Mancinus to guard Megalia and himself set out to join Piso and +the troops so as to have their support in his conduct of operations. +He made a rapid return journey with the lightest equipped portion of +the army and found that Hasdrubal had entered Carthage and was +attacking Mancinus fiercely. The arrival of Scipio put an end to the +attack. When Piso too had come there, Scipio bade him take up his +position outside the wall opposite certain gates, and he sent other +soldiers around to a little gate a long distance away from the main +force, with orders as to what they must do. He himself about midnight +took the strongest portion of the army, got inside the circuit (using +deserters as guides) and moving quietly to a point inside the little +gate he hacked the bar in two, let in the men who were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</a></span> on the watch +outside and destroyed the guards. Then he hastened to the gate +opposite which Piso had his station, routing the intervening guards +(who were only a few in each place), so that Hasdrubal by the time he +found out what had happened could see that nearly the entire body of +Roman troops was inside. For a while the Carthaginians withstood them: +then they abandoned the city, all but the Cotho and Byrsa, in which +they took refuge. Next Hasdrubal killed all the Roman captives in +order that his people in despair of pardon might show the greater +fortitude in resistance. He also made away with many of the natives on +the charge that they wanted to betray their own cause. And Scipio +encircled them with trench and palisade and intercepted them by a +wall, yet it was some time before he took them captive. The walls were +strong and the men within being many in number and confined in a small +space fought with vehemence. They were well off for food, too, for +Bithias from the mainland opposite the city sent merchantmen, amid +wind and wave into the harbor to them so often as there was a heavy +gale blowing. To overcome this obstacle Scipio conceived and executed +a startling operation, namely, the damming of the narrow entrance to +the harbor. The work was difficult and toilsome, for the Carthaginians +undertook to check them, yet he accomplished it by the number of +laborers at his disposal. Many battles took place in the meantime, but +the enemy were unable to prevent the filling of the channel.</p> + +<p>IX, 30.—So when the mouth of the harbor had been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</a></span> filled up, the +Carthaginians were terribly oppressed by the scarcity of food; some of +them deserted, others endured it and died, and still others ate the +dead bodies. Hasdrubal, accordingly, in dejection sent envoys to +Scipio with regard to truce, and would have obtained immunity, had he +not desired to secure both preservation and freedom for all the rest +as well. After he had failed for this reason to accomplish his purpose +he confined his wife in the acropolis because she had made +propositions to Scipio for the safety of herself and her children, and +behaved in other ways more boldly on account of his despair. He, +therefore, and some others, mastered by frenzy, fought both night and +day; and sometimes they would be defeated and sometimes gain +advantage; and they devised machinery to oppose the Roman engines. +Bithias, who held a high-perched fortress and scoured wide stretches +of the mainland, did what he could to help the Carthaginians and +damage the Romans. Hence Scipio also divided his army, assigning one +half of it to invest Carthage while he sent the other half against +Bithias, placing at the head of it his lieutenant Gaius Lælius. He +himself spent his time in passing from one division to the other for +inspection. Then the fortress was taken, and the siege of Carthage was +once more conducted by an undivided force.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 146<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 608)</span>The Carthaginians despairing +consequently of being any longer able to save both walls betook +themselves to the enclosure of the Byrsa, since it was higher up, at +the same time transferring thither all the objects<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</a></span> that they could. +By night they burned the dockyard and most of the other structures in +order to deprive the enemy of any benefit from them. When the Romans +became aware of their action, they occupied the harbor and advanced +against Byrsa. Occupying the houses on each side of it some of the +besiegers walked straight along on top of the roofs by successively +stepping to those immediately adjacent, and others by digging through +the walls pushed onward below until they reached the very citadel. +When they had got so far, the Carthaginians offered no further +opposition, but all except Hasdrubal sued for clemency. He together +with the deserters (for Scipio would not grant them a truce) was +crowded into the temple of Æsculapius, as were also his wife and +children, and there he defended himself against assailants until the +deserters set fire to the temple and climbed to the roof to await the +last extremity of the flames. Then, beaten, he came to Scipio holding +the suppliant branch. His wife, who witnessed his entreaty, after +calling him by name and reproaching him for securing safety for +himself when he had not allowed her to obtain terms threw her children +into the fire and likewise cast herself in.</p> + +<p>Thus did Scipio take Carthage, and he forwarded to the senate a letter +in these terms: "Carthage is taken. What are your orders?" This being +read they held a session to consider what should be done. Cato +advanced the opinion that they ought to raze the city and blot out the +Carthaginians, whereas Scipio Nasica still<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</a></span> advised sparing the +Carthaginians. From this beginning the senate became involved in great +dispute and contention until some one said that if for no other reason +it must be considered necessary to spare them for the Romans' own +sake. With this nation for antagonists they would be sure to practice +excellence and not turn aside to pleasures and luxury; for if those +who were able to compel them to practice warlike pursuits should be +removed from the scene, they might become inferior from want of +practice, for a lack of worthy competitors. As a result of these words +all became unanimous in favor of demolishing Carthage, since they felt +sure that that people would never remain entirely at peace. The whole +town was therefore overthrown from pinnacle to foundation and it was +decreed that for any person to settle upon its site should be an +accursed act. The majority of the population captured were thrown into +prison and there perished, and some few (still excepting the very +foremost men) were sold. These leaders and the hostages and Hasdrubal +and Bithias lived to the end of their lives in different parts of +Italy as prisoners, yet free from bonds. Scipio secured both glory and +honor and was called Africanus not after his grandfather but from his +own achievements.</p> + +<p>IX, 31.—This year likewise saw the ruin of Corinth. The head men of +the Greeks had been deported to Italy by Æmilius Paulus, whereupon +their countrymen at first through embassies kept requesting the return +of the men, and when their prayers were not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</a></span> granted some of the +exiles in despair of ever effecting a return to their homes committed +suicide. The Greeks took this situation with a very bad grace and made +it a matter of public lamentation, besides evincing anger at any +persons dwelling among them that favored the Roman cause; yet they +displayed no open symptoms of hostility until they got back the +remnants of those hostages. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 149<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 605)<br /><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 72</span>Then +those that had been wronged and those that had obtained a hold upon +the goods of others fell into strife and began a real warfare. +<span class="smcap">the quarrel began by the action of +the achæans in bringing charges against the lacedæmonians as being +responsible for what had happened to them. the mediators whom the +romans despatched to them they would not heed</span>: they rather set +their faces toward war, acting under the supervision of Critolaus. +Metellus was consequently afraid that they might lay hands on +Macedonia,—<span class="sidenote">B.C. 148<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 606)</span>they had already +appeared in Thessaly,—and so he went to meet them and routed them.</p> + +<p>At the fall of Critolaus the Greek world was split asunder. Some of +them had embraced peace and laid down their weapons, whereas others +had committed their interests to the care of Diæus and were still +involved in factional turmoil. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 146<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 608)</span>On learning this the people of Rome sent Mummius against them. He got rid +of Metellus and gave his personal attention to the war. Part of his +army sustained a slight reverse through an ambuscade and Diæus pursued +the fugitives up to their own camp, but Mummius made a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</a></span> sortie, routed +him, and followed to the Achæan entrenchments. Diæus now gathered a +larger force and undertook to give battle to them, but, as the Romans +would make no hostile demonstration, he conceived a contempt for them +and advanced to a depressed piece of ground lying between the camps. +Mummius seeing this secretly sent horsemen to assail them on the +flank. After these had attacked and thrown the enemy into confusion, +he brought up the phalanx in front and caused considerable slaughter. +As a consequence Diæus in despair killed himself, and of the survivors +of the battle the Corinthians were scattered over the country, while +the rest fled to their homes. Hence the Corinthians within the wall +believing that all their citizens had been lost abandoned the city, +and it was empty of men when Mummius took it. After that he won over +without trouble both that nation and the rest of the Greeks. He now +took possession of their arms, all the offerings that were consecrated +in their temples, the statues, paintings, and whatever other kind of +ornament they had; and as soon as he could send his father and some +other men to arrange terms for the vanquished he caused the walls of +some of the cities to be taken down and declared them all to be free +and independent except the Corinthians. The dwellers in Corinth he +sold, and confiscated their land and demolished their walls and all +their houses besides, out of fear that some states might again unite +with them, since they constituted the greatest state. To prevent any +of them from remaining hidden and any of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</a></span> other Greeks from being +sold as Corinthians he assembled everybody present before he had +disclosed his determination, and after having his soldiers surround +them in such a way as not to attract notice he proclaimed the +enslavement of the Corinthians and the liberation of the remainder. +Then he instructed them all to take hold of any Corinthians standing +beside them. In this way he arrived at an accurate distinction.</p> + +<p>Thus was Corinth overthrown. The rest of the Greek world suffered +temporarily from murders and levies of money, but afterward came to +enjoy such immunity and prosperity that it used to be said: "If they +had not been taken captive as early as they were, they could not have +been preserved."</p> + +<p>So this end simultaneously befell Carthage and Corinth, famous, +ancient cities: but at a much later date they received colonies of +Romans, became again flourishing, and regained their original +position.</p> + +<p>The exploits of the Romans up to this point, found by me in ancient +books that record these matters, written by men of old time, I have +drawn thence in a condensed form and have embodied in the present +history. As for what comes next in order,—the transactions of the +consuls and dictators, so long as the government of Rome was still +conducted by these officials,—let no one censure me as having passed +this by through contempt or indolence or antipathy and having left the +history as it were incomplete. The gap has not been overlooked by me +through sloth, nor have I of my own<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</a></span> free will left my task half +finished, but through lack of books to describe the events. I have +frequently instituted a search for them, yet I have not found them, +and I do not know whether the cause is that the passage of time has +destroyed them, and so they are not preserved, or whether the persons +to whom I entrusted the errand perhaps did not search for them with +sufficient diligence; for I was living abroad and passing my life on +an islet far from the city. And because it has not been my lot to gain +access to these books in this instance, my history turns out to be +only half complete for the acts of the consuls and even for those of +the dictators. Hence, passing over them, though reluctantly, I will +record the deeds of the emperors, with some brief introductory remarks +to make clear to those who shall read my history by what steps the +Romans passed from aristocracy (or democracy) to the rule of one man, +and to impart, in addition, coherence to the narrative.</p> + +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</a></span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap"><a name="NOTE">note</a>.—no summary exists of the missing books twenty-two to +thirty-five inclusive, and we are driven to rely on scattered and +inconsequential fragments (that have somehow escaped the wreck of +seasons) as the basis for whatever mental image we may choose to form +of the lost narrative. these bits possess the same value for dio's +history as do the unrelated pieces of marble and clay from excavations +in enabling us to gain a wider understanding of antique sculpture and +pottery. for an account of the sources of these fragments see the +introduction, under the caption entitled</span> <a href="#A_THE_WRITING">THE WRITING</a>.</p> + +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</a></span></p> + + +<h3><i>(BOOK 22, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXIII">LXXIII</a></span>¶Viriathus was a Lusitanian, of very +obscure origin, as some think, who enjoyed great renown through his +deeds, for from a shepherd he became a robber and later on also a +general. He was naturally adapted and had trained himself to be very +quick in pursuing and fleeing, and of great force in a stationary +conflict. He was glad to get any food that came to hand and whatever +drink fell to his lot; he lived most of his life under the open sky +and was satisfied with nature's bedding. Consequently he was superior +to any heat or any cold, and neither was he ever troubled by hunger +nor did he suffer from any other disagreeable condition; since he +found all his wants met quite sufficiently by whatever he had at hand, +which seemed to him unexcelled. While he possessed such a physical +constitution, as the result of nature and training, he surpassed still +more in spiritual endowment. He was swift to perceive and do whatever +was requisite,—he could tell what must be done and at the same time +he understood the proper occasion for it,—and he was clever at +pretending not to know the most evident facts and to know the most +hidden secrets. Furthermore he was not only general but his own +assistant in every business equally, and was seen to be neither humble +nor pompous, but in him obscurity of family and reputation for +strength were so mingled that he seemed to be neither inferior nor +superior to any one. And, in fine, he carried on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</a></span> war not for the +sake of personal gain or power nor through anger, but because of the +opportunity for action; therefore he was regarded as most thoroughly a +lover of war and a successful warrior. (Valesius, p. 614.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXIV">LXXIV</a><br />B.C. 143<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 611)</span> 1. +¶Claudius, the colleague of Metellus, impelled by pride of birth and +jealousy of Metellus, when he had had Italy allotted to his command +and found no sign of war, was eager to secure by any means some +pretext for a triumph; hence without taking the trouble to lodge any +formal complaint he set the Salassi, a Gallic tribe, at war with the +Romans. He had been sent to reconcile them, because they were +disputing with their neighbors about the water necessary for the gold +mines, and he overran their entire country ... the Romans sent him two +of the ten priests. (Valesius, p. 617.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶Claudius, even if he understood thoroughly that he had not +conquered, nevertheless even then displayed such arrogance as not to +say a word in either the senate or the popular assembly about the +triumph; but acting as if the right were indisputably his, even if no +one should vote to that effect, he asked for the requisite +expenditures. (Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXV">LXXV</a><br />B.C. 142<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 612)</span>¶As +regards character Mummius and Africanus differed vastly from each +other in every respect. The latter ruled with a view to the greatest +uprightness and with exactitude, not esteeming one influence above +another; he called to account many of the senators and many of the +knights, as well as other individuals. Mummius, on the other hand, was +more urbane and humane in his behavior; he imputed no dishonor to any<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</a></span> +one, and abolished many of the regulations framed by Africanus, so far +as was possible. To such an extent of amiability did his nature lead +him, that he lent some statues to Lucullus for the consecration of the +temple of Felicitas (material for which he had gathered in the Spanish +war), and then, when that general was unwilling to return them on the +ground that they had been made sacred by the dedication, he showed no +anger, but permitted his own spoils to lie there offered up in +another's name. (Valesius, p. 618.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXVI">LXXVI</a><br />B.C. 140<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 614)</span> +¶Pompeius<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> received many setbacks and incurred great disgrace. +There was a river flowing through the country of the Numantini that he +wished to turn aside from its ancient channel and let in upon their +fields; and after tremendous exertions he did accomplish this. But he +lost many soldiers, and no advantage from turning it aside came to the +Romans, nor harm to the enemy.... (Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXVII">LXXVII</a></span>¶Cæpio<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> effected nothing worthy +of mention against the foe, but brought much serious harm to his own +men, so that he ran the risk of being killed by them. He treated them +all, but especially the cavalry, with such harshness and cruelty that +a vast number of most unseemly jokes and stories passed current about +him during the nights; and the more he grew vexed at it, the more +jests did they make and endeavor to infuriate him. When what was going +on became known and no one could be found guilty—though he suspected +it was the doing of the cavalry—as he could fix the responsibility +upon no one single man he became angry<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</a></span> at all of them, and commanded +them, six hundred in number, accompanied only by their grooms, to +cross the river by which they were encamped and bring wood from the +mountain on which Viriathus was bivouacking. The danger was manifest +to all, and the tribunes and lieutenants begged him not to destroy +them. The cavalry waited for a little to see if he would listen to the +others, and when he would not yield, they deemed it unworthy to +supplicate him, as he was most eager for them to do, but choosing +rather to perish utterly than to speak a respectful word to him, they +started on the mission assigned. The horsemen of the allies and other +volunteers accompanied them. They crossed the river, cut the wood, and +threw it in all around the general's quarters, intending to burn them +down. And he would have perished in the flames, if he had not fled +away in time. (Valesius, p. 618.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXVIII">LXXVIII</a><br />B.C. 139<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 615)</span> +¶Popilius so terrified Viriathus that the latter sent to him about +peace immediately and before they had tried any battle at all, killed +some of the leaders of the rebels whose surrender had been demanded by +the Romans—among these his father-in-law, though commanding his own +force, was slaughtered—and delivered up the rest, all of whose hands +the consul cut off. And he would have agreed to a complete truce, if +their weapons had not been demanded in addition: with this condition +neither he nor the rest of the throng would comply.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> (Ursinus, p. +383.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 23, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXIX">LXXIX</a><br />B.C. 136<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 618)</span> +¶The Romans received the Numantine ambassadors on their arrival +outside the walls, to the end that their reception might not seem to +imply a ratification of the truce. However, they sent gifts of +friendship notwithstanding, not wishing to deprive them of the hope of +possibly coming to terms. Mancinus and his followers told of the +necessity of the compact made and the number of the saved, and stated +that they still held all of their former possessions in Spain. They +besought their countrymen to consider the question not in the light of +their present immunity, but with reference to the danger that then +encompassed the soldiers, and to think not what ought to have been +done, but what might have been the outcome. The Numantini brought +forward many statements about their previous good-will toward the +Romans and considerable about the latter's subsequent injustice, by +reason of which they had been forced into the war, and the perjury of +Pompeius: and they asked for considerate treatment in return for the +preservation of Mancinus and the rest. But the Romans both dissolved +the truce and decided that Mancinus should be given up to the +Numantini. (Ursinus, p. 383.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXX">LXXX</a></span>¶Claudius<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> through his harshness +would have committed many outrageous acts, had he not been re<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</a></span>strained +by his colleague Quintus.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> The latter, who was amiable and +possessed exactly the opposite temperament, did not oppose him with +anger in any matter and, indeed, occasionally yielded to him, and by +gentle behavior so manipulated him that he found very few +opportunities for irritation. (Valesius, p. 621.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXI">LXXXI</a></span>¶Furius<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> led out among his +lieutenants both Pompeius and Metellus though they were hostile both +to him and to each other; for, expecting to achieve some great +success, he wished to have in them sure witnesses to his deeds and to +receive the evidence of his prowess from their unwilling lips. +(Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 24, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXII">LXXXII</a></span>1. ¶Tiberius Gracchus caused an +upheaval of the Roman state,—and this in spite of the fact that he +belonged to one of the foremost families (his grandfather being +Africanus), that he possessed a natural endowment worthy of the +latter, that he had gone through a most thorough course of education, +and had a high spirit. In proportion to these great gifts of his was +the allurement that they offered to follow his ambitions: and when +once he had turned aside from what was best he drifted even +involuntarily into what was worst. It began with his being refused a +triumph over the Numantini: he had hoped for this honor because he had +previously had the management of the business, but so far from +obtaining anything of the kind he incurred the danger of being +delivered up; then he decided that deeds were estimated not on the +basis of goodness or truth but according to mere chance. And this road +to fame he abandoned as not safe, but since he desired by all means to +become prominent in some way and expected that he could accomplish +this better through the popular than through the senatorial party, he +attached himself to the former. (Valesius, p. 621.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶Marcus Octavius on account of an hereditary feud with Gracchus +willingly made himself his opponent. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 133<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 621)</span>Thereafter there was no semblance of moderation: striving and +quarreling as they were, each to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</a></span> survive the other rather than to +benefit the community, they committed many acts of violence as if they +were in a principality instead of a democracy, and suffered many +unusual calamities proper for war but not for peace. In addition to +their individual conflicts, there were many who, banded together, +instituted grievous abuses and battles in the senate-house itself and +the popular assembly as well as throughout the rest of the city: they +pretended to be executing the law, but were in reality making in all +things every effort not to be surpassed by each other. The result was +that the authorities could not carry on their accustomed tasks, courts +came to a stop, no contract was entered into, and other sorts of +confusion and disorder were rife everywhere. The place bore the name +of city, but was no whit different from a camp. (Valesius, p. 622.)</p> + +<p>3. ¶Gracchus proposed certain laws for the benefit of those of the +people who served in the army, and transferred the courts from the +senate to the knights, bedeviling and disturbing all established +customs in order that he might be enabled to lay hold on safety in +some wise. And after he found not even this of advantage to him, but +his term of office was drawing to a close, when he would be +immediately exposed to the attacks of his enemies, he attempted to +secure the tribuneship also for the following year (in company with +his brother) and to appoint his father-in-law consul: to obtain this +end he would make any statement or promise anything what<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</a></span>ever to +anybody. Often, too, he put on a mourning garb and brought his mother +and children, tied hand and foot, into the presence of the populace. +(Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXIII">LXXXIII</a><br />B.C. 129<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 625)</span> +¶Scipio Africanus had more ambition in his makeup than was suitable +for or compatible with his general excellence. And in reality none of +his rivals took pleasure in his death, but although they thought him a +great obstacle in their way even they missed him. They saw that he was +valuable to the State and never expected that he would cause them any +serious trouble. When he was suddenly taken away all the possessions +of the powerful class were again diminished, so that the promoters of +agrarian legislation ravaged at will practically all of Italy. And +this seems to me to have been most strongly indicated by the mass of +stones that poured down from heaven, falling upon some of the temples +and killing men, and by the tears of Apollo. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 131<br /> +(<i>a.u.</i> 623)</span>For the god wept copiously<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> for three days, so that +the Romans on the advice of the soothsayers voted to cut down the +statue and to sink it in the deep. (Valesius, p. 625.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 25, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXIV">LXXXIV</a></span>¶Gracchus had a disposition like his +brother; only the latter drifted from excellence into ambition and +then to baseness whereas this man was naturally intractable and played +the rogue voluntarily and far surpassed the other in his gift of +language. For these reasons his designs were more mischievous, his +daring more spontaneous, and his self-will greater in all junctures +alike. He was the first to walk up and down in the assemblies while he +harangued and the first to bare his arm; hence neither of these +practices has been thought improper, since he did it. And because his +speaking was characterized by great condensation of thought and +forcefulness of words and he consequently was unable to restrain +himself easily but was often led to say what he did not wish, he used +to bring in a flute-player, and from him, playing a low accompaniment, +he would take his rhythm and time, or if even so he in some way fell +out of measure, he would stop. This was the sort of man that attacked +the government, and, by assuming no speech or act to be forbidden, in +the briefest time became a great power among the populace and the +knights. All the nobility and the senatorial party if he had lived +longer<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> ... <span class="sidenote">B.C. 121<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 633)</span>but as it was his +great authority made him envied even by the members of his faction, +and he was ruined by his own devices. (Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 26, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXV">LXXXV</a><br />B.C. 114<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 640)</span> 1. +¶The priestesses for the most part incurred destruction and shame +themselves, and proved the source of great evils to numerous others as +well, while the entire city because of them was thrown into an uproar. +For the people, in view of the fact that what was immaculate by law +and sacred by the dictates of religion and decent through fear of +vengeance had been polluted, were ready to believe that anything most +shameful and unholy might be done. For this reason they visited +punishment not only on the convicted, but also on all the rest who had +been accused, to show their hatred of what had occurred. Hence the +whole episode in which the women were concerned seemed now to be due +not so much to their feminine incontinence<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> as to a kind of madness +inspired by supernatural powers. (Valesius, p. 626.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶Three altogether had had intercourse with men; and of them Marcia +had acted individually, granting her favors to one single knight<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> +and would never have been discovered, had not the investigation into +the cases of the others spread and overtaken her besides. Æmilia and +Licinia had a multitude of lovers and carried on their wanton behavior +with each other's help. At first they surrendered themselves to some +few privately and secretly, telling each man that he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</a></span> was the only one +admitted. Later they themselves bound every one who could suspect and +inform against them to certain silence in advance by the price of +intercourse with them, and those who had previously enjoyed their +conversation, though they saw this, yet endured it in order not to be +detected by a show of vexation. So after holding commerce with many, +now singly, now in groups, now privately, now publicly, Licinia +enjoyed the society of the brother of Æmilia, and Æmilia that of +Licinia's brother. These doings were hidden for a great period of +time, and though many men and many women, both free and slaves, were +in the secret, it was hidden for a very long period, until one +Manius,<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> who seems to have been the first to assist and coöperate +in the whole evil, gave information of the matter because he had not +obtained freedom nor any of the other objects of his hope. He was, +indeed, very skillful not only at leading women into prostitution, but +also in slandering and ruining some of them. (Valesius, p. 626.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXVI">LXXXVI</a><br />B.C. 112<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 642)</span> +¶This was calculated to bring him [sc. Marcus Drusus] glory first of +itself and second in the light of Cato's disaster; and because he had +shown great amiability toward the soldiers and seemed to have made +success of more importance than truth, he also secured a renown +greater than his deeds deserved. (Valesius, p. 629.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXVII">LXXXVII</a><br />B.C. 108<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 646)</span> +1. ¶When Jugurtha sent to Metellus about peace the latter made +separate demands upon him as if each<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</a></span> were to be the last, and in this +way got from him hostages, arms, the elephants, the captives, and the +deserters. All of these last he killed but did not grant a truce +because Jugurtha, fearing to be arrested, refused to come to him and +because Marius and Gnæus<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> prevented. (Ursinus, p. 385.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶For he [sc. Marius] was in general seditious and turbulent, wholly +friendly to the rabble from which he had sprung and wholly ready to +overthrow the nobility. He risked with perfect readiness any +statement, promise, lie, or false oath in any matter where he hoped to +gain a benefit. Blackmailing one of the foremost citizens or +commending some rascal he thought child's play. And let no one be +surprised that such a man could conceal his villanies for a very long +time: for, as a result of his exceeding cunning and the good fortune +which he enjoyed all through his early life, he actually acquired a +reputation for virtue. (Valesius, p. 629.)</p> + +<p>3. ¶Marius was the more easily able to calumniate Metellus for the +reason that the latter was numbered among the nobles and was managing +military concerns excellently, whereas he himself was just beginning +to come forward from a very obscure and doubtful origin into public +notice:—the populace was readily inclined to overthrow Metellus +through envy, and favored Marius increasingly for his promises:—of +great assistance, too, was the report that Metellus had said to Marius +(who was just then coming forward<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[Pg 344]</a></span> for election): "You ought to be +satisfied if you get to be consul along with my son" (who was a mere +lad). (Valesius, p. 630.)</p> + +<p>4. ¶Gaudas was angry at Metellus because in spite of requests he had +received from him neither the deserters nor a garrison of Roman +soldiers, or else because he could not sit near him,—a privilege +ordinarily vouchsafed by the consuls to princes and potentates. +(Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 107<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 647)</span>5. ¶When Cirta was captured by +capitulation Bocchus sent a herald to Marius and first demanded the +empire of Jugurtha as the price for his defection, but later, as he +did not obtain it, simply asked him to make terms. So he sent envoys +to Rome, but Jugurtha while this was taking place retired to the most +desolate portions of his own territory. (Ursinus, p. 385.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 106<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 648)</span>6. ¶Marius entertained the envoys of +Bocchus but said he would make no compact with him unless he should +receive Jugurtha's prisoners from his hands; and this was done. +(Ursinus, p. 386.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[Pg 345]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 27, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXVIII">LXXXVIII</a></span>¶Tolosa, which was formerly at +peace with the Romans but had revolted, under the influence of hope in +the Cimbri, to the extent of imprisoning the garrison, was occupied by +them at night: they were admitted unexpectedly by friends and +plundered the temples, obtaining much other money besides, for the +place had been wealthy from of old, containing among other offerings +those of which the Gauls under the leadership of Brennus had once +despoiled Delphi. Nothing of importance, however, reached the Romans +in the capital, but the victors themselves confiscated the most of it. +For this a number were called to account. (Valesius, p. 630.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXIX">LXXXIX</a><br />B.C. 105<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 649)</span>1. +¶Servilius by reason of his jealousy of his colleague<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> became the +cause of many evils to the army; for, though he had in general equal +powers, his repute was naturally diminished by the fact that the other +was also consul. And ... after the death of Scaurus<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> he [Manlius?] +sent for Servilius: but the latter replied that each of them ought to +keep his position. Then, apprehending that Manlius might gain some +success by his own resources, he grew jealous of him, fearing that he +might secure individual glory, and went to him: yet he did not bivouac +on the same ground nor make him the partaker of any plan, but took up +a dis<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[Pg 346]</a></span>tinct position with the evident intention of joining battle with +the Cimbri before him and winning all the glory of the war. At the +outset they still inspired the enemy with dread, as long as their +quarrel was concealed, so much so as to lead the foe to desire peace, +but when the Cimbri sent a herald to Manlius as consul Servilius +became indignant that they had not directed their embassy to him, +refused to agree to any reconciliation, and came near slaying the +envoys. (Valesius, p. 630.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶The soldiers forced Servilius to go to Manlius and consult with +him about the emergency. But so far from coming into accord they +became as a result of the meeting even more hostile than before: they +fell into strife and abuse and parted in a disgraceful fashion. +(Valesius, p. 633.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XC">XC</a><br />B.C. 104<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 650)</span>¶After +Gnæus Domitius obtained leave to bring suit against Scaurus, one of +the slaves then came forward and offered to bring any damaging charges +against his master: but he refused to become involved in such +despicable business, and arresting the fellow delivered him over to +Scaurus. (Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCI">XCI</a></span>1. ¶Publius Licinius Nerva, who was +prætor in the island, on learning that the slaves were not being +justly treated in some respects, or else because he sought an occasion +of profit (for he was not inaccessible to bribes), circulated the +announcement that all who had any charges to bring against their +masters should come to him, for he would assist them. Accordingly, +many of them banded together, and some de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[Pg 347]</a></span>clared they were being +wronged and others made known some other grievances against their +masters, thinking they had secured an opportunity for accomplishing +without bloodshedding all that they wished. The freeborn, after +consultation, resisted them and would not yield to them on any point. +Therefore Licinius, inspired with fear by the united front of both +sides and dreading that some great mischief might be done by the +defeated party, would not admit any of the slaves but sent them away +thinking that they would suffer no harm or that at any rate they would +be scattered and so could cause no more disturbance. But they, fearing +their masters because they had dared to raise their voices at all +against them, organized a force and by common consent turned to +robbery. (Valesius, p. 633.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 103<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 651)</span>2. ¶The Messenians, believing that +they would suffer no abuse, had deposited in that place for safe +keeping all their most valuable and highly prized possessions. +Athenio, who as a Cilician held the chief command of the robbers, on +learning this attacked them while they were celebrating a public +festival in the suburbs, killed many of them as they were scattered +about, and almost took the city by storm. After building a wall to +fortify Macella,<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> a strong position, he did serious injury to the +country. (Valesius, p. 634.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCII">XCII</a><br />B.C. 102<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 652)</span>1. +¶After the defeat of the barbarians though many had fallen in battle +some few were saved. Whereupon Marius attempted to console these +sur<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[Pg 348]</a></span>vivors and to make amends by restoring to them all the plunder at +a nominal price, to prevent its being thought that he had bestowed +favors gratuitously upon any one. By this act Marius, who previously +had been the darling of the populace alone because sprung from that +class and raised to power by it, now won over even the nobles by whom +he was hated, and was praised equally by all. He received from a +willing and harmonious people a reëlection for the following year, to +enable him to subdue his remaining foes. (Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶The Cimbri when they had once halted lost much of their spirit and +consequently grew duller and weaker in both soul and body. The reason +was that in place of their former outdoor life they rested in houses, +instead of their former cold plunges they used warm baths, whereas +they were wont to eat raw meat they now filled themselves with richly +spiced dishes and relishes of the country, and they saturated +themselves, contrary to their custom, with wine and strong drink. +These practices extinguished all their fiery spirit and enervated +their bodies, so that they could no longer bear toils or hardships or +heat or cold or sleeplessness. (Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[Pg 349]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 28, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag</span>. <a name="XCIII">XCIII</a><br />B.C. 99<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 655)</span>1. +¶The son of Metellus besought everybody to such an extent both in +private and in public to let his father return from exile that he +received the appellation <i>Pius</i>, i.e. dutiful. (Valesius, p. 638.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶Furius had such enmity toward Metellus that when he was censor he +took his horse away. (Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p>3. Publius Furius,<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> indicted for his deeds committed in the +tribuneship, was slain by the Romans in the Comitia itself. He richly +deserved to die, for he was a seditious person and after first joining +Saturninus and Glaucia he veered about, deserted to the opposing +faction, and joined its members; it was not proper, however, for him +to perish in just this way. And this action seemed to be on the whole +justifiable. (Valesius, p. 637.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCIV">XCIV</a></span>1. For there were other factional +leaders, but the greatest authority was possessed by Marcius<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> over +one group, and by Quintus<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> over the other: these men were eager for +power, of insatiable ambition, and consequently greatly inclined +toward strife. Those qualities they possessed in common; but Drusus +had the advantage of birth, and of wealth, which he lavishly expended +upon those who at any time made demands upon him, while the other +greatly surpassed him in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[Pg 350]</a></span> audacity, daring, the anticipation of plots, +and malignity suitable to the occasion. Hence not unnaturally, since +they supplemented each other partly by their likeness and partly by +their differences, they created an extremely strong factional feeling +which remained even after the death of both. (Valesius, p. 638.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶Drusus and Cæpio, formerly great friends and united by mutual ties +of marriage, became privately at enmity with each other and carried +their feud even into politics. (Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCV">XCV</a><br />B.C. 92<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 662)</span>1. +¶Rutilius, an upright man, was most unjustly condemned. He was brought +to court by a preconcerted plan of the knights on a charge of having +been bribed while serving in Asia as lieutenant under Quintus +Mucius,<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> and they imposed a fine upon him. The reason for this act +was their rage at his having ended many of their irregularities in +connection with the collecting of taxes. (Valesius, p. 637.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶Rutilius made a very able defence, and there was no one of his +words which would not be the natural utterance of an upright man who +was being blackmailed and grieved far more for the conditions of the +State than for his own possessions: he was convicted, however, and +immediately stripped of his property. This process more than any other +revealed the fact that he had in no wise deserved the sentence passed +upon him. He was found to possess much less than<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[Pg 351]</a></span> the accusers had +charged him with having confiscated from Asia, and he could trace all +of his goods back to just and lawful sources of acquisition. Such was +his unworthy treatment, and Marius was not free from responsibility +for his conviction; a man so excellent and of such good repute had +been an annoyance to him. Wherefore Rutilius, indignant at the conduct +of affairs in the city, and disdaining to live longer in the company +of such a creature, withdrew, though under no compulsion, and went +even as far as Asia. There for a time he dwelt in Mitylene; then after +that place had received injury in the Mithridatic war he transferred +his residence to Smyrna and there lived to the end of his life nor +wished ever to return home. And in all this he suffered not a whit in +reputation or plenty. He received many gifts from Mucius and a vast +number from all the peoples and kings as well who had become +acquainted with him, till he possessed far more than his original +property. (Valesius, p. 637.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[Pg 352]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(BOOK 29, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCVI">XCVI</a><br />B.C. 90<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 664)</span>1. +¶Lupus,<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> suspecting that the patricians making the campaign with +him were revealing his plans to the enemy, sent word about them to the +senate before he had any definite information,<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> and, as a +consequence, although they were in no case well disposed<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> toward +each other through factional differences, he set them still more at +variance. There would have been even greater disturbance, had not some +of the Marsi been detected mixing with the foraging parties of the +Romans and entering the ramparts under the guise of allies, where they +took cognizance of speeches and actions in the camp and reported them +to their own men. In consequence of this discovery they ceased to be +angry with the patricians. (Valesius, p. 641.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶Marius suspected Lupus, although a relative, and through jealousy +and hope of being appointed consul even a seventh time as the only man +who could bring success out of the existing situation, bade him delay: +their men, he said, would have provisions, whereas the other side +would not be able to hold out for any considerable time when the war +was in their country. (Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p>3. ¶The Picentes subdued those who would not join their rebellion and +abused these men in the presence of their friends and from the heads +of their wives they tore out the hair along with the skin. (Valesius, +ib.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[Pg 353]</a></span></p> +<h3><i>(REMAINS OF BOOKS 30-35, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCVII">XCVII</a></span>1. ¶Mithridates, when the Roman +envoys<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> arrived, did not make the slightest move, but after +bringing some counter-charges and also exhibiting to the envoys the +amount of his wealth, some of which he had at that time spent on +various objects public and private, he remained quiet. But Nicomedes, +elated by their alliance and being in need of money, invaded his +territory. (Ursinus, p. 386.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶Mithridates despatched envoys to Rome requesting them if they +deemed Nicomedes a friend to persuade him or compel him to act justly +toward him, or if not, to allow him (Mithridates) to take measures +against his foe. They, so far from doing what he wished, even +threatened him with punishment if he should not give back Cappadocia +to Ariobarzanes and remain at peace with Nicomedes. His envoys they +sent away the very day and furthermore ordered him never to send +another one unless he should render them obedience. (Ursinus, ib.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCVIII">XCVIII</a><br />B.C. 89<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 665)</span> +¶Cato,<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> the greater part of whose army was effeminate and +superannuated, found his power diminished in every direction: and +once, when he had ventured to rebuke them because they were unwilling +to work hard or obey orders readily, he came near being overwhelmed +with a shower of missiles from them. He would certainly have been +killed, if they had had plenty of stones; but since the site where +they were as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[Pg 354]</a></span>sembled was given over to agriculture and happened to be +very wet, he received no hurt from the clods of earth. The man who +began the mutiny, Gaius Titius,<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> was arrested: he was a low fellow +who made his living in the courts and was excessively and shamelessly +outspoken; he was sent to the city to the tribunes, but escaped +punishment. (Valesius, p. 641.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCIX">XCIX</a><br />B.C. 88<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 666)</span>1. +¶All the Asiatics, at the bidding of Mithridates, massacred the +Romans; only the people of Tralles did not personally kill any one, +but hired a certain Theophilus, a Paphlagonian (as if the victims were +more likely thus to escape destruction, or as if it made any +difference to them by whom they should be slaughtered). (Valesius, p. +642.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶The Thracians, persuaded by Mithridates, overran Epirus and the +rest of the country as far as Dodona, going even to the point of +plundering the temple of Zeus. (Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="C">C</a><br />B.C. 87<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 667)</span>1. +¶Cinna, as soon as he took possession of the office, was anxious upon +no one point so much as to drive Sulla out of Italy. He made +Mithridates his excuse, but in reality wanted this leader to remove +himself that he might not, by lurking close at hand, prove a hindrance +to the objects that Cinna had in mind. He fairly distinguished himself +by his zeal for Sulla and would refuse to promise nothing that pleased +him. For Sulla, who saw the urgency of the war and was eager for its +glory, before starting had arranged everything at home for his own +best interests. He ap<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[Pg 355]</a></span>pointed Cinna and one Gnæus Octavius to be his +successors, hoping in this way to retain considerable power even while +absent. The second of the two he understood was generally approved for +his excellence and good nature, and he thought he would cause no +trouble: the other he well knew was an unprincipled person, but he did +not wish to antagonize him, because the man had some influence and was +ready, as he had said and declared on oath, to assist him in every way +possible. Sulla himself, though an adept at discovering the minds of +men and inferring correctly in regard to the nature of things, made a +thorough mistake in this matter and bequeathed a great war to the +State. (Valesius, p. 642.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶Octavius was naturally dull in politics. (Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p>3. ¶The Romans, when civil war set in, sent for Metellus, urging him +to help them. (Ursinus, p. 386.)</p> + +<p>4. ¶The Romans, at odds with one another, sent for Metellus and bade +him come to terms with the Samnites, as he best might: for at this +time they alone were still damaging Campania and the district beyond +it. He, however, concluded no truce with them. They demanded +citizenship to be given not to themselves alone but also to those who +had deserted to their side, refused to give up any of the booty which +they had, but demanded back all the captives and deserters from their +own ranks, so that even the senators no longer chose to make peace +with them on these terms. (Ursinus, p. 385.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[Pg 356]</a></span></p> + +<p>5. ¶When Cinna had put in force again the law regarding the return of +exiles, Marius and the rest of his followers who had been expelled +leaped into the city with the army left to them by all the gates at +once; these they shut, so that no one could make his escape, and +despatched every man they met, making no distinction, but treating +them all alike as enemies. They took special pains to destroy any +persons who had possessions, because they coveted such property, and +outraged their children and wives as if they had enslaved some foreign +city. The heads of the most eminent citizens they fastened to the +rostra. That sight was no less cruel than their ruin; for the thought +might occur to the spectators that what their ancestors had adorned +with the beaks of the enemy was now being deformed by the heads of the +citizens.</p> + +<p>For, in fine, so great a desire and greed for slaughter possessed +Marius, that when he had killed most of his enemies and no one because +of the great confusion prevailing occurred to him whom he wished to +destroy, he gave the word to the soldiers to stab all in succession of +the passers-by to whom he should not extend his hand. For Roman +affairs had come to this, that a man had to die not only without a +trial and without having incurred enmity, but by reason of Marius's +hand not being stretched out. Now naturally in so great a throng and +uproar it was not only no object to Marius to make the gesture, but it +was not even possible, no matter how much he wished it, to use his +hand as he pleased. Hence many died for naught who ought<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[Pg 357]</a></span> certainly on +every account not to have been slain. The entire number of the +murdered is beyond finding out; for the slaughter went on five whole +days and an equal number of nights. (Valesius, p. 642.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 86<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 668)</span>6. ¶While the Romans were offering +the New Year's sacrifice at the opening of the season and making their +vows<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> for their magistrate according to ancestral rites, the son of +Marius killed a tribune with his own hands, sending his head to the +consuls, and hurled another from the Capitol,—a fate which had never +befallen such an official,—and debarred two prætors from both fire +and water. (Valesius, p. 645.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CI">CI</a></span>1. ¶The lieutenant of Flaccus, Fimbria, +when his chief had reached Byzantium revolted against him. He was in +all matters very bold and reckless, passionately fond of any notoriety +whatsoever and contemptuous of all that was superior. This led him at +that time, after his departure from Rome, to pretend an +incorruptibility in respect to money and an interest in the soldiers, +which bound them to him and set them at variance with Flaccus. He was +the more able to do this because Flaccus was insatiable in regard to +money, not being content to appropriate what was ordinarily left over, +but enriching himself even from the soldiers' allowance for food and +from the booty, which he invariably maintained belonged to him. +(Valesius, p. 650.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶When Flaccus and Fimbria had arrived at Byzantium and Flaccus +after commanding them to bivouac outside the wall had gone into the +city, Fim<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[Pg 358]</a></span>bria seized the occasion to accuse him of having taken +money, and denounced him, saying that he was living in luxury within, +whereas they were enduring hardships under the shelter of tents, in +storm and cold. The soldiers then angrily rushed into the city, killed +some of those that fell upon them and scattered to the various houses. +(Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p>3. ¶On the occasion of some dispute between Fimbria and the quæstor +Flaccus threatened to send him back to Rome whether he liked it or +not, and when the other consequently made some abusive reply deprived +him of his command. Fimbria set out upon his return with the worst +possible will and on reaching the soldiers at Byzantium greeted them +as if he were upon the point of departure, asked for a letter, and +lamented his fate, pretending to have suffered undeservedly. He +advised them to remember the help he had given them and to be on their +guard; and his words contained a hidden reference to Flaccus, implying +that he had designs upon them. Finding that they accepted his story +and were well disposed toward him and suspicious of the general, he +went on still further and incited them to anger by accusing Flaccus of +various faults, finally stating that he would betray them for money; +hence the soldiers drove away Thermus, who had been assigned to take +charge of them. (Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p>4. ¶Fimbria destroyed many men not to serve the best ends of justice +nor to secure the greatest benefit to Rome but through bad temper and +lust of slaughter.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[Pg 359]</a></span> A proof is that he once ordered many crosses to be +made, to which he was wont to bind them and wear out their lives by +cruel treatment, and then when these were found to be many more than +those who were to be put to death he commanded some of the bystanders +to be arrested and affixed to the crosses that were in excess, that +they might not seem to have been made in vain. (Valesius, p. 653.)</p> + +<p>5. ¶The same man on capturing Ilium despatched as many persons as he +could, sparing none, and all but burned the whole city to the ground. +He took the place not by storm but by guile. After bestowing some +praise on them for the embassy sent to Sulla and saying that it made +no difference with which one of the two they ratified a truce (for he +and Sulla were both Romans) he thereupon went in among them as among +friends and performed these deeds. (Valesius, ib.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CII">CII</a><br />B.C. 85<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 669)</span>1. +¶Metellus after being defeated by Cinna went to Sulla and was of the +greatest assistance to him. For in view of his reputation for justice +and piety not a few who were opposed to Sulla's policy decided that it +was not without reason that Metellus had joined him but that he chose +what was really juster and more advantageous for the country, and +hence they went over to their side. (Valesius, p. 653.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶A thunderbolt fell upon the Capitol, causing the destruction of +the Sibylline books and of many other things. (Mai, p. 551.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CIII">CIII</a><br />B.C. 83<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 671)</span> +¶Pompey was a son of Strabo, and has been compared by Plutarch with +Agesilaus the Lacedæmonian.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[Pg 360]</a></span> Indignant at those who held the city he +proceeded absolutely alone to Picenum before he had quite yet come to +man's estate: from the inhabitants on account of his father's position +of command he collected a small band and set up an individual +sovereignty, thinking to perform some famous exploit by himself; then +he joined the party of Sulla. Beginning in this way he became no less +a man than his chief, but, as his title indicates, grew to be "Great." +(Valesius, p. 653.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CIV">CIV</a><br />B.C. 82<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 672)</span>¶Sulla +delivered the army to a man<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> who was in no wise distinguished<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> +nor generally commended, in spite of the fact that he had many who had +been with him from the beginning superior in both experience and +action, whom up to that time he had employed in all emergencies and +treated as most faithful. Before he became victor he was accustomed to +make requests of them and use their assistance to the fullest extent. +But as he drew near his dream of absolute dominion, he made no account +of them any longer but reposed his trust rather in the basest men who +were not conspicuous for family or possessed of a reputation for +uprightness. The reason was that he saw that such persons were ready +to assist him in all his projects, even the vilest; and he thought +they would be most grateful to him if they should obtain even very +small favors, would never show contempt nor lay claim to either his +deeds or his plans. The virtuous element, on the other hand, would not +be willing to help him in his evil-doing but would even rebuke him; +they would de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[Pg 361]</a></span>mand rewards for benefits conferred, according to merit, +would feel no gratitude for them but take them as something due, and +would claim his actions and counsels as their own. (Valesius, p. 654.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CV">CV</a></span>1. ¶Sulla up to that day that he +conquered the Samnites had been a conspicuous figure, possessing a +renown from his leadership and plans, and was believed to be most +devoted to humaneness and piety, so that all thought that he had +Fortune as an ally because of his excellence. After this event he +changed so much that one would not say his earlier and his later deeds +were those of the same person. This probably shows that he could not +endure good fortune. Acts that he censured in other persons while he +was still weak, and others, far more outrageous even, he committed: it +had presumably always been his wish to do so, but he had been hindered +by lack of opportunity. This fact produced a strong conviction in the +minds of some that bad luck has not a little to do with creating a +reputation for virtue.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> As soon as Sulla had vanquished the +Samnites and thought he had put an end to the war (the rest of it he +held of no account) he changed his tactics and, as it were, left his +former personality behind outside the wall and in the battle, and +proceeded to surpass Cinna and Marius and all their associates +combined. Treatment that he had given to no one of the foreign peoples +that had opposed him he bestowed upon his native land, as if he had +subdued that as well. In the first place he sent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[Pg 362]</a></span> forthwith the heads +of Damasippus and the members of his party stuck on poles to Præneste, +and many of those who voluntarily surrendered he killed as if he had +caught them without their consent. The next day he ordered the +senators to assemble at the temple of Bellona, giving them the idea +that he would make some defence of his conduct, and ordered those +captured alive to meet at the so-called "public" field,<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> pretending +that he would enroll them in the lists. This last class he had other +men slay, and many persons from the city, mixed in among them, +likewise perished: to the senators he himself at the same time +addressed a most bitter speech. (Valesius, p. 654.)</p> + +<p>2. ¶The massacre of the captured persons was going on even under +Sulla's direction with unabated fury, and as they were being killed +near the temple the great uproar and lamentation that they made, their +shrieks and wails, invaded the senate-house, so that the senate was +terrified for two reasons. The second of the two was that they were +not far from expecting that they themselves, also, might yet suffer +some terrible injury, so unholy were both his words and his actions: +therefore many, cut to the heart with grief at the thought of reality +and possibility, wished that they themselves belonged to the number of +men already dead outside, and so might secure a respite at last from +fear. Their cases, however, were postponed, while the rest were +slaughtered and thrown into the river, so that the savagery of +Mithridates, deemed so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[Pg 363]</a></span> terrible, in slaughtering all the Romans in +Asia in one day, was now held to be of slight importance in comparison +with the number massacred and their manner of death. Nor did the +terror stop here, but the slaughters which began at this point as if +by a kind of signal occurred in the country district and all the +cities of Italy. Toward many Sulla himself showed hatred and toward +many others his companions did the same, some truthfully and some in +pretence, in order that displaying by the similarity of their deeds a +character similar to his and establishing him as their friend they +might not, by any dissimilarity, incur suspicion, seem to be reproving +him at all, and so endanger themselves. They murdered all whom they +saw to surpass them either in wealth or in any other respect, some +through envy and others on account of their possessions. For under +such conditions many neutral persons even, though they might have +taken neither side, became subject to some private complaint, as +surpassing some one in excellence or wealth and family. No safety was +visible for any one against those in power who wished to commit an +injustice in any case. (Valesius, p. 657.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 81<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 673)</span>3. ¶Such calamities held Rome +encompassed. Who could narrate the insults to the living, many of +which were offered to women, and many to the noblest and most +prominent children, as if they were captives in war? Yet those acts, +though most distressing, yet at least in their similarity to others +that had previously taken place seemed endurable to such persons as +were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[Pg 364]</a></span> away from them. But Sulla was not satisfied, nor was he content +to do the same as others: a certain longing came over him to far excel +all in the variety of his slaughters, as if there were some virtue in +being second to none even in bloodguiltiness, and so he exposed to +view a new device, a whitened tablet, on which he inscribed the names. +Notwithstanding this all previous atrocities continued undiminished, +and not even those whose names were not inscribed on the tablets were +in safety. For many, some living and others actually dead, had their +names subsequently inscribed at the pleasure of the slayers, so that +in this aspect the phenomenon exhibited no novelties, and equally by +its terror and its absurdity distressed absolutely every one. The +tablets were exposed like some register of senators or list of +soldiers approved, and all those passing by at one time or another ran +eagerly to it in crowds, with the idea that it contained some +favorable announcement: then many found relatives' names and some, +indeed, their own inscribed for death, whereupon their condition, +overwhelmed by such a sudden disaster, was a terrible one; many of +them, making themselves known by their behavior, perished. There was +no particle of safety for any one outside of Sulla's company. For +whether a man approached the tablets, he incurred censure for meddling +with matters not concerning him, or if he did not approach he was +regarded as a malcontent. The man who read the list through or asked +any question about anything inscribed became suspected of enquiring +about himself<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[Pg 365]</a></span> or his companions, and the one who did not read or +enquire was suspected of being displeased at it and for that reason +incurred hatred. Tears or laughter proved fatal on the instant: hence +many were destroyed not because they had said or done anything +forbidden, but because they either drew a long face or smiled. Their +attitudes were so carefully observed as this, and it was possible for +no one either to mourn or to exult over an enemy, but even the latter +class were slaughtered on the ground that they were jeering at +something. Furthermore many found trouble in their very names, for +some who were unacquainted with the proscribed applied their names to +whomsoever they pleased, and thus many perished in the place of +others. This resulted in great confusion, some naming any man they met +just as ever they pleased, and the others denying that they were so +called. Some were slaughtered while still ignorant of the fact that +they were to die, and others, who had been previously informed, +anywhere that they happened to be; and there was no place for them +either holy or sacred, no safe retreat, no refuge. Some, to be sure, +by perishing suddenly before learning of the catastrophe hanging over +them, and some at the moment they received the news, were fortunately +relieved of the terrors preceding death: those who were warned in +advance and hid themselves found it a very difficult matter to escape. +They did not dare to withdraw, for fear of being detected, nor could +they endure to remain where they were for fear of betrayal. Very many +of them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[Pg 366]</a></span> were betrayed by their associates and those dearest to them, +and so perished. Consequently not those whose names were inscribed +merely, but the rest, as well, suffered in anticipation. (Valesius, +pp. 658-662.)</p> + +<p>4. ¶The heads of all those slaughtered in any place were brought to +the Roman Forum and exposed on the rostra, so that as often as +proscriptions were issued, so often did the heads appear. (Valesius, +ib.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CVI">CVI</a><br />B.C. 74<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 680)</span> +Lucullus said that he would rather have rescued one Roman from danger +than have captured at one stroke all the forces of the enemy. (Mai, p. +551.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CVII">CVII</a></span>1. For titles do not change the +characters of men, but one makes titles take on new meanings according +to one's management of affairs. Many monarchs are the source of +blessings to their subjects,—wherefore such a state is called a +kingdom,—whereas many who live under a democracy work innumerable +evils to themselves. (Mai, p. 556. Cp. Frag. XII.)</p> + +<p>2. For nothing leads on an army or anything else requiring some +control to better or worse like the character and habits of the person +presiding over it. The disposition and character of their leaders the +majority imitate, and they do whatever they see them doing, some from +real inclination, and others as a mere pretence. (Mai, p. 556.)</p> + +<p>3. The subservient element is wont ever to shape itself according to +the disposition of its rulers. (Mai, p. 560, from Antonius Melissa, p. +78, ed. Tigur.)</p> + +<p>4. For who would not prefer to be upright and at his death to lie in +the bosom of the State, rather than to behold her devastated? (Mai, p. +557.)</p> + +<p>5. If any one were building a house for you where<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[Pg 367]</a></span> you were not going +to remain, you would think the undertaking a loss: do you now wish to +grow rich in that place from which you must depart repeatedly before +evening? (Mai, ib.)</p> + +<p>6. Do you not know that we tarry in others' domains just like +strangers and sojourners? Do you not know that it is the lot of +sojourners to be driven out when they are not expecting or looking for +it? That is our case. (Mai, ib.)</p> + +<p>7. Who would not choose to die from one blow, and that with no pain or +very little, instead of after sickness? Who would not pray to depart +from a sound body with sound spirits rather than to rot with some +decay or dropsy, or wither away in hunger? (Mai, ib.)</p> + +<p>8. Things hoped for that fail of realization are wont to grieve some +persons more than the loss of things never expected at all. They +regard the latter as far from them and so pursue them less, as if they +belonged to others, whereas the former they approach closely, and +grieve for them as if deprived of rightful possessions. (Mai, p. 558.)</p> + +<p>9. Expectation of danger, without danger, puts the person expecting in +the position of having made things secure beforehand through imagining +some coming unpleasantness. (Mai, p. 560, from Antonius Melissa.)</p> + +<p>10. To be elated by good fortune is like running the stadium race on a +slippery course. (Mai, ib., also from Antonius.)</p> + +<p>11. The same author [i.e., Dio the Roman] said: "Is it not an outrage +to trouble the gods, when we ourselves are not willing to do what the +gods deem to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[Pg 368]</a></span> in our power?" (Mai, p. 561, from the Anthology of +Arsenius.)</p> + +<p>12. The same said: "It is much better to win some success and be +envied than to fail and be pitied." (Mai, ib., from Arsenius.)</p> + +<p>13. The same said: "It is impossible for any one who acts contrary to +right principles to derive any benefit from them." (Mai, p. 562.)</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CVIII">CVIII</a><br />B.C. 70<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 684)</span>The +Cretans sent an embassy to the Romans, hoping to renew the old truce +and furthermore to obtain some kindness for their preservation of the +quæstor and his fellow soldiers. But they, rather imbued with anger at +their failure to overcome the Cretans than grateful to the enemy for +not having destroyed them, made no reasonable answer and demanded back +from them all the captives and deserters. They demanded hostages and +large sums of money, required the largest ships and the chief men to +be given up, and would not wait for an answer from the envoys' country +but sent out one of the consuls immediately to take possession of +those things and make war upon them if they failed to give,—as proved +to be the case. For the men who at the outset, before any such demand +was made and before they had conquered, had refused to make terms +would naturally not endure after their victory the imposition of +exorbitant demands of such a character. The Romans knowing this +clearly and suspecting further that the envoys would try to corrupt +some persons with money, so as to hinder the expedition, voted in the +senate that no one should lend them anything. (Ursinus, p. 388.)</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2>FOOTNOTES</h2> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Iahni Annales, vol. 141, p. 290 sqq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Mommsen (Hermes VI, pp. 82-89); Haupt (Hermes XIV, pp. +36-64, and XV, p. 160); Boissevain (Program, Rotterdam, 1884).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This would give Dio a considerably longer life than is +commonly allowed him.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See + <a href="#Page_22">p. 22</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> The first alternative agrees with Plutarch, who, at the +end of his life of Numa (chapter 22), says that this death by +lightning of Tullus Hostilius caused many among the population at +large to revere that religion which their king had for so long a time +neglected.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Zonaras spells <i>Acillius</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Zonaras spells it <i>Veturina</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> This was probably one of the Manlii Cincinnati.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> The second "Manlius" is evidently an error of Zonaras. +The name should be <i>Fabius</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Zonaras spells <i>Cicinatus</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> The town is called <i>Corbio</i> by Livy (II, 39, 4).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Zonaras spells <i>Icillius</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Near the end of + <a href="#VII_17">VII, 17</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> In Greek, <i>Birdless</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> In Roman records these persons are known respectively as +L. Postumius <span class="smcap">L. f. L. n.</span> Megellus and Q. Mamilius <span class="smcap">Q. f. +M. n.</span> Vitulus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> This name should in both cases be Gnæus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> [See previous footnote.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> A. Atilius Calatinus is meant.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Apparently a mistake for <i>Sulpicius</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> [See previous footnote.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Zonaras spells <i>Plætinus</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> This is A. Atilius Calatinus again.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> A mistake for Gaius Aurelius and Publius Servilius, as +at the beginning of Chapter 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> [See previous footnote.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> But Valerius Maximus (II, 7, 4) calls him P. Aurelius +Pecuniola.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> <i>A. Atilius Calatinus</i> once more.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> [See previous footnote.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> This is a mistake, due to the carelessness of Zonaras. +Some Gallic tribe is evidently meant.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Gnæus Scipio is meant whenever Zonaras writes this +form.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Zonaras consistently spells this name <i>Lavinius</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Possibly an error on the part of Zonaras for +<i>proconsuls</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> By comparing other authors the names Alinius and +Plautius are found to be the corruptions of some copyists for Dasius +and Blattius.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> [See previous footnote.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> A corruption for Pityusæ.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Or, in other words, Balearis Major and Balearis Minor.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> [See previous footnote.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Dio probably wrote <i>Cæpio</i> here.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Zonaras consistently spells <i>Flaminius</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> This name is erroneously written by Zonaras for Gnæus. +(Cp. Polybius 28, 3, 2; 31, 12 (also 13, 19, and 20); 32, 4 to 7.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Presumably an error for the <i>Nestus</i>, a well-known +stream.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> This is Q. Pompeius A. <span class="smcap">f.</span> Nepos (consul B.C. +141).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> <i>Q. Servilius Cæpio</i> (consul B.C. 140).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Adopting Reiske's conjecture <span lang="el" title="Greek: hypomeinai epsêsen">'υπομειναι εψησεν</span> +in place of the MS. <span lang="el" title="Greek: hypomeinai epoiêses">'υπομειναι εποιησες</span>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> These are the censors for the year B.C. 136, Ap. +Claudius Pulcher and Q. Fulvius Nobilior.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> See note, + <a href="#Page_335">page 335</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> P. Furius Philus (consul B.C. 136).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> In the original the word "wept" is repeated. Van +Herwerden thinks that the second one should be deleted, but Schenkl +prefers to substitute an adverb in place of the first. In the +translation I have used an adverb giving nearly the same force as the +repetition of the verb.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> One may supply here, as Reiske suggests, "would have +been overthrown", "would have been humbled", or "would have been +brought low".</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Reading <span lang="el" title="Greek: eti aselgeias">ετι ασελγειας</span> (Boissevain's emendation) +in place of the unintelligible <span lang="el" title="Greek: aitias algein">αιτιας αλγειν</span> of the MS.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Namely, L. Betutius Barrus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> A slave of the aforesaid Barrus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Possibly an error for <i>Gaudas</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> <i>Cn. Manlius Maximus</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> <i>M. Aurelius Scaurus</i> (consul suffectus B.C. 108).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Possibly the modern <i>Macellaro</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> He was tribune of the plebs, B.C. 99.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> <i>M. Livius Drusus.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> <i>Q. Servilius Cæpio.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> The clause as found in the MS. gives no sense. The +translation here is on the basis of an emendation suggested by +Boissevain.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> <i>P. Rutilius Lupus</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> There are two gaps in the MS. here. "Had ... +information" is a conjecture of Tafel and Gros; and "well disposed +toward each other" of Reiske, who compares Book Fifty, chapter 16, of +Dio.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> [See previous footnote.]</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Their leader was M.' Aquilius.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> <i>L. Porcius Cato</i> (consul B.C. 89).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Properly <i>C. Titinius Sisenna</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Reading <span lang="el" title="Greek: euchas">ευχας</span> (Reiske, Boissevain) in place of +<span lang="el" title="Greek: archas">αρχας</span>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> <i>Q. Lucretius Ofella.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Supplying <span lang="el" title="Greek: mêt' epiphanei">μητ' επιφανει</span>, with Reiske.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Adopting Reiske's suggestion for filling out a lacuna in +the sense.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> The <i>villa publica</i>.</p></div> + + + +<p> </p> +<p> </p> +<hr class="full" /> +<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIO'S ROME, VOLUME 1 (OF 6)***</p> +<p>******* This file should be named 18047-h.txt or 18047-h.zip *******</p> +<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br /> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/8/0/4/18047">http://www.gutenberg.org/1/8/0/4/18047</a></p> +<p>Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed.</p> + +<p>Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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