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+The Project Gutenberg eBook, Dio's Rome, Volume 1 (of 6), by Cassius Dio,
+Translated by Herbert Baldwin Foster
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+
+
+
+Title: Dio's Rome, Volume 1 (of 6)
+       An Historical Narrative Originally Composed in Greek during the Reigns of Septimius Severus, Geta and Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and Alexander Severus: and Now Presented in English Form
+
+
+Author: Cassius Dio
+
+
+
+Release Date: March 24, 2006  [eBook #18047]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIO'S ROME, VOLUME 1 (OF 6)***
+
+
+E-text prepared by Ted Garvin, Linda Cantoni, and the Project Gutenberg
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net/)
+
+
+
+DIO'S ROME
+
+An
+Historical Narrative Originally Composed in Greek During the Reigns of
+Septimius Severus, Geta and Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and
+Alexander Severus:
+And
+Now Presented in English Form
+
+by
+
+HERBERT BALDWIN FOSTER,
+
+A.B. (Harvard), Ph.D. (Johns Hopkins),
+Acting Professor of Greek in Lehigh University
+
+FIRST VOLUME
+
+_Gleanings from the Lost Books_
+
+I. The Epitome of Books 1-21 arranged by Ioannes Zonaras, Soldier and
+Secretary, in the Monastery of Mt. Athos, about 1130 A.D.
+
+II. Fragments of Books 22-35.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Troy New York
+Pafraets Book Company
+1905
+Copyright 1905
+Pafraets Book Company
+Troy New York
+
+
+
+
+_To
+
+My Friend Teacher and Inspirer
+
+Mr. Gildersleeve of Baltimore
+
+Who Has Won to the Age of Greek Lore even as to the Youth of Greek
+Life
+
+I Offer a Redundant Tribute_
+
+
+
+
+VOLUME CONTENTS
+
+
+                                                              PAGE
+
+Concerning the Translation                                     vii
+
+Concerning the Original                                          1
+
+  (a) The Writing                                                3
+
+  (b) The Writer                                                33
+
+A Select List of Dissertations on Dio                           43
+
+Magazine Articles and Notes on Dio (1884-1904)                  49
+
+Plan of the Entire Work (as Conjectured by A. von Gutschmid)    61
+
+An Epitome of the Lost Books 1-21 (by Ioannes Zonaras)          67
+
+Fragments of Books 22-35 (from various sources)                329
+
+Fragment LXXIII                                                331
+
+Fragment LXXIV                                                 332
+
+Fragment LXXV                                                  332
+
+Fragment LXXVI                                                 333
+
+Fragment LXXVII                                                333
+
+Fragment LXXVIII                                               334
+
+Fragment LXXIX                                                 335
+
+Fragment LXXX                                                  335
+
+Fragment LXXXI                                                 336
+
+Fragment LXXXII                                                337
+
+Fragment LXXXIII                                               339
+
+Fragment LXXXIV                                                340
+
+Fragment LXXXV                                                 341
+
+Fragment LXXXVI                                                342
+
+Fragment LXXXVII                                               342
+
+Fragment LXXXVIII                                              345
+
+Fragment LXXXIX                                                345
+
+Fragment XC                                                    346
+
+Fragment XCI                                                   346
+
+Fragment XCII                                                  347
+
+Fragment XCIII                                                 349
+
+Fragment XCIV                                                  349
+
+Fragment XCV                                                   350
+
+Fragment XCVI                                                  352
+
+Fragment XCVII                                                 353
+
+Fragment XCVIII                                                353
+
+Fragment XCIX                                                  354
+
+Fragment C                                                     354
+
+Fragment CI                                                    357
+
+Fragment CII                                                   359
+
+Fragment CIII                                                  359
+
+Fragment CIV                                                   360
+
+Fragment CV                                                    361
+
+Fragment CVI                                                   366
+
+Fragment CVII                                                  366
+
+Fragment CVIII                                                 368
+
+
+
+
+CONCERNING THE TRANSLATION
+
+
+Cassius Dio, one of the three original sources for Roman history to be
+found in Greek literature, has been accessible these many years to the
+reader of German, of French, and even of Italian, but never before has
+he been clothed complete in English dress. In the Harvard College
+Library is deposited the fruit of a slight effort in that direction, a
+diminutive volume dated two centuries back, the title page of which
+(agog with queer italics) reads as follows:
+
+
+THE
+
+HISTORY
+
+OF
+
+DION CASSIUS
+
+ABBRIDG'D BY XIPHILIN
+
+CONTAINING
+
+The most considerable Passages under the _Roman_ emperors from the
+time of _Pompey_ the Great, to the Reign of _Alexander Severus_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In Two Volumes
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Done from the _Greek_, by Mr. Manning
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Tametsi haudquaquam par gloria sequatur Scriptorem, & Authorem rerum,
+tamen in primis arduum videtur res gestas scribere. Salust.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_London_: Printed for _A._ and _J. Churchill_, in _Paternoster Row_,
+1704.
+
+
+Four hundred and seven small pages, over and above the Epistle
+Dedicatory, are contained in Volume One. Really, however, this is not
+the true Dio at all, but merely his shadow, seized and distorted to
+satisfy the ideas of his epitomizer, the monk Xiphilinus, who was
+separated from him by a thousand years in the flesh and another
+thousand in the spirit. Of the little specimens here and there
+translated for this man's or that man's convenience no mention need
+here be made. Hence, practically speaking, Dio now for the first time
+emerges in his impressive stature before the English-speaking public
+after there has elapsed since his own day a period twice as long as
+then constituted the extent of that history which was his theme.
+
+The present version, begun while I was serving as Acting Professor of
+Greek at St. Stephen's College, Annandale, N.Y., has been carried
+forward during such intervals of leisure as I could snatch from an
+overflowing schedule at the University of South Dakota. It has been my
+companion on many journeys and six states have witnessed its progress
+toward completion. In spite of the time consumed it seems in
+retrospect not far short of presumptuous to have tried in three or
+four years to put into acceptable English what Dio spent twelve in
+writing down. Yet the task was not quite the same, for half of this
+historian's books have been caught up and whirled away in the cyclone
+of time; and who knows whether they still possess any resting-place
+above or beneath the earth?
+
+The text originally chosen as the basis for the translation was that
+of Melber, the idea of the translator being that the Teubner edition
+would be the most convenient and readily obtainable standard of
+reference for any one who wished to compare the Greek and the English.
+Hence the numbering of the Fragments is that of Melber (subdivisions
+are distinguished by a notation simpler than that of the original
+"sections"). Since no Teubner volumes beyond the second proved to be
+forthcoming, the rest of the work followed the stereotyped Tauchnitz
+edition, which also enjoys a large circulation. This text, however,
+contained so many cases of corruption and clumsiness that it seemed
+best to work over carefully nearly all of the latter portion of the
+English and to embody as many as possible of the improvements of
+Boissevain. Incidentally Boissevain's interior arrangement of all the
+later books was adopted, though it was deemed preferable (for mere
+readiness of reference) to adhere to the old external division of
+books established by Leunclavius. (Boissevain's changes are, however,
+indicated.) The Tauchnitz text with all its inaccuracies endeavors to
+present a coherent and readable narrative, and this is something which
+the exactitude of Boissevain does not at all times permit. In the
+translation I have striven to follow a conservative course, and at
+some points a straightforward narrative interlarded with brackets will
+give evidence of its origin in Tauchnitz, whereas at others loose,
+disjointed paragraphs betray the hand of Boissevain who would not
+willingly let Xiphilinus and Dio ride in the same compartment. My main
+desire through it all has been not so much to attain a logical unity
+of form as to present a history which shall look well and read well in
+English. For this reason also I have banished most of the Fragments
+(which must have only a comparatively limited interest) to the last
+volume and have replaced them in my first by portions of Zonaras
+(taken from Melber) which have their origin in Dio and are at the same
+time clear, comprehensible, and connected.
+
+Should any person object that even so my text does not offer eye and
+ear a pellucid field for smooth advance, I must reply that the
+original is likewise very far from being a serene and joyous highway;
+and it has not appeared to me necessary or desirable to improve upon
+the form of Dio's record further than the difference in the genius of
+the two languages demanded. I am reminded here of what Francisque
+Reynard says regarding the difficulties of Boccaccio, and because of a
+similarity in the situation I venture to quote from the preface of his
+(French) version of the Decameron:
+
+"Dans son admiration exclusive des anciens, Boccace a pris pour modèle
+Cicéron et sa longue période académique, dans laquelle les incidences
+se greffent sur les incidences, poursuivant l'idée jusqu'au bout, et
+ne la laissant que lorsqu'elle est épuisée, comme le souffle ou
+l'attention de celui qui lit.... Aussi le plus souvent sa phraséologie
+est-elle fort complexe, et pour suivre le fil de l'idée première,
+faut-il apporter une attention soutenue. Ce qui est déjà une
+difficulté de lecture dans le texte italien, devient un obstacle
+très sérieux quand on a à traduire ces interminables phrases en
+français moderne, prototype de précision, de clarté, de logique
+grammaticale.... Je sais bien qu'il y a un moyen commode de
+l'éluder...: c'est de couper les phrases et d'en faire, d'une seule,
+deux, trois, quatre, autant qu'il est besoin. Mais à ce jeu on change
+notablement la physionomie de l'original, et c'est ce que je ne puis
+admettre."
+
+As is Boccaccio to Cicero, so is Cassius Dio, _mutatis mutandis_, to
+Thukydides; and of course the imitator improves upon the model.
+Imagine a man who out-Paters Pater when Pater shall be but a memory,
+and you begin to secure a vision of the style of this Roman senator,
+who accentuates every peculiarity of the tragic historian's packed
+periods; and whereas his great predecessor made sentences so long as
+to cause mediæval scholars heartily to wish him in the Barathron,
+books and all, comes forward six hundred years later marshaling phrase
+upon phrase, clause upon clause, till a modern is forced to exclaim:
+"What, will the line stretch out to the crack of doom?" Now I have
+dealt with these complexes in different ways; and sometimes I have
+cleft and hacked and wrenched them out of all semblance of their
+original shape, and sometimes I have hauled them almost entire, like a
+cable, tangled with particles, out of the sea-bed of departed days.
+
+This principle of inconsistency which I have pursued in varying the
+rendering of long sentences, periodic or loose, according to external
+modifying conditions, may be observed also in certain other features
+of the book. For I have felt obliged to allow inconsistency of letter
+in the hope of approaching a consistency of spirit. I suppose that the
+ideal plan to follow in a translation would be to let a given English
+word represent a given Greek word, so that "beautiful" should occur as
+many times in the English version as [Greek: kalos] in the original,
+and "strength" as many times as [Greek: rhômê]. Such a scheme,
+however, is not feasible in a passage of any length, and its
+impossibility simply goes to show what a makeshift translation is and
+always has been, after all. Therefore single Greek words will be found
+reproduced by various English terms, but with that color which seems
+best adapted to the context.
+
+Again, in spelling I have chosen a method not unknown to recent
+historians, which consists in anglicising familiar proper names that
+are household words, like Antony, Catiline, etc., but keeping the
+classical Latin form for persons less well known, as Antonius the
+grandfather of Mark Antony. To the names of gods I have given a Latin
+dress unless a particular god happened to be named by a Greek on Greek
+soil. Similarly in geographical or topographical designations the
+translator of Dio must needs confront a more difficult situation than
+did Dio himself. Greek reduces _all_ names to its own basis. In
+English one must often select from the Latin form, Greek form, Native
+form, or Anglicised form. Since Dio lived in Italy and was to all
+intents and purposes a Roman I decided to make the Latin form the
+standard, and admit rarely the Anglicised form, less often the Greek,
+and least often the Native. As to the minutiæ of spelling I need
+scarcely say that I have been tremendously aided by Boissevain's
+exhaustive studies, briefly summarized in his notes. This painstaking
+care, for which he feels almost obliged to apologize, will lend a
+permanent lustre to his invaluable work.
+
+That many errors must have crept into an undertaking of this magnitude
+I have only too vivid forebodings, and this in spite of no
+inconsiderable efforts of mine to avoid them: herein I can but beg the
+clemency of my readers and judges and hope that such faults may be
+found to be mostly of a minor character. And perhaps I can do no
+better than to make common cause at once with Mr. Francis Manning
+whose book I recently mentioned; for, in his Epistle Dedicatory "To
+The | Right Honourable | CHARLES | Earl of Orrery", he voices as well
+as possible the feelings with which I write on the dedication page the
+name of Professor Gildersleeve:
+
+"Your Lordship will forgive me for detaining you thus long with
+relation to the Work I have made bold to present you with in our own
+Tongue. How well it is perform'd, I must leave entirely to my Readers.
+I assume nothing to myself but an endeavour to make my Author speak
+intelligible _English_. I shall only add what my Subject leads me to,
+and what for my Reader's sake I ought to mention: That as there are
+but few Authors that can present any Book to your Lordship in most
+other Languages, and on most of the Learned Subjects, but might wish
+they had been assisted by your Lordship's Skill and Knowledge therein,
+as well as Patronage and Protection; so the Translator of this _Greek_
+Historian in particular must lament, that notwithstanding all his
+Industry and Pains, he is faln infinitely short of that great
+Judgment, Nicety and Criticism in the _Greek_ Language, which your
+Lordship has in your Writings made appear to the World."
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Dio has long served as a source to writers treating topics of greater
+or less length in Roman history. He is now presented entire to the
+casual reader: his veracious narrative must ever continue to interest
+the historical student, who may correct him by others or others by
+him, the ecclesiastic, to whom is here offered so graphic a picture of
+the conditions surrounding early Christianity, and the literary man,
+who finds the limpid stream of Hellenic diction far from its source
+grow turbid and turgid in turning the mill wheels for this dealer in
+[Greek: onkos]. Dio's faults are patent, but his excellencies,
+fortunately, are patent, too; and the world may rejoice that in an age
+of lust and bloodshed this serious-minded magistrate bethought him to
+record with religious exactness what he believed to be the truth
+respecting the Kingdom, the Republic, and the Empire of Rome even to
+his own day.
+
+I desire in conclusion to express especial gratitude and appreciation
+for assistance and suggestions to Professor C.W.E. Miller of Johns
+Hopkins University, Professors J.H. Wright and A.A. Howard of Harvard
+University, and to Mr. A.T. Robinson of the Massachusetts Institute of
+Technology. Likewise I must acknowledge my obligations, in the
+elucidation of particularly vexed and corrupt passages, to the
+illuminative comments of Sturz, or Wagner, or Gros, or Boissée, or all
+combined. Additional thanks are due to many others who have helped or
+shall yet help to make Dio in English a success.
+
+HERBERT BALDWIN FOSTER.
+
+BETHLEHEM, PENNSYLVANIA,
+     June, 1905.
+
+
+
+
+CONCERNING THE ORIGINAL.
+
+
+
+
+A.--THE WRITING.
+
+
+Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Roman senator and prætor, when about forty
+years of age delivered himself of a pamphlet describing the dreams and
+omens that had led the general Septimius Severus to hope for the
+imperial office which he actually secured. One evening there came to
+the author a note of thanks from the prince; and the temporary
+satisfaction of the recipient was continued in his dreams, wherein his
+guiding angel seemed to urge him to write a detailed account of the
+reign of the unworthy Commodus (Book Seventy-two), just ended. Once
+again did Dio glow beneath the imperial felicitations and those of the
+public. Inoculated with the bacillus of publication and animated by a
+strong desire for immortality,--a wish happily realized,--he undertook
+the prodigious task of giving to the world a complete account of Roman
+events from the beginning to so late a date as Fortune might
+vouchsafe. Forthwith he began the accumulation of materials, a task in
+which ten active years (A.D. 200 to 210) were utilized. The actual
+labor of composition, continued for twelve years more at intervals of
+respite from duties of state, brought him in his narrative to the
+inception of the reign of his original patron, the first Severus.--All
+the foregoing facts are given us as Dio's own statement, in what is at
+present the twenty-third chapter of the seventy-second book, by that
+painter in miniature, Ioannes Xiphilinus.
+
+It was now the year A.D. 223, Dio was either consul for the first time
+(as some assert) or had the consular office behind him, the world was
+richer by the loss of Elagabalus, and Alexander Severus reigned in his
+stead. Under this emperor the remaining books (Seventy-three to
+Eighty, inclusive) must have been composed, for Dio puts the finishing
+touches on his history in 229. Since by that time he was nearly eighty
+years of age and since he has written of no reign subsequent to
+Alexander's, we may conclude that he did not survive his master, who
+died in 235. The sum total of his efforts, then, as he left it,
+consisted of eighty books, covering a period from 1064 B.C. to 229
+A.D. At present there are extant of that number complete only Books
+Thirty-six to Sixty inclusive, treating the events of the years 68
+B.C. to 47 A.D. The last twenty books, Sixty-one to Eighty, appear in
+fairly reliable excerpts and epitomes, but for the first thirty-five
+books we are dependent upon the merest scraps and fragments. How and
+by what steps this great work disintegrated, and in what form it has
+been preserved to modern times, this it is to be our next business to
+trace.
+
+It seems that Dio's work had no immediate influence, but "Time brings
+roses", and in the Byzantine age we find that he had come to be
+regarded as the canonical example of the way in which Roman History
+should be written. Before this desirable result, however, had been
+brought to pass, Books Twenty-two to Thirty-five inclusive had
+disappeared. These gave the events of the years from the destruction
+of Carthage and Corinth (in the middle of the second century B.C.) to
+the activity of Lucullus in 69. A like fate befell Books Seventy and
+Seventy-one at an early date. The first twenty-one books and the last
+forty-five (save the two above noted) seem to have been extant in
+their original forms at least as late as the twelfth century. Which
+end of the already syncopated composition was the first to go the way
+of all flesh (and parchment, too,) it would not be an easy matter to
+determine. It is regarded by most scholars as certain that Ioannes
+Zonaras, who lived in the twelfth century, had the first twenty-one
+and the last forty-five for his epitomes. Hultsch, to be sure,
+advances the opinion[1] that Books One to Twenty-one had by that time
+fallen into a condensed form, the only one accessible; but the
+majority of scholars are against him. After Zonaras's day both One to
+Twenty-one and Sixty-one to Eighty suffer the corruption of moth and
+of worm.
+
+[Footnote 1: Iahni Annales, vol. 141, p. 290 sqq.]
+
+The world has, then, in this twentieth century, those entire books of
+Dio which have already been mentioned,--Thirty-six to Sixty,--and
+something more. Let us first consider, accordingly, the condition in
+which this intact remnant has come down to the immediate present, and
+afterward the sources on which we have to depend for a knowledge of
+the lost portion.
+
+There are eleven manuscripts for this torso of Roman History, taking
+their names from the library of final deposit, but they are not all,
+by any means, of equal value. First come Mediceus A (referred to in
+this book as Ma), Vaticanus A, Parisinus A, and Venetus A (Va) of the
+first class; then Mediceus B of the second class; finally, Parisinus
+B, Escorialensis, Turinensis, Vaticanus B, and Venetus B, with the
+mongrel Vesontinus, which occupies a position in this group best
+designated, perhaps, as 2-1/2.
+
+Vaticanus A has been copied from Mediceus A, and Parisinus A from
+Vaticanus A, so that they are practically one with their archetype.
+Venetus A is of equal age and authority with Mediceus A. One can not
+now get back of these two codices. There is none of remoter date for
+Dio save the parchment Cod. Vat. 1288, containing most of Books
+Seventy-eight and Seventy-nine,--a portion of the work for the moment
+not under discussion. Coming to the second class, Mediceus B is a
+joint product of copying from the two principal MSS. just mentioned.
+In the third class, Parisinus B is a copy of Mediceus B with a little
+at the opening taken from Mediceus A. This was the version selected as
+a guide by Robert Estienne in the first important edition of Dio ever
+published (A.D. 1548). All the rest, Escorialensis, Turinensis,
+Vaticanus B, and Venetus B are mere offshoots of Parisinus B. The
+Vesontinus codex is derived partly from Venetus A and partly from some
+manuscript of the third class.
+
+The parchment manuscript to which allusion was made above is only some
+three centuries later than the time of Dio himself. It covers the
+ground from Book 78, 2, 2, to 79, 8, 3 inclusive (ordinary division).
+It belonged to Orsini, and after his death (A.D. 1600) became the
+property of the Vatican Library. It is square in shape and consists of
+thirteen leaves, each containing three columns of uncials. In spite
+of its age it is fairly overflowing with errors of every sort, many of
+which have been emended by an unknown corrector who also wrote in
+uncials; this same corrector would appear to have added the last leaf.
+And there are a few additions in minuscules by a still later hand. The
+leaves are very thin and in some places the ink has completely faded,
+showing only the impression of the pen. For specimen illustrations of
+this codex see Silvestre (Paléographie Universelle II, plate 7),
+Tischendorf (cod. Sinait. plate 20) and Boissevain's Cassius Dio (Vol.
+III).
+
+The dates of these codices (centuries indicated by Arabic numerals)
+are about as follows:
+
+         I. Mediceus A-Ma-          (11)
+         I. Venetus A-Va-           (11)
+         I. Vaticanus A             (15)
+         I. Parisinus A             (17)
+        II. Mediceus B              (15)
+       III. Parisinus B             (15)
+       III. Venetus B               (15)
+       III. Vaticanus B             (15)
+I. and III. Vesontinus              (15)
+       III. Turinensis              (16)
+       III. Escorialensis            (?)
+I. Codex Vaticanus græcus No. 1288 (5-6).
+
+Mediceus A contains practically Books Thirty-six to Fifty-four, and
+Venetus A Books Forty-one to Sixty (two "decades"). As they are both
+the oldest copies extant and the sources of all the others, modern
+editors would confine themselves to them exclusively but for the fact
+that in each some gaps are found. In Mediceus A, for instance, two
+quaternions (sixteen leaves) are lacking at the start, Leaf 7 is gone
+from the third quaternion, Leaves 1 and 8 from the fourth; from the
+thirty-first (now Quaternion 29) Leaf 1 has been cut, from the
+thirty-third and last Leaf 5 has disappeared. Likewise in Venetus A
+there are some gaps, especially near the end, in Book Sixty, where
+three leaves are missing. Hence (without stopping to take up gaps and
+breaks in detail) it may be said that the general plan pursued at the
+present day is to adopt a reading drawn for each book from the
+following sources respectively:
+
+Book 36.          Mediceus A, with lacuna of chapters
+                  3-19 incl., supplied by the
+                  mutual corrections of Vaticanus
+                  A and Parisinus B.
+
+Books 37 to 49.   Mediceus A.
+
+Books 50 to 54.   Vaticanus A (vice Mediceus A).
+
+Books 55 to 59.   Venetus A.
+
+Book 60.          Venetus A, except chapter 17, sections
+                  7 to 20, and chapter 22,
+                  section 3, to chapter 26, section
+                  2,--two passages supplied by
+                  Mediceus B.
+
+What knowledge has the world of the first thirty-five books of Dio's
+Roman History? To such a question answer must be made that of this
+whole section the merest glimpse can be had. It is here that we
+encounter the name of Zonaras, concerning whom some information will
+now be in order. Ioannes Zonaras was an official of the Byzantine
+Court who came into prominence under Alexis I. Comnenus in the early
+part of the twelfth century. For a time he acted as both commander of
+the body-guard and first private secretary to Alexis, but in the
+succeeding reign,--that of Calo-Ioannes,--he retired to the monastery
+of Mt. Athos, where he devoted himself to literary labors until his
+death, which is said to have occurred at the advanced age of
+eighty-eight. He was the author of numerous works, such as a Lexicon
+of Words Old and New, an Exposition of the Apostolic and Patristic
+Canons, an Argument Directed Against the Marriage of Two Nephews to
+the Same Woman, etc.; but our special interest lies in his [Greek:
+Chronikon] (Chronicon), a history of the world in eighteen books, from
+the creation to 1118 A.D.,--this last being the date of the demise of
+Alexis. The earlier portions of this work are drawn from Josephus; for
+Roman History he uses largely Cassius Dio; Plutarch, Eusebius, Appian
+also figure. But it has already been stated that Books Twenty-two to
+Thirty-five perished at an indefinitely early date; hence it follows
+that Zonaras has only Books One to Twenty-one at hand to use for his
+account of _early_ Rome; besides these he has later employed Books
+Forty-four to Eighty. Consequently it is possible to get many of the
+facts related to Dio, and in some cases his exact words, by reading
+Books VII to XII of this [Greek: Chronikon] or [Greek: Epitomê
+Historiôn] by Zonaras. It is Books VII, VIII, and IX especially which
+follow Books One to Twenty-one of Dio.
+
+Parallel with this account of Zonaras and extending beyond it, even to
+the extent of throwing a wire of communication across the yawning
+time-chasm represented by Books Twenty-two to Thirty-five, are certain
+excerpts and epitomes found in various odd corners and strangely
+preserved to the present moment. These are: Excerpts Concerning
+Virtues and Vices; Excerpts Concerning Judgments; Excerpts Concerning
+Embassies. The so-called "Planudean Excerpts" which used to be
+admitted to editions are rejected on good authority[2] by Melber, whom
+I have followed. I shall attempt only a brief mention of those
+excerpts, to show their pertinence.
+
+[Footnote 2: Mommsen (Hermes VI, pp. 82-89); Haupt (Hermes XIV, pp.
+36-64, and XV, p. 160); Boissevain (Program, Rotterdam, 1884).]
+
+The _Excerpts Concerning Virtues and Vices_ exist in a manuscript of
+the tenth century at the library of Tours, originally brought from the
+island of Cyprus and sold to Nicolas Claude Fabre de Peiresc, who
+lived from 1580 to 1637. Apparently it is a collection made at the
+order of Constantine VII. Porphyrogenitus. It was first published at
+Paris by Henri de Valois in 1634. The collection consists of
+quotations from Polybius, Diodorus Siculus, Nicolas Damascenus,
+Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Appian, Dio, John of Antioch, and others.
+
+The _Excerpts Concerning Judgments_ are found in a Vatican manuscript
+known as Codex Vaticanus Rescriptus Græcus, N. 73. Angelo Mai first
+published the collection at Rome in 1826. They consist of many
+narrative fragments extending over the field of Roman History from
+early to late times, but fall into two parts: between these two parts
+there is a gap of six or more pages. That the former set of fragments
+is taken directly from Dio all scholars are ready to allow. In regard
+to the latter set there have been, and perhaps still are, diverse
+opinions. The trouble is that on the one hand these passages do not
+end with the reign of Alexander Severus, where Dio manifestly ended
+his history, but continue down to Constantine and (since the
+manuscript has lost some sheets at the close) possibly much farther:
+and on the other hand the style and diction differ considerably from
+Dio's own. It was once the fashion to say that as many of the
+fragments as come before the reign of Valerian (A.D. 253)[3] came from
+Dio's composition, but that the remainder were written by an unknown
+author. Now, however, it is generally agreed that all the excerpts of
+the second set were the work of one man, whether John of Antioch, or
+Peter Patricius, or some third individual. Still, though not direct
+quotations from Dio, they are regarded as of value in filling out both
+his account and that of Xiphilinus. The words are different, but the
+facts remain undoubtedly true.
+
+[Footnote 3: This would give Dio a considerably longer life than is
+commonly allowed him.]
+
+The _Excerpts Concerning Embassies_ are contained in somewhat less
+than a dozen manuscripts, all of which prove to have sprung from a
+Spanish archetype (since destroyed by fire) that Juan Paez de Castro
+owned in the sixteenth century. Many of the copies were made by
+Andreas Darmarius. The first publisher of these selections was Fulvio
+Orsini (= Ursinus), who brought them out at Antwerp in 1582. As their
+name indicates, they are accounts of embassies sent either by the
+Romans to foreign tribes or by foreign tribes to the Romans. Some of
+them are taken from Cassius Dio; hence their importance here.
+
+Now it was the custom of the earlier editors to arrange the (early)
+fragments of Dio according to the groups from which they were taken:
+(1) the so-called Fragmenta Valesia (pickings from grammarians,
+lexicographers, scholiasts), edited by the same Henri de Valois above
+mentioned; (2) the Fragmenta Peiresciana (= Excerpts Concerning
+Virtues and Vices); (3) the Fragmenta Ursina (= Excerpts Concerning
+Embassies); and finally, in the edition of Sturz[4] (4) Excerpta
+Vaticana (= Excerpts Concerning Judgments and the now rejected
+"Planudean Excerpts"). The above grouping has been abandoned and a
+strictly chronological order followed in all the later editions,
+including Bekker, Dindorf, Melber, Boissevain.
+
+[Footnote 4: See p. 22.]
+
+The body of Fragments preceding Book Thirty-six cites, in addition to
+the collections mentioned, the following works or authors:
+
+Anecdota Græca of Immanuel Bekker (1785-1871), a scholar of vast
+attainments and profound learning in classical literature. These
+Anecdota are excerpts made from various Greek manuscripts found in the
+course of travels extending through France, Italy, England, and
+Germany. There were three volumes, appearing from 1814 to 1821.
+
+Antonio Melissa.--A Greek monk living between 700 and 1100 A.D. He
+collected two books of quotations from early Christian Fathers (one
+hundred and seventy-six titles) on the general subject of Virtues and
+Vices.
+
+Arsenius.--Archbishop of Monembasia: age of the Revival of Learning.
+
+Cedrenus.--A Greek monk of the eleventh century who compiled a
+historical work ([Greek: Synopsis historiôn]) the scope of which
+extended from the creation to 1057 A.D. He gives no evidence of
+historical knowledge or the critical sense, but rather of great
+credulity and a fondness for legends. His treatise is, moreover,
+largely plagiarized from the _Annals_ of Ioannes Scylitzes
+Curopalates.
+
+Cramer, J.A.--An Oxford scholar who published two collections of
+excerpts (similar to those of Bekker) between 1835 and 1841. The
+collection referred to in our text had its source in manuscripts of
+the Royal Library in Paris. It was in three octavo volumes.
+
+Etymologicum Magnum.--A lexicon of uncertain date, after Photius (886
+A.D.) and before Eustathius. This dictionary contains many valuable
+citations from lost Greek works. First edition, Venice, 1499.
+
+Eustathius.--Archbishop of Thessalonica and the most learned man of
+his age (latter half of the twelfth century). His most important
+composition is his _Commentary on Homer's Iliad and Odyssey_ in which
+he quotes vast numbers of authors unknown to us now except by name.
+First edition, Rome, 1542-1550.
+
+Glossary of C. Labbæus, the editor of Ancient Glosses of Law Terms,
+published in Paris, 1606.
+
+John of Antioch.--Author of a work called "Chronological History from
+Adam" quoted in the _Excerpts Concerning Virtues and Vices_ (vid.
+supra). Internal evidence indicates that the book was written after
+610 and before 900 A.D.
+
+John of Damascus.--A voluminous ecclesiastical writer belonging to the
+reigns of Leo Isauricus and Constantine VII. (approximately from 700
+to 750 A.D.). He was an opponent of the iconoclastic movement. The
+best edition of his works was published at Paris in 1712. The passage
+cited in our Fragments is from [Greek: peri Drakontôn], a mutilated
+essay on dragons standing between a "Dialogue Between a Saracen and a
+Christian" and a "Discussion of the Holy Trinity."
+
+John Laurentius Lydus.--A Byzantine writer, born at Philadelphia (the
+city of Revelation, III, 7), in 490 A.D. Although he was famed during
+his lifetime as a poet, all his verses have perished. The work cited
+in our Fragments,--"Concerning the Offices of the Roman Republic, in
+Three Books,"--had a curious history. For centuries it was regarded as
+lost, but about 1785 nine tenths of it was discovered by De Villoison
+in a MS. in the suburbs of Constantinople. It was published in Paris,
+1811.--Laurentius in the course of his career held important political
+posts and received two important literary appointments from the
+Emperor Justinian I.
+
+Suidas.--A lexicographer of the tenth century, composer of the most
+comprehensive Greek dictionary of early times. It is a manual at once
+of language and of antiquities. Inestimable as its value is, the
+workmanship is careless and uneven. The arrangement is alphabetical.
+
+John Tzetzes.--A Greek grammarian of the twelfth century. His learning
+was great but scarcely equaled his self-conceit, as repeatedly
+displayed in passages of his works. Many of his writings are still
+extant. One of these is called _Chiliades_ (or _Thousands_), a name
+bestowed by its first editor, who divided the work into sections of
+one thousand lines each. The subject-matter consists of the most
+miscellaneous historical or mythological narratives or anecdotes,
+absolutely without connection. Tzetzes copied these accounts from
+upward of four hundred writers,--one of them being Cassius Dio. The
+_Chiliades_ is written in the so-called _Versus politicus_, or
+"political verse," which is really not verse at all, but a kind of
+decadent doggerel.--A minor treatise by the same author is the
+_Exegesis of the Iliad of Homer_, published by Hermann (Leipzig,
+1812).
+
+Isaac Tzetzes, who has attracted less attention than his brother John,
+is best known as the author of a commentary on the _Cassandra_ of
+Lycophron (a poem of 1474 iambic verses by a post-classical tragedian,
+about 285 B.C., embodying the warnings of the royal prophetess and
+couched in appropriately incomprehensible expressions). It was hardly
+worth all the care that Tzetzes lavished upon it. From manuscript
+evidence and various claims of John Tzetzes it seems that John worked
+over, improved, and enlarged the commentary of his brother. Isaac's
+name, however, still remains associated with this particular
+exposition.
+
+We are now at length placed in a position to consider the condition
+of the ultimate portion of the work, i.e., the last twenty books,
+Sixty-one to Eighty inclusive. In general it may be said that for this
+section of the history we are thrown back upon an epitome of Ioannes
+Xiphilinus, who lived about fifty years earlier than the Ioannes
+Zonaras recently under discussion. To this general statement there are
+two important exceptions. First, even as early as Xiphilinus wrote
+(eleventh century) nearly two books of this last portion had perished.
+Book Seventy, containing the reign of Antoninus Pius, was entirely
+gone save a few miserable chapters, and Book Seventy-one had suffered
+the same fate in its beginning, so that our account of the renowned
+Marcus Aurelius begins practically with the year 172 instead of 161.
+The gap thus created has been partially filled by extracts of every
+conceivable quality and merit, from Suidas, from John of Antioch, even
+from Asinius Quadratus. This on the side of loss: on the side of gain
+there are numerous little excerpts (just as in the case of the early
+books) that may serve to fill crevices or cover scars, and above all
+there exists a parchment manuscript, known as Vaticanus 1288, older
+than Mediceus A, older than Venetus A, and containing Books
+Seventy-eight and Seventy-nine probably very much as Dio wrote them,
+save that the account is mutilated at beginning and end.
+
+Boissevain concludes (by comparing the Table of Contents found with a
+remark of Photius) that this particular piece of salvage was
+originally Books Seventy-nine and Eighty (instead of Seventy-eight and
+Seventy-nine), that Book Eighty of Dio was really what is now
+commonly called Seventy-nine _and_ Eighty, and that the so-called Book
+Eighty (of only five chapters) was but a kind of epilogue to the whole
+work. Whatever we may decide respecting the merits of his argument,
+the important fact is that here for a short distance we have Dio's
+original narrative, as in Books Thirty-six to Sixty, and are no longer
+obliged to depend upon epitomes.
+
+A word of explanation about Xiphilinus must come next. This Xiphilinus
+was a native of Trapezos (Trebizond) and became a monk at
+Constantinople. Here, at the behest of Michael VII. Ducas (1071-1078)
+he made an abridgment of Books Thirty-six to Eighty of Dio; thus it is
+his version of the lost books Sixty-one to Eighty on which we are
+compelled to rely. His task was accomplished with an even greater
+degree of carelessness than is customary in such compositions, and it
+may be said that his ability or, at least, his good will is not nearly
+so great as that of Zonaras. Yet he is largely a _pis aller_ for the
+would-be reader of Cassius Dio.
+
+Whereas the original was divided arbitrarily into books, Xiphilinus
+divided his condensation into "sections," each containing the life of
+one emperor. Readers must further note that the present division of
+Books Seventy-one to Eighty dates only from Leunclavius (1592, first
+edition) and is not necessarily correct. Improvements in arrangement
+by Boissevain (latest editor of Dio entire) are indicated in the
+present translation, though for convenience of reference the old
+headlines are still retained.
+
+Before speaking of the editions through which Dio's _Roman History_
+has passed it seems desirable to summarize briefly the condition of
+the whole as explained in the preceding pages. Here is a bird's-eye
+view of the whole situation.
+
+Books  1-21 exist in Zonaras and various fragments.
+  "   22-35 exist in fragments only.
+  "   36-54 exist in Dio's own words, and are
+              found in universally approved MSS.
+  "   54-60 exist in generally approved MSS.
+  "   60-69 exist in Xiphilinus and excerpts.
+Book     70 exists in fragments only.
+Books 71-77 exist in Xiphilinus and excerpts.
+  "  78, 79 exist in Dio's own words (oldest MS).
+Book     80 exists in Xiphilinus.
+
+
+EDITIONS.
+
+A brief list of important editions of this author is appended; the
+order is chronological.
+
+1. N. Leonicenus.--Italian translation of Books 35 to 60. Venice,
+1533. Free, and with many errors.
+
+2. R. Stephanus.--Greek text of Books 35 to 60. Paris, 1548. Work well
+done, but based on a poor MS.
+
+3. Xylander.--Latin translation of Books 35 to 60, with a brief Latin
+index. Basle, 1557. This version was made from No. 2.
+
+4. Baldelli.--Italian translation of Books 35 to 60. Venice, 1562.
+
+5. H. Stephanus.--A second edition of No. 2 with Latin translation of
+No. 2 added. A few corrections have been made and the Latin index is a
+little fuller. Paris, 1591.
+
+6. Leunclavius.--A second edition of No. 3, somewhat emended, _and
+with Books 61 to 80 (Xiphilinus) added_; also containing _Orsini's
+Excerpts Concerning Embassies_ (in Greek and Latin), notes of
+Leunclavius, and a still fuller Latin index. Frankfurt, 1592.
+
+7. Leunclavius.--Posthumous edition. Text of Dio and of Xiphilinus
+(the latter from Nero to Alexander Severus). Corrections of R.
+Stephanus in Dio proper, and of Xylander in both Dio and Xiphilinus,
+notes of Leunclavius on Dio, and notes of Orsini on _Excerpts
+Concerning Embassies_. Same Latin index as in No. 6. Hanover, 1606.
+
+8. REIMAR. (Important. All previous editions are taken from codex
+Parisinus B. Reimar, assisted by Gronovius (father and son) and by
+Quirinus, employed Mediceus A (the standard codex) together with
+Vaticanus A and Vaticanus B.) Text of Dio and Xiphilinus (Books 36 to
+80), the Xylander-Leunclavius Latin version, the _Excerpts Concerning
+Virtues and Vices_, and fragments collected from various sources by
+Henri de Valois. Reimar used not only the three MSS. mentioned above,
+but three copies of previous editions,--one of No. 2 (with notes of
+Turnebus and others), one of No. 5 (with, notes of Oddey), and one of
+No. 7 (with notes of an unknown individual of much learning, cited by
+Reimar and in this edition as _N_). Finally he gathered all possible
+emendations from as many as fourteen scholars who had suggested
+improvements in the text. Hamburg, 1750.
+
+9. J.A. Wagner.--German translation in five volumes. Frankfurt, 1783.
+
+10. Penzel.--German translation with notes. Four volumes. Leipzig,
+1786-1818.
+
+11. Morellius.--Fragments of Dio, with new readings of the same.
+Emphasizes the importance of codex Venetus A and has some remarks on
+Venetus B. Published in 1793.
+
+12. Sturz.--New edition of Dio based on No. 8, improved by a new
+collation of the Medicean manuscripts and with collation of the codex
+Turinensis, besides emendations gathered from many new sources. Eight
+volumes. Leipzig, 1824-5. (Volume IX in 1843, containing Mai's
+_Excerpts Concerning Judgments_.)
+
+13. Tauchnitz text.--Stereotyped edition, four volumes, Leipzig, 1829.
+New impression, Leipzig, 1870-77. (Originally used as a basis for the
+present translation after Book Fifty: later, wholesale revisions were
+undertaken to make the English for the most part conform to the text
+of Boissevain.)
+
+14. Tafel.--German translation, three volumes. Stuttgart, 1831-1844.
+
+15. J. Bekker.--Dio entire. (With new collation of the old MS.
+containing most of Books Seventy-eight and Seventy-nine, and with many
+new and brilliant conjectural emendations by the editor.) Two volumes.
+Leipzig, 1849.
+
+16. Gros-Boissée.--French translation together with the Greek text and
+copious notes. (With new collation of the Vatican, Medicean, and
+Venetian codices, besides use of Parisinus A and Vesontinus;
+manuscripts of the Fragments, especially the Tours manuscript
+(concerning Virtues and Vices) have been carefully gone over.) Ten
+volumes. Gros edited the first four; Boissée the last six. Paris,
+1845-1870.
+
+17. Dindorf.--Teubner text. Dindorf was the first to perceive the
+relation of the manuscripts and their respective values. He used
+Herwerden's new collation of the Vatican palimpsest containing
+_Excerpts Concerning Judgments_. From making fuller notes and
+emendations he was prevented by untimely death. Five volumes. Leipzig,
+1863-1865.
+
+18. Melber.--Teubner text, being a new recension of Dindorf, with
+numerous additions. To consist of five volumes. Leipzig, from 1890.
+The first two volumes, all that were available, have been used for
+this translation.
+
+19. Boissevain.--The most modern, accurate, and artistic edition of
+Dio. The editor is very conservative in the matter of manuscript
+tradition. He personally read in Italy many of the MSS., and had the
+aid of numerous friends at home and abroad in collating MSS., besides
+the help of a few in the suggestion of new readings. In the later
+portion of the text he makes a new division of books, and essays also
+to assign the early fragments to their respective books. Three
+volumes. Berlin, 1895, 1898, 1901. Vol. I, pp. 359 + cxxvi; Vol. II,
+pp. 690 + xxxi; Vol. III, pp. 800 + xviii. The second volume contains
+two phototype facsimiles of pages of the Laurentian and Marcian MSS.,
+and the third volume three similar specimens of the Codex Vaticanus.
+In the appendix of the last volume are found, in the order named, the
+following aids to the study of Dio.
+
+     1. The _entire_ epitome of Xiphilinus (Books 36-80).
+
+     2. Vatican Excerpts of Peter Patricius (Nos. 1-38), compared
+     with Dio's wording.
+
+     3. Vatican Excerpts of Peter Patricius (Nos. 156-191),
+     containing that portion of the Historia Augusta which is
+     subsequent to Dio's narrative.
+
+     4. Excerpts by John of Antioch, taken from Dio.
+
+     5. The "Salmasian Excerpts."
+
+     6. Some "Constantinian Excerpts," compared with Dio.
+
+     7. The account of Dio given by Photius and by Suidas.
+
+     8. Table of Fragments.
+
+Boissevain's invaluable emendations and interpretations have been
+liberally used by the present translator, and some of his changes of
+arrangement have been accepted outright, others only indicated.
+
+
+CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NARRATIVE.
+
+The atmosphere of Dio's Roman History is serious to a degree. Its
+author never loses sight of the fact that by his labor he is
+conferring a substantial benefit upon mankind, and he follows,
+moreover, a particular historical theory, popular at the time, which
+allows little chance for sportiveness or wit. Just as the early French
+drama could concern itself only with personages of noble or royal
+rank, so Dio's ideal compels him for the most part to restrict himself
+to the large transactions of governments or rulers and to diminish the
+consideration that idiosyncrasies of private life or points of
+antiquarian interest might otherwise seem to claim. The name of this
+ideal is "Dignity" ([Greek: onkos] is the Greek), a principle of
+construction which is opposed to a narration adorned with details.
+However much it may have been overworked at times, its influence was
+certainly healthful, for it demanded that the material be handled in
+organic masses to prevent the reader from being lost in a confused
+mass of minutiæ. Racy gossip and old wives' tales are to be replaced
+by philosophic reflection and pictures of temperament. Instead of mere
+lists of anecdotes there must be a careful survey of political
+relations. Names, numbers, and exact dates may often be dispensed
+with. Still, amid all this, there is enough humor of situation in the
+gigantic tale and enough latitude of speech on the part of the acting
+personages to prevent monotony and to render intellectual
+scintillations of the compiler comparatively unnecessary.
+Occasionally, for the sake of sharper focus on the portrait of some
+leader, Dio will introduce this or that trivial incident and may
+perhaps feel called upon immediately, under the strictness of his
+self-imposed régime, to apologize or justify himself.
+
+The style of the original is rendered somewhat difficult by a
+conscious imitation of the involved sentence-unit found in Thukydides
+(though reminiscences of Herodotos and Demosthenes also abound) but
+gives an effect of solidity that is symmetrical with both the method
+and the man. Moreover, one may assert of it what Matthew Arnold
+declared could _not_ be said regarding Homer's style, that it rises
+and falls with the matter it treats, so that at every climax we may be
+sure of finding the charm of vividness and at many intermediate points
+the merit of grace. It is a long course that our historian, pressed by
+official cares, has to cover, and he accomplishes his difficult task
+with creditable zeal: finally, when his Thousand Years of Rome is
+done, he compares himself to a warrior helped by a protecting deity
+from the scene of conflict. Surely it must have been one of the major
+battles of his energetic life to wrest from the formless void this
+orderly record of actions and events embroidered with discussion of
+the motives for those actions and the causes of such events.
+
+Dio has apparently equipped himself extremely well for his
+undertaking. A fragment edited by Mai (see Fragment I) seems to make
+him say that he has read every available book upon the subject; and,
+like Thukydides, he is critical, he is eclectic, and often supports
+his statements by the citation or introduction of documentary
+testimony. His superstition is debasing and repellent, but works harm
+only in limited spheres, and it is counterbalanced by the fact that he
+had been a part of many events recounted and had held high
+governmental offices, enjoying a career which furnished him with
+standards by which to judge the likelihood of allegations regarding
+earlier periods of Rome,--that, in a word, he was no mere
+carpet-knight of History. He is honestly conscientious in his use of
+language, attempting to give the preference to standard phrases and
+words of classical Greek over corrupt idioms and expressions of a
+decadent tongue; it is this very conscientiousness, of course, which
+leads him to adopt so much elaborate syntax from bygone masters of
+style. Finally,--the point in which, I think, Dio has come nearest to
+the gloomy Athenian,--something of the matter-of-fact directness of
+Thukydides is perceptible in this Roman History. The operator unrolls
+before us the long panorama of wars and plots and bribes and murders:
+his pictures speak, but he himself seldom interjects a word. Sometimes
+the lack of comment seems almost brutal, but what need to darken the
+torture-chamber in the House of Hades?
+
+There are two ways of writing history. One is to observe a strictly
+chronological order, describing together only such events as took
+place in a single year or reign; and the other, to give all in one
+place and in one narration the story of a single great movement,
+though it should cover several years and a fraction,--or, again, to
+sketch the condition of affairs in one province, or valley, or
+peninsula for so long a time as the story of such a region seems to
+possess unity of development. The first kind of writing takes the year
+or the reign as its standard, whereas the second uses the matter under
+discussion or some part of the earth in the same way: and they may
+accordingly be called, one, the chronological method, and the other,
+the pragmato-geographical. The difference between the two is well
+illustrated by the varying ways in which modern works on Greek history
+treat the affairs of Sicily.
+
+The first plan is that which Dio follows, and his work would have been
+called by the Romans _annales_ rather than _historiæ_. The method has
+its advantages, one of which is, or should be, that the reader knows
+just how far he has progressed; he can compare the relative
+significance of events happening at the same time in widely separated
+lands: he is, as it were, _living_ in the past, and receives from week
+to week or month to month reports of the world's doings in all
+quarters. On the other hand, this plan lacks dramatic force; there are
+sub-climaces and one grand climax: and the interest is apt to flag
+through being obliged to divide itself among many districts. The same
+results, both good and bad, are observable in Thukydides, whom Dio
+follows in constructive theory as well as style. It has already been
+said that our historian sacrifices sharpness of dates to the Onkos,
+depending, doubtless, on his chronological arrangements to make good
+the loss. Usually it does so, but occasionally confusion arises.
+Whether because he noticed this or not, he begins at the opening of
+the fifty-first book to be accurate in his dates, generally stating
+the exact day. Rarely, Dio lets his interest run away with him and
+mixes the two economies.
+
+If we read the pages closely, we find that by Dio's own statement his
+work falls properly into three parts. The first consists of the first
+fifty-one books, from the landing of Æneas to the establishment of the
+empire by Octavianus. Up to that time, Dio says (in LIII, 19),
+political action had been taken openly, after discussion in the senate
+and before the people. Everybody knew the facts, and in case any
+authors distorted them, the public records were open for any one to
+consult. After that time, however, the rulers commonly kept their acts
+and discussions secret; and their censored accounts, when made public,
+were naturally looked upon by the man in the street with doubt and
+suspicion. Hence, from this point, says the historian, a radical
+difference must inevitably be found in the character of his account.
+
+The second portion, opening with Book Fifty-two, ends at the death of
+Marcus Aurelius (180 B.C.). In LXXI, 36, 4 Dio admits that the old
+splendor ended with Marcus and was not renewed. His history, he says,
+makes here a sheer descent ([Greek: katapiptei]) from the golden to
+the iron age. It fades, as it were, into the light of common day in a
+double sense: for the events succeeding this reign Dio himself was
+able to observe as an intelligent eyewitness.
+
+The third section, then, extends from the beginning of Book
+Seventy-two to the end of the work. Here Dio breaks away oftener than
+before from his servility to the Dignity of History, only to display a
+far more contemptible servility to his imperial masters. According to
+his own account he stood by and passively allowed atrocities to be
+multiplied about him, nor does he venture to express any forceful
+indignation at the performance of such deeds. Had he protested, the
+world's knowledge of Rome's degenerate tyrants would undoubtedly have
+been less complete than it now is; and Dio was quite enough of an
+egotist to believe that his own life and work were of paramount
+importance. If we compare him unfavorably with Epictetus, we must
+remember that the latter was obscure enough to be ignored.
+
+In both the second and the third parts, that is to say throughout the
+entire imperial period, Dio is conceded to have committed an error in
+his point of view by making the relations of the emperor to the senate
+the leading idea in his narrative and subordinating other events to
+that relation. Senator as he was, he naturally magnified its
+importance, and in an impartial estimate of his account one must allow
+for personal bias.
+
+Our historian's sources for the earlier part of his work are not
+positively known. He has been credited with the use of Livy, of
+Coelius, of Appian, and of Dionysios of Halicarnassos, but the
+traces are not definite enough to warrant any dogmatic assertion.
+Perhaps he knew Tacitus and perhaps Suetonius: the portrait of
+Tiberius is especially good and was probably obtained from an author
+of merit. But there were in existence a great multitude of books
+inferior or now forgotten besides the works of the authors above
+mentioned; and Dio's History in general shows no greater evidence of
+having been drawn from writers whom we know than from others whom we
+do not know.
+
+We have already noticed Dio's similarity to Thukydides in style,
+arrangement, and emotional attitude. There remains one more bond of
+brotherhood,--the speeches. Just as the sombre story of the
+Peloponnesian conflict has for a prominent feature the pleas and
+counterpleas of contending parties, together with a few independent
+orations, so this Roman History is filled with public utterances of
+famous men, either singly or in pairs. Dio evinces considerable
+fondness for these wordy combats ([Greek: hamillai logôn]). About one
+speech to the book is the average in the earlier portion of the work.
+The author probably adapted them from rhetorical [Greek: meletai], or
+essays, then in existence. He was himself a finished product of the
+rhetorical schools and was inclined to give their output the greatest
+publicity. The most interesting of these efforts,--some go so far as
+to say the only one of real interest,--is the speech of Mæcenas in
+favor of the establishment of monarchy by Augustus: this argument
+undoubtedly sets forth Dio's own views on government. Like the rival
+deliverance of Agrippa it shows traces of having undergone a revision
+of the first draught, and it is more than probable that the two did
+not assume their present shape until the time of Alexander Severus.
+
+
+
+
+B.--THE WRITER.
+
+
+Suidas, the lexicographer of the tenth century, who is profitable for
+so many things, has this entry under "Dio":
+
+     Dio--called Cassius, surnamed Cocceius (others
+     "Cocceianus"), of Nicæa, historian, born in the times of
+     Alexander son of Mammæa, wrote a Roman History in 80 books
+     (they are divided by decades), a "Persia", "The Getæ",
+     "Journey-signs", "In Trajan's Day", "Life of Arrian the
+     Philosopher".
+
+Photius, an influential Patriarch of Constantinople and belonging to
+the ninth century, has in his "Bibliotheca" a much longer notice,
+which, however, contains almost nothing that a reader will not find in
+Dio's own record. This is about the extent of the information afforded
+us by antiquity, and modern biographers usually fall back upon the
+author's own remarks regarding himself, as found scattered through his
+Roman History. Such personal references were for the first time
+carefully collected, systematically arranged, and discussed in the
+edition of Reimar; subsequently the same matter was reprinted in the
+fifth volume of the Dindorf Teubner text.
+
+Just a word first in regard to the lost works with which Suidas
+credits Dio. He probably never wrote the "Persia": perhaps it belonged
+to Dio of Colophon, or possibly Suidas has confused _Dion_ with
+_Deinon_. It is certain that he did not write "The Getæ": this
+composition was by his maternal grandfather, Dio of Prusa, and was the
+fruit of exile. "Journey-signs" or "Itineraries" is an enigmatic
+title, and the more cautious scholars forbear to venture an opinion
+upon its significance. Bernhardy, editor of Suidas, says "Intelligo
+_Librum de Signis_" and translates the title "De Ominibus inter
+congrediendum." Leonhard Schmitz (in the rather antiquated _Smith_)
+thinks it means "Itineraries" and that Dio Chrysostom very likely
+wrote it, because he traveled considerably. Concerning "In Trajan's
+Day" two opinions may be mentioned,--one, that the attribution of such
+a title to Dio is a mistake (for, if true, he would have mentioned it
+in his larger work): the other, that its substance was incorporated
+in the larger work, and that it thereby lost its identity and
+importance. The "Life of Arrian" is probably a fact. Arrian was a
+fellow-countryman of Dio's and had a somewhat similar character and
+career. It may be true, as Christ surmises, that this biography was a
+youthful task or an essay of leisure, hastily thrown off in the midst
+of other enterprises.
+
+Coming to Dio's personality we have at the outset to decide how his
+name shall be written. We must make sure of his proper designation
+before we presume to talk about him. The choice lies between Dio
+Cassius and Cassius Dio, and the former is the popular form of the
+name, if it be permissible to speak of Dio at all as a "popular"
+writer. The facts in the case, however, are simple. The Greek
+arrangement is [Greek: Diôn ho Kassios]. Now the regular Greek custom
+is to place the gentile name, or even the prænomen, _after_ the
+cognomen: but the regular Latin custom (and after all Dio has more of
+the Roman in his makeup than of the Greek) is to observe the order
+_prænomen_, _nomen_, _cognomen_. It is objected, first, that the
+Greeks _sometimes_ followed the regular Latin order, and, second, that
+the Romans _sometimes_ followed the regular Greek order (e.g., Cicero,
+in his _Letters_). But the Greek exception cannot here make Dio the
+_nomen_ and Cassius the _cognomen_: we _know_ that the historian
+belonged to the gens Cassia (his father was Cassius Apronianus) and
+that he took Dio as cognomen from his grandfather, Dio Chrysostom. And
+the Latin exception simply offers us the alternative of following a
+common usage or an uncommon usage. The real question is whether Dio
+should be regarded rather as Greek or as Roman. To be logical, we must
+say either Dion Kassios or Cassius Dio. Considering the historian's
+times and his _habitat_, not merely his birthplace and literary
+dialect, I must prefer Cassius Dio as his official appellation. Yet,
+because the opposite arrangement has the sanction of usage, I deem it
+desirable to employ as often as possible the unvexed single name
+_Dio_.
+
+Dio's prænomen is unknown, but he had still another cognomen,
+Cocceianus, which he derived along with the _Dio_ from his maternal
+grandfather. The latter, known as Dio of Prusa from his birthplace in
+Bithynia, is renowned for his speeches, which contain perhaps more
+philosophy than oratory and won for him from posterity the title of
+Chrysostom,--"Golden Mouth." Dio of Prusa was exiled by the tyrant
+Domitian, but recalled and showered with favors by the emperor
+Cocceius Nerva (96-98 A.D.); from this patron he took the cognomen
+mentioned, Cocceianus, which he handed down to his illustrious
+grandson.
+
+Besides this distinguished ancestor on his mother's side Dio the
+historian had a father, Cassius Apronianus, of no mean importance. He
+was a Roman senator and had been governor of Dalmatia and Cilicia; to
+the latter post Dio bore his father company (Books 49, 36; 69, 1; 72,
+7). The date of the historian's birth is determined approximately as
+somewhere from 150 to 162 A.D., that is, during the last part of the
+reign of Antoninus Pius or at the beginning of the reign of Marcus
+Aurelius. The town where he first saw the light was Nicæa in Bithynia.
+
+The careful education which the youth must have had is evident, of
+course, in his work. After the trip to Cilicia already referred to Dio
+came to Rome, probably not for the first time, arriving there early in
+the reign of Commodus (Book 72, 4). This monster was overthrown in 192
+A.D.; before his death Dio was a senator (Book 72, 16): in other
+words, he was by that time above the minimum age, twenty-five years,
+required for admission to full senatorial standing; and thus we gain
+some scanty light respecting the date of his birth. Under Commodus he
+had held no higher offices than those of quæstor and ædile: Pertinax
+now, in the year 193, made him prætor (Book 73, 12). Directly came the
+death of Pertinax, as likewise of his successor Julianus, and the
+accession of him whom Dio proudly hailed as the "Second
+Augustus,"--Septimius Severus. The new emperor exerted a great
+influence upon Dio's political views. He pretended that the gods had
+brought him forward, as they had Augustus, especially for his work.
+The proofs of Heaven's graciousness to this latest sovereign were
+probably by him delivered to Dio, who undertook to compile them into a
+little book and appears to have believed them all; Severus, indeed,
+had been remarkably successful at the outset. Before long Dio had
+begun his great work, which he doubtless intended to bring to a
+triumphant conclusion amid the golden years of the new prince of
+peace.
+
+Unfortunately the _entente cordiale_ between ruler and historian did
+not long endure. Severus grew disappointing to Dio through his
+severity, visited first upon Niger and later upon Cæsar Clodius
+Albinus: and Dio came to be _persona non grata_ to Severus for this
+reason among others, that the emperor changed his mind completely
+about Commodus, and since he had begun to revere, if not to imitate
+him, what Dio had written concerning his predecessor could be no
+longer palatable. The estrangement seems to be marked by the fact that
+until Severus's death Dio went abroad on no important military or
+diplomatic mission, but remained constantly in Italy. He was sometimes
+in Rome, but more commonly resided at his country-seat in Capua (Book
+76, 2). In a very vague Passage in Book 76, 16 Dio speaks of finding
+"when I was consul" three thousand indictments for adultery inscribed
+on the records. This leads most scholars to assume that he was consul
+_before_ the death of Severus. Reimar thought differently, and
+produces arguments to support his view. I do not deem many of the
+passages which he cites entirely apposite, and yet some of the points
+urged are important. I can only say that the impression left in my
+mind by a rapid reading of the Greek is that Dio was consul while
+Severus reigned; if such be the case, he probably held the rank of
+_consul suffectus_ ("honorary" or "substitute"). All who refuse to
+admit that he could have obtained so high an office at that time place
+the date of his first consulship anywhere from 219 to 223 A.D. because
+of his own statement that in 224 he was appointed to the (regularly
+proconsular) governorship of Africa.
+
+The son of Severus, Caracalla or Antoninus, drew Dio from his
+homekeeping and took him with him on an eastern expedition in 216, so
+that our historian passed the winter of 216-217 as a member of
+Caracalla's retinue at Nicomedea (Book 77, 17 and 18) and joined there
+in the annual celebration of the Saturnalia (Book 78, 8). Dio takes
+occasion to deplore the emperor's bestial behavior as well as the
+considerable pecuniary outlay to which he was personally subjected,
+but at the same time he evidently did not allow his convictions to
+become indiscreetly audible. Much farther than Nicomedea Dio cannot
+have accompanied his master; for he did not go to the Parthian war,
+presently undertaken, and he was not present either at Caracalla's
+death (217) or at the overthrow of Macrinus (218). This Macrinus, one
+of the short-time emperors, gave Dio the post of _curator ad
+corrigendum statum civitatium_, with administrative powers over the
+cities of Pergamum and Smyrna (Book 79, 7), and his appointee remained
+in active service during much of the reign of Elagabalus,--possibly,
+indeed, until the accession of Alexander Severus (see Book 78, 18,
+end). Mammæa, the mother of the new sovereign, surrounded her son with
+skilled helpers of proved value, and it was possibly due to her wisdom
+that Dio was first sent to manage the proconsulate of Africa, and, on
+his return, to govern the imperial provinces of Dalmatia and Upper
+Pannonia. Somewhat later, in the year 229, he became consul for the
+second time, _consul ordinarius_, as colleague of Alexander himself.
+But Dio's disciplinary measures in Pannonia had rendered him unpopular
+with the pampered Pretorians, and heeding at once his own safety and
+the emperor's request he remained most of the time outside of Rome.
+This state of affairs was not wholly satisfactory, and it is not
+surprising that after a short time Dio complained of a bad foot and
+asked leave to betake himself to Nicæa, his native place.
+
+Here we must leave him. Whether his death came soon or late after 229
+A.D. is a matter of some uncertainty. It would be difficult to make a
+more complete record out of the available material, save to say that
+from two casual references it is inferred that Dio had a wife and
+children, and that in his career he often, sometimes with imperial
+assistance, tried cases in court.
+
+
+
+
+A LIST OF THE MORE RECENT DISSERTATIONS
+
+ON
+
+CASSIUS DIO.
+
+
+A. Baumgartner.--_Über die Quellen des Cassius Dio für die ältere
+römische Geschichte._ (1880.)
+
+F. Beckurts.--_Zur Quellenkritik des Tacitus, Sueton und Cassius Dio._
+(1880.)
+
+J. Bergmans.--_Die Quellen der Vita Tiberii (Buch 57 der Historia
+Romana) des Cassius Dio._ (1903.)
+
+Breitung.--_Bemerkungen über die Quellen des Dio Cassius LXVI-LXIX._
+(1882.)
+
+H. Christensen.--_De fontibus a Cassio Dione in Vita Neronis enarranda
+adhibitis._ (1871.)
+
+A. Deppe.--_Des Dio Cassius Bericht über die Varusschlacht verglichen
+mit den übrigen Geschichtsquellen._ (1880.)
+
+P. Fabia.--_Julius Pælignus, préfet des vigiles et procurateur de
+Cappadoce (Tacite, Ann. XII, 49; Dion Cassius LXI, 6, 6)._ (1898.)
+
+R. Ferwer.--_Die politischen Anschauungen des Cassius Dio._ (1878.)
+
+J.G. Fischer.--_De fontibus et auctoritate Cassii Dionis._ (1870.)
+
+H. Grohs.--_Der Wert des Geschichtswerkes des Cassius Dio als Quelle
+für die Geschichte der Jahre 49-44 v. Chr._ (1884.)
+
+G. Heimbach.--_Quid et quantum Cassius Dio in historia conscribenda
+inde a libro XI usque ad librum XLVII e Livio desumpserit._ (1878.)
+
+F.K. Hertlein.--_Conjecturen zu griechischen Prosaikern._ (1873.)
+
+D.G. Ielgersma.--_De fide et auctoritate Dionis Cassii Cocceiani._
+(1879.)
+
+E. Kyhnitzsch.--_De contionibus, quas Cassius Dio historiæ suæ
+intexuit, cum Thucydideis comparatis._ (1894.)
+
+E. Litsch.--_De Cassio Dione imitatore Thucydidis._ (1893.)
+
+Madvig.--_Adversaria Critica._ (1884.)
+
+J. Maisel.--_Observationes in Cassium Dionem._ (1888.)
+
+J. Melber.--_Der Bericht des Dio Cassius über die gallischen Kriege
+Cæsars._ (1891.)
+
+J. Melber.--_Dio Cassius über die letzten Kämpfe gegen Sext. Pompeius,
+36 v. Chr._ (1891.) In "Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiet der Klassichen
+Alterthumswissenschaft, W. v. Christ zum 60. Geburtstag dargebracht
+von seinen Schülern."
+
+P. Meyer.--_De Mæcenatis oratione a Dione ficta._ (1891.)
+
+M. Posner.--_Quibus auctoribus in bello Hannibalico enarrando usus sit
+Dio Cassius._ (1874.)
+
+E. Schmidt.--_Plutarchs Bericht über die Catilinarische Verschwörung
+in seinem Verhältnis zu Sallust, Livius und Dio._ (1885.)
+
+G. Sickel.--_De fontibus a Cassio Dione in conscribendis rebus inde a
+Tiberio usque ad mortem Vitelii gestis adhibitis._ (1876.)
+
+D.R. Stuart.--_The attitude of Dio Cassius towards epigraphic
+sources._ (1904.)--In "Roman Historical Sources," etc., pp. 101-147.
+
+H. van Herwerden.--_Lectiones Rheno-Traiectinæ._ (1882.) Pp. 78-95.
+
+A. v. Gutschmid.--See _Kleine Schriften_, V, pp. 547-554. (1894.)
+
+J. Will.--_Quæ ratio intercedat inter Dionis Cassii de Cæsaris bellis
+gallicis narrationem et commentarios Cæsaris de bello gallico._
+(1901.)
+
+
+
+
+A LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL ARTICLES
+
+ON
+
+CASSIUS DIO
+
+Found in Periodicals for the Twenty Years Preceding the Date of the
+Present Translation (1884-1904).
+
+
+1884.
+
+---- A review of _R. Ferwer_. (Die politischen Anschauungen des
+Cassius Dio.) (Bursian, Jhrb.)
+
+H. HAUPT.--Dio Cassius. (Yearly Review, continued.) (Rh. Mus., Book
+4.)
+
+K. SCHENKL.--A general review of the advance made in the study of Dio
+from 1873 to 1884. (Bursian, Jhrb. pp. 277-8; and also pp. 186-194 for
+1883.)
+
+
+1885.
+
+U. PH. BOISSEVAIN.--De Cassii Dionis libris manuscriptis (with
+author's stemma). (Mnemos., Vol. 13, Part 3. Also see Note on p. 456
+of Part 4, same volume.)
+
+H. HAUPT.--A review of _Grohs_ (Der Wert des Geschichtswerkes des
+Cassius Dio als Quelle der Jahre 49-44 V.C.). (Philolog. Anzeiger.)
+
+Id.--Dio Cassius. (Yearly Review, continued.) (Philol., Vol. 44, Book
+1 and Book 3.)
+
+H. SCHILLER.--A review of _Grohs_ (same article). (B.P.W., Feb. 21.)
+
+---- A review of U. Ph. Boissevain. (Program. On the Fragments of
+Cassius Dio.) (Bursian, Jhrb.)
+
+
+1886.
+
+S.A. NABER.--Emendations in Dio XLII, 34, and XXXVI, 49. (Mnemos.,
+N.S. 14, pp. 93 and 94.)
+
+---- Mention of Haupt's Survey in Philol. 44. (See above. Bursian,
+Jhrb.)
+
+---- A review of _Grohs_. (Article cited above. Bursian, Jhrb.)
+
+---- A review of _Grohs_. (Do. do.--Litt. Cbl., Jan. 16.)
+
+
+1887.
+
+---- A review of _C.J. Rockel_ (De allocutionis usu qualis sit apud
+Thucydidem, Xenophontem, oratores Atticos, _Dionem_, Aristidem.).
+(Jhrb. of I. Müller.)
+
+---- Mention of H. Haupt's Survey in Philol. 44. (Jhrb. of I. Müller.)
+
+BR. KEIL.--A criticism of _Rockel_. (Article above cited. W. Kl. Ph.,
+May 4.)
+
+W.F. ALLEN.--The Monetary Crisis in Rome, A.D. 33. (Containing
+citations from Dio. Tr. A. Ph. A., Vol. 18.)
+
+E.G. SIHLER.--The Tradition of Cæsar's Gallic Wars from Cicero to
+Orosius. (Containing citations from Dio. Tr. A. Ph. A., Vol. 18.)
+
+LIATYSCHEV.--(An article containing citations from Dio that contribute
+to a knowledge of the location of the city of Olbia.--Journal
+Ministerstva Narodnavo Prosvêschtscheniia, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4.)
+
+
+1888.
+
+W.F. ALLEN.--Lex Curiata de Imperio. (Containing citations from Dio
+XXXIX, 19 and elsewhere.--Tr. A. Ph. A., Vol. 19.)
+
+S.A. NABER.--Critical observations. (Including Dio XLVI, 15; LI, 14;
+LV, 10; LXIX, 28; LXXVI, 14; LXXVII, 4. Mnemos., Vol. 16, part 1.)
+
+---- A review of _L. Poetsch_. (Program. Bei.--träge zur Kritik der
+Kaiserbiographien _Cassius Dio_, Herodian, und Ælius Lampridius auf
+Grund ihrer Berichte über den Kaiser Commodus Antoninus.--Z. oest.
+Gymn., 1888, Book 3.)
+
+
+1889.
+
+BREITUNG.--A review of _Maisel_ (Observationes in Cassium Dionem.).
+(W. Kl. Ph., June 19.)
+
+---- A review of _Maisel_. (Do. do.--The Academy, February.)
+
+J. HILBERG.--A review of _Maisel_. (Do. do.--Z. oest. Gymn., 1889,
+Book 3.)
+
+H. KONTOS.--Critical note on Dio, XLIX, 12, 2. ([Greek: ATHÊNA], Vol.
+1, parts 3-4.)
+
+MELBER.--Contribution to a new order of the Fragments in Cassius Dio.
+(Sitzb. d. philos.-philolog. u. hist. d. k. B. Akademie d. Wiss. zu
+München, Feb. 9.)
+
+NAUCK.--Analecta Critica. (Proposition to restore six fragments of
+Cassius Dio to Dio Chrysostom.--Hermes, Vol. 24, part 3.)
+
+ALEX RIESE.--Die Sueben (based upon Dio). (Rh. Mus., Vol. 44, part 3.)
+
+SP. VASIS.--Passage of Dio applied to correct conclusions of Willems
+on Cic. ad Att. 5, 4, 2. ([Greek: ATHÊNA], Vol. 1, parts 3-4.)
+
+---- A review of _E. Cornelius_ (Quomodo Tacitus historiæ scriptor in
+hominum memoria versatus sit usque ad renascentes litteras sæc. XIV et
+XV.--Dio is indirectly involved.). (Jhrb. d. phil. Ver. zu. Berlin,
+1889.)
+
+---- A review of _C.J. Rockel_. (Title cited under 1887.--Jhrb. of I.
+Müller.)
+
+
+1890.
+
+U. PH. BOISSEVAIN.--A misplaced fragment of Dio (LXXV, 9, 6). (Hermes,
+Vol. 25, part 3.)
+
+TH. HULTZSCH.--On Dio Cassius (relative to early alteration of the
+text). (N. JB. f. Ph. u. Pä., Vol. 141, book 3.)
+
+KARL JACOBY.--A review of _Maisel_. (Title cited under 1889.--B.P.W.,
+Feb. 15.)
+
+MELBER.--Regarding the chronological relocation of several fragments
+of Dio. (Bl. f. d. Bayer. Gymn., Vol. 26, books 6 and 7.)
+
+---- A citation of the Kontos note (see above) from [Greek: ATHÊNA].
+(Rev. d. Et. Gr., Vol. 3, N. 9.)
+
+
+1891.
+
+BOISSEVAIN.--A review of _Melber_. (Text edition of Dio, Vol. I.)
+(B.P.W., Jan. 24.)
+
+BREITUNG.--A review of _Melber_. (Do. do.--W. Kl. Ph., June 24.)
+
+B. KÜBLER.--A review of _Melber_. (Do. do.--Deutsche LZ., Nov. 28.)
+
+Id.--Five conjectures in the (earlier portion of) text of Dio. (Rh.
+Mus., Vol. 46, part 2.)
+
+MELBER.--A review of _Maisel_. (Title cited under 1889.--Bl. f. d.
+Bayer. Gymn., Vol. 27, books 6 and 7.)
+
+Id.--A correction in Zonaras, IX, 5. (Bl. f. d. Bayer. Gymn., Vol. 27,
+book 1.)
+
+G.M. RUSHFORTH.--A review of _Melber_ (Dio, Vol. 1). (Cl. Rev., Vol.
+5, Nos. 1 and 2.)
+
+C. WACHSMUTH.--The pentad arrangement in Dio and others. (Rh. Mus.,
+Vol. 46, part 2.)
+
+---- Mention of an article on Dio (Cæsar's Gallic Wars) in Festgruss
+des kgl. Max.-Gymn. zu München. (Phil. Rundsch., Dec. 5.)
+
+
+1892.
+
+U. PH. BOISSEVAIN.--On the spellings Callæci--Gallæci, etc. (Mnemos.,
+N.S. Vol. 20, p. 286 ff.)
+
+H. SCHILLER.--A review of _Meyer_ (De Mæcenatis oratione a Dione
+ficta). (B.P.W., Sept. 17.)
+
+
+1893.
+
+BÜTTNER-WOBST.--An account of Dio in the Cod. Peir. (Berichte der kgl.
+sächs. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch., part 3.)
+
+C.G. COBET.--Emendations. (Mnemos. N.S., Vol. 21, p. 395.)
+
+B. HEISTERBERGK.--An emendation in XLVIII, 12. (Philol., Vol. 50, part
+4.)
+
+J.J.H.--An emendation of LXVII, 12. (Mnemos., Vol. 21, part 4.)
+
+MAISEL.--A review of _Melber_. (Dio, Vol. 1.--Phil. Rundsch., March
+4.)
+
+S.A. NABER.--Four emendations. (Mnemos., Vol. 21, part 4.)
+
+
+1894.
+
+K. BURESCH.--A comment on Dio, LIV, 30, 3. (W. Kl. Ph., Jan. 24.)
+
+
+1895.
+
+AD. BAUER.--Dio's account of the war in Dalmatia and Pannonia
+(6-9 A.D.). (Archäologisch-Epigraphische Mittheilungen aus
+Oesterreich-Ungarn, 17th year, book 2.)
+
+U. PH. BOISSEVAIN.--A review of _Maisel_ (Beiträge zur Würdigung der
+Hdss. des Cassius Dio). (B.P.W., Apr. 13.)
+
+K. JACOBY.--A review of _Maisel_. (Do. do.--W. Kl. Ph., July 3.)
+
+Id.--A review of _Melber_. (Dio, Vol. 2.--Ibid.)
+
+TH. MOMMSEN.--The miracle of the rain on the column of Marcus
+Aurelius. (Dio as a source.) (Hermes, Vol. 30, part 1.)
+
+---- A review of _E. Kyhnitzsch_ (De contionibus quas Cassius Dio
+historiæ suæ intexuit, cum Thucydideis comparatis). (Litt. Cbl., Oct.
+26.)
+
+
+1896.
+
+U. PH. BOISSEVAIN.--A review of _E. Kyhnitzsch_. (Title just
+above.--B.P.W., Jan. 18.)
+
+P. ERCOLE.--A review of _M.A. Micallela_ (La Fonte di Dione Cassio per
+le guerre galliche di Cesare). (Riv. di. Fil. e d'Istr. Class., 25th
+year, part 1.)
+
+PH. FABIA.--The statement of Dio about Nero and Pappæa shown to be
+parallel with that of Tacitus (Hist. I, 13). (Rev. de Phil., de Litt.,
+et d'Hist. anciennes, Vol. 20, part 1.)
+
+K. KUIPER.--De Cassii Dionis Zonaræque historiis epistula critica ad
+Ursulum Philippum Boissevain. (Mnemos., N.S. Vol. 24.)
+
+B. NIESE.--Dio's contributions to the history of the war against
+Pyrrhus. (Hermes, Vol. 31, part 4.)
+
+F. VOGEL.--Dio worthless for facts regarding Cæsar's second expedition
+into Britain. (N. JB. f. Ph. u. Pä., 1896, books 3 and 4.)
+
+---- Dio LIII, 23, compared with inscription discovered at Philæ,
+Egypt. (Philol., Vol. 55, part 1.)
+
+
+1897.
+
+D. DETLEFSEN.--Dio LIV, 32, as a sample of ancient knowledge in regard
+to the North Sea. (Hermes, Vol. 32, part 2.)
+
+PH. FABIA.--_Ofonius_ rather than _Sophonius_ (Dio MSS.) for the
+gentile name of Tigillinus. (Rev. de Phil., de Litt., et d'Hist.
+anciennes, Vol. 21, book 3.)
+
+P. GAROFOLO.--A citation of Dio. (Jhrb. of I. Müller, 1897.)
+
+B. KÜBLER.--A review of _Melber_. (Dio, Vol. 2.--Deutsche LZ., March
+6.)
+
+Id.--A review of _Boissevain_. (Edition of Dio.--B.P.W., May 15.)
+
+---- A mention of three articles by _Melber_.
+     1.) Der Bericht des Dio Cassius über d. gall.
+         Kriege Cäsars.
+
+     2.) Des Dio Cassius Bericht über d. Seeschlacht
+         d. D. Brutus geg. d. Veneter.
+     3.) Dio Cassius über d. letzten Kämpfe geg.
+         S. Pompejus, 36 v. Chr.
+     (Jhrb. of I. Müller, 1897.)
+
+---- Mention of a rearrangement favored by _Boissevain_ ("Ein
+verschobenes Fragment des Cassius Dio") who holds that a certain
+fragment, old style LXXV, 9, 6, properly belongs to the year 116 A.D.
+and to Trajan's expedition against the Parthians.
+
+
+1898.
+
+BÜTTNER-WOBST.--Dio corrected in regard to an episode in the siege of
+Ambracia, 189 B.C. (Philol., Vol. 57, part 3.)
+
+PH. FABIA.--An emendation and a change of order in Dio, LXI, 6, 6.
+(Rev. de Phil., de Litt., et d'Hist. anciennes, 1898, book 2.)
+
+J. KROMAYER.--Studies in the Second Triumvirate (Dio as a source).
+(Hermes, Vol. 33, part 1.)
+
+B. KÜBLER.--A review of _Boissevain_. (Dio, Vol. 2.--B.P.W., Nov. 26
+and Dec. 3.)
+
+J. VAHLEN.--Varia. (Dio LV, 6 and 7, for date of death of Mæcenas).
+(Hermes, Vol. 33, part 2.)
+
+
+1899.
+
+WILH. CRÖNERT.—-A study of 34 pp. on the transmission of the text of
+Dio. (Wiener Studien, 1899, book 1.)
+
+K. JACOBY.--A review of _Boissevain_. (Dio, Vol. 1.--W. Kl. Ph., March
+22.)
+
+
+1900.
+
+WILH. CRÖNERT.--Criticism of Boissevain. (Rev. Crit., July 2.)
+
+C. ROBERT.--On Dio LV, 10. (Hermes, Vol. 25, No. 4.)
+
+---- On Dio XLVII, 17, 1. (Archiv. f. Papyrusforschung u. verw. Geb.,
+vol. 2, book 1.)
+
+---- Observationes. (Philol., Vol. 59, No. 2.)
+
+---- Mélanges (including Dio XXXVIII, 50, 4). (Wiener Studien, 22nd
+year, book 2.)
+
+N. VULIC.--A note on Cassius Dio, XXXVIII, 50, 4. (Wiener Studien,
+22nd year, book 2, p. 314.)
+
+
+1901.
+
+C. JULLIAN.--Dio's account of the surrender of Vercingetorix compared
+with others. (Rev. des Et. Anc., Vol. 3, No. 2.)
+
+H. ST. SEDIMAYER.--Apocolocyntosis, i.e. Apotheosis per Satiram (Dio,
+LX, 35). (Wiener Studien, I, pp. 181-192.)
+
+
+1902.
+
+B. KÜBLER.--A review of _Boissevain_. (Dio, Vol. 3.--B.P.W., Dec. 20.)
+
+---- Reference to portraiture in Dio. (Philol., Vol. 61, No. 3.)
+
+---- Record of a new coin bearing the name of L. Munatius Plancus (cp.
+Dio XLVI, 50). (Numismat. Zeitschr., Vol. 34.)
+
+
+1903.
+
+A. BOMER.--An opinion to the effect that [Greek: Elisôn] (Dio LIV, 33)
+is a corrupt reading for [Greek: Stibarna] = Stever. (N. JB. f. d. kl.
+Alt., Gesch., u. deut. Lit., 6th year, part 3.)
+
+S.B. COUGEAS.--An account of a new MS. of Xiphilinus (No. 812 of the
+Iberian monastery on Mt. Athos. It is incomplete and ends at L, 11, 3
+of Dio). ([Greek: ATHÊNA], Vol. 15.)
+
+H. PETER.--A review of _G.M. Columba_ (Cassio Dione e del guerre
+galliche di Cesare.--B.P.W., Sept. 5).
+
+
+
+
+THE ORIGINAL ARRANGEMENT
+
+of
+
+DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
+
+as conjectured by A. von Gutschmid (_Kleine Schriften_, V, p. 561).
+
+
+A. Rome under the Kings (Two Books).
+     Book I, B.C. 753-673.
+     Book II, B.C. 672-510.
+
+B. Rome under a Republic (Thirty-nine Books).
+
+     a.) To the End of the Second Punic War (Fifteen Books.)
+
+       1.) To the Beginning of the Second Samnite War (Five Books):
+             Book III, B.C. 509.
+             Book IV, B.C. 508-493.
+             Book V, B.C. 493-449.
+             Book VI, B.C. 449-390.
+             Book VII, B.C. 390-326.
+
+       2.) To the Beginning of the Second Punic War (Five Books):
+             Book VIII, B.C. 326-290.
+             Book IX, B.C. 290-278.
+             Book X, B.C. 277-264.
+             Book XI, B.C. 264-250.
+             Book XII, B.C. 250-219.
+
+       3.) To the End of the Second Punic War (Five Books):
+             Book XIII, B.C. 219-218.
+             Book XIV, B.C. 218-217.
+             Book XV, B.C. 216-211.
+             Book XVI, B.C. 211-206.
+             Book XVII, B.C. 206-201.
+
+     b.) From the End of the Second Punic War (Twenty-four Books).
+
+       1.) To the Death of Gaius Gracchus (Eight Books):
+             Book XVIII, B.C. 200-195.
+             Book XIX, B.C. 195-183.
+             Book XX, B.C. 183-149.
+             Book XXI, B.C. 149-146.
+             Book XXII, B.C. 145-140.
+             Book XXIII, B.C. 139-133.
+             Book XXIV, B.C. 133-124.
+             Book XXV, B.C. 124-121.
+
+       2.) To the Dictatorship of Sulla (Eight Books):
+             Book XXVI, B.C. 120-106.
+             Book XXVII, B.C. 105-101.
+             Book XXVIII, B.C. 100-91.
+             Book XXIX, B.C. 90-89.
+             Book XXX, B.C. 88 (Happenings at Home).
+             Book XXXI, B.C. 88 (Events Abroad) and
+               87 (Happenings at Home).
+             Book XXXII, B.C. 87 (Events Abroad)-84.
+             Book XXXIII, B.C. 84-82.
+
+       3.) To the Battle of Pharsalus (Eight Books):
+             Book XXXIV, B.C. 81-79.
+             Book XXXV, B.C. 78-70.
+             Book XXXVI, B.C. 69-66.
+             Book XXXVII, B.C. 65-60.
+             Book XXXVIII, B.C. 59-58.
+             Book XXXIX, B.C. 57-54 (= a.u. 700) (Happenings at Home).
+             Book XL, B.C. 54 (Events Abroad)-50.
+             Book XLI, B.C. 49-48.
+
+C. Rome under Political Factions and under the Monarchy (Thirty-nine
+   Books).
+
+     a.) To the Death of Augustus (Fifteen Books).
+
+       1.) To the Triumvirate (Five Books):
+             Book XLII, B.C. 48-47.
+             Book XLIII, B.C. 46-44.
+             Book XLIV, B.C. 44.
+             Book XLV, B.C. 44-43.
+             Book XLVI, B.C. 43.
+
+       2.) To the Bestowal of the Imperial Title upon Augustus (Five
+           Books):
+             Book XLVII, B.C. 43-42.
+             Book XLVIII, B.C. 42-37.
+             Book XLIX, B.C. 36-33.
+             Book L, B.C. 32-Sept. 2, B.C. 31.
+             Book LI, Sept. 2, B.C. 31-29 (= a.u. 725) (Events Abroad).
+
+       3.) To the Death of Augustus (Five Books):
+             Book LII, B.C. 29 (Happenings at Home).
+             Book LIII, B.C. 28-23.
+             Book LIV, B.C. 22-10.
+             Book LV, B.C. 9-A.D. 8.
+             Book LVI, A.D. 9-14.
+
+     b.) From the Death of Augustus (Twenty-four Books).
+
+       1.) To Vespasian (Eight Books):
+             Book LVII, A.D. 14-25.
+             Book LVIII, A.D. 26-37.
+             Book LIX, A.D. 37-41.
+             Book LX, A.D. 41-46.
+             Book LXI, A.D. 47 (= a.u. 800)-59.
+             Book LXII, A.D. 59-68.
+             Book LXIII, A.D. 68-69
+             Book LXIV, A.D. 69-70.
+
+       2.) To Commodus (Eight Books):
+             Book LXV, A.D. 70-79.
+             Book LXVI, A.D. 79-81.
+             Book LXVII, A.D. 81-96.
+             Book LXVIII, A.D. 96-117.
+             Book LXIX, A.D. 117-138.
+             Book LXX, A.D. 138-161.
+             Book LXXI, A.D. 161-169.
+             Book LXXII, A.D. 169-180.
+
+       3.) To Dio's Second Consulate (Eight Books).
+             Book LXXIII, A.D. 180-192.
+             Book LXXIV, A.D. 193.
+             Book LXXV, A.D. 193-197.
+             Book LXXVI, A.D. 197-211.
+             Book LXXVII, A.D. 211-217.
+             Book LXXVIII, A.D. 217-218.
+             Book LXXIX, A.D. 218-222.
+             Book LXXX, A.D. 222-229.
+
+
+
+
+AN EPITOME
+
+of
+
+THE LOST BOOKS I-XXI OF DIO
+
+as found in the
+
+CHRONICON
+
+of
+
+IOANNES ZONARAS.
+
+
+_(BOOK 1, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 1] VII, 1.--Æneas after the Trojan war came to the
+Aborigines, who were the former inhabitants of the land wherein Rome
+has been built and at that time had Latinus, the son of Faunus, as
+their sovereign. He came ashore at Laurentum, by the mouth of the
+river Numicius, where in obedience to some oracle he is said to have
+made preparations to dwell.
+
+The ruler of the land, Latinus, interfered with Æneas's settling in
+the land, but after a sharp struggle was defeated. Then in accordance
+with dreams that appeared to both leaders they effected a
+reconciliation and the king beside permitting Æneas to reside there
+gave him his daughter Lavinia in marriage. Thereupon Æneas founded a
+city which he named Lavinium and the country was called Latium and the
+people there were termed Latins. But the Rutuli who occupied adjoining
+territory had been previously hostile to the Latins, and now they set
+out from the city of Ardea with warlike demonstrations. They had the
+support of no less distinguished a man than Turnus, a relative of
+Latinus, who had taken a dislike to Latinus because of Lavinia's
+marriage, for it was to him that the maiden had originally been
+promised. A battle took place, Turnus and Latinus fell, and Æneas
+gained the victory and his father-in-law's kingdom as well. After a
+time, however, the Rutuli secured the Etruscans as allies and marched
+upon Æneas. They won in this war. Æneas vanished, being seen no more
+alive or dead, and was honored as a god by the Latins. Hence he has
+come to be regarded by the Romans as the fountain head of their race
+and they take pride in being called "Sons of Æneas." The Latin domain
+fell in direct succession to his son Ascanius who had accompanied his
+father from home. Æneas had not yet had any child by Lavinia, but left
+her pregnant. Ascanius was enclosed round about by the enemy, but by
+night the Latins attacked them and ended both the siege and the war.
+
+As time went on the Latin nation increased in size, and the majority
+of the people abandoned Lavinium to build another town in a better
+location. To it they gave the name of Alba from its whiteness and from
+its length they called it Longa (or, as Greeks would say, "white" and
+"long").
+
+At the death of Ascanius the Latins gave the preference in the matter
+of royal power to the son borne to Æneas by Lavinia over the son of
+Ascanius, their preference being founded on the fact that Latinus was
+his grandfather. The new king's name was Silvius. Silvius begat Æneas,
+from Æneas sprang Latinus, and Latinus was succeeded by Pastis.
+Tiberinus, who came subsequently to be ruler, lost his life by falling
+into a river called the Albula. This river was renamed _Tiber_ from
+him. It flows through Rome and is of great value to the city and in
+the highest degree useful to the Romans. Amulius, a descendant of
+Tiberinus, displayed an overweening pride and had the audacity to
+deify himself, pretending an ability to answer thunder with thunder by
+mechanical contrivances and to lighten in response to the lightnings
+and to hurl thunderbolts. He met his end by the overflow of the lake
+beside which his palace was set, and both he and the palace were
+submerged in the sudden rush of waters. Aventinus his son perished in
+warfare.
+
+So far the account concerns Lavinium and the people of Alba. At the
+beginning of Roman history we see Numitor and Amulius, who were
+grandsons of Aventinus and descendants of Æneas.
+
+
+_(BOOK 2, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 672 (_a.u._ 82)] VII, 6.--When Numa died leaving no
+successor, Tullus Hostilius was chosen by the people and the senate.
+He followed in the footsteps of Romulus, and both welcomed combats
+himself and encouraged the people to do the same. The Albanians having
+become the victims of a marauding expedition on the part of the the
+Romans, both sides proceeded into battle; before they came into actual
+conflict, however, they effected a reconciliation and both races
+decided to dwell together in one city. [Sidenote: FRAG. 6^2] BUT AS
+EACH CLUNG TO HIS OWN TOWN AND INSISTED THAT THE OTHER RACE SHOULD
+REMOVE TO IT, THEY FAILED OF THEIR OBJECT. NEXT THEY DISPUTED ABOUT
+THE LEADERSHIP. As neither one would yield it to the other, [Sidenote:
+FRAG. 6^2] THEY ARRANGED TO HAVE A CONTEST FOR THE SOVEREIGNTY. They
+did not care to fight with entire armies nor yet to let the decision
+be made by a duel of champions. But there were on both sides brethren
+born three at a birth, the offspring of twin mothers, of like age and
+alike in strength: the Roman brethren were called Publihoratii and the
+Albanian Curiatii. These they set into battle over against one
+another, paying no heed to their relationship. So they, having armed
+themselves and having arrayed themselves in opposing files in the
+vacant space between the camps, called upon the same family gods and
+cast repeated glances upward at the sun. Having joined issue they
+fought now in groups, now in pairs. Finally, when two of the Romans
+had fallen and all of the Albanians had been wounded, the remaining
+Horatius, because he could not withstand the three at once, even were
+he unwounded, gave way in order that in pursuing him they might be
+scattered. And when they had become separated in the pursuit,
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 6^2] ATTACKING EACH ONE he despatched them all. Then
+he was given honors. But because he further killed his sister when she
+lamented on seeing Horatius carrying the spoils of her cousins, he was
+tried for murder; and having taken an appeal to the people he was
+released.
+
+The Albanians now became subjects of the Romans, but later they
+disregarded the compact; and having been summoned, in their capacity
+of subjects, to serve as allies, they attempted at the crisis of the
+battle to desert to the enemy and to join in the attack upon the
+Romans. They were detected, however, and punished: many (including
+their leader, Mettius) were put to death, and the rest suffered
+deportation; their city Alba was razed to the ground, after being
+deemed for five hundred years the mother city of the Romans.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 6^4] NOW AGAINST THE ENEMY TULLUS WAS THOUGHT TO BE
+VERY EFFICIENT, BUT HE NEGLECTED RELIGION. WHEN, HOWEVER, A PESTILENCE
+WAS INCURRED AND HE HIMSELF FELL SICK, HE TURNED ASIDE TO A GODFEARING
+COURSE. He is said to have reached the end of his life by being
+consumed by lightning[5] or else as the result of a plot formed by
+Ancus Marcius, who happened to be (as has been stated) a son of Numa's
+daughter. He was king of the Romans thirty-two years.
+
+[Footnote 5: The first alternative agrees with Plutarch, who, at the
+end of his life of Numa (chapter 22), says that this death by
+lightning of Tullus Hostilius caused many among the population at
+large to revere that religion which their king had for so long a time
+neglected.]
+
+VII, 7.--When Hostilius died, Marcius succeeded to the kingdom,
+receiving it as a voluntary gift from the Romans. And he was not
+perfect in his arm, for he was maimed at the joint (or bend), whence
+he got the title Ancus (bent arm). Though gentle he was compelled to
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 7] CHANGE HIS HABITS and he turned his attention to
+campaigns. For the rest of the Latins, on account of the destruction
+of Alba and in fear that they themselves might suffer some similar
+disaster, were angry at the Romans. As long as Tullus survived, they
+humbled themselves, dreading his reputation for warfare: but thinking
+that Marcius was easy to attack because of his peaceful disposition,
+they assailed his territory and pillaged it. He, [Sidenote: FRAG. 7]
+COMPREHENDING THAT PEACE COULD BE CAUSED BY WAR, attacked the
+attackers, defended his position, and captured their cities, one of
+which he razed to the ground, and treated many of the men taken as
+slaves and transferred many others to Rome. As the Romans grew and
+land was added to their domain, the neighboring peoples were
+displeased and set themselves at odds with the Romans. Hence the
+latter had to overcome the Fidenates by siege, and they damaged the
+Sabines by falling upon them while scattered and seizing their camp,
+and by terrifying others they got them to embrace peace even contrary
+to inclination. After this the life-stint of Marcius was exhausted,
+when he had ruled for twenty-four years, being a man that paid strict
+attention to religion according to the manner of his grandfather Numa.
+
+VII, 8.--The sovereignty was now appropriated by Lucius Tarquinius,
+who was the son of Demaratus a Corinthian, borne to the latter by a
+native woman after he had been exiled and had taken up his abode in
+Tarquinii, an Etruscan city; the boy had been named Lucumo. And though
+he inherited much wealth from his father, yet, because as an immigrant
+he was not deemed worthy of the highest offices by the people of
+Tarquinii, he removed to Rome, changing his appellation along with his
+city; and he changed his name to Lucius Tarquinius,--from the city in
+which he dwelt. It is said that as he was journeying to his new home
+an eagle swooped down and snatched the cap which he had on his head,
+and after soaring aloft and screaming for some time placed it again
+exactly upon his head: wherefore he was inspired to hope for no small
+advancement and eagerly took up his residence in Rome. Hence not long
+after he was numbered among the foremost men. [Sidenote: FRAG. 8] FOR
+BY USING HIS WEALTH QUITE LAVISHLY AND BY WINNING OVER THE NOBLES
+THROUGH HIS INTELLIGENCE AND WIT HE WAS INCLUDED AMONG THE PATRICIANS
+AND IN THE SENATE BY MARCIUS, WAS APPOINTED PRÆTOR, AND WAS ENTRUSTED
+WITH THE SUPERVISION OF THE KING'S CHILDREN AND OF THE KINGDOM. HE
+SHOWED HIMSELF AN EXCELLENT MAN, SHARING HIS MONEY WITH THOSE IN NEED
+AND BESTOWING HIS SERVICES READILY IF ANY ONE NEEDED HIM TO HELP. HE
+NEITHER DID NOR SAID ANYTHING MEAN TO ANY ONE. IF HE RECEIVED A
+KINDNESS FROM PERSONS HE MADE MUCH OF THE ATTENTION, WHEREAS IF ANY
+OFFENCE WAS OFFERED HIM, HE EITHER DISREGARDED THE INJURY OR MINIMIZED
+IT AND MADE LIGHT OF IT, AND FAR FROM MAKING REPRISALS UPON THE MAN
+THAT HAD DONE THE INJURY, HE WOULD EVEN BENEFIT HIM. THUS HE CAME TO
+DOMINATE BOTH MARCIUS HIMSELF AND HIS CIRCLE, AND ACQUIRED THE
+REPUTATION OF BEING A SENSIBLE AND UPRIGHT MAN.
+
+But the aforesaid estimate of him did not continue permanently. For at
+the death of Marcius he behaved in a knavish way to the latter's two
+sons and made the kingdom his own. The senate and the people were
+intending to elect the children of Marcius, when Tarquinius made
+advances to the most influential of the senators;--he had first
+sent the fatherless boys to some distant point on a hunting
+expedition:--and by his talk and his efforts he got these men to vote
+him the kingdom on the understanding that he would restore it to the
+children when they had attained manhood. And after assuming control of
+affairs he so disposed the Romans that they should never wish to
+choose the children in preference to him: the lads he accustomed to
+indolence and ruined their souls and bodies by a kind of kindness. As
+he still felt afraid in spite of being so placed, he secured some
+extra strength for himself in the senate. Those of the populace who
+felt friendly towards him he enrolled (to the number of about two
+hundred) among the patricians and the senators, and thus he put both
+the senate and the people within his own control. He altered his
+raiment, likewise, to a more magnificent style. It consisted of toga
+and tunic, purple all over and shot with gold, of a crown of precious
+stones set in gold, and of ivory sceptre and chair, which were later
+used by various officials and especially by those that held sway as
+emperors. He also on the occasion of a triumph paraded with a
+four-horse chariot and kept twelve lictors for life.
+
+He would certainly have introduced still other and more numerous
+innovations, had not Attus Navius prevented him, when he desired to
+rearrange the tribes: this man was an augur whose equal has never been
+seen. Tarquinius, angry at his opposition, took measures to abase him
+and to bring his art into contempt. So, putting into his bosom a
+whetstone and a razor, he went among the populace having in his mind
+that the whetstone should be cut by the razor,--a thing that is
+impossible. He said all that he wished, and when Attus vehemently
+opposed him, he said, still yielding not a particle: "If you are not
+opposing me out of quarrelsomeness, but are speaking the truth, answer
+me in the presence of all these witnesses whether what I have in mind
+to do shall be performed." Attus, having taken an augury on almost the
+very spot, replied immediately: "Verily, O King, what you intend shall
+be fulfilled." "Well, then," said the other, "take this whetstone and
+cut it through with this razor; this is what I have had in mind to
+come to pass." Attus at once took the stone and cut it through.
+Tarquinius, in admiration, heaped various honors upon him, accorded
+him the privilege of a bronze image, and did not again make any change
+in the established constitution, but employed Attus as a counselor on
+all matters.
+
+He fought against the Latins who had revolted, and afterwards against
+the Sabines, who, aided by the Etruscans as allies, had invaded the
+Roman country; and he conquered them all. He discovered that one of
+the priestesses of Vesta, who are required by custom to remain virgins
+all their life, had been seduced by a man, whereupon he arranged a
+kind of underground chamber with a long passage, and after placing in
+it a bed, a light, and a table nearly full of foods, he brought
+thither the unchaste woman escorted by a procession and having
+introduced her alive into the room walled it up. From his institution
+this plan of punishing those of the priestesses that do not keep their
+virginity has continued to prevail. The men that outrage them have
+their necks inserted in cloven pillars in the Forum, and then are
+maltreated naked until they give up the ghost.
+
+However, an attack was made upon Tarquinius by the children of Marcius
+because he would not yield the sovereignty to them, but instead placed
+a certain Tullius, borne to him by a slave woman, at the head of them
+all. This more than anything else displeased the patricians. The young
+men interested some of the latter class in their cause and formed a
+plot against the king. They arrayed two men like rustics, equipped
+with axes and scythes, and made them ready to attack him. So these
+two, when they did not find Tarquinius in the Forum, went to the royal
+court (pretending, of course, to have a dispute with each other) and
+asked for admission to his presence. Their request was granted and
+they began to make opposing arguments, and while Tarquinius was giving
+his attention to one of them pleading his cause, the other slew him.
+
+VII, 9.--Such was the end that befell Tarquinius who had ruled for
+thirty-eight years. By the coöperation of Tanaquil, wife of
+Tarquinius, Tullius succeeded to the kingdom of Rome. He was the child
+of a certain woman named Ocrisia, the wife of Spurius Tullius, a
+Latin; she had been captured in the war and chosen by Tarquinius: she
+had either become pregnant at home or conceived after her capture;
+both stories are current. When Tullius had reached boyhood he went to
+sleep on a chair once in the daytime and a quantity of fire seemed to
+leap from his head. Tarquinius, seeing it, took an active interest in
+the child and on his arriving at maturity had him enrolled among the
+patricians and in the senate.
+
+The murderers of Tarquinius were arrested and his wife and Tullius
+learned the plan of the plot; but instead of making Tarquinius's death
+known at once, they took him up and tended him (pretending that he was
+still alive), and meantime exchanged mutual pledges that Tullius
+should take the sovereignty but surrender it to Tanaquil's sons when
+they became men. And when the multitude ran together and raised an
+outcry, Tanaquil, leaning out of an upper story, said: "Be not afraid.
+My husband both lives and shall be seen by you shortly. But in order
+that he may regain health at leisure and that no hindrance to business
+may arise from his being incapacitated, he entrusts the management of
+the public weal for the present to Tullius." These were her words and
+the people not unwillingly accepted Tullius: for he was thought to be
+an upright man.
+
+So, having been granted the administration of public affairs, he
+managed them for the most part according to orders supposed to emanate
+from Tarquinius. [Sidenote: FRAG. 9] BUT WHEN HE SAW THE PEOPLE
+OBEYING HIM IN ALL POINTS, he brought the assassins of Tarquinius
+before the senate, though, to be sure, only because of their plot; for
+he was still pretending that the king was still alive. They were
+sentenced and put to death, and the sons of Marcius through fear took
+refuge among the Volsci. Then did Tullius reveal the death of
+Tarquinius and openly take possession of the kingdom. At first he put
+forward the children of Tarquinius as his excuse and caused it to be
+understood that he was the guardian of their royal office, but
+afterward he proceeded to pay court to the people, believing that he
+could secure control of the multitude very much more easily than of
+the patricians. He gave them money, assigned land to each individual,
+and made preparations to free the slaves and adopt them into tribes.
+As the nobles were irritated at this, he gave instructions that those
+liberated should perform some services, in requital, for the men that
+had liberated them. Now since the patricians were disaffected in the
+matter of his aspirations and circulated among other sayings one to
+the effect that no one had chosen him to hold the sovereignty, he
+gathered the people and harangued them. And by the use of many
+alluring statements he so disposed them toward himself that they at
+once voted the kingdom to him outright. He in return bestowed many
+gifts upon them and enrolled some of them in the senate. These
+originally in most matters were at a disadvantage as compared with the
+patricians, but as time went on they shared equally with the
+patricians in everything save the office of interrex and the
+priesthoods, and were distinguished from them in no respect except by
+their shoes. For the shoes of the patricians were made ornate by the
+addition of straps and the imprint of the letter, which were intended
+to signify that they were descended from the original hundred men that
+had been senators. The letter R, they say, either indicates the number
+of the hundred men referred to or else is used as the initial of the
+name of the Romans.
+
+In this way Tullius gained control of the populace, but fearing that
+some rebellion might take place he delivered the greater number and
+the more important of the public positions to the care of the more
+powerful citizens. Thus they became harmonious in their views and
+transacted the public business in the best manner. He also conducted a
+few wars against the Veians and against all the Etruscans, in the
+course of which nothing was done worthy of record. Wishing to
+affiliate the Latins still more closely with the Romans he persuaded
+them to construct in Rome a temple out of common funds. This he
+devoted to Minerva. But differences arose in regard to its
+superintendence. Meantime a Sabine brought to Rome an exceedingly fine
+cow, intending to sacrifice her to Minerva in accordance with an
+oracle. The oracle said that he who should sacrifice her would enlarge
+his country. One of the Romans learning this went to the man and told
+him that it was requisite for the victim first to be purified in the
+river, and by his talk persuaded him. Having persuaded him he took the
+cow under the pretence of keeping her safe and having taken her he
+sacrificed her. When the Sabine made known the oracle the Latins both
+yielded the presidency of the shrine to the Romans and in other ways
+honored them as superior to themselves.
+
+This was the course these matters took. Now Tullius joined his
+daughters in marriage with the Tarquins, and though he announced that
+he was going to restore the kingdom to them he kept putting it off,
+now on one excuse and now on another. And they were not at all
+disposed to be complaisant, but were indignant. The king paid no heed
+to them and urged the Romans to democracy and freedom. Then were the
+Tarquins all the more disquieted. But the younger one, however ill at
+ease he was, still endured it, until in the course of time he thought
+he could bear Tullius no longer. And when he found that his wife did
+not approve his attitude, nor did his brother, he put to death his own
+wife [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^1] AND COMPASSED HIS BROTHER'S DEATH BY
+POISON ADMINISTERED BY THE LATTER'S WIFE. Then, uniting his fortunes
+with his brother's spouse, he plotted with her help against Tullius.
+After persuading many of the senators and patricians whose reputations
+were under a cloud to coöperate with him against Tullius he
+unexpectedly repaired with them to the senate, his wife Tullia also
+following him. He there spoke many words to remind them of his
+father's worth and uttered many jests at the expense of Tullius. When
+the latter on hearing of it hastily made his appearance and said a
+word or two, the pretender seized him, and thrusting him out cast him
+down the steps in front of the senate-house. So the king, bewildered
+by the audacity of Tarquin and surprised that no one came to his
+assistance, did not say or do anything more. Tarquin at once obtained
+the kingdom from the senate, and sent some men who despatched Tullius
+while he was on his way home. The latter's daughter, after embracing
+her husband in the senate-house and saluting him as king, departed to
+the palace and drove her chariot over the dead body of her father as
+he lay there.
+
+VII, 10.--Thus ruled Tullius and thus he died after a reign of
+forty-four years. Tarquin, who succeeded to the kingdom, stationed
+body-guards around him after the manner of Romulus, and used them both
+night and day, at home and abroad. For, as a result of what he had
+done to his father-in-law, and his wife to her father, they in turn
+were afraid of other people. [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^2] AND WHEN HE HAD
+EQUIPPED HIMSELF TO RULE OVER THEM TYRANNICALLY HE ARRESTED AND PUT TO
+DEATH THE MOST POWERFUL MEMBERS OF THE SENATE AND OF THE REST,
+EXECUTING PUBLICLY THOSE AGAINST WHOM HE WAS ABLE TO BRING A CHARGE,
+AND OTHERS SECRETLY; SOME ALSO HE BANISHED. HE DESTROYED NOT MERELY
+THOSE WHO WERE ATTACHED TO THE PARTY OF TULLIUS, BUT IN ADDITION THOSE
+WHO HAD COÖPERATED WITH HIM IN SECURING THE MONARCHY, AND THUS HE MADE
+AWAY WITH THE BEST PART OF THE SENATE AND OF THE KNIGHTS. HE
+UNDERSTOOD THAT HE WAS HATED BY THE ENTIRE POPULACE; HENCE HE DID NOT
+APPOINT ANY PERSONS WHATEVER TO TAKE THE PLACES OF THOSE WHO KEPT
+PERISHING, BUT UNDERTAKING TO ABOLISH THE SENATE ALTOGETHER HE DID NOT
+APPOINT A SINGLE NEW PERSON TO IT AND COMMUNICATED NO NEWS OF
+IMPORTANCE TO THOSE WHO STILL WERE MEMBERS. HE CALLED THE SENATORS
+TOGETHER NOT TO HELP HIM IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF ANY IMPORTANT
+MEASURES, BUT IN ORDER THAT THEIR FEWNESS MIGHT BE MADE EVIDENT TO ALL
+AND THEY BE CONSEQUENTLY DESPISED. MOST OF HIS BUSINESS HE CARRIED ON
+BY HIMSELF OR WITH THE AID OF HIS SONS. IT WAS HARD TO APPROACH AND
+HARD TO ACCOST HIM, AND HE SHOWED GREAT HAUGHTINESS AND BRUTALITY
+TOWARD ALL ALIKE, AND HE AS WELL AS HIS CHILDREN ADOPTED A MORE
+TYRANNICAL BEARING TOWARD ALL PERSONS. Hence he also cast eyes of
+suspicion upon the members of his guard and secured a new body-guard
+from the Latin nation, intermingling the Latins with Romans in the
+ranks. He intended that the Latins by obtaining equal privileges with
+the Romans should owe him gratitude therefor, and that the Romans
+should cause him less terror, since they no longer had a place of
+their own but bore arms only in association with the Latins.
+
+He also joined battle with the people of Gabii and fared ill in the
+conflict, but by treachery overcame them; for he suggested to his son
+Sextus that he desert to their side. Sextus, in order to get some
+plausible pretext for the desertion, [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^3] REVILED
+HIS FATHER PUBLICLY AS A TYRANT AND FORESWORN, and the latter flogged
+his son and took measures of defence. Then, according to arrangement,
+the son made his treacherous desertion to the people of Gabii, taking
+along with him money and companions. The enemy believed the trick on
+account of the cruelty of Tarquin and because at this time the son
+spoke many words of truth in abusing his father and by his conduct
+seemed to have become thoroughly estranged from him. So they were very
+glad to receive him, and in his company made many incursions into
+Roman territory and did it no slight damage. For this reason and
+because he privately furnished some persons with money and spent it
+lavishly for public purposes he was chosen prætor by them and was
+entrusted with the management of the government among them. At that he
+secretly sent a man and acquainted his father with what had occurred,
+asking him for his intentions with regard to the future. The king made
+no answer to the emissary, in order that he might not, being equally
+informed, either willingly or unwillingly reveal something; but
+leading him into a garden where there were poppies he struck off with
+a rod the heads that were prominent and strewed the ground with them;
+hereupon he dismissed the message-bearer. The latter, without
+comprehending the affair, repeated the king's actions to Sextus, and
+he understood the sense of the suggestion. Therefore he destroyed the
+more eminent men of Gabii, some secretly by poison, others by robbers
+(supposedly), and still others he put to death after judicial trial by
+contriving against them false accusations of traitorous dealings with
+his father.
+
+Thus did Sextus visit sorrow upon the men of Gabii and destroyed their
+superior citizens, distributing their money among the crowd. Later,
+when some had already perished and the rest had been cozened and
+thoroughly believed in him, assisted by the Roman captives and the
+deserters (many of whom he had gathered for his projects), he seized
+the city and surrendered it to his father. The king bestowed it upon
+his son, but himself made war upon other nations.
+
+VII, 11.--The oracles of the Sibyl to the Romans he obtained even
+against his will. A woman whom they called Sibyl, gifted with divine
+inspiration, came to Rome bringing [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^4] THREE OR
+NINE books, offered these to Tarquin for purchase, and stated the
+value of the books. As he paid no attention to her, she burned one or
+three of the books. When again Tarquin scorned her, she destroyed part
+of the rest in a similar way. And she was about to burn up also those
+still left when the augurs compelled him to purchase the few that were
+intact. He bought these for the price for which he might have secured
+them all, and delivered them to two senators to keep. As they did not
+entirely understand the contents, they sent to Greece and hired two
+men to come from there to read and interpret these things. The
+dwellers in the vicinity, desiring to learn what was revealed by the
+books, [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^4] MANAGED TO BRIBE MARCUS ACILIUS,[6] ONE
+OF THE CUSTODIANS, AND HAD SOME STATEMENTS COPIED OUT. THE AFFAIR
+BECAME PUBLIC AND MARCUS AFTER BEING THROWN INTO TWO HIDES SEWN
+TOGETHER was drowned (and beginning with him this punishment has ever
+since prevailed in the case of parricides), in order that earth nor
+water nor sun might be defiled by his death.
+
+[Footnote 6: Zonaras spells _Acillius_.]
+
+The temple on the Tarpeian rock he constructed according to the vow of
+his father. And the earth having yawned even to the substructure of
+the foundations there appeared the head of a man freshly slain, still
+with blood in it. Accordingly the Romans sent to a soothsayer of
+Etruria to ask what was signified by the phenomenon. And he, desiring
+to make the portent apply to Etruria, made a diagram upon the ground
+and in it laid out the plan of Rome and the Tarpeian rock. He intended
+to ask the envoys: "Is this Rome? Is this the Rock? Was the head found
+here?" They would suspect nothing and agree in their assent, and so
+the efficacy of the portent would be transferred to the place where it
+had been shown in the diagram. This was his design, but the envoys
+learned from his son what his device was, and when the question was
+put to them, they answered: "The settlement of Rome is not here, but
+in Latium, and the hill is in the country of the Romans, and the head
+was found on that hill." Thus the design of the soothsayer was
+thwarted and they learned the whole truth and reported it to their
+fellow-citizens, to wit, that they should be very powerful and rule
+very many people. So this was another event that imbued them with
+hope. Then the hill was renamed by them "Capitolium": for _capita_ in
+the Roman speech means "the head."
+
+Needing money for the building of the temple Tarquin waged war upon
+the inhabitants of Ardea; but from it he gained no money, and he was
+driven out of the kingdom. Signs also came in his way that indicated
+his expulsion. Out of his garden vultures drove the young of eagles,
+and in the men's hall, where he was having a banquet with his friends,
+a huge serpent appeared and caused him and his companions at table to
+decamp. In consequence of this he sent his sons Titus and Aruns to
+Delphi. But as Apollo declared that he should not be driven from his
+domain till a dog should use human speech, he was elated with hopes
+for the best, thinking that the oracle could never be fulfilled.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 10^5] NOW LUCIUS JUNIUS WAS A SON OF TARQUIN'S
+SISTER; HIS FATHER AND BROTHER TARQUIN HAD KILLED. SO HE, FEARING FOR
+HIS OWN PERSON, FEIGNED MADNESS, EMPLOYING THIS MEANS OF SAFETY AS A
+SCREEN FOR HIS LIFE. HENCE HE WAS DUBBED BRUTUS, FOR THIS IS THE NAME
+BY WHICH THE LATINS ARE ACCUSTOMED TO CALL IDIOTS. WHILE PRETENDING TO
+BE MAD HE WAS TAKEN ALONG AS A PLAYTHING BY THE CHILDREN OF TARQUIN,
+WHEN THEY JOURNEYED TO DELPHI. AND HE SAID THAT HE WAS CARRYING A
+VOTIVE OFFERING TO THE GOD; THIS WAS A STAFF, APPARENTLY POSSESSING NO
+POINT OF EXCELLENCE, so that he became a laughing stock for it all the
+more. It furnished a kind of image of the affliction that he feigned.
+For he had hollowed it out and had secretly poured in gold, indicating
+thereby that the disesteem which he suffered for his madness served to
+conceal a sound and estimable intelligence. [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^7] TO
+THE QUERY OF THE SONS OF TARQUIN AS TO WHO SHOULD SUCCEED TO THEIR
+FATHER'S SOVEREIGNTY THE GOD REPLIED THAT THE FIRST WHO KISSED HIS
+MOTHER SHOULD OBTAIN THE POWER. AND BRUTUS, COMPREHENDING, FELL DOWN
+AS IF ACCIDENTALLY AND COVERED THE EARTH WITH KISSES, RIGHTLY DEEMING
+HER TO BE THE MOTHER OF ALL.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 10^8] THIS BRUTUS OVERTHREW THE TARQUINS, taking as
+his justification the case of Lucretia, though these rulers were even
+without that hated by all for their tyrannous and violent
+characteristics. Lucretia was a daughter of Lucretius Spurius, a man
+that was a member of the senate, and she was wife of the distinguished
+Tarquinius Collatinus and was renowned, as it chanced, for her beauty
+and chastity. [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^8] SEXTUS, THE SON OF TARQUIN, SET
+HIS HEART UPON OUTRAGING HER, NOT SO MUCH BECAUSE HE WAS INSPIRED WITH
+PASSION BY HER BEAUTY AS BECAUSE HE CHOSE TO PLOT AGAINST HER CHASTE
+REPUTATION. SO, HAVING WATCHED FOR COLLATINUS TO BE AWAY FROM HOME, HE
+CAME BY NIGHT TO HER AND LODGED AT HER HOUSE, SINCE SHE WAS THE WIFE
+OF A RELATIVE. AND FIRST HE TRIED BY PERSUASION TO SECURE ILLICIT
+PLEASURE FROM HER AND THEN HE RESORTED TO VIOLENCE. AS HE COULD NOT
+SUCCEED, HE THREATENED TO CUT HER THROAT. BUT INASMUCH AS SHE DESPISED
+DEATH, HE THREATENED FURTHERMORE TO LAY A SLAVE BESIDE HER AND TO KILL
+THEM BOTH AND TO SPREAD THE REPORT THAT HE HAD FOUND THEM SLEEPING
+TOGETHER AND KILLED THEM. THIS RENDERED LUCRETIA DISTRAUGHT, AND IN
+FEAR THAT THIS MIGHT BE BELIEVED TO HAVE SO HAPPENED SHE SURRENDERED.
+AND AFTER THE ACT OF ADULTERY SHE PLACED A DAGGER BENEATH THE PILLOW
+AND SENT FOR HER HUSBAND AND HER FATHER. WHEN THEY CAME, ACCOMPANIED
+BY BRUTUS AND PUBLIUS VALERIUS, SHE SHED MANY TEARS AND WITH MOANS
+RELATED THE ENTIRE TRANSACTION. THEN SHE ADDED: "AND I WILL TREAT MY
+CASE AS BECOMES ME, BUT DO YOU, IF YOU ARE MEN, AVENGE ME, YOURSELVES,
+AND SHOW THE TYRANTS WHAT MANNER OF CREATURES YOU ARE AND WHAT MANNER
+OF WOMAN THEY HAVE OUTRAGED." HAVING SPOKEN TO THIS EFFECT SHE
+IMMEDIATELY DREW THE DAGGER FROM ITS HIDING PLACE AND KILLED HERSELF.
+
+
+_(BOOK 4, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+VII, 13.--The Sabines, however, because of wrath at their treatment,
+did not keep quiet even through the winter, but overran Roman
+territory and damaged the forces of Postumius when he was for the
+second time consul. And they would absolutely have captured him, had
+not Menenius Agrippa, his colleague, come to his aid. And assaulting
+them they killed a number, with the result that the rest withdrew.
+After this Spurius Cassius and Opiter Verginius as consuls made peace
+with the Sabines. And capturing the city of Camerium they executed
+most of the inhabitants; the remnant they took alive and sold, and
+razed the city to the ground.
+
+Postumius Cominius and Titus Larcius arrested and put to death some
+slaves who were hatching a conspiracy to seize the Capitoline. Servius
+Sulpicius and Marcus Tullius in their turn anticipated a second
+conspiracy composed of slaves and some others that had joined them,
+for it was reported to the consuls by certain men privy to the plot.
+They surrounded and overpowered the conspirators and cut them down. To
+the informers citizenship and other rewards were given.
+
+When a new war was stirred up on the part of the Latins against Rome,
+the people, demanding that a cancellation of debts be authorized,
+refused to take up arms. Therefore the nobles then for the first time
+established a new office to have jurisdiction over both classes.
+Dictator was the name given to the person entitled to the position,
+and he possessed all powers as much as had the kings. People hated the
+name of king on account of the Tarquins, but being anxious for the
+benefit to be derived from sole leadership (which seemed to exert a
+potent influence amid conditions of war and revolution), they chose it
+under another name. Hence the dictatorship was, as has been said, so
+far as its authority went, equivalent to kingship, except that the
+dictator might not ride on horseback unless he were about to start on
+a campaign, and was not permitted to make any expenditure from the
+public funds unless the right were specially voted. He might try men
+and put them to death at home and on campaigns, and not merely such as
+belonged to the populace, but also members of the knights and of the
+senate itself. No one had the power to make any complaint against him
+nor to take any action hostile to him,--no, not even the
+tribunes,--and no case could be appealed from him. The office of
+dictator extended for a period of not more than six months, to the end
+that no such official by spending much time in the midst of so much
+power and unhampered authority should become haughty and plunge
+headlong into a passion for sole leadership. This was what happened
+later to Julius Cæsar, when contrary to lawful precedent he had been
+approved for the dictatorship.
+
+VII, 14.--At this time, consequently, when Larcius became dictator,
+the populace made no uprising but presented themselves under arms.
+When, however, the Latins came to terms and were now in a quiescent
+state, the lenders proceeded to treat the debtors more harshly and
+the populace for this reason again rebelled and even came running in a
+throng into the senate. And all the senators would there have perished
+at the hands of the inrushing mob, had not some persons at this
+juncture reported that the Volsci had invaded the country. In the face
+of such news the populace became calm, not regarding this action,
+however, in the light of clemency to the senate, for they felt sure
+that that body would almost immediately be destroyed by the enemy.
+Hence they did not take the trouble to man the walls nor render any
+assistance until Servilius released the prisoners held for default of
+payments and decreed a suspension of taxes for as long as the campaign
+lasted and promised to reduce the debts. Then in consequence of these
+concessions they proceeded against the enemy and won the day.
+Inasmuch, however, as they were not relieved of their debts and in
+general could obtain no decent treatment, they again raised a clamor
+and grew full of wrath and made an uprising against both the senate
+and the prætors.
+
+But at the approach of another war the prætors decreed a cancellation
+of debts: others opposed this measure: and so Marcus Valerius was
+named dictator. He was of the kindred of Poplicola and was beloved by
+the people. Then, indeed, so many gathered, animated with such zeal
+(for he had promised them prizes, too), that they overran not only the
+Sabines, but the Volsci and Æqui who were allied with them. As a
+sequel, the populace voted many honors to Valerius, one of which was
+their bestowal of the title Maximus. This name, translated into Greek,
+signifies "greatest." And he, wishing to do the populace some favors,
+made many addresses to the senate but could not get it to follow his
+guidance. Consequently he rushed out of the senatorial assembly in a
+rage, and after making to the populace a long speech against the
+senate resigned his command. [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^4] AND THE POPULACE
+WAS ALL THE MORE PROVOKED TO REVOLT. AS FOR THE MONEY-LENDERS, BY
+INSISTING IN THE CASE OF DEBTS UPON THE VERY LETTER OF THE AGREEMENT
+AND REFUSING TO MAKE ANY CONCESSION TO THOSE WHO OWED THEM THEY BOTH
+FAILED TO SECURE THE EXACT AMOUNT AND WERE DISAPPOINTED IN MANY OTHER
+HOPES. FOR POVERTY AND THE RESULTING DESPERATION IS A HEAVY CURSE, AND
+IS, IF IT SPREADS AMONG A LARGE NUMBER OF PEOPLE, VERY DIFFICULT TO
+COMBAT. NOW THE CAUSE OF MOST OF THE TROUBLES THAT BEFELL THE ROMANS
+LAY IN THE UNYIELDING ATTITUDE ADOPTED AT THIS TIME BY THE MORE
+POWERFUL TOWARD THEIR INFERIORS. For as the military contingent came
+to be hard pressed by dint of campaigns and was baffled out and out in
+frequent hopes frequently entertained, and the debtors were repeatedly
+abused and maltreated by the money-lenders, the people became inflamed
+to such a pitch of fury that many of the destitute abandoned the city,
+withdrew from the camp, [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^5] AND LIKE ENEMIES
+GATHERED THEIR SUBSISTENCE FROM THE COUNTRY.
+
+WHEN THIS SITUATION HAD BEEN BROUGHT ABOUT, SINCE NUMBERS CAME
+FLOCKING TO THE SIDE OF THE REVOLUTIONISTS, THE SENATORS, DREADING
+THAT THE LATTER MIGHT BECOME MORE ESTRANGED AND THE NEIGHBORING TRIBES
+JOIN THEIR REBELLION FOR PURPOSES OF ATTACK, MADE PROPOSITIONS TO THEM
+IN WHICH THEY PROMISED EVERYTHING THAT THE SENATE WAS EMPOWERED TO DO
+FOR THEM. BUT WHEN THEY DISPLAYED THE UTMOST AUDACITY AND WOULD ACCEPT
+NO OFFER, ONE OF THE ENVOYS, AGRIPPA MENENIUS, BEGGED THEM TO HEARKEN
+TO A FABLE. HAVING OBTAINED THEIR CONSENT HE SPOKE AS FOLLOWS. ONCE
+ALL THE MEMBERS OF THE BODY BEGAN A CONTENTION AGAINST THE BELLY. AND
+THE EYES SAID: "WE GIVE THE HANDS THE POWER TO WORK AND THE FEET THE
+POWER TO GO." AND THE TONGUE AND THE LIPS: "THROUGH US THE COUNSELS OF
+THE HEART ARE MADE KNOWN." AND THEN THE EARS: "THROUGH US THE WORDS OF
+OTHERS ARE DESPATCHED TO THE MIND." AND THE HANDS: "WE ARE THE WORKERS
+AND LAY UP STORES OF WEALTH." AND FINALLY THE FEET: "WE TIRE OURSELVES
+OUT CARRYING THE WHOLE BODY IN JOURNEYS AND WHILE WORKING AND WHILE
+STANDING." AND ALL IN A CHORUS: "WHILE WE LABOR SO, THOU ALONE, FREE
+FROM CONTRIBUTION AND LABOR, LIKE A MISTRESS ART SERVED BY US ALL AND
+THE FRUIT OF ALL OUR LABORS THOU THYSELF ALONE DOST ENJOY." THE BELLY
+HERSELF ADMITTED THAT THIS WAS SO, AND SAID SHE: "IF YOU LIKE, LEAVE
+ME UNSUPPLIED AND MAKE ME NO PRESENTS." THIS PROPOSITION SUITED, AND
+THE MEMBERS VOTED NEVER MORE TO SUPPLY THE BELLY BY THEIR COMMON
+EFFORT. WHEN NO FOOD WAS PRESENTED TO HER, THE HANDS WERE NOT NIMBLE
+TO WORK, BEING RELAXED ON ACCOUNT OF THE FAILURE OF THE BELLY, NOR
+WERE THE FEET POSSESSED OF STRENGTH, NOR DID ANY OTHER OF THE LIMBS
+SHOW ITS NORMAL ACTIVITY UNINJURED, BUT ALL WERE INEFFICIENT, SLOW, OR
+COMPLETELY MOTIONLESS. AND THEN THEY COMPREHENDED THAT THE PRESENTS
+MADE TO THE BELLY HAD BEEN SUPPLIED NOT MORE TO HER THAN TO THEMSELVES
+AND THAT EACH ONE OF THEM INCIDENTALLY ENJOYS THE BENEFIT CONFERRED
+UPON HER.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 16^5] THROUGH THESE WORDS THE POPULACE WAS MADE TO
+COMPREHEND THAT THE ABUNDANCE OF THE PROSPEROUS TENDS ALSO TO THE
+ADVANTAGE OF THE POOR, AND THAT EVEN THOUGH THE FORMER BE ADVANTAGED
+BY THEIR LOANS AND SO INCREASE THEIR ABUNDANCE, THE OUTCOME OF THIS IS
+NOT HURTFUL TO THE INTERESTS OF THE MANY; SINCE, IF IT WERE NOT FOR
+THE WEALTHY OWNING PROPERTY, THE POOR WOULD NOT HAVE IN TIMES OF NEED
+PERSONS TO LEND TO THEM AND WOULD PERISH UNDER THE PRESSURE OF WANT.
+ACCORDINGLY THEY BECAME MILDER AND REACHED AN AGREEMENT, THE SENATE
+FOR ITS PART VOTING A REDUCTION IN THEIR DEBTS AND A RELEASE FROM
+SEIZURE OF PROPERTY.
+
+VII, 15.--They feared, however, that when their society had been
+disbanded they might either find the agreements not effectual or might
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 16^6] BE HARMED ON ACCOUNT OF THEIR SEPARATION, ONE
+BEING PUNISHED ON ONE PRETEXT, ANOTHER ON ANOTHER, in constant
+succession. So they formed a compact to lend aid to one another in
+case any one of them should be wronged in any particular; and they
+took oaths to this effect and forthwith elected two representatives
+from their own number (and afterward still more) in order that by such
+a partnership arrangement they might have assistants and avengers. And
+this they did not only once, but the idea now conceived in this form
+kept growing, and they appointed their representatives for a year, as
+to some office. The men were called in the tongue of the Latins
+_tribunes_ (the commanders of thousands are also so named) but are
+styled _dêmarchoi_ in the Greek language. In order that the titles of
+the tribuni might be kept distinct they added to the name of the one
+class the phrase "of the soldiers" and to that of the other class the
+phrase "of the people." These _tribunes of the people_, then, or
+_dêmarchoi_ became responsible for great evils that befell Rome. For
+though they did not immediately secure the title of magistrates, they
+gained power beyond all the rest, defending every one that begged
+protection and rescuing every one that called upon them not only from
+private persons, but from the very magistrates, except the dictators.
+If any one ever invoked them when absent, he, too, was released from
+the person holding him prisoner and was either brought before the
+populace by them or was set free. And if ever they saw fit that
+anything should not be done, they prevented it, whether the person
+acting were a private citizen or an official: and if the people or the
+senate were about to do or vote anything and a single tribune opposed
+it, the action or the vote became null and void. As time went on, they
+were allowed or allowed themselves to summon the senate, to punish
+whoever disobeyed them, to practice divination, and to hold court. And
+in case they were refused permission to do anything, they gained their
+point by their incontestable opposition to every project undertaken by
+others. For they introduced laws to the effect that whoever should
+obstruct them by deed or word, be he private citizen or magistrate,
+should be "hallowed" and incur pollution. This being "hallowed" meant
+destruction; for this was the name applied to everything (as, for
+instance, a victim) that was consecrated for slaughter. The tribunes
+themselves were termed by the multitude "sacrosanct", since they
+obtained sacred enclosures for the shelter of such as invoked them.
+For _sacra_ among the Romans means "walls", and _sancta_ "sacred".
+Many of their actions were unwarrantable, for they threw even consuls
+into prison and put men to death without granting them a hearing.
+Nobody ventured to oppose them; or, in case any one did, he became
+himself "hallowed." If, however, persons were condemned not by all the
+tribunes, they would call to their help those who had not concurred in
+the verdict, and so they went duly through the forms of court
+procedure before the tribunes themselves or before some arbiters or
+before the populace, and became the possession of the side that won.
+In the course of time the number of the tribunes was fixed at ten,
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 16^7] AND AS A RESULT OF THIS MOST OF THEIR POWER WAS
+OVERTHROWN. FOR AS THOUGH BY NATURE (BUT REALLY, OF COURSE, BY REASON
+OF JEALOUSY) FELLOW OFFICIALS INVARIABLY QUARREL; AND IT IS DIFFICULT
+FOR A NUMBER OF MEN, ESPECIALLY IN A POSITION OF INFLUENCE, TO ATTAIN
+HARMONY. No sooner did outsiders, planning to wreck their influence,
+raise factional issues to the end that dissension might make them
+weaker, than the tribunes actually attached themselves some to one
+party, some to another. [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^7] IF EVEN ONE OF THEM
+OPPOSED A MEASURE, he rendered the decisions of the rest null and
+void.
+
+Now at first they did not enter the senate-house, but sitting at the
+entrance watched proceedings, and in case aught failed to please them,
+they would show resistance. Next they were invited inside. Later,
+however, the ex-tribunes were numbered with the senators, and finally
+some of the senators actually were permitted to be tribunes, unless a
+man chanced to be a patrician. Patricians the people would not accept:
+having chosen the tribunes to defend them against the patricians, and
+having advanced them to so great power, they dreaded lest one of them
+might turn his strength to contrary purposes and use it against them.
+But if a man abjured the rank given him by birth and changed his
+social standing to that of a common citizen, they received him gladly.
+Many of the patricians whose position was unquestioned renounced their
+nobility through desire for the immense influence possible, and so
+became tribunes.
+
+Such was the growth of the domination of the tribunes. In addition to
+them the people chose two ædiles, to be their assistants in the matter
+of documents. They took charge of everything that was submitted in
+writing to the plebs, to the populace, and to the senate, and kept it,
+so that nothing that was done escaped their notice. This and the
+trying of cases were the objects for which they were chosen anciently,
+but later they were charged with the supervision of buying and
+selling, whence they came to be called _agoranomoi_ ("clerks of the
+market") by those who put their name into Greek.
+
+
+_(BOOK 5, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+VII, 16.--The first revolution of the Romans, then, terminated as
+described. Many of the neighboring tribes had found in the revolution
+a hostile incentive, and the Romans with a unified purpose after their
+reconciliation conducted vigorously the wars which the latter waged,
+and conquered in all of them. It was at this time that in the siege of
+Corioli they came within an ace of being driven from their camp, but a
+patrician, Gnæus Marcius, showed his prowess and repelled the
+assailants. For this he received various tokens of renown and was
+given the title of Coriolanus from the people which he had routed.
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 17^2] FOR THE TIME HE WAS THUS EXALTED BUT NOT LONG
+AFTERWARD HE WAS ANXIOUS TO BE MADE PRÆTOR AND FAILED, AND THEREFORE
+GREW VEXED AT THE POPULACE AND EVINCED DISPLEASURE TOWARD THE
+TRIBUNES. HENCE THE TRIBUNES (WHOSE FUNCTIONS HE WAS ESPECIALLY EAGER
+TO ABOLISH) HEAPED UP ACCUSATIONS AGAINST HIM AND FIXED UPON HIM A
+CHARGE OF AIMING AT TYRANNY AND EXPELLED HIM FROM ROME. HAVING BEEN
+EXPELLED HE FORTHWITH BETOOK HIMSELF TO THE VOLSCI. The latter's
+leaders and those in authority over them were delighted at his arrival
+and again made ready for war; Attius Tullius urged this course upon
+them all, but the people showed lack of enthusiasm. So when the nobles
+neither by advice nor by intimidation could prevail upon them to take
+up arms, they concocted the following scheme. The Romans were
+conducting a horse-race, and the Volsci among other neighboring
+peoples had gathered in a large body to behold the spectacle. Tullius,
+as a pretended friend of the Romans, persuaded the Roman prætors that
+they should keep watch on the Volsci, since the latter had made ready
+to attack them unexpectedly in the midst of the horse-race. The
+prætors, after communicating the information to the others, made
+proclamation at once, before the contest, that all the Volsci must
+retire. The Volsci, indignant because they alone of all the spectators
+had been expelled, put themselves in readiness for battle. Setting at
+their head Coriolanus and Tullius, and with numbers swollen by the
+accession of the Latins, they advanced against Rome. The Romans, when
+informed of it, instead of making a vigorous use of arms fell into
+mutual recriminations, the popular party censuring the patricians
+because Coriolanus, who was campaigning against his country, happened
+to belong to their number, and the other party the populace because
+they had been unjust in expelling him and making him an enemy. Because
+of this contention they would have incurred some great injury, had not
+the women come to their aid. For when the senate voted restoration to
+Coriolanus and envoys had been despatched to him to this end, he
+demanded that the land of which the Volsci had been deprived in the
+previous wars be given back to them. But the people would not
+relinquish the land. Consequence: a second embassy. [Sidenote: FRAG.
+17^8] AND HE WAS EXCEEDINGLY ANGRY THAT THEY, WHO WERE IN DANGER OF
+LOSING THEIR OWN COUNTRY, WOULD NOT EVEN UNDER THESE CONDITIONS
+WITHDRAW FROM THE POSSESSIONS OF OTHERS. WHEN THIS SITUATION WAS
+REPORTED TO THE DISPUTANTS, THEY STILL REFUSED TO BUDGE, NOR DID THE
+DANGERS CAUSE THE MEN, AT LEAST, TO DESIST FROM QUARRELING. BUT THE
+WOMEN, VOLUMNIA THE WIFE OF CORIOLANUS AND VETURIA[7] HIS MOTHER,
+GATHERING A COMPANY OF THE REMAINING MOST EMINENT LADIES VISITED HIM
+IN CAMP AND TOOK HIS CHILDREN ALONG WITH THEM. WHILE THE REST WEPT
+WITHOUT SPEAKING VETURIA BEGAN: "WE ARE NOT DESERTERS, MY SON, BUT THE
+COUNTRY HAS SENT US TO YOU TO BE, IF YOU SHOULD YIELD, YOUR MOTHER,
+WIFE AND CHILDREN, BUT OTHERWISE YOUR SPOIL. AND IF EVEN NOW YOU STILL
+ARE ANGRY, KILL US THE FIRST. BE RECONCILED AND HOLD NO LONGER YOUR
+ANGER AGAINST YOUR CITIZENS, FRIENDS, TEMPLES, TOMBS; DO NOT TAKE BY
+STORM YOUR NATIVE LAND IN WHICH YOU WERE BORN, WERE REARED, AND BECAME
+CORIOLANUS, BEARER OF THIS GREAT NAME. SEND ME NOT HENCE WITHOUT
+RESULT, UNLESS YOU WOULD BEHOLD ME DEAD BY MY OWN HAND." THEREUPON SHE
+SIGHED ALOUD AND SHOWED HER BREASTS AND TOUCHED HER ABDOMEN,
+EXCLAIMING: "THIS BROUGHT YOU FORTH, MY CHILD, THESE REARED YOU UP."
+SHE, THEN, SAID THIS, AND HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN AND THE REST OF THE
+WOMEN JOINED IN THE LAMENT, SO THAT HE TOO WAS MOVED TO GRIEF.
+RECOVERING HIMSELF WITH DIFFICULTY HE ENFOLDED HIS MOTHER IN HIS ARMS
+AND AT THE SAME TIME KISSING HER REPLIED: "SEE, MOTHER, I YIELD TO
+YOU. YOURS IS THE VICTORY, AND TO YOU LET ALL ASCRIBE THIS FAVOR. FOR
+I CANNOT ENDURE EVEN TO SEE THEM, WHO AFTER RECEIVING SUCH GREAT
+BENEFITS AT MY HANDS HAVE GIVEN ME SUCH A RECOMPENSE, NOR WILL I ENTER
+THE CITY. DO YOU KEEP THE COUNTRY INSTEAD OF ME, BECAUSE YOU HAVE SO
+WISHED IT, AND I WILL DEPART." HAVING SPOKEN THUS HE WITHDREW. AND HE
+DID NOT ACCEPT THE RESTORATION, BUT RETIRED AMONG THE VOLSCI AND THERE
+AT AN ADVANCED AGE DEPARTED THIS LIFE.
+
+[Footnote 7: Zonaras spells it _Veturina_.]
+
+VII, 17.--Now the tribunes demanded that some land acquired by the
+Romans from the enemy be apportioned among the people, and as a result
+of their action much damage was incurred by the citizens both from the
+enemy and from one another. [Sidenote: FRAG. 19^1] FOR THE NOBLES
+BEING UNABLE TO RESTRAIN THEM IN ANY OTHER WAY STIRRED UP PURPOSELY
+WARS AFTER WARS, IN ORDER THAT BEING BUSIED THEREWITH THEY MIGHT NOT
+DISTURB THEMSELVES ABOUT THE LAND. But after a time some persons began
+to suspect what was going on, and would not permit both of the consuls
+(or prætors) to be appointed by the nobles, but themselves desired to
+choose one of them from the patricians. Upon effecting this they
+selected Spurius Furius, and campaigning with him accomplished with
+enthusiasm all objects for which they had set out. But those who took
+the field with his colleague, Fabius Cæso, not only displayed no
+energy, but abandoned their camp, came to the city, and raised a
+tumult until the Etruscans, learning of the affair, assailed them.
+Even then, moreover, they did not leave the city until some of the
+tribunes came to an agreement with the nobles. Still, they fought
+vigorously and destroyed many of the enemy, and not a few of
+their own number also were killed. One of the consuls likewise
+fell,--Manlius[8]: the populace chose Manlius[9] prætor for the third
+time.
+
+[Footnote 8: This was probably one of the Manlii Cincinnati.]
+
+[Footnote 9: The second "Manlius" is evidently an error of Zonaras.
+The name should be _Fabius_.]
+
+Again was a war waged against them by the Etruscans. And when the
+Romans were in dejection and at a loss to know how they should
+withstand the enemy, the Fabii came to their help. [Sidenote: FRAG.
+20^1] THEY, THREE HUNDRED AND SIX IN NUMBER, WHEN THEY SAW THAT THE
+ROMANS WERE DEJECTED, were not following profitable counsels, and were
+on all points in desperation, took upon themselves the burden of the
+war against the Etruscans, exhibiting readiness to carry on the
+conflict by themselves with their persons and with their wealth. They
+occupied and fortified an advantageous position from which as a base
+they harried the entire hostile domain, since the Etruscans would not
+venture to engage in combat with them, or, if they ever did join
+issue, were decisively defeated. But, upon the accession of allies,
+the Etruscans laid an ambuscade in a wooded spot: the Fabii, being
+masters of the whole field, assailed them without [Sidenote: FRAG.
+20^2] precaution, fell into the snare, were surrounded and all
+massacred. And their race would have entirely disappeared, had not one
+of them because of his youth been left at home, in whose descendants
+the family later attained renewed renown.
+
+After the Fabii had been destroyed as related the Romans received
+rough treatment at the hands of the Etruscans. Subsequently they
+concluded a peace with the enemy, but turning against one another
+committed many deeds of outrage, the populace not even refraining
+from attack upon the prætors. They beat their assistants and shattered
+their fasces and made the prætors themselves submit to investigation
+on every pretext, great and small. They actually planned to throw
+Appius Claudius into prison in the very midst of his term of office,
+inasmuch as he persistently opposed them at every point and had
+decimated the partners of his campaign after their giving way before
+the Volsci in battle. Now decimation was the following sort of
+process. When the soldiers had committed any grave offence the leader
+told them off in groups of ten and taking one man of each ten (who had
+drawn the lot) he would punish him by death. At Claudius's retirement
+from office the popular party straightway brought him to trial; and
+though they failed to condemn him, they forced him, by postponing
+their vote, to commit suicide. And among the measures introduced by
+some of the tribunes to the prejudice of the patrician interests was
+one permitting the populace to convene separately, and without
+interference from the patricians to deliberate upon and transact as
+much business as they pleased. They also ordained that, if any one for
+any cause should have a penalty imposed upon him by the prætors, the
+populace might thereupon have the case appealed to them and decide it.
+And they increased the number of ædiles and of tribunes, in order to
+have a large body of persons to act as their representatives.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 21^1] DURING THE PROGRESS OF THESE EVENTS THE
+PATRICIANS OPENLY TOOK SCARCELY ANY RETALIATORY MEASURES, EXCEPT IN A
+FEW CASES, BUT SECRETLY SLAUGHTERED A NUMBER OF THE BOLDEST SPIRITS.
+NEITHER THIS, HOWEVER, NOR THE FACT THAT ON ONE OCCASION NINE TRIBUNES
+WERE DELIVERED TO THE FLAMES BY THE POPULACE SEEMED TO RESTRAIN THE
+REST. NOT ONLY WERE THOSE WHO SUBSEQUENTLY HELD THE TRIBUNESHIP NOT
+CALMED, BUT ACTUALLY THEY WERE THE RATHER EMBOLDENED. [Sidenote: FRAG.
+21^2] THIS WAS THE CONDITION INTO WHICH THE PATRICIANS BROUGHT THE
+POPULACE. AND THEY WOULD NOT OBEY THE SUMMONS TO GO ON A CAMPAIGN,
+THOUGH THE FOE ASSAILED, UNLESS THEY SECURED THE OBJECTS FOR WHICH
+THEY WERE STRIVING, AND IF THEY EVER DID TAKE THE FIELD, THEY FOUGHT
+LISTLESSLY, UNLESS THEY HAD ACCOMPLISHED ALL THAT THEY DESIRED. HENCE
+MANY OF THE TRIBES LIVING CLOSE TO THEM, RELYING ON EITHER THE
+DISSENSION OF THEIR FOES OR THEIR OWN STRENGTH, RAISED THE STANDARD OF
+REVOLT. [Sidenote: FRAG. 22^1] AMONG THESE WERE ALSO THE ÆQUI, WHO,
+AFTER CONQUERING AT THIS TIME MARCUS MINUCIUS WHILE HE SERVED AS
+PRÆTOR, BECAME PRESUMPTUOUS. [Sidenote: FRAG. 22^2] THOSE AT ROME,
+LEARNING THAT MINUCIUS HAD BEEN DEFEATED, CHOSE AS DICTATOR LUCIUS
+QUINCTIUS, WHO WAS A POOR MAN AND HAD DEVOTED HIS LIFE TO FARMING, BUT
+WAS DISTINGUISHED FOR HIS VALOR AND WISE MODERATION; AND HE LET HIS
+HAIR GROW IN CURLS, WHENCE HE WAS NAMED CINCINNATUS.[10] He, being
+selected as dictator, took the field that very day, used wariness as
+well as speed, and simultaneously with Minucius attacked the Æqui,
+killing very many of them and capturing the rest alive: the latter he
+led under the yoke and then released. This matter of the yoke I shall
+briefly describe. The Romans used to fix in the ground two poles
+(upright wooden beams, of course, with a space between them) and
+across them they would lay another transverse beam; through the frame
+thus formed they led the captives naked. This conferred great
+distinction upon the side that conducted the operation but vast
+dishonor upon the side that endured it, so that some preferred to die
+rather than submit to any such treatment. Cincinnatus also captured a
+city of theirs called Corvinum[11] and returned: he removed Minucius
+from his prætorship because of his defeat, and himself resigned his
+office.
+
+[Footnote 10: Zonaras spells _Cicinatus_.]
+
+[Footnote 11: The town is called _Corbio_ by Livy (II, 39, 4).]
+
+VII, 18.--The Romans, however, now got another war on their hands at
+home, in which their adversaries were composed of slaves and some
+exiles who moved unexpectedly by night and secured possession of the
+Capitol. This time, too, the multitude did not arm themselves for the
+fray till they had wrung some further concessions from the patricians.
+Then they assailed the revolutionists and overcame them, but lost many
+of their own men.
+
+For these reasons, accordingly, and because of certain portents the
+Romans became sobered and dismissed their mutual grievances and voted
+to establish the rights of citizenship on a fairer basis. And they
+sent three men to Greece with an eye to the laws and the customs of
+the people there. Upon the return of the commission they abolished all
+the political offices, including that of the tribunes, and chose
+instead eight of the foremost men, and [Sidenote: B.C. 451 (_a.u._
+303)] designated Appius Claudius and Titus Genucius prætors with
+dictatorial powers for that one year. They empowered them to compile
+laws and further voted that no case could be appealed from them,--a
+latitude granted previously to none of the magistrates save the
+dictators. These men held sway each for a day, assuming by turns the
+dignity of rulership. They compiled laws and exposed the same to view
+in the Forum. These statutes being found pleasing to all were put
+before the people, and after receiving their ratification were
+inscribed on ten tablets; for all records that were deemed worthy of
+safekeeping used to be preserved on tablets.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 450 (_a.u._ 304)] The above mentioned magistrates at
+the expiration of the year surrendered their office, but ten more
+chosen anew (for the overthrow of the State, as it almost seemed) came
+to grief. They all held sway at once on equal terms and chose from
+among the patricians some most brazen youths, through whom, as their
+agents, they committed many acts of violence. At last, toward the end
+of the year, they compiled a few additional statutes written upon two
+tablets, all of which were the product of their own individual
+judgment. From these not harmony, but greater disputes, were destined
+to fall to the lot of the Romans.
+
+The so-called twelve tablets were thus created at that time. But
+besides doing this the lawgivers in question, when their year of
+office had expired, still maintained control of affairs, occupying the
+city by force; and they would not convene the senate nor the people,
+lest, if they came together, they should depose them. And when the
+Æqui and the Sabines now stirred up war against the Romans, these
+officials by arrangement with their adherents gained their object of
+having the conduct of the wars entrusted to them. Of the decemvirate
+Servius Oppius and Appius Claudius remained at home: the other eight
+set out against the enemy.
+
+Absolutely all [Sidenote: FRAG. 22^3] THE INTERESTS, however, OF STATE
+AND CAMP ALIKE WERE THROWN INTO CONFUSION, AND HENCE CONTENTION AGAIN
+AROSE. The leaders of the force had invaded the land of the Sabines
+and sent a certain Lucius Sicius, who was accounted a strong tower in
+warfare and likewise one of the most prominent representatives of the
+populace, with companions, avowedly to seize a certain position; but
+they had the man slain by the party that had been sent out with him.
+The report was brought into camp that the man with others had been
+killed by the foe, and the soldiers went out to gather up the dead
+bodies. They found not one corpse belonging to the enemy but many of
+their own race, whom Sicius had killed in his own defence when they
+attacked him. And when they saw that the dead were lying all around
+him and had their faces turned toward him, they suspected what had
+been done and furthermore raised a tumult.--There was still another
+incident that had a bearing on the situation.
+
+Lucius Virginius, a man of the people, had a daughter of surpassing
+beauty whom he intended to bestow in marriage upon Lucius Icilius,[12]
+a person of similar rank in society. For this maiden Claudius
+conceived a passion, and not otherwise able to attain his ends he
+arranged with certain men to declare her a slave: he was to be the
+arbiter. The father of the girl accordingly came from the camp and
+pled his case. When Claudius had given sentence against her and the
+girl was delivered to those who had declared her a slave and no one
+came to the rescue, her father wild with grief took a cleaver and
+ended his daughter's life and, just as he was, rushed out to the
+soldiers. They, who had been previously far from tractable, were so
+wrought up that they straightway set out in haste against the city to
+find Claudius. And the rest, who had gone on a campaign against the
+Sabines, when they learned this abandoned their intrenchments, and,
+joining with the rest, set at their head twenty men, determined to
+accomplish something of importance. The remainder of the multitude in
+the city likewise espoused their cause and added to the tumult.
+
+[Footnote 12: Zonaras spells _Icillius_.]
+
+Meanwhile Claudius in terror had hidden himself and Oppius convened
+the senate; and sending to the populace he enquired what they wanted.
+They demanded that Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, two of the
+senators who favored their cause, be sent to them, saying that through
+these men they would make their reply. Owing to the fear of the ten
+magistrates (for they were now all on the scene) that the people would
+employ the two as leaders against them they were not sent, whereupon
+the populace grew still more angry. As a consequence the senators were
+inspired with no slight fear and against the will of the magistrates
+they sent Valerius and Horatius to the people. By this means a
+reconciliation was effected: the rioters were granted immunity for
+their acts, and the decemvirate was abolished; the annual
+magistracies, including that of tribunes, were restored with the same
+privileges as they had formerly enjoyed. Virginius was one of the
+magistrates appointed; and they cast into prison Oppius and Claudius
+(who committed suicide before their cases were investigated), and
+indicted, convicted, and banished the remainder of the board.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 449 (_a.u._ 305)] VII, 19.--Now the consuls--it is
+said that this is the first time they were known as consuls, being
+previously called prætors; and they were Valerius and Horatius--both
+then and thereafter showed favor to the populace and strengthened
+their cause rather than that of the patricians. The patricians, though
+subdued, would not readily convene and did not put matters entirely in
+the power of the lower class, but granted the tribunes the right of
+practicing augury in their assemblies: nominally this was an honor and
+dignity for them, since from very ancient times this privilege had
+been accorded the patricians alone, but really it was a hindrance. The
+nobles intended that the tribunes and the populace should not
+accomplish easily everything they pleased, but should sometimes be
+prevented under this plea of augury. The patricians as well as the
+senate were displeased at the consuls, whom they regarded as favorable
+to the popular cause, and so did not vote a triumph to them--though
+each had won a war--and did not assign to each a day as had been the
+custom. The populace, however, both held a festival for two days and
+voted triumphal honors to the consuls.
+
+
+_(BOOK 6, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 448 (_a.u._ 306)] When the Romans thus fell into
+discord their adversaries took courage and came against them. It was
+in the following year, when Marcus Genucius and Gaius Curtius were
+consuls, that they turned against each other. The popular leaders
+desired to be consuls, since the patricians were in the habit of
+becoming tribunes by transference to their order, and the patricians
+clung tenaciously to the consular office. They indulged in many words
+and acts of violence against each other. But in order to prevent the
+populace from proceeding to greater extremities the nobles yielded to
+them the substance of authority though they would not relinquish the
+name; and in place of the consuls they named military tribunes in
+order that the honor of the title might not be sullied by contact with
+the vulgar throng. It was agreed that three military tribunes be
+chosen from each of the classes in place of the two consuls. However,
+the name of consul was not lost entirely, but sometimes consuls were
+appointed and at other times military tribunes. This, at all events,
+is the tradition that has come down of what took place, with the
+additional detail that the consuls nominated dictators, though their
+own powers were far inferior to those appertaining to that office, and
+even that the military tribunes likewise did so sometimes. It is
+further said that none of the military tribunes, though many of them
+won many victories, ever celebrated a triumph.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 447 (_a.u._ 307)] It was in this way, then, that
+military tribunes came to be chosen at that time: censors were
+appointed in the following year, during the consulship of Barbatus and
+Marcus Macrinus. Those chosen were Lucius Papirius and Lucius
+Sempronius. The reason for their election was that the consuls were
+unable, on account of the number of the people, to supervise them all;
+the duties now assigned to the censors had until that time been
+performed by the consuls as a part of their prerogatives. Two was the
+original number of the censors and they were taken from the
+patricians. They held office at first and at the last for five-year
+periods, but during the intervening time for three half-years; and
+they came to be greater than the consuls, though they had taken over
+only a part of their functions. They had the right to let the public
+revenues, to supervise roads and public buildings, to make complete
+records of each man's wealth, and to note and investigate the lives of
+the citizens, enrolling those deserving of praise in the tribes, in
+the equestrian order, or in the senate (as seemed to fit the case of
+each one), and similarly erasing from any class the names of those who
+were not right livers: this power was greater than all those now left
+to the consuls. They made declarations attested by oath, in regard to
+every one of their acts, that no such act was prompted by favor or by
+enmity but that their considerations and performances were both the
+result of an unbiased opinion of what was advantageous for the
+commonwealth. They convened the people when laws were to be introduced
+and for other purposes, and employed all the insignia of the greater
+offices save lictors. Such, at its inception, was the office of the
+censors. If any persons did not register their property and themselves
+in the census lists, the censors sold the property and the consuls the
+men. This arrangement held for a certain time, but later it was
+determined that a man once enrolled in the senate should be a senator
+for life and that his name should not be erased, unless one had been
+disgraced by being tried for the commission of a crime or was
+convicted of leading an evil life: the names of such persons were
+erased and others inscribed in their stead.
+
+In the case of those who gave satisfaction in office principal honors
+were bestowed upon dictators, honors of the second rank upon censors,
+and third place was awarded to masters of horse. This system was
+followed without distinction, whether they were still in office or
+whether they had already laid it down. For if one descended from a
+greater office to an inferior one, he still kept the dignity of his
+former position intact. One particular man, whom they styled
+_principa_ of the senate (he would be called _prokritos_ by the
+Greeks) was preferred before all for the time that he was president (a
+person was not chosen for this position for life) and surpassed the
+rest in dignity, without wielding, however, any power.
+
+VII, 20.--For a time they maintained peace with each other and with
+the adjacent tribes, but then a famine mastered them, so severe that
+some not able to endure the pangs of hunger threw themselves into the
+river, and they fell to quarreling. The one class blamed the
+prosperous as being at fault in the handling of the grain, and the
+other class blamed the poorer men for unwillingness to till the soil.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 439 (_a.u._ 315)] Spurius Mælius, a wealthy knight,
+seeing this attempted to set up a tyranny, and buying corn from the
+neighboring region he lowered the price of it for many and gave it
+free to many others. In this way he won the friendship of a great many
+and procured arms and guardsmen. And he would have gained control of
+the city, had not Minucius Augurinus, a patrician, appointed to have
+charge of the grain distribution and censured for the lack of grain,
+reported the proceeding to the senate. The senate on receiving the
+information nominated at once and at that very meeting Lucius
+Quinctius Cincinnatus, though past his prime (he was eighty years
+old), to be dictator. They spent the whole day sitting there, as if
+engaged in some discussion, to prevent news of their action from
+traveling abroad. By night the dictator had the knights occupy in
+advance the Capitol and the remaining points of vantage, and at dawn
+he sent to Mælius Gaius Servilius, master of the horse, to summon him
+pretendedly on some other errand. But as Mælius had some suspicions
+and delayed, Servilius fearing that he might be rescued by the
+populace--for they were already running together--killed the man
+either on his own responsibility or because ordered to do so by the
+dictator. At this the populace broke into a riot, but Quinctius
+harangued them and by providing them with grain and refraining from
+punishing or accusing any one else he stopped the riot.
+
+Wars with various nations now assailed the Romans, in some of which
+they were victorious within a few days; but with the Etruscans they
+waged a long continued contest. Postumius conquered the Æqui and had
+captured a large city of theirs, but the soldiers neither had had it
+turned over to them for pillage nor were awarded a share of the
+plunder when they requested it. Therefore they surrounded and slew the
+quæstor who was disposing of it, and when Postumius reprimanded them
+for this and strove to find the assassins, they killed him also. And
+they assigned to their own use not only the captive territory but all
+that at the time happened to be found in the public treasury. The
+uprising would have assumed even greater dimensions but for the fact
+that war against the Romans was renewed by the Æqui. Alarmed by this
+situation they became quiet, endured the punishment for the murders,
+which touched only a few, and took the field against their opponents,
+whom they engaged and conquered. For this achievement the nobles
+distributed the plunder among them, and voted pay first to the
+infantry and later also to the cavalry. Up to that time they were used
+to undertaking campaigns without pay and lived at their own expense;
+now for the first time they began to draw pay.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 408 (_a.u._ 346)] A war arising between them and Veii,
+the Romans won frequent victories and reduced the foe to a state of
+siege as long as the latter fought with merely their own contingent:
+but when allies had been added to their force they came out against
+the Romans and defeated them. Meanwhile the lake situated close to the
+Alban Mount, which was shut in by the surrounding ridges and had no
+outlet, overflowed its banks during the siege of Veii to such an
+extent that it actually poured over the crests of the hills and went
+rushing down to the sea. The Romans deeming that something
+supernatural was certainly signified by this event sent to Delphi to
+consult the oracle about the matter. There was also among the
+population of Veii an Etruscan who was a soothsayer. The Pythian
+interpretation coincided with his; and both declared that the city
+would be captured when the overflowing water should not fall into the
+sea but be used up differently. The Romans consequently ordered
+several religious services to be performed. But the Pythian god did
+not specify to which of the divinities nor in what way they should
+offer these, and the Etruscan appeared to have the knowledge but would
+explain nothing. So the Romans who were stationed about the wall from
+which he was wont to issue to consort with them pretended friendliness
+toward him, permitted him to make himself at ease in every way, and
+allowed him to come to visit them without interference. Thus they
+succeeded in seizing him and forced him to give all the requisite
+information. According to the indications he furnished they offered
+sacrifices, tunneled the hill, and conducted the superfluous water by
+a secret canal into the plain, so that all of it was used up there and
+none ran down into the sea.
+
+
+_(BOOK 7, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+VII, 24.--A certain Marcus Fabius, a patrician, who chanced to be the
+father of two daughters, betrothed the elder to a Licinius Stolo, much
+inferior to him in rank, and married the younger to Sulpicius Rufus,
+who belonged to his own class. [Sidenote: FRAG. 27^1] NOW WHILE RUFUS
+WAS MILITARY TRIBUNE, ONCE WHEN HE WAS IN THE FORUM HIS WIFE HAD A
+VISIT FROM HER SISTER. AT THE ARRIVAL OF THE HUSBAND THE LICTOR,
+ACCORDING TO SOME ANCIENT CUSTOM, KNOCKED AT THE DOOR. THE CLATTER
+STARTLED THE WOMAN, WHO WAS NOT FAMILIAR WITH THIS PROCEDURE:
+THEREUPON BOTH HER SISTER AND THE OTHERS PRESENT BURST OUT LAUGHING
+AND SHE WAS MADE FUN OF AS A SIMPLETON. SHE TOOK THE MATTER AS A
+SERIOUS AFFRONT AND ROUSED HER HUSBAND TO CANVASS FOR OFFICE. Stolo,
+accordingly, incited by his wife, confided his intentions to Lucius
+Sextius, one of his peers, and both forced their way into the
+tribuneship; they thus overturned the good order of the State to such
+an extent that for four years the people had no rulers, since these
+men repeatedly obstructed the patrician elections. This state of
+affairs would have continued for a still longer time, had not news
+been brought that the Celtæ were again marching upon Rome.
+
+VII, 25.--It is related that after this a disaster befell Rome. The
+level land between the Palatine and the Capitoline is said to have
+become suddenly a yawning gulf, without any preceding earthquake or
+other phenomenon such as usually takes place in nature on the occasion
+of such developments. For a long time the chasm remained _in statu
+quo_, and neither closed up in the slightest degree nor was to be
+filled, albeit the Romans brought and cast into it masses of earth and
+stones and all sorts of other material. In the midst of the Romans'
+uncertainty an oracle was given them to the effect that the aperture
+could in no way be closed except they should throw into the chasm
+their best possession and that which was the chief source of their
+strength: then the thing would cease, and the city should command
+power inextinguishable. Still the uncertainty remained unresolved, for
+the oracle was obscure. But Marcus Curtius, a patrician, young in
+years, of a remarkably beautiful appearance, powerful physique, and
+courageous spirit, conspicuous also for intelligence, comprehended the
+meaning of the oracle. He came forward before them all and addressed
+them, saying: "Why, Romans, convict the revelation of obscurity or
+ourselves of ignorance? We are the thing sought and debated. For
+nothing lifeless may be counted better than what has life, nor shall
+that which has comprehension and prudence and the adornment of speech
+fail of preference before what is uncomprehending, speechless and
+senseless. What should any one deem superior to Man to be cast into
+the earth-fissure, that therewith we might contract it? [Sidenote:
+FRAG. 28^2] THERE IS NO MORTAL CREATURE EITHER BETTER OR STRONGER THAN
+MAN. FOR, IF ONE MAY SPEAK SOMEWHAT BOLDLY, MAN IS NAUGHT ELSE THAN A
+GOD WITH MORTAL BODY, AND A GOD NAUGHT ELSE THAN A MAN WITHOUT BODY
+AND THEREFORE IMMORTAL, and we are not far sundered from divine Power.
+This, to my mind, is the matter and I urge you also to adhere to this
+view. May no one think that I shall have recourse to the lot or bid
+maiden or lad lose a life. I myself willingly bestow myself upon you,
+that you may send me this very day as herald and envoy to the cthonian
+gods, to be your representative and helper forever." At the close of
+these words Curtius proceeded to put on his armor and then mounted his
+horse. The rest grew mad with grief and mad with joy; they came
+flocking with adornments, and some adorned the man himself with them
+as a hero, and others threw some of them into the chasm. Scarcely had
+Curtius sprung into it fully mounted, when the earth-fissure was
+closed and no one ever again beheld either the chasm or Curtius. This
+is the way the story is related by the Romans. Should any person judge
+it fabulous and not to be credited, he has the right to pay no
+attention to it.
+
+And again wars were waged against the Romans both by Gauls and by
+other nations, but they repelled all invaders, voting now for consuls,
+now for dictators. Whereupon somewhat of the following nature took
+place. Lucius Camillus was named dictator, as the Gauls were
+overrunning the environs of Rome. He proceeded against the barbarians
+with the intention of using up time and not risking the issue in
+conflict with men animated by desperation: he expected to exhaust them
+more easily and securely by the failure of provisions. And a Gaul
+challenged the Romans to furnish a champion for a duel. His opponent,
+accordingly, was Marcus Valerius, a military tribune, a grandson of
+the famous Maximus. The course of the battle was brilliant on both
+sides: the Roman excelled in cleverness and an unusual mastery of his
+art, and the Gaul in strength and daring. It was regarded as still
+more marvelous that a crow lighted on the helmet of Valerius and
+cawing all the time made dashes at the barbarian, confusing his sight
+and impeding his onset until he finally received a finishing blow. The
+Gauls, consequently, indignant at being beaten by a bird, in a rage
+closed at once with the Romans and suffered a severe defeat. From the
+incident of the crow's assistance Valerius obtained the further name
+of Corvinus.
+
+Thereafter, as the armies began to grow insubordinate and a civil war
+threatened to break out, the insurgents were brought to terms by the
+enactment of laws that no one's name should be erased from the lists
+against his will, that any person who had served as tribune of the
+soldiers should not be centurion, that both of the consuls might
+belong to and be appointed from the people, and that the same man
+should not hold two offices at the same time nor hold the same office
+twice within ten years.
+
+VII, 26.--Now the Latins, although under treaty with the Romans,
+revolted and provoked a conflict. They were filled with pride for the
+reason that they had an abundance of youthful warriors and were
+practiced in the details of warfare as a result of the constant
+campaigning with the Romans. The other side, understanding the
+situation, chose Torquatus consul for the third time and likewise
+Decius, and came out to meet them. They fought a fierce battle, each
+party thinking that that day was a precise test of their fortune and
+of their valor. A certain event seemed to give the battle added
+distinction. The consuls, seeing that the Latins were equipped and
+spoke like the Romans, feared that some of the soldiers might make
+mistakes through not distinguishing their own and the hostile force
+with entire ease. Therefore they made proclamation to their men to
+observe instructions carefully and in no case to fight an isolated
+combat with any of the antagonists. Most observed this injunction, but
+the son of Torquatus, who was on the field among the cavalry and had
+been sent to reconnoitre the enemy's position, transgressed it not
+through wilfulness but rather through ambition. The leader of the
+Latin horse saw him approaching and challenged him to a championship
+contest; and when the youth would not accept the challenge on account
+of the notice that had been served, the other provoked him, saying:
+"Are you not the son of Torquatus? Do you not give yourself airs with
+your father's collar? Are you strong and courageous against those
+low-lived Gauls but fear us Latins? Where, then, do you find your
+right to rule? Why do you give orders to us as your inferiors?"--The
+Roman became frenzied with rage and readily forgot the injunction: he
+won the combat, and in high spirits conveyed the spoils to his father.
+The latter, after assembling the army, said: "Nobly you have fought,
+my child, and for this I will crown you. But because you did not
+observe the orders issued, though under obligation both as a son and
+as a soldier to yield obedience, [Sidenote: FRAG. 32^2] FOR THIS
+REASON I SHALL EXECUTE YOU, THAT YOU MAY OBTAIN BOTH THE PRIZE FOR
+YOUR PROWESS AND THE PENALTY FOR YOUR DISOBEDIENCE." Having spoken
+these words he at the same moment placed the garland on his head and
+cut off the very head that bore it.
+
+Soon after, a dream that appeared to both consuls the same night, of
+identical import in each case, seemed to tell them that they should
+overcome the enemy, if one of the consuls should devote himself.
+Discussing the dream together in the daytime, they decided that it was
+of divine origin, and agreed that it must be obeyed. And they disputed
+with each other, not as to which should be saved, but as to which of
+them preferably should devote himself: they even presented their
+arguments before the foremost men in camp. Finally they settled it
+that one should station himself on the right wing and the other on the
+left, and that whichever of those two divisions should be defeated,
+the consul stationed there should give up his life. There was so much
+rivalry between them in regard to the self-devotion that each of the
+consuls prayed that he might be defeated, in order to obtain the right
+to devote himself and the consequent glory. After joining battle with
+the Latins they carried on a closely contested fight for a long time,
+but finally Decius's wing gave way before the Latins a little. On
+perceiving this Decius devoted himself. Slipping off his armor he put
+on his purple-bordered clothing. Some say that in this costume he
+sprang upon a horse and rode toward the enemy and met his death at
+their hands, others that he was slain by a fellow-soldier of his own
+race. A short time after Decius had perished a decisive victory fell
+to the lot of the Romans and the Latins were all routed, yet
+certainly not on account of the death of Decius. [Sidenote: FRAG.
+32^4] FOR HOW CAN YOU BELIEVE THAT FROM SUCH A DEATH OF ONE MAN SO
+GREAT A MULTITUDE OF HUMAN BEINGS WAS DESTROYED ON THE ONE SIDE AND ON
+THE OTHER WAS SAVED AND WON A CONSPICUOUS VICTORY? So the Latins in
+this way were defeated, [Sidenote: FRAG. 32^6] AND TORQUATUS, THOUGH
+HE HAD KILLED HIS SON AND THOUGH HIS COLLEAGUE HAD LOST HIS LIFE,
+NEVERTHELESS CELEBRATED A TRIUMPH.
+
+Once again did they subdue these very Latins, who had revolted, and
+they subjugated in battle other nations, employing now consuls and now
+dictators.
+
+
+_(BOOK 8, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+One of the latter was Lucius Papirius, also called Cursor from his
+physical condition (he was a very fleet runner) and on account of his
+practicing running. After this Papirius as dictator with Fabius Rullus
+as master of the horse was sent out against the Samnites and by
+defeating them compelled them to agree to such terms as he wished. But
+when he had resigned his leadership they again arose in arms. They
+were attacked anew by the dictator Aulus Cornelius, [Sidenote: FRAG.
+33^3] AND BEING DEFEATED MADE PROPOSALS OF PEACE TO THE MEN AT ROME.
+THEY SENT THEM ALL THE CAPTIVES THAT THEY HAD, AND ASCRIBED THE
+RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE WAR TO RUTULUS, A MAN OF INFLUENCE AMONG THEM.
+HIS BONES, SINCE HE ANTICIPATED THEM IN COMMITTING SUICIDE, THEY
+SCATTERED ABROAD. YET THEY DID NOT OBTAIN THEIR PEACE, BEING ACCOUNTED
+UNTRUSTWORTHY; BUT THE VICTORS, THOUGH ACCEPTING THE PRISONERS, VOTED
+FOR RELENTLESS WAR AGAINST THEM. [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^4] THE ROMANS,
+THEN, EXPECTING IN THEIR EXTREME ARROGANCE THAT THEY SHOULD CAPTURE
+THEM ALL AT THE FIRST BLOW, SUCCUMBED TO A TERRIBLE DISASTER. THE
+SAMNITES, BEING BADLY FRIGHTENED AND THINKING THE REFUSAL TO MAKE
+PEACE A CALAMITY, FOUGHT WITH DESPERATION; AND BY PLANTING AN
+AMBUSCADE IN A NARROW SPOT RATHER CLOSELY HEMMED IN BY HILLS THEY BOTH
+CAPTURED THE CAMP AND SEIZED ALIVE THE WHOLE FORCE OF THE ROMANS, ALL
+OF WHOM THEY SENT UNDER THE YOKE.--What the operation of the yoke was
+has already been described by me above.[13]--However, they killed not
+a man but took away their arms and horses and everything else they had
+save one garment, and released them thus stripped of possessions under
+an agreement that they should leave Samnite territory and be their
+allies on an equal footing. In order to insure the articles of the
+agreement being ratified also by the senate, they retained six hundred
+of the knights to serve as hostages.
+
+[Footnote 13: Near the end of VII, 17.]
+
+The consuls Spurius Postumius and Tiberius Calvinus with their army
+immediately withdrew, and at night they and the most notable of the
+rest of the force entered Rome, while the remaining soldiers scattered
+through the country districts. [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^9] THE MEN IN THE
+CITY ON HEARING OF THE EVENT DID NOT FIND IT POSSIBLE EITHER TO BE
+PLEASED AT THE SURVIVAL OF THEIR SOLDIERS OR TO BE DISPLEASED. WHEN
+THEY THOUGHT OF THE CALAMITY THEIR GRIEF WAS EXTREME, AND THE FACT
+THAT THEY HAD SUFFERED SUCH A REVERSE AT THE HANDS OF THE SAMNITES
+INCREASED THEIR GRIEF; WHEN THEY STOPPED TO REFLECT, HOWEVER, THAT IF
+IT HAD COME TO PASS THAT ALL HAD PERISHED, ALL THEIR INTERESTS WOULD
+HAVE BEEN ENDANGERED, THEY WERE REALLY PLEASED AT THE SURVIVAL OF
+THEIR OWN MEN. But concealing for a time their pleasure they went into
+mourning and carried on no business in the everyday fashion either at
+once or subsequently, as long as they had control of affairs. The
+consuls they deposed forthwith, chose others in their stead, and took
+counsel about the situation. And they determined not to accept the
+arrangement; but since it was impossible to take this action without
+throwing the responsibility upon the men who had conducted the
+negotiations, they hesitated on the one hand to condemn the consuls
+and the rest who, associated with the latter in their capacity as
+holders of certain offices, had made the peace, and they hesitated on
+the other hand to acquit them, since by so doing they would bring the
+breach of faith home to themselves. Accordingly they made these very
+consuls participate in their deliberations and they asked Postumius
+first of all for his opinion, that he might state separately his
+sentiments touching his own case, and the shame of having disgrace
+attach to all of them be avoided. So he came forward and said that
+their acts ought not to be ratified by the senate and the people,
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 33^11] FOR THEY THEMSELVES HAD NOT ACTED OF THEIR OWN
+FREE WILL, BUT UNDER THE COMPULSION OF A NECESSITY which the enemy had
+brought upon them not through valor but through craft and ambuscade.
+Now men who had practiced deception could not, if they were deceived
+in turn, have any just complaint against those who turned the tables
+on them. When he had finished saying this and considerable more of the
+same nature, the senate found itself at a loss how to act: but as
+Postumius and Calvinus took the burden of responsibility upon their
+own shoulders, it was voted that the agreements should not be ratified
+and that these men should be delivered up.
+
+Both the consuls, therefore, and the remaining officials who had been
+present when oaths were taken were conducted back to Samnium.
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 33^14] THE SAMNITES, HOWEVER, WOULD NOT ACCEPT THEM,
+BUT DEMANDED BACK ALL THE CAPTIVES, AND INVOKED THE GODS AND CONJURED
+THEM BY THE DIVINE POWER, AND FINALLY THEY DISMISSED THE MEN THAT HAD
+BEEN SURRENDERED. The Romans were glad enough to get them back, but
+were angry at the Samnites WHOM THEY ATTACKED IN BATTLE AND
+VANQUISHED, AFTER WHICH THEY ACCORDED THEM A SIMILAR TREATMENT, FOR
+THEY SENT THEM UNDER THE YOKE IN TURN AND RELEASED THEM without
+inflicting any other injury. They also got possession of their own
+knights, who were being held by the Samnites as hostages and were
+unharmed.
+
+VIII, 1.--After a long interval the Romans under the leadership of
+Gaius Junius were again warring with the Samnites, when they met with
+disaster. While Junius was pillaging the hostile territory, the
+Samnites conveyed their possessions into the Avernian[14] woods,
+so-called from the fact that on account of the closeness of the trees
+no bird flies into them. Being there ensconced they set out some herds
+without herdsmen or guards and quietly sent some pretended deserters
+who guided the Romans to the booty apparently lying at their disposal.
+But when the latter had entered the wood, the Samnites surrounded them
+and did not cease from slaughter till they were completely tired out.
+And though the Samnites fought on many other occasions against the
+Romans and were defeated, they would not be quiet, but having acquired
+the Gauls, besides others, as allies, they made preparations to march
+upon Rome itself. The Romans, when they learned of it, fell into
+alarm, for their original inclination to do so was augmented by many
+portents. On the Capitol blood is reported to have issued for three
+days from the altar of Jupiter, together with honey on one day, and
+milk on a second--if anybody can believe it: and in the Forum a
+bronze statue of Victory set upon a stone pedestal was found standing
+upon the ground below, without any one's having moved it; and, as it
+happened, it was facing in that direction from which the Gauls were
+already approaching. This of itself was enough to terrify the
+populace, who were even more dismayed by ill-omened interpretations
+published by the seers. However, a certain Manius, by birth an
+Etruscan, encouraged them by declaring that Victory, even if she had
+descended, had gone forward, and being now settled more firmly on the
+ground indicated to them mastery in the war. Accordingly, many
+sacrifices, too, should be offered to the gods; for their altars, and
+particularly those on the Capitol, where they sacrifice
+thank-offerings for victory, were regularly stained with blood in the
+midst of their successes and not in their disasters. From these
+developments, then, he persuaded them to expect some fortunate
+outcome, but from the honey to expect disease (because invalids crave
+it) and from the milk famine; for they should encounter so great a
+scarcity of provisions as to seek for food of native growth and
+pasturage.
+
+[Footnote 14: In Greek, _Birdless_.]
+
+Manius, then, interpreted the omens in this way, [Sidenote: FRAG.
+33^22] AND AS HIS PROPHECY TURNED OUT TO BE CORRECT, HE GAINED
+THEREAFTER A REPUTATION FOR SKILL AND FOREKNOWLEDGE IN ALL MATTERS.
+Now Volumnius was ordered to make war upon the Samnites; Fabius
+Maximus Rullus and Publius Decius were chosen consuls and were sent to
+withstand the Gauls and the other warriors in the Gallic contingent.
+They, having come with speed to Etruria, saw the camp of Appius, which
+was fortified by a double palisade; and they pulled up the stakes and
+carried them off, instructing the soldiers to place their hope of
+safety in their weapons. So they joined battle with the enemy.
+Meanwhile a wolf in pursuit of a deer had invaded the space between
+the two armies and darting toward the Romans passed through their
+ranks. This encouraged them, for they regarded themselves as having a
+bond of union with him, since, according to tradition, a she-wolf had
+reared Romulus. But the deer ran to the other side and was struck
+down, thus leaving to _them_ fear and the issue of disaster. When the
+armies collided, Maximus quite easily conquered the foes opposed to
+him, but Decius was defeated. And recalling the self-devotion of his
+father, undertaken on account of the dream, he likewise devoted
+himself, though without giving anybody any information about his act.
+Scarcely had he let himself be slain, when the men ranged at his side,
+partly through shame at his deed (feeling that he had perished
+voluntarily for them) and partly in the hopes of certain victory as a
+result of this occurrence, checked their flight and nobly withstood
+their pursuers. At this juncture Maximus, too, assailed the latter in
+the rear and slaughtered vast numbers. The survivors took to their
+heels and were annihilated. Fabius Maximus then burned the corpse of
+Decius together with the spoils and made a truce with such as asked
+for peace.
+
+The following year Atilius Regulus again waged war with the Samnites.
+And for a time they carried on an evenly contested struggle, but
+eventually, after the Samnites had won a victory, the Romans conquered
+them in turn, took them captive, led them beneath the yoke, and so
+released them. [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^23] THE SAMNITES, ENRAGED AT WHAT
+HAD OCCURRED, RESORTED TO DESPERATE MEASURES WITH THE INTENTION OF
+EITHER CONQUERING OR BEING UTTERLY DESTROYED, THREATENING WITH DEATH
+HIM WHO SHOULD REMAIN AT HOME. So these invaded Campania: but the
+consuls ravaged Samnium, since it was destitute of soldiers, and
+captured a few cities. Therefore the Samnites abandoning Campania made
+haste to reach their own land; and having come into hostile collision
+with one of the consuls they were defeated by a trick and in their
+flight met with terrible reverses, losing their camp and in addition
+the fortress to the assistance of which they were advancing. The
+consul celebrated a triumph and devoted to public uses the goods
+gathered from the spoils. The other consul made a campaign against the
+Etruscans and reduced them in short order: he then levied upon them
+contributions of grain and money, of which he distributed a part to
+the soldiers and deposited the rest in the treasuries.
+
+However, there befell a mighty pestilence, and the Samnites and
+Falisci began to bestir themselves; they entertained a contempt for
+the Romans both on account of the disease and because, since no war
+menaced, they had chosen the consuls not on grounds of excellence. The
+Romans, ascertaining the situation, sent out Carvilius along with
+Junius Brutus, and with Quintus Fabius his father Rullus Maximus, as
+subcommanders or lieutenants. Brutus worsted the Falisci and
+plundered their possessions as well as those of the other Etruscans:
+Fabius marched out of Rome before his father and pushed rapidly
+forward when he learned that the Samnites were plundering Campania.
+Falling in with some scouts of theirs and seeing them quickly retire
+he got the impression that all the enemy were at that point and
+believed they were in flight. Accordingly, in his hurry to come to
+blows with them before his father should arrive, in order that the
+success might appear to be his own and not his elder's, he went ahead
+with a careless formation. Thus he encountered a compact body of foes
+and would have been utterly destroyed, had not night intervened. Many
+of his men died also after that with no physician or relative to
+attend them, because they had hastened on far ahead of the baggage
+carriers in the expectation of immediate victory. Of a surety they
+would have perished on the following day but for the fact that the
+Samnites, thinking Fabius's father to be near, felt afraid and
+withdrew.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 33^24] THOSE IN THE CITY ON HEARING THIS BECAME
+TERRIBLY ANGRY, SUMMONED THE CONSUL, AND WANTED TO PUT HIM ON TRIAL.
+BUT THE OLD MAN HIS FATHER BY ENUMERATING HIS OWN AND HIS ANCESTORS'
+BRAVE DEEDS, BY PROMISING THAT HIS SON SHOULD MAKE NO RECORD THAT WAS
+UNWORTHY OF THEM, AND BY URGING HIS SON'S YOUTH TO ACCOUNT FOR THE
+MISFORTUNE, IMMEDIATELY ABATED THEIR WRATH. JOINING HIM IN THE
+CAMPAIGN HE CONQUERED THE SAMNITES IN BATTLE, CAPTURED THEIR CAMP,
+RAVAGED THEIR COUNTRY, AND DROVE AWAY GREAT BOOTY. A PART OF IT HE
+DEVOTED TO PUBLIC USES AND A PART HE ACCORDED TO THE SOLDIERS. FOR
+THESE REASONS THE ROMANS EXTOLLED HIM AND ORDERED THAT HIS SON ALSO
+SHOULD COMMAND FOR THE FUTURE WITH CONSULAR POWERS AND STILL EMPLOY
+HIS FATHER AS LIEUTENANT. THE LATTER MANAGED AND ARRANGED EVERYTHING
+FOR HIM, SPARING HIS OLD AGE NOT A WHIT, YET HE DID NOT LET IT BE SEEN
+THAT HE WAS EXECUTING THE BUSINESS ON HIS OWN RESPONSIBILITY, BUT MADE
+THE GLORY OF HIS EXPLOITS ATTACH TO HIS CHILD.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 37] VIII, 2.--AFTER THIS, WHEN THE TRIBUNES MOVED AN
+ANNULMENT OF DEBTS, THE PEOPLE, SINCE THIS WAS NOT YIELDED BY THE
+LENDERS AS WELL, FELL INTO TURMOIL: and their turbulent behavior was
+not quieted until foes came against the city.
+
+
+_(BOOK 9, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+Those to begin the wars were the Tarentini, [Sidenote: FRAG. 39^1] WHO
+HAD ASSOCIATED WITH THEMSELVES THE ETRUSCANS AND GAULS AND SAMNITES
+AND SEVERAL OTHER TRIBES. These allies the Romans engaged and defeated
+in various battles, with different consuls on different occasions, but
+the Tarentini, although they had themselves been the authors of the
+war, nevertheless did not yet openly present an imposing array in
+battle. [Sidenote: FRAG. 39^3] NOW LUCIUS VALERIUS WHILE ADMIRAL
+WANTED TO ANCHOR WITH HIS TRIREMES OFF TARENTUM (BEING ON HIS WAY TO A
+PLACE WHITHER HE HAD BEEN DESPATCHED WITH THEM), FOR HE DEEMED THE
+COUNTRY FRIENDLY. [Sidenote: FRAG. 39^4] BUT THE TARENTINI, OWING TO
+A GUILTY SENSE OF THEIR OWN OPERATIONS, SUSPECTED THAT VALERIUS WAS
+SAILING AGAINST THEM, AND IN A PASSION SET SAIL LIKEWISE AND ATTACKING
+HIM WHEN HE WAS EXPECTING NO HOSTILE ACT SENT HIM TO THE BOTTOM ALONG
+WITH MANY OTHERS. OF THE CAPTIVES THEY IMPRISONED SOME AND PUT OTHERS
+TO DEATH. WHEN THE ROMANS HEARD OF THIS, THEY WERE INDIGNANT, TO BE
+SURE, BUT NEVERTHELESS DESPATCHED ENVOYS UPBRAIDING THEM AND DEMANDING
+SATISFACTION. THE OFFENDERS NOT ONLY FAILED TO VOUCHSAFE THEM ANY
+DECENT ANSWER, BUT ACTUALLY JEERED AT THEM, GOING SO FAR AS TO SOIL
+THE CLOTHING OF LUCIUS POSTUMIUS, THE HEAD OF THE EMBASSY. AT THIS AN
+UPROAR AROSE AND THE TARENTINI INDULGED IN CONTINUED GUFFAWS. BUT
+POSTUMIUS CRIED: "LAUGH ON, LAUGH ON WHILE YOU MAY! FOR LONG WILL BE
+THE PERIOD OF YOUR WEEPING, WHEN YOU SHALL WASH THIS GARMENT CLEAN
+WITH YOUR BLOOD."
+
+Upon the return of the envoys the Romans, learning what had been done,
+were grieved and voted that Lucius Æmilius the consul make a campaign
+against the Tarentini. He advanced close to Tarentum and sent them
+favorable propositions, thinking that they would choose peace on fair
+terms. Now they were at variance among themselves in their opinions.
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 39^6?] The elderly and well-to-do were anxious for
+peace, but those who were youthful and who had little or nothing were
+for war. The younger generation had its way. Being timid for all that
+they planned to invite Pyrrhus of Epirus to form an alliance, and sent
+to him envoys and gifts. Æmilius, learning this, proceeded to pillage
+and devastate their country. They made sorties but were routed, so
+that the Romans ravaged their country with impunity and got possession
+of some strongholds. Æmilius showed much consideration for those taken
+prisoners and liberated some of the more influential, and the
+Tarentini, accordingly, filled with admiration for his kindness, were
+led to hope for reconciliation and so chose as leader with full powers
+Agis, who was of kindred to the Romans. Scarcely had he been elected
+when Cineas, sent ahead by Pyrrhus, planted himself in the pathway of
+negotiations. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^1] FOR PYRRHUS, KING OF THE
+SO-CALLED EPIRUS, SURPASSED EVERYBODY THROUGH NATURAL CLEVERNESS AND
+THROUGH THE INFLUENCE AND EXPERIENCE BESTOWED BY EDUCATION; AND HE HAD
+MADE THE LARGER PART OF HELLAS HIS OWN, PARTLY BY BENEFITS AND PARTLY
+BY FEAR. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^2] ACCORDINGLY, CHANCE HAVING THROWN THE
+ENVOYS OF THE TARENTINI IN HIS WAY, HE DEEMED THE ALLIANCE A PIECE OF
+GOOD LUCK. FOR A CONSIDERABLE TIME HE HAD HAD HIS EYE ON SICILY AND
+CARTHAGE AND SARDINIA, BUT NEVERTHELESS HE SHRANK FROM PERSONALLY
+TAKING THE INITIATIVE IN HOSTILITIES AGAINST THE ROMANS. He announced
+that he would lead the Tarentini, but in order that the motive of his
+declaration might not be suspected (for reasons indicated) he stated
+that he should return home without delay, and insisted upon a clause
+being added to the agreement to the effect that he should not be
+detained by them in Italy further than actual need required. After
+settling this agreement he detained the majority of the envoys as
+hostages, giving out that he wanted them to help him get the armies
+ready: a few of them together with Cineas he sent in advance with
+troops. As soon as they arrived the Tarentini took courage, gave up
+their attempted reconciliation with the Romans, and deposing Agris
+from his leadership elected one of the envoys leader. Shortly
+afterward Milo, sent by Pyrrhus with a force, took charge of their
+acropolis and personally superintended the manning of their wall. The
+Tarentini were glad at this, feeling that they did not have to do
+guard duty or undergo any other troublesome labor, and they sent
+regular supplies of food to the men and consignments of money to
+Pyrrhus.
+
+Æmilius for a time held his ground, but when he perceived that the
+Pyrrhic soldiers had come, and recognized his inability on account of
+the winter to maintain an opposition, he set out for Apulia. The
+Tarentini laid an ambush at a narrow passage through which he was
+obliged to go, and by their arrows, javelins and slingshots rendered
+progress impossible for him. But he put at the head of his line their
+captives whom he was conveying. Fear fell upon the Tarentini that they
+might destroy their own men instead of the Romans, and they ceased
+their efforts.
+
+Now Pyrrhus set off, [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^4] NOT EVEN AWAITING THE
+COMING OF SPRING, taking a large, picked army, and twenty elephants,
+beasts never previously beheld by the Italians. Hence the latter were
+invariably filled with alarm and astonishment. While crossing the
+Ionian Sea he encountered a storm and lost many soldiers of his army:
+the remainder were scattered by the violent waters. Only with
+difficulty, then, and by land travel did he reach Tarentum. He at once
+impressed those in their prime into service alongside of his own
+soldiers so as to make sure that they should not be led, by having a
+separate company, to think of rebellion; he closed the theatre,
+presumably on account of the war and to prevent the people from
+gathering there and setting on foot any uprising; also he forbade them
+to assemble for banquets and revels, and ordered the youth to practice
+in arms instead of spending all day in the market-place. When some,
+indignant at this, left the ranks, he stationed guards from his own
+contingent so that no one could leave the city. The inhabitants,
+oppressed by these measures, and by supplying food, compelled as they
+were, too, to receive the guardsmen into their houses, repented, since
+they found in Pyrrhus only a master, not an ally. He, fearing for
+these reasons that they might lean to the Roman cause, took note of
+all the men who had any ability as politicians or could dominate the
+populace and sent them one after another to Epirus to his son on
+various excuses; occasionally, however, he would quietly assassinate
+them instead. A certain Aristarchus, who was accounted one of the
+noblest of the Tarentini and was a most persuasive speaker, he made
+his boon companion to the end that this man should be suspected by the
+people of having the interests of Pyrrhus at heart. When, however, he
+saw that he still had the confidence of the throng, he gave him an
+errand to Epirus. Aristarchus, not daring to dispute his behest, set
+sail, but went to Rome.
+
+VIII, 3.--Such was the behavior of Pyrrhus toward the Tarentini.
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 40^8] THOSE IN ROME LEARNING THAT PYRRHUS HAD COME TO
+TARENTUM WERE SMITTEN WITH TERROR BECAUSE THE ITALIAN STATES HAD BEEN
+SET AT ENMITY WITH THEM AND BECAUSE HE WAS REPORTED TO BE WITHOUT
+DOUBT A GOOD WARRIOR AND TO HAVE A FORCE THAT WAS BY NO MEANS
+DESPICABLE AS AN ADVERSARY. So they proceeded to enlist soldiers and
+to gather money and to distribute garrisons among the allied cities to
+prevent them from likewise revolting; and learning that some were
+already stirred with sedition they punished the principal men in them.
+A handful of those from Præneste were brought to Rome late in the
+afternoon and thrown into the treasury for security. Thereby a certain
+oracle was fulfilled for the Romans. For an oracle had told them once
+that these people should occupy the Roman treasure-house. The oracle,
+then, resulted this way: the men lost their lives.
+
+Valerius Lavinius was despatched against Pyrrhus, the Tarentini, and
+the rest of their associates, but a part of the army was retained in
+the city. As for Lavinius, he at once set out on his march so that he
+might carry on the war as far as possible from his own territory. He
+hoped to frighten Pyrrhus by showing the latter those men advancing
+against him of their own accord whom he had thought to besiege. In the
+course of his journey he seized a strong strategic point in the land
+of the Lucanians, and he left behind a force in Lucania to hinder the
+people from giving aid to his opponents.
+
+Pyrrhus on learning of Lavinius's approach made a start before the
+latter came in sight, established a camp, and was desirous of using up
+time while waiting for allies to join. He sent a haughty letter to
+Lavinius with the design of overawing him. The writing was couched
+thus: "King Pyrrhus to Lavinius, Greeting. I learn that you are
+leading an army against Tarentum. Send it away, therefore, and come
+yourself to me with few attendants. For I will judge between you, if
+you have any blame to impute to each other, and I will compel the
+party at fault, however unwilling, to grant justice." Lavinius wrote
+the following reply to Pyrrhus: "You seem to me, Pyrrhus, to have been
+quite daft when you set yourself up as judge between the Tarentini and
+us before rendering to us an account of your crossing over into Italy
+at all. I will come, therefore, with all my army and will exact the
+appropriate recompense both from the Tarentini and from you. What use
+can I have for nonsense and palaver, when I can stand trial in the
+court of Mars, our progenitor?" After sending such an answering
+despatch he hurried on and pitched camp, leaving the stream of the
+river at that point between them. Having apprehended some scouts he
+showed them his troops and after telling them he had more of them,
+many times that number, he sent them back. Pyrrhus, struck with alarm
+by this, was not desirous of fighting because some of the allies had
+not yet joined his force, and he was constantly hoping that provisions
+would fail the Romans while they delayed on hostile soil. Lavinius,
+too, reckoned on this and was eager to join issue. As the soldiers had
+become terrified at the reputation of Pyrrhus and on account of the
+elephants, he called them together and delivered a speech containing
+many exhortations to courage; then he busily prepared to close with
+Pyrrhus, willing or unwilling. The latter had no heart to fight, but
+in order to avoid an appearance of fearing the Romans he also in
+person addressed his own men, inciting them to the conflict. Lavinius
+tried to cross the river opposite the camp, but was prevented. So he
+retired and himself remained in position with his infantry, but sent
+the cavalry off (apparently on some marauding expedition) with
+injunctions to march some distance and then make the attempt. In this
+way both they assailed the enemy unexpectedly in the rear, and
+Lavinius, in the midst of the foe's confusion, crossed the river and
+took part in the battle. Pyrrhus came to the aid of his own men, who
+were in flight, but lost his horse by a wound and was thought by them
+to have been killed. Then, the one side being dejected and the other
+scornfully elated, their actions were correspondingly altered. He
+became aware of this and gave his clothing, which was more striking
+than that of the rest, to Megacles, bidding him put it on and ride
+about in all directions to the end that thinking him safe his
+opponents might be brought to fear and his followers to feel
+encouragement. As for himself, he put on an ordinary uniform and
+encountered the Romans with his full army, save the elephants, and by
+bringing assistance to the contestants wherever they were in trouble
+he did his supporters a great deal of good. At first, then, for a
+large part of the day they fought evenly; but when a man killed
+Megacles, thinking to have killed Pyrrhus and creating this impression
+in the minds of the rest, the Romans gained vigor and their opponents
+began to give way. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^12] PYRRHUS, NOTING WHAT WAS
+TAKING PLACE, CAST OFF HIS CAP AND WENT ABOUT WITH HIS HEAD BARE; AND
+THE BATTLE TOOK AN OPPOSITE TURN. Seeing this, Lavinius, who had
+horsemen in hiding somewhere, outside the battle, ordered them to
+attack the enemy in the rear. In response to this Pyrrhus, as a device
+to meet it, raised the signal for the elephants. Then, indeed, at the
+sight of the animals, which was out of all common experience, at their
+bloodcurdling trumpeting, and at the clatter of arms which their
+riders, seated in the towers, made, both the Romans themselves became
+panic stricken and their horses, in a frenzy, either shook off their
+riders or bolted, carrying them away. Disheartened at this the Roman
+army was turned to flight and in their rout some soldiers were
+destroyed by the men in the towers on the elephants' backs, and others
+by the beasts themselves, which with their trunks and horns (or
+teeth?) took the lives of many and crushed and trampled under foot no
+less. The cavalry, following after, slew many; not one, indeed, would
+have been left, had not an elephant been wounded, and by its own
+struggles as a result of the wound as well as by its trumpeting thrown
+the rest into confusion. Only this restrained Pyrrhus from pursuit and
+only in this way did the Romans manage to cross the river and make
+their escape into an Apulian city. Many of Pyrrhus's soldiers and
+officers alike fell, so that [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^13] WHEN CERTAIN MEN
+CONGRATULATED HIM ON HIS VICTORY, HE SAID; "IF WE EVER CONQUER AGAIN
+IN LIKE FASHION, WE SHALL BE RUINED." THE ROMANS, HOWEVER, HE ADMIRED
+EVEN IN THEIR DEFEAT, DECLARING: "I SHOULD ALREADY HAVE MASTERED THE
+WHOLE INHABITED WORLD, WERE I KING OF THE ROMANS."
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 40^14] PYRRHUS, ACCORDINGLY, ACQUIRED A GREAT
+REPUTATION FOR HIS VICTORY AND MANY CAME OVER TO HIS SIDE: THE ALLIES
+ALSO ESPOUSED HIS CAUSE. THESE HE REBUKED SOMEWHAT ON ACCOUNT OF THEIR
+TARDINESS, BUT GAVE THEM A SHARE OF THE SPOIL. VIII, 4.--The men of
+Rome felt grief at the defeat, but they sent an army to Lavinius; and
+they summoned Tiberius from Etruria and put the city under guard when
+they learned that Pyrrhus was hastening against it. Lavinius, however,
+as soon as he had cured his own followers of their wounds and had
+collected the scattered, the reinforcements from Rome now having
+arrived, followed on the track of Pyrrhus and harassed him. Finding
+out that the king was ambitious to capture Capua he occupied it in
+advance and guarded it. Disappointed there Pyrrhus set out for
+Neapolis. Since he developed no power to accomplish anything at this
+place either and was in haste to occupy Rome, he passed on through
+Etruria with the object of winning that people also to his cause. He
+learned that they had made a treaty with the Romans and that Tiberius
+was moving to meet him face to face. (Lavinius was dogging his
+footsteps.) [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^19] A DREAD SEIZED HIM OF BEING CUT
+OFF ON ALL SIDES BY THEM WHILE HE WAS IN UNFAMILIAR REGIONS and he
+would advance no farther. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^20] WHEN, AS HE WAS
+RETREATING AND HAD REACHED THE VICINITY OF CAMPANIA, LAVINIUS
+CONFRONTED HIM AND THE LATTER'S ARMY WAS MUCH LARGER THAN IT WAS
+BEFORE, HE DECLARED THAT THE ROMAN TROOPS WHEN CUT TO PIECES GREW
+WHOLE AGAIN, HYDRA-FASHION. AND HE MADE PREPARATIONS IN HIS TURN, BUT
+DID NOT COME TO THE ISSUE OF BATTLE. He had ordered his own soldiers
+before the shock of conflict, in order to terrify the Romans, to smite
+their shields with their spears and cry aloud while the trumpeters and
+the elephants raised a united blare. But when the other side raised a
+much greater shout, actually scaring the followers of Pyrrhus, he
+no longer wanted to come to close quarters, but retired, as if he
+found the omens bad. And he came to Tarentum. [Sidenote: FRAG.
+40^21] THITHER CAME ROMAN ENVOYS TO TREAT IN BEHALF OF THE
+CAPTIVES,--FABRICIUS AMONG OTHERS. THESE HE ENTERTAINED LAVISHLY AND
+SHOWED THEM HONOR, EXPECTING THAT THEY WOULD CONCLUDE A TRUCE AND MAKE
+TERMS AS THE DEFEATED PARTY. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^22] FABRICIUS ASKED
+THAT HE MIGHT GET BACK THE MEN CAPTURED IN BATTLE FOR SUCH RANSOM AS
+SHOULD BE PLEASING TO BOTH. PYRRHUS, QUITE DUMFOUNDED BECAUSE THE MAN
+DID NOT SAY THAT HE WAS ALSO COMMISSIONED TO TREAT ABOUT PEACE, TOOK
+COUNSEL PRIVATELY WITH HIS FRIENDS, AS WAS HIS WONT, ABOUT THE RETURN
+OF THE CAPTIVES, BUT ALSO ABOUT THE WAR AND HOW HE SHOULD CONDUCT IT.
+Milo advised neither returning the captives nor making a truce, but
+overcoming all remaining resistance by war, since the Romans were
+already defeated: Cineas, however, gave advice just the opposite of
+his; he approved of surrendering the captives without price and
+sending envoys and money to Rome for the purpose of obtaining an
+armistice and peace. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^23] TO HIS DECISION DID THE
+REST ALSO CLEAVE, AND PYRRHUS, TOO, CHANCED TO BE OF THIS MIND. HAVING
+CALLED THE AMBASSADORS, THEREFORE, HE SAID: "NOT WILLINGLY, ROMANS,
+DID I LATELY MAKE WAR UPON YOU, AND I HAVE NO WISH TO WAR AGAINST YOU
+NOW. IT WAS MY DESIRE TO BECOME YOUR FRIEND. WHEREFORE I RELEASE TO
+YOU THE CAPTIVES WITHOUT RANSOM AND ASK THE PRIVILEGE OF MAKING
+PEACE."
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 40^24] THESE WORDS HE HAD SPOKEN TO THE ENVOYS AS A
+WHOLE AND HAD EITHER GIVEN OR FURNISHED THEM PROMISES OF MONEY, BUT IN
+CONVERSATION WITH FABRICIUS ALONE HE SAID: "I WOULD GLADLY BECOME A
+FRIEND TO ALL ROMANS, BUT MOST OF ALL TO YOU. I SEE THAT YOU ARE AN
+EXCELLENT MAN AND I ASK YOU TO HELP ME IN GETTING PEACE." WITH THESE
+WORDS HE ATTEMPTED TO BESTOW UPON HIM A NUMBER OF GIFTS. BUT FABRICIUS
+SAID: "I COMMEND YOU FOR DESIRING PEACE, AND I WILL EFFECT IT FOR YOU,
+IF IT SHALL PROVE TO OUR ADVANTAGE. FOR YOU WILL NOT ASK ME, A MAN
+WHO, AS YOU SAY, PRETENDS TO UPRIGHTNESS, TO DO ANYTHING AGAINST MY
+COUNTRY. NAY, I WOULD NOT EVEN ACCEPT ANY OF THESE THINGS WHICH YOU
+ARE FAIN TO GIVE. I ASK YOU, THEREFORE, WHETHER YOU IN VERY TRUTH
+REGARD ME AS A REPUTABLE MAN OR NOT. IF I AM A SCOUNDREL, HOW IS IT
+THAT YOU DEEM ME WORTHY OF GIFTS? IF, ON THE OTHER HAND, I AM A MAN OF
+HONOR, HOW CAN YOU BID ME ACCEPT THEM? BE THEN ASSURED THAT I HAVE
+VERY MANY POSSESSIONS, THAT I AM SATISFIED WITH WHAT I NOW HAVE AND
+FEEL NO NEED OF MORE. YOU, HOWEVER, EVEN IF YOU ARE EVER SO RICH, ARE
+IN UNSPEAKABLE POVERTY. FOR YOU WOULD NOT HAVE CROSSED OVER TO THIS
+LAND, LEAVING BEHIND EPIRUS AND THE REST OF YOUR POSSESSIONS, IF YOU
+HAD BEEN CONTENT WITH THEM AND WERE NOT REACHING OUT FOR MORE."
+
+After this conversation had taken place as recounted, the envoys took
+the captives and departed. Pyrrhus despatched Cineas to Rome with a
+large amount of gold coin and women's apparel of every description, so
+that even if some of the men should resist, their wives, at least, won
+by the appeal of the finery, might make them share in the prostitution
+of principles. Cineas on coming to the city did not seek an audience
+with the senate, but lingered about, alleging now one reason, now
+another. He was visiting the houses of leading men and by his
+conversation and gifts was slowly extending his influence over them.
+When he had won the attachment of a number, he entered the
+senate-chamber and spoke, saying; "King Pyrrhus offers as his defence
+the fact that he came not to make war upon you, but to reconcile the
+Tarentini, and in answer to their entreaties. Indeed, he has released
+your prisoners, waiving ransom, and though he might have ravaged your
+country and assaulted your city, he requests to be enrolled among
+your friends and allies, hoping to gain much assistance from you and
+to render you still more and greater benefits in return."
+
+Thereupon the greater part of the senators evinced pleasure because of
+the gifts and because of the captives: however, they made no reply,
+but went on deliberating for several days more as to the proper course
+to pursue. There was a deal of talk, but the disposition to accord a
+truce predominated. On learning this Appius the Blind was carried to
+the senate-house (for by reason of his age and his infirmity he was a
+stay-at-home) and declared that the _modus vivendi_ with Pyrrhus was
+not advantageous to the State. He urged them to dismiss Cineas at once
+from the city and to make known to Pyrrhus by his mouth that the king
+must first withdraw to his home country and from there make
+propositions to them about peace or about anything else he wanted.
+This was the advice Appius gave. The senate delayed no longer, but
+forthwith unanimously voted to send Cineas that very day across the
+borders and to wage an implacable war with Pyrrhus, so long as he
+should abide in Italy. They imposed upon the captives certain
+degradations in the campaigns and used them no longer against Pyrrhus
+nor for any other project as a unit (out of apprehension that if they
+were together they might rebel), but sent them to do garrison duty, a
+few here, a few there.
+
+
+_(BOOK 10, BOISSEVAIN)._
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 279 (_a.u._ 475)] VIII, 5.--During the winter both
+sides busied themselves with preparations. When spring had now begun,
+Pyrrhus invaded Apulia and reduced many places by force, many also by
+capitulation. Finally the Romans came upon him near a city called
+Asculum and pitched camp opposite. For several days they lingered,
+rather avoiding each other. The Romans were not feeling confident
+against men who had once beaten them, and the others dreaded the
+Romans as persons animated by desperation. Meanwhile some were talking
+to the effect that Decius was getting ready to "devote himself" after
+the fashion of his father and grandfather, and by so doing they
+terribly alarmed the followers of Pyrrhus, who believed that through
+his death they would certainly be ruined. Pyrrhus then convened his
+soldiers and discussed this matter, advising them not to be
+disheartened nor scared out of their wits by such talk. One human
+being, he said, could not by dying prevail over many nor could any
+incantation or magic prove superior to arms and men. By making these
+remarks and confirming his words by arguments Pyrrhus encouraged the
+army under his lead. Also he enquired into the details of the costume
+which the Decii had used in devoting themselves, and sent injunctions
+to his men, if they should see anybody so arrayed, not to kill him,
+but seize him alive. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^28] AND HE SENT TO DECIUS
+AND TOLD HIM THAT HE WOULD NOT SUCCEED IN ACCOMPLISHING THIS, EVEN IF
+HE WISHED IT, AND THREATENED THAT IF HE WERE TAKEN ALIVE, HE SHOULD
+PERISH MISERABLY. TO THIS THE CONSULS ANSWERED THAT THEY WERE IN NO
+NEED OF HAVING RECOURSE TO SUCH A PROCEEDING AS THE ONE MENTIONED,
+SINCE THEY WERE SURE TO CONQUER HIM ANYWAY. There was a river not easy
+to ford running between the two camps, and they enquired whether he
+chose to cross unmolested himself, while they retired, or whether he
+would allow them to do it, the object being that the forces should
+encounter each other intact and so from a battle with conditions equal
+the test of valor might be made an accurate one. The Romans delivered
+this speech to overawe him, but Pyrrhus granted them permission to
+cross the river, since he placed great reliance upon his elephants.
+The Romans among their other preparations made ready, as a measure
+against the elephants, projecting beams on wagons, overlaid with iron
+and bristling in all directions. From these they intended to shoot and
+to withstand the animals with fire as well as by other means. When the
+conflict began, the Romans forced the Greeks back, slowly to be sure,
+but none the less effectually, until Pyrrhus, bringing his elephants
+to bear not opposite their chariots but at the other end of the line,
+routed their cavalry through fear of the beasts even before they had
+come close. Upon their infantry, however, he inflicted no great
+damage. Meantime some of the Apulians had started for the camp of the
+Epirots and by so doing brought about victory for the Romans. For when
+Pyrrhus sent some of his warriors against them, all the rest were
+thrown into disorder and suspecting that their tents had been
+captured and their companions were in flight they gave way. Numbers of
+them fell, Pyrrhus and many commanding officers besides were wounded,
+and later on account of the lack of food and of medical supplies they
+incurred great loss. Hence he retreated to Tarentum before the Romans
+were aware. As for the consuls, they crossed the river to fight, but
+when they ascertained that all had scattered, they withdrew to their
+own cities. They were unable to pursue after their foes on account of
+wounds among their own following. Then the Romans went into winter
+quarters in Apulia, whereas Pyrrhus sent for soldiers and money from
+home and went on with other preparations. But learning that Fabricius
+and Pappus had been chosen consuls and had arrived in camp, he was not
+constant in the same intention.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 278 (_a.u._ 476)] The aforesaid consuls were now in
+the midst of their army, when a certain Nicias, one of those believed
+to be loyal to Pyrrhus, came to Fabricius and offered to murder him
+treacherously. Fabricius, indignant at this (for he wanted to overcome
+the enemy by valor and main force, like Camillus), informed Pyrrhus of
+the plot. This action of his moved the king so strongly that he again
+released the Roman captives without price and sent envoys once more in
+regard to peace. But when the Romans made no reply about peace, but as
+before bade him depart from Italy and only in that event make
+propositions to them, and since they kept overrunning and capturing
+the cities in alliance with him, [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^29] HE FELL INTO
+PERPLEXITY; till at length some Syracusans called on him for
+aid--they had been quarreling, as it chanced, ever since the death of
+Agathocles--and surrendered to him both themselves and their city.
+Hereupon he again breathed freely, hoping to subjugate all of Sicily.
+Leaving Milo behind in Italy to keep guard over Tarentum and the other
+positions, he himself sailed away after letting it be understood that
+he would soon return. The Syracusans welcomed him and laid everything
+at his feet, so that in brief time he had again become great and the
+Carthaginians in fright secured additional mercenaries from Italy. But
+presently his prospects fell to the other extreme of fortune
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 40^30] BY REASON OF THE FACT THAT HE EITHER EXPELLED
+OR SLEW MANY WHO HELD OFFICE AND HAD INCURRED HIS SUSPICIONS. Then the
+Carthaginians, seeing that he was not strong in private forces and did
+not possess the devotion of the natives, took up the war vigorously.
+They harbored any Syracusans who were exiled and rendered his position
+so uncomfortable that he abandoned not only Syracuse, but Sicily as
+well.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 277 (_a.u._ 477)] VIII, 6.--The Romans on finding out
+his absence took courage and turned their attention to requiting those
+who had invited him. Postponing till another occasion the case of the
+Tarentini they invaded Samnium with their consuls Rufinus and Junius,
+devastated the country as they went along, and took several deserted
+forts. The Samnites had conveyed their dearest and most valuable
+treasures into the hills called the _Cranita_, because they bear a
+large growth of cornel-wood (_crania_). The Romans in contempt for
+them dared to begin the ascent of the aforementioned hills. As the
+region was tangled with shrubbery and difficult of access many were
+killed and many, too, were taken prisoners.
+
+The consuls now no longer carried on the war together, since each
+blamed the other for the disaster, but Junius went on ravaging a
+portion of Samnium, while Rufinus inflicted injury upon Lucanians and
+Bruttians. He then started against Croton, which had revolted from
+Rome. His friends had sent for him, but the other party got ahead of
+them by bringing a garrison from Milo, of which Nicomachus was
+commander. Ignorant of this fact he approached the walls carelessly,
+supposing that his friends controlled affairs, and suffered a setback
+by a sudden sortie made against him. Then, bethinking himself of a
+trick, he captured the city. He sent two captives as pretended
+deserters into Croton; one at once, declaring that he had despaired of
+capturing the place and was about to set out into Locris, which was
+being betrayed to him; the other later, corroborating the report with
+the further detail that he was on his way. That the story might gain
+credence he packed up the baggage and affected to be in haste.
+Nicomachus trusted this news (for his scouts made the same report),
+and leaving Croton set off with speed into Locrian territory by a
+somewhat shorter road. When he had got well into Locris, Rufinus
+turned back to Croton, and escaping observation because he was not
+expected and because of a mist that then prevailed he captured the
+city. Nicomachus learning this went back to Tarentum, and
+encountering Rufinus on the way lost many men. The Locrians came over
+to the Roman side.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 276 (_a.u._ 478)] The next year the Romans made
+expeditions into Samnium and into Lucania and fought with the
+Bruttians. Pyrrhus, who had been driven out of Sicily and had
+returned, was now troubling them grievously. He got back the Locrians
+(by their killing the Roman garrison and changing their rulers), but
+in a campaign against Rhegium was repulsed, was himself wounded, and
+lost great numbers. He then retired into Locris and after executing a
+few who opposed his cause he got food and money from the rest and made
+his way back to Tarentum. The Samnites, hard pressed by the Romans,
+caused him to leave the shelter of that town: [Sidenote: B.C. 275
+(_a.u._ 479)] but on coming to their assistance he was put to flight.
+A young elephant was wounded, and shaking off its riders wandered
+about in search of its mother; the latter thereupon became
+unmanageable, and as all the rest of the elephants raised a din
+everything was thrown into dire confusion. Finally the Romans won the
+day, killing many men and capturing eight elephants, and occupied the
+enemy's entrenchments. Pyrrhus accompanied by a few horsemen made his
+escape to Tarentum, and from there sailed back to Epirus, leaving Milo
+behind with a garrison to take care of Tarentum because he expected to
+come back again. He also gave them a chair fastened with straps made
+from the skin of Nicias, whom he put to death for treachery. This was
+the vengeance, then, that he took upon Nicias, [Sidenote: FRAG.
+40^32] AND HE WAS INTENDING TO EXACT VENGEANCE FROM SOME YOUTHS WHO
+HAD RIDICULED HIM AT A BANQUET; BUT HE ASKED THEM WHY THEY WERE
+RIDICULING HIM, AND WHEN THEY ANSWERED: "WE SHOULD HAVE SAID A LOT
+MORE THINGS A GOOD DEAL WORSE, IF THE WINE HADN'T FAILED US", HE
+LAUGHED AND LET THEM GO.
+
+Now Pyrrhus, who had made a most distinguished record among generals,
+who had inspired the Romans with great fear and left Italy in the
+fifth year to make a campaign against Greece, not long afterward met
+his death in Argos. A woman, as the story runs, being eager to catch a
+sight of him from the roof as he passed by, made a misstep and falling
+upon him killed him. The same year Fabricius and Pappus became
+censors; and among others whose names they erased from the lists of
+the knights and the senators was Rufinus, though he had served as
+dictator and had twice been consul. The reason was that he had in his
+possession silver plate of ten pounds' weight. This shows how the
+Romans regarded poverty as consisting not in the failure to possess
+many things but in wanting many things. Accordingly, their officials
+who went abroad and others who set out on any business of importance
+to the State received besides other necessary allowances a seal-ring
+as a public gift.
+
+Some of the Tarentini who had been abused by Milo attacked him, with
+Nico at their head. Not accomplishing anything they occupied a section
+of their own wall, and with that as headquarters kept making assaults
+upon Milo. When they found out that the Romans were disposed to make
+war upon them, they despatched envoys to Rome and obtained peace.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 41] [Sidenote: B.C. 273 (_a.u._ 481)] AND PTOLEMY
+PHILADELPHUS, KING OF EGYPT, WHEN HE LEARNED THAT PYRRHUS HAD FARED
+POORLY AND THAT THE ROMANS WERE GROWING, SENT GIFTS TO THEM AND MADE A
+COMPACT. AND THE ROMANS, PLEASED WITH THIS, DESPATCHED AMBASSADORS TO
+HIM IN TURN. THE LATTER RECEIVED MAGNIFICENT GIFTS FROM HIM, WHICH
+THEY WANTED TO PUT INTO THE TREASURY; THE SENATE, HOWEVER, WOULD NOT
+ACCEPT THEM, BUT ALLOWED THEM TO KEEP THEM.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 272 (_a.u._ 482)] After this, by the activity of
+Carvilius they subdued the Samnites, and overcame the Lucanians and
+Bruttians by the hands of Papirius. The same Papirius quelled the
+Tarentini. The latter, angry at Milo and subjected to abuse by their
+own men, who, as has been told, made the attack on Milo, called in the
+Carthaginians to their aid when they learned that Pyrrhus was dead.
+Milo, seeing that his chances had been contracted to narrow limits, as
+the Romans beset him on the land side and the Carthaginians on the
+water front, surrendered the citadel to Papirius on condition of being
+permitted to depart unharmed with his immediate followers and his
+money. Then the Carthaginians, as representatives of a nation friendly
+to the Romans, sailed away, and the city made terms with Papirius.
+They delivered to him their arms and their ships, demolished their
+walls, and agreed to pay tribute.
+
+The Romans, having thus secured control of the Tarentini, turned their
+attention to Rhegium, whose inhabitants after taking Croton by
+treachery had razed the city to the ground and had slain the Romans
+there. They averted the danger that was threatening them from the
+Mamertines holding Messana (whom the people of Rhegium wanted to get
+as allies), by coming to an agreement with them; but in the siege of
+Rhegium they suffered hardships through a scarcity of food and some
+other causes until Hiero by sending from Sicily grain and soldiers to
+the Romans strengthened their hands and materially aided them in
+capturing the city. [Sidenote: B.C. 270 (_a.u._ 484)] The place was
+restored to the survivors among the original inhabitants: those who
+had plotted against it were punished.
+
+Hiero, who was not of distinguished family on his father's side and on
+his mother's was akin to the slave class, ruled almost the whole of
+Sicily and was deemed a friend and ally of the Romans. After the
+flight of Pyrrhus he became master of Syracuse, and having a cautious
+eye upon the Carthaginians who were encroaching upon Sicily he was
+inclined to favor the Romans; and the first mark of favor that he
+showed them was the alliance and the forwarding of grain already
+narrated.
+
+After this came a winter so severe that the Tiber was frozen to a
+great depth and trees were killed. The people of Rome suffered
+hardships and the hay gave out, causing the cattle to perish.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 269 (_a.u._ 485)] VIII, 7.--The next year a Samnite
+named Lolius living in Rome as a hostage made his escape, gathered a
+band and seized a strong position in his native country from which he
+carried on brigandage. Quintus Gallus and Gaius Fabius made a
+campaign against him. Him and the rabblement with him, most of them
+unarmed, they suppressed; on proceeding, however, against the Carcini
+in whose keeping the robbers had deposited their booty, they
+encountered trouble. Finally one night, led by deserters, they scaled
+the wall at a certain point and came dangerously near perishing on
+account of the darkness,--not that it was a moonless night but because
+it was snowing fiercely. But the moon shone out and they made
+themselves absolute masters of the position.
+
+A great deal of money fell to the share of Rome in those days, so that
+they actually used silver denarii.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 267 (_a.u._ 487)] Next they made a campaign into the
+district now called Calabria. Their excuse was that the people had
+harbored Pyrrhus and had been overrunning their allied territory, but
+as a fact they wanted to gain sole possession of Brundusium, since
+there was a fine harbor and for the traffic with Illyricum and Greece
+the town had an approach and landing-place of such a character that
+vessels would sometimes come to land and put out to sea wafted by the
+same wind. [Sidenote: B.C. 266 (_a.u._ 488)] They captured it and sent
+colonists to it and to other settlements as well. While the
+accomplishment of these exploits [Sidenote: FRAG. 42] RAISED THEM TO A
+HIGHER PLANE OF PROSPERITY, THEY SHOWED NO HAUGHTINESS: ON THE
+CONTRARY THEY SURRENDERED TO THE APOLLONIATIANS ON THE IONIAN GULF
+QUINTUS FABIUS, A SENATOR, BECAUSE HE HAD INSULTED THEIR AMBASSADORS.
+BUT THESE ON RECEIVING HIM SENT HIM BACK HOME AGAIN UNHARMED.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 265 (_a.u._ 489)] In the year of the consulship of
+Quintus Fabius and Æmilius they went on a campaign to the Volsinii to
+secure the freedom of the latter, for they were under treaty
+obligations to them. These people were originally a branch of the
+Etruscans, and they gathered power and erected an extremely strong
+rampart; they enjoyed also a government guided by good laws. For these
+reasons once, when they were involved in war with the Romans, they
+offered resistance for a very long time. When they had been subdued,
+they deteriorated into a state of effeminacy, left the management of
+the city to their servants and let those servants, as a rule, also
+carry on their campaigns. Finally they encouraged them to such an
+extent that the servants possessed both spirit and power, and thought
+they had a right to freedom. In the course of time their efforts to
+obtain it were crowned with success. After that they were accustomed
+to wed their mistresses, to inherit their masters, to be enrolled in
+the senate, to secure the offices, and to hold the entire authority
+themselves. Indeed, it was usual, when insults were offered them by
+their masters, for them to requite the authors of them with rather
+unbecoming speed. Hence the old-fashioned citizens, not being able to
+endure them and yet possessing no power of their own to repress them,
+despatched envoys by stealth to Rome. The envoys urged the senate to
+convene with secrecy at night in a private house, so that no report
+might get abroad, and they obtained their request. The meeting
+accordingly deliberated under the idea that no one was listening: but
+a sick Samnite, who was being entertained as a guest of the master of
+the house, kept his bed unnoticed, learned what was voted, and gave
+information to those against whom charges were preferred. The latter
+seized and tortured the envoys on their return; when they found out
+what was on foot they killed the messengers and also some of the
+foremost men.
+
+The above were the causes which led the Romans to send Fabius against
+them. He routed the body of the foe that met him, destroyed many in
+their flight, shut up the remainder within the wall, and made an
+assault upon the city. In that action he was wounded and killed,
+whereupon gaining confidence the enemy made a sortie. They were again
+defeated, retired, and had to submit to siege. When they began to feel
+the pangs of hunger, they surrendered. The consul delivered to outrage
+and death the men who had appropriated the honors of the ruling class
+and he razed the city to the ground; the native inhabitants, however,
+and many servants who had rendered valuable service to their masters
+he settled on another site.
+
+
+_(BOOK 11, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+VIII, 8.--From that time the Romans began struggles oversea: they had
+previously had no experience at all in naval matters. They now became
+seamen and crossed over to the islands and to other divisions of the
+mainland. The first people they fought against were the Carthaginians.
+These Carthaginians were no whit inferior to them in wealth or in the
+excellence of their land; they were trained in naval operations to a
+great degree of accuracy, were equipped with cavalry forces, with
+infantry and elephants, ruled the Libyans, and held possession of both
+Sardinia and the greater part of Sicily: as a result they had
+cherished hopes of subjugating Italy. Various factors contributed to
+increase their self-conceit. They were especially delighted with their
+position of independence: their king they elected under the title of a
+yearly office and not for permanent sovereignty. Animated by these
+considerations they were at the point of most zealous eagerness.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^1] THE REASONS ALLEGED FOR THE WAR WERE--ON THE
+PART OF THE ROMANS THAT THE CARTHAGINIANS HAD ASSISTED THE TARENTINI,
+ON THE PART OF THE CARTHAGINIANS THAT THE ROMANS HAD MADE A TREATY OF
+FRIENDSHIP WITH HIERO. THE FACT WAS, HOWEVER, THAT THEY VIEWED EACH
+OTHER WITH JEALOUSY AND THOUGHT THAT THE ONLY SALVATION FOR THEIR OWN
+POSSESSIONS LAY IN THE POSSIBILITY OF OBTAINING WHAT THE OTHER HELD.
+AT A TIME WHEN THEIR ATTITUDE TOWARD EACH OTHER WAS OF THIS NATURE A
+SLIGHT ACCIDENT THAT BEFELL BROKE THE TRUCE AND PROVOKED A CONFLICT
+BETWEEN THEM. This is what happened.
+
+The Mamertines, who had once conducted a colony from Campania to
+Messana, were now being besieged by Hiero, and they called upon the
+Romans as a nation of kindred blood. The latter readily voted to aid
+them, knowing that in case the Mamertines should not secure an
+alliance with them, they would have recourse to the Carthaginians; and
+then the Carthaginians would sweep all Sicily and from there cross
+over into Italy. For this island is such a short distance away from
+the mainland that the story goes that it was itself once a part of the
+mainland. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^2] SO THE ISLAND THUS LYING OFF ITALY
+SEEMED TO INVITE THE CARTHAGINIANS, AND IT APPEARED AS IF THEY MIGHT
+LAY CLAIM TO THE LAND OVER OPPOSITE, COULD THEY BUT OCCUPY IT. AND THE
+POSSESSION OF MESSANA GAVE TO ITS MASTERS THE RIGHT TO BE LORDS OF THE
+STRAIT ALSO.
+
+Though the Romans voted to assist the Mamertines, they did not quickly
+come to their aid because of various hindrances that occurred. Hence
+the Mamertines, under the spur of necessity, called upon the
+Carthaginians. These brought about peace with Hiero both for
+themselves and for the party that had invoked their help, so as to
+prevent the Romans from crossing into the island; and under the
+leadership of Hanno they retained the guardianship of strait and city.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 264 (_a.u._ 490)] Meantime Gaius Claudius, military
+tribune, sent in advance with a few ships by Appius Claudius, had
+arrived at Rhegium. But to sail across was more than he dared, for he
+saw that the Carthaginian fleet was far larger. So he embarked in a
+skiff and approached Messana, where he held a conversation, as
+extended as the case permitted, with the party in possession. When the
+Carthaginians had made reply, he returned without accomplishing
+anything. Subsequently he ascertained that the Mamertines were at odds
+(they did not want to submit to the Romans, and yet they felt uneasy
+about the Carthaginians), and he sailed over again. [Sidenote: FRAG.
+43^3] AMONG OTHER REMARKS WHICH HE MADE TO TEMPT THEM HE DECLARED THAT
+THE OBJECT OF HIS PRESENCE WAS TO FREE THE CITY, AND AS SOON AS HE
+COULD SET THEIR AFFAIRS IN ORDER, HE SHOULD SAIL AWAY. HE BADE THE
+CARTHAGINIANS ALSO EITHER TO WITHDRAW, OR, IF THEY HAD ANY JUST PLEA,
+TO OFFER IT. NOW WHEN NOT ONE OF THE MAMERTINES (BY REASON OF FEAR)
+OPENED HIS LIPS, AND THE CARTHAGINIANS SINCE THEY WERE OCCUPYING THE
+CITY BY FORCE OF ARMS PAID NO HEED TO HIM, HE SAID: "THE SILENCE ON
+BOTH SIDES AFFORDS SUFFICIENT EVIDENCE. IT SHOWS THAT THE ONE SIDE IS
+IN THE WRONG, FOR THEY WOULD HAVE JUSTIFIED THEMSELVES IF THEIR
+PURPOSES WERE AT ALL HONEST; AND THAT THE OTHER SIDE COVETS FREEDOM,
+FOR THEY WOULD HAVE BEEN QUITE FREE TO SPEAK, IF THEY HAD ESPOUSED THE
+CAUSE OF THE CARTHAGINIANS." AND HE VOLUNTEERED TO AID THEM. At this a
+tumult of praise arose from the Mamertines. He then sailed back to
+Rhegium and a little later with his entire fleet forced his passage
+across. However, partly because of the numbers and skill of the
+Carthaginians, but chiefly because of the difficulty of sailing and a
+storm that suddenly broke [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^4] HE LOST SOME OF HIS
+TRIREMES AND WITH THE REMAINDER BARELY SUCCEEDED IN GETTING BACK TO
+RHEGIUM.
+
+VIII, 9.--HOWEVER, THE ROMANS DID NOT SHUN THE SEA BECAUSE OF THEIR
+DEFEAT. Claudius proceeded to repair his ships, [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^5]
+WHILE HANNO, WISHING TO THROW THE RESPONSIBILITY FOR BREAKING THE
+TRUCE UPON THE ROMANS, SENT TO CLAUDIUS THE CAPTURED TRIREMES AND
+RESTORED THE CAPTIVES, URGING HIM TO AGREE TO PEACE. [Sidenote: FRAG.
+43^6] BUT WHEN THE OTHER WOULD ACCEPT NOTHING, HE THREATENED THAT HE
+WOULD NEVER PERMIT THE ROMANS EVEN TO WASH THEIR HANDS IN THE SEA.
+Claudius now having become acquainted with the strait watched for a
+time when the current and the wind both carried from Italy toward
+Sicily, and under those circumstances sailed to the island,
+encountering no opposition. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^7] HE DISCOVERED THE
+MAMERTINES AT THE HARBOR: HANNO HAD BEFORE BECOME SUSPICIOUS OF THEIR
+MOVEMENTS AND HAD ESTABLISHED HIMSELF IN THE ACROPOLIS, WHICH HE WAS
+GUARDING. THE ROMAN LEADER ACCORDINGLY CONVENED AN ASSEMBLY AND AFTER
+SOME CONVERSATION WITH THEM PERSUADED THEM TO SEND FOR HANNO. THE
+LATTER REFUSED TO COME DOWN, but filled with a subsequent fear that
+the Mamertines might allege injustice on his part and revolt he did
+enter the assembly. After many words had been spoken to no purpose by
+both sides, one of the Romans seized him and, with the approval of the
+Mamertines, threw him into prison.
+
+Thus, under compulsion, Hanno left Messana entirely. The Carthaginians
+disciplined him and sent a herald to the Romans bidding them leave
+Messana and depart from all of Sicily by a given day; they also set
+an army in motion. Since the Romans paid no heed, they put to death
+the mercenaries serving with them who were from Italy, and made an
+assault upon Messana, Hiero accompanying them. Then for a season they
+besieged the city and kept guard over the strait, to prevent any
+troops or provisions being conveyed to the foe. The consul was
+informed of this when he was already quite close at hand, and found a
+number of Carthaginians disposed at various points in and about the
+harbor under pretence of carrying on trade. In order to get safe
+across the strait he resorted to deception and did succeed in
+anchoring off Sicily by night. His point of approach was not far from
+the camp of Hiero and he joined battle without delay, thinking that
+his appearance in force would be most likely to inspire the enemy with
+fear. When they came out to withstand the attack, the Roman cavalry
+was worsted but the heavy-armed infantry prevailed. Hiero retired
+temporarily to the mountains and later to Syracuse.
+
+When Hiero had retired, the Mamertines took courage because of the
+presence of Claudius. He therefore assailed the Carthaginians, who
+were now isolated, and their rampart, which was situated on a kind of
+peninsula. For on the one side the sea enclosed it and on the other
+some marshes, difficult to traverse. At the neck of this peninsula,
+the only entrance and a very narrow one, a cross wall had been built.
+In an attempt to carry this point by force the Romans fared badly and
+withdrew under a shower of weapons. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^9] THE
+LIBYANS THEN TOOK COURAGE AND SALLIED OUT, PURSUING THE FUGITIVES, AS
+THEY THOUGHT THEM, BEYOND THE NARROW STRIP OF LAND. THEREUPON THE
+ROMANS WHEELED, ROUTED THEM, AND KILLED A NUMBER, SO THAT THEY DID NOT
+ISSUE FROM THE CAMP AGAIN,--AT LEAST SO LONG AS CLAUDIUS WAS IN
+MESSANA. He, however, not daring to attack the approach in force, left
+a detachment behind in Messana and turned his steps toward Syracuse
+and Hiero. He personally superintended the assault upon the city, and
+now and then the inhabitants would come out to battle. Each side would
+sometimes be victorious and sometimes incur defeat. One day the consul
+got into a confined position and would have been caught, had he not,
+before being surrounded, sent to Hiero an invitation to agree to some
+terms. When the representative came with whom he was to conclude the
+terms, he kept falling back unobtrusively, while he conversed with
+him, until he had retired to safety. But the city could not easily be
+taken, and a siege, on account of scarcity of food supplies and
+disease in the army, was impracticable. Claudius accordingly withdrew;
+and the Syracusans following held discussions with his scattered
+followers and would have made a truce, if Hiero also had been willing
+to agree to terms. The consul left behind a garrison in Messana and
+sailed back to Rhegium.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 263 (_a.u._ 491)] As Etruscan unrest had come to a
+standstill and affairs in Italy were perfectly peaceful, whereas the
+Carthaginian state was becoming ever greater, the Romans ordered both
+the consuls to make an expedition into Sicily. Valerius Maximus and
+Otacilius Crassus consequently crossed over and in their progress
+through the island together and separately they won over many towns by
+capitulation. When they had made the majority of places their own,
+they set out for Syracuse. Hiero in terror sent a herald to them with
+offers: he expressed a readiness to restore the cities of which they
+had been deprived, promised money, and liberated the prisoners. On
+these terms he obtained peace, for the consuls thought they could
+subjugate the Carthaginians more easily with his help. After reaching
+an agreement with him, then, they turned their attention to the
+remaining cities garrisoned by Carthaginians. They were repulsed from
+all of them except Segesta, which they took without resistance. Its
+inhabitants because of their relationship with the Romans (they
+declare they are descended from Æneas) slew the Carthaginians and
+joined the Roman alliance.
+
+VIII, 10.--On account of the winter the consuls embarked again for
+Rhegium. The Carthaginians conveyed most of their army to Sardinia in
+the intention of attacking Rome from that quarter. They would thus
+either rout them out of Sicily altogether or would render them weaker
+after they had crossed. Yet they achieved neither the one object nor
+the other. The Romans both kept guard over their own land and sent a
+respectable force to Sicily with Postumius Albinus and Quintus
+Æmilius.[15] [Sidenote: B.C. 262 (_a.u._ 492)] On arriving in Sicily
+the consuls set out for Agrigentum and there besieged Hannibal the son
+of Gisco. The people of Carthage, when apprised of it, sent Hanno,
+with a powerful support, to aid him in the warfare. This leader
+arrived at Heraclea, not far from Agrigentum, and was soon engaged in
+war. A number of battles, but not great ones, took place. At first
+Hanno challenged the consuls to fight, then later on the Romans
+challenged him. For as long as the Romans had an abundance of food,
+they did not venture to contend against a superior force, and were
+hoping to get possession of the city by famine; when, however, they
+encountered a permanent shortage of grain, they displayed a zeal for
+taking risks, but Hanno showed hesitation; their eagerness led him to
+suspect that he might be ambushed. Everybody therefore was satisfied
+to revere the Romans as easy conquerors, and Hiero, who once
+coöperated with them sulkily, now sent them grain, so that even the
+consuls took heart.
+
+[Footnote 15: In Roman records these persons are known respectively as
+L. Postumius L. F. L. N. Megellus and Q. Mamilius Q. F. M. N.
+Vitulus.]
+
+Hanno now undertook to bring on a battle, expecting that Hannibal
+would fall upon the Romans in the rear, assailing them from the wall.
+The consuls learned his plan but remained inactive, and Hanno in scorn
+approached their intrenchments. They also sent some men to lie in
+ambush behind him. When toward evening he fearlessly and
+contemptuously led a charge, the Romans joined battle with him from
+ambush and from palisade and wrought a great slaughter of the enemy
+and of the elephants besides. Hannibal had in the meantime assailed
+the Roman tents, but was hurled back by the men guarding them. Hanno
+abandoned his camp and made good his escape to Heraclea. Hannibal then
+formed a plan to escape as runaways from Agrigentum by night, and
+himself eluded observation; the rest, however, were recognized and
+were killed, some by the Romans and many by the Agrigentinians. For
+all that the people of Agrigentum did not obtain pardon, but their
+wealth was plundered and they themselves were all sold into servitude.
+
+On account of the winter the consuls retired to Messana. The
+Carthaginians were angry with Hanno and despatched Hamilcar the son of
+Barca in his stead, a man superior in generalship to all his
+countrymen save only Hannibal his son. [Sidenote: B.C. 261 (_a.u._
+493)] Hamilcar himself guarded Sicily and sent Hannibal as admiral to
+damage the coast sections of Italy and so draw the consuls to his
+vicinity. Yet he did not accomplish his aim, for they posted guards
+along both shores and then went to Sicily. They effected nothing
+worthy of record, however. And Hamilcar, becoming afraid that his
+Gallic mercenaries (who were offended because he had not given them
+full pay) might go over to the Romans, brought about their
+destruction. He sent them to take charge of one of the cities under
+Roman sway, assuring them that it was in course of being betrayed and
+giving them permission to plunder it: he then sent to the consuls
+pretended deserters to give them advance information of the coming of
+the Gauls. Hence all the Gauls were ambuscaded and destroyed; many of
+the Romans also perished.
+
+After the consuls had departed home Hamilcar sailed to Italy and
+ravaged the land and won over some cities in Sicily. On receipt of
+this information the Romans [Sidenote: B.C. 260 (_a.u._ 494)]
+gathered a fleet and put one of the consuls, Gaius Duillius, in
+command of it, while they sent his colleague, Gaius[16] Cornelius, to
+Sicily. He, neglecting the war on land which had fallen to his lot,
+sailed with the ships that belonged to him to Lipara, on the
+understanding that it was to be betrayed to him. Through treachery it
+had fallen into the hands of the Carthaginians. When, therefore, he
+put into Lipara, Bodes the lieutenant of Hannibal closed in upon him.
+As Gaius[17] made preparations to defend himself, Bodes fearing the
+Romans' desperation invited them to discuss terms. Having persuaded
+them to do so he took the consul and military tribunes, who supposed
+they were to meet the admiral, on board his own trireme. These men he
+sent to Carthage: the rest he captured without their so much as
+lifting a weapon.
+
+[Footnote 16: This name should in both cases be Gnæus.]
+
+[Footnote 17: [See previous footnote.]]
+
+VIII, 11.--Then Hannibal continued the ravaging of Italy, while
+Hamilcar made a campaign against Segesta, where the Romans had most of
+their infantry force. Gaius Cæcilius, a military tribune, wanted to
+assist them, but Hamilcar waylaid him and slaughtered many of his
+followers. The people of Rome learning this at once sent out the
+prætor urbanus and incited Duillius to haste. On coming to Sicily he
+learned the fact that the ships of the Carthaginians were inferior to
+his own in stoutness and size, but excelled in the quickness of their
+rowing and variety of movement. Therefore he fitted out his triremes
+with mechanical devices,--anchors and grappling irons with long spikes
+and other such things,--in order that by laying hold of the hostile
+ships with these they might pin them fast to their own vessels; then
+by crossing over into them they might have a hand to hand conflict
+with the Carthaginians and engage them just as in an infantry battle.
+When the Carthaginians began the fight with the Roman ships, they
+sailed round and round them using the oars rapidly and would make
+sudden dashes. So for the time the conflict was an evenly matched one:
+later the Romans got the upper hand and sank numbers of crews,
+retaining possession also of large numbers. Hannibal conducted the
+fight on a boat of seven banks, but when his own ship became entangled
+with a trireme, he feared capture, hastily left the seven banked
+affair, and transferring to another ship effected his escape.
+
+This was the way, then, that the naval battle resulted, and much spoil
+was taken. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^13] THE CARTHAGINIANS WOULD HAVE PUT
+HANNIBAL TO DEATH ON ACCOUNT OF THE DEFEAT, IF HE HAD NOT IMMEDIATELY
+ENQUIRED OF THEM WHETHER, GRANTED THAT THE BUSINESS WERE STILL
+UNTOUCHED, THEY WOULD BID HIM RISK A SEA-FIGHT OR NOT. THEY AGREED
+THAT HE OUGHT TO FIGHT, FOR THEY PRIDED THEMSELVES UPON HAVING A
+SUPERIOR NAVY. HE THEN ADDED: "I, THEN, HAVE DONE NO WRONG, FOR
+I WENT INTO THE ENGAGEMENT WITH THE SAME HOPES AS YOU. IT WAS THE
+DECISION, BUT NOT THE FORTUNE OF THE BATTLE THAT HAPPENED TO BE
+WITHIN MY POWER." So he saved his life, but was deprived of his
+command.--Duillius after securing a reinforcement of infantry rescued
+the people of Segesta, and Hamilcar would not venture to come into
+close conflict with him. He strengthened the loyalty of the other
+friendly settlements and returned to Rome at the close of autumn. Upon
+his departure Hamilcar took forcible possession of the place called
+Drepanum (it is a convenient roadstead), deposited there the objects
+of greatest value and transferred to it all the people of Eryx. The
+city of the latter, because it was a strong point, he razed to the
+ground to prevent the Romans from seizing it and making it a base of
+operations for the war. He captured some cities, too, some by force,
+some by betrayal; and if Gaius Florus who wintered there had not
+restrained him, he would have subjugated Sicily entire.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 259 (_a.u._ 495)] Lucius Scipio, his colleague, made a
+campaign against Sardinia and against Corsica. These islands are
+situated in the Tyrrhenian sea only a short distance apart,--so short
+a distance, in fact, that from a little way off they seem to be one.
+His first landing place was Corsica. There he captured by force
+Valeria, its largest city, and subdued the remainder of the region
+without effort. As he was sailing toward Sardinia he descried a
+Carthaginian fleet and directed his course to it. The enemy fled
+before a battle could be joined and he came to the city of Olbia.
+There the Carthaginians put in an appearance along with their ships,
+and Scipio being frightened (for he had no infantry worthy the
+mention) set sail for home.
+
+These were the days when the Samnites with the coöperation of other
+captives and slaves in the city came to an agreement to form a
+conspiracy against Rome. Numbers of them had been brought there with
+a view to their utilization in the equipment of the fleet. Herius
+Potilius, the leader of the auxiliary force, found it out and
+pretended to be of like mind with them, in order that he might fully
+inform himself in regard to what they had determined. As he was not
+able to give knowledge of the affair,--for all those about him were
+Samnites,--he persuaded them to gather in the Forum at a time when a
+senate meeting was being convened and denounce him with declarations
+that they were being wronged in the matter of the grain which they
+were receiving. They did this and he was sent for as being the cause
+of the tumult; and he then laid bare to the Romans the plot. For the
+moment they merely dismissed the protestants (after they had become
+quiet) but by night all of those who held slaves arrested some of
+them. And in this way the entire conspiracy was overthrown.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 253 (_a.u._ 496)] The following summer the Romans and
+the Carthaginians fought in Sicily and Sardinia at once. Somewhat
+later Atilius Latinus[18] went to Sicily and finding a city named
+Mytistratus being besieged by Florus he made use of the latter's
+support. He made assaults upon the circuit of the wall which the
+natives with the help of the Carthaginians at first withstood
+vigorously, but when the women and children were moved to tears and
+laments they abandoned resistance. The Carthaginians passed out
+secretly by night and at daybreak the natives voluntarily swung the
+gates wide open. The Romans went in and proceeded to slaughter them
+all till Atilius made proclamation that the remainder of the booty
+and the human beings belonged to him who might take them. Forthwith
+they spared the lives of the remaining captives and after pillaging
+the city burned it to the ground.
+
+[Footnote 18: A. Atilius Calatinus is meant.]
+
+VIII, 12.--Thence they proceeded heedlessly against Camarina and came
+into a region where an ambuscade had already been set. They would have
+perished utterly, had not Marcus Calpurnius, serving as military
+tribune, matched the catastrophe by his cleverness. He saw that one
+and one only of the surrounding hills had by reason of its steepness
+not been occupied and he asked of the consul three hundred heavy-armed
+men and with them he set out for that point. His purpose was to make
+the enemy turn their attention to his detachment so that then the rest
+of the Romans might make their escape. And so it happened; for when
+the adversaries saw his project, they were thunderstruck and left the
+consul and his followers as men already captured in order to make a
+united rush upon Calpurnius. A fierce battle ensued in which many of
+the opposing side and all the three hundred fell. Calpurnius alone
+survived. He had been wounded and lay unnoticed among the heaps of
+slain, being as good as dead by reason of his wounds; afterward he was
+found alive and his life was saved. While the three hundred were
+fighting, the consul got away; and after this escape he reduced
+Camarina and other cities, some by force and some by capitulation.
+Next Atilius set out against Lipara. But Hamilcar at night by stealth
+occupied it in advance and by making a sudden sally killed many
+Romans.
+
+Gaius Sulpicius overran the most of Sardinia and filled with arrogance
+as a result he set out for Libya. The Carthaginians, alarmed for the
+safety of their home population, also set sail with Hannibal,
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^14] BUT AS A CONTRARY WIND WAS ENCOUNTERED BOTH
+LEADERS TURNED BACK. SUBSEQUENTLY ATILIUS[19] BROUGHT ABOUT HANNIBAL'S
+DEFEAT THROUGH SOME FALSE DESERTERS who pretended that Atilius[20] was
+going to sail to Libya again. Hannibal weighed anchor and came out
+with speed, whereupon Sulpicius sailed to meet him and sank the
+majority of his vessels, which, because of a mist, did not know for a
+long time what was taking place and were thrown into confusion; all
+that made their escape to land he seized, though minus their crews,
+for Hannibal who saw that the harbor was unsafe abandoned them and
+retired to the city of Sulci. There the Carthaginians engaged in
+mutiny against their leader and he came forth before them alone and
+was slain. The Romans in consequence overran the country with greater
+ease, but were defeated by Hanno. This is what took place that year.
+Also stones in great quantities at once, and in appearance something
+like hail, fell from heaven upon Rome continually. It likewise came to
+pass that stones descended upon Albanum and elsewhere.
+
+[Footnote 19: Apparently a mistake for _Sulpicius_.]
+
+[Footnote 20: [See previous footnote.]]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 257 (_a.u._ 497)] The consuls on coming to Sicily made
+a campaign against Lipara. Perceiving the Carthaginians lying in the
+harbor below the height called Tyndaris they divided their expedition
+in two. One of the consuls with half the fleet surrounded the
+promontory, and Hamilcar thinking them an isolated force set sail.
+When the rest came up, he turned to flight and lost most of his fleet.
+The Romans were elated, and feeling that Sicily was already theirs
+they left it and ventured to make an attempt on Libya and Carthage.
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^16] THEIR LEADERS WERE MARCUS REGULUS AND LUCIUS
+MANLIUS, PREFERRED BEFORE OTHERS FOR THEIR EXCELLENCE. [Sidenote: B.C.
+256 (_a.u._ 498)] These two sailed to Sicily, settled affairs there,
+and made ready for the voyage to Libya: the Carthaginians did not wait
+for their hostile voyage to begin, but after due preparation hastened
+toward Sicily. Off Heracleotis the opposing forces met. The contest
+was for a long time evenly balanced but in the end the Romans got the
+best of it. Hamilcar did not dare to withstand their progress,
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^17] BUT SENT HANNO TO THEM PRETENDEDLY IN BEHALF
+OF PEACE, WHEREAS HE REALLY WISHED TO USE UP TIME; HE WAS IN HOPES
+THAT AN ARMY WOULD BE SENT TO HIM FROM HOME. WHEN SOME CLAMORED FOR
+HANNO'S ARREST, BECAUSE THE CARTHAGINIANS HAD ALSO TREACHEROUSLY
+ARRESTED CORNELIUS, the envoy said: "If you do this, you will be no
+longer any better than Libyans." He, therefore, by flattering them
+most opportunely escaped any kind of molestation: the Romans, however,
+again took up the war. And the consuls sailed from Messana, while
+Hamilcar and Hanno separated and studied how to enclose them from both
+sides. Hanno, however, would not stand before them when they
+approached, but sailed away betimes to the harbor of Carthage and
+kept constant guard of the city. Hamilcar, apprised of this, stayed
+where he was. The Romans disembarked on land and marched against the
+city Aspis, whose inhabitants, seeing them approaching, slipped out
+quietly and in good season. The Romans thus occupied it without
+striking a blow and made it a base in the war. From it they ravaged
+the country and acquired cities, some of their own free will and
+others by intimidation. They also kept securing great booty, receiving
+vast numbers of deserters, and getting back many of their own men who
+had been captured in the previous wars.
+
+VIII, 13.--Winter came on and Manlius sailed back to Rome with the
+booty, whereas Regulus remained behind in Libya. The Carthaginians
+found themselves in the depths of woe, since their country was being
+pillaged and their vassals alienated; but cooped up in their
+fortifications they remained inactive. [Sidenote: (FRAG. 43^18?)]
+WHILE REGULUS WAS BESIDE THE BAGRADAS RIVER A SERPENT OF HUGE BULK
+APPEARED TO HIM, THE LENGTH OF WHICH IS SAID TO HAVE BEEN ONE HUNDRED
+AND TWENTY FEET. ITS SLOUGH WAS CARRIED TO ROME FOR EXHIBITION
+PURPOSES. AND THE REST OF ITS BODY CORRESPONDED IN SIZE. It destroyed
+many of the soldiers that approached it and some also who were
+drinking from the river. Regulus overcame it by a crowd of soldiers
+and hurling-engines. After thus destroying it he gave battle by night
+to Hamilcar, who was encamped upon a high, woody spot; and he slew
+many in their beds as well as many who had just risen. Any who escaped
+fell in with Romans guarding the roads, who despatched them. In this
+way a large division of Carthaginians was blotted out and numerous
+cities went over to the Romans. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^19] THOSE IN THE
+TOWN BEING IN FEAR OF CAPTURE SENT HERALDS TO THE CONSUL TO THE END
+THAT HAVING BY SOME SATISFACTORY ARRANGEMENT INDUCED HIM TO GO AWAY
+THEY MIGHT AVOID THE DANGER OF THE MOMENT AND SO ESCAPE. BUT WHEN MANY
+UNREASONABLE DEMANDS WERE MADE OF THEM, THEY DECIDED THAT THE TRUCE
+WOULD MEAN THEIR UTTER SUBJUGATION AND PREPARED RATHER TO FIGHT.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 255 (_a.u._ 499)] Regulus, however, who up to that
+time was fortunate, became filled with boastfulness and conceit, so
+much so that he even wrote to Rome that he had sealed up the gates of
+Carthage with fear. His followers and the people of Rome thought the
+same way, and this caused their undoing. Allies of various sorts came
+to the Carthaginians, among them Xanthippus from Sparta. He assumed
+the general superintendence of the Carthaginians, for the populace was
+eager to entrust matters to his charge and Hamilcar together with the
+other officials stepped aside voluntarily. The new leader, then,
+disposed things excellently in every way, and particularly he brought
+the Carthaginians down from the heights, where they were staying
+through fear, into the level country, where their horses and elephants
+were sure to develop greatest power. For some time he remained
+inactive until at length he found the Romans encamped in a way that
+betokened their contempt. They were very haughty over their victorious
+progress and looked down upon Xanthippus as a "Græcus" (this is a name
+they give to Hellenes and they use this epithet as a reproach to them
+for their mean birth); [Sidenote: B.C. 255 (_a.u._ 499)] consequently
+they had constructed their camp in a heedless fashion. While the
+Romans were in this situation, Xanthippus assailed them, routed their
+cavalry with his elephants, cut down many and captured many alive,
+among them Regulus himself. This put the Carthaginians in high
+spirits. They saved the lives of the captives in order that their own
+citizens previously taken captive by the Romans might not be killed.
+All the Roman prisoners were treated with consideration except
+Regulus, whom they kept in a state of utter misery; they offered him
+only just food enough to maintain existence and they would repeatedly
+lead an elephant close up to him to frighten him, so that he might
+have peace in neither body nor mind. After afflicting him in this way
+for a good while they placed him in prison.
+
+The manner in which the Carthaginians dealt with their allies forms a
+chapter of great ruthlessness in this story. They were not supplied
+with sufficient wealth to pay them what they had originally promised,
+and dismissed them with the understanding that they would pay them
+their wages before very long. To the men who escorted the allies,
+however, they issued orders to put them ashore on a desert island and
+quietly sail away. As to Xanthippus, one story is that they drowned
+him, attacking him in boats after his boat had departed: the other is
+that they gave him an old ship which was in no wise seaworthy but had
+been newly covered over with pitch outside, that it might sink quite
+of itself; and that he, aware of the fact, got aboard a different
+ship and so was saved. Their reason for doing this was to avoid
+seeming to have been preserved by his ability; for they thought that
+once he had perished the renown of his deeds would also perish.
+
+VIII, 14.--The people of Rome were grieved at the turn of events and
+more especially because they were looking for the Carthaginians to
+sail against Rome itself. For this reason they carefully guarded Italy
+and hastily sent to the Romans in Sicily and Libya the consuls Marcus
+Æmilius and Fulvius Pætinus.[21] They after sailing to Sicily and
+garrisoning the positions there started for Libya, but were overtaken
+by a storm and carried to Cossura. They ravaged the island and put it
+in charge of a garrison, then sailed onward again. Meanwhile a fierce
+naval battle with the Carthaginians had taken place. The latter were
+struggling to eject the Romans entirely from their native land, and
+the Romans to save the remnants of their soldiers who had been left in
+hostile territory. In the midst of a close battle the Romans in Aspis
+suddenly attacked the Carthaginians in ships from the rear, and by
+getting them between two forces overcame them. Later the Romans also
+won an infantry engagement and took many prisoners, whose lives they
+saved because of Regulus and those captured with him. They made
+several raids and then sailed to Sicily. After encountering a storm,
+however, and losing many of their number, they sailed for home with
+the ships that remained.
+
+[Footnote 21: Zonaras spells _Plætinus_.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 254 (_a.u._ 500)] The Carthaginians took Cossura and
+crossed over to Sicily; and had they not learned that Collatinus[22]
+and Gnæus Cornelius were approaching with a large fleet, they would
+have subjugated the whole of it. The Romans had quickly fitted out a
+first-class fleet, had made levies of their best men, and had become
+so strong that in the third month they returned to Sicily. It was the
+five hundredth year from the founding of Rome. The lower city of
+Panhormus they took without trouble, but in the siege of the citadel
+they fared badly until food failed those in it. Then they came to
+terms with the consuls. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^20] THE CARTHAGINIANS KEPT
+WATCH FOR THEIR SHIPS HOMEWARD BOUND AND CAPTURED SEVERAL THAT WERE
+FULL OF MONEY.
+
+[Footnote 22: This is A. Atilius Calatinus again.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 253 (_a.u._ 501)] The next event was that Servilius
+Cæpio and Gaius Sempronius, consuls, made an attempt upon Lilybæum
+(from which they were repulsed) and crossing over to Libya ravaged the
+coast districts. As they were returning homeward they encountered a
+storm and incurred damage. Hence the people, thinking that the damage
+was due to their inexperience in naval affairs, voted that they should
+keep away from the sea in general but with a few ships should guard
+Italy.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 252 (_a.u._ 502)] In the succeeding year Publius
+Gaius[23] and Aurelius Servilius[24] came to Sicily and subdued Himera
+besides some other places. However, they did not get possession of any
+of its inhabitants, for the Carthaginians conveyed them away by night.
+After this Aurelius secured some ships from Hiero and adding to his
+contingent all the Romans that were there he sailed to Lipara. Here
+he left the tribune Quintus Cassius,[25] who was to keep a lookout but
+avoid a battle, and set sail for home. Quintus, disregarding orders,
+made an attack upon the city and lost many men. Aurelius, however,
+subsequently took the place, killed all the inhabitants, and deposed
+Cassius from his command.
+
+[Footnote 23: A mistake for Gaius Aurelius and Publius Servilius, as
+at the beginning of Chapter 16.]
+
+[Footnote 24: [See previous footnote.]]
+
+[Footnote 25: But Valerius Maximus (II, 7, 4) calls him P. Aurelius
+Pecuniola.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 251 (_a.u._ 503)] The Carthaginians learned what the
+Romans had determined regarding the fleet and sent an expedition to
+Sicily hoping now to bring it entirely under their control. As long as
+both consuls, Cæcilius Metellus and Gaius Furius, were on the ground,
+they remained quiet; but when Furius set out for Rome, they conceived
+a contempt for Metellus and proceeded to Panhormus. Metellus
+ascertained that spies had come from the enemy, and assembling all the
+people of the city he began a talk with them, in the midst of which he
+suddenly ordered them to lay hold of one another. He was thus enabled
+to investigate who each one was and what was his business and so
+detected the enemy.--The Carthaginians now set themselves in battle
+array and Metellus pretended to be afraid. As he continued this
+pretence for several days the Carthaginians became filled with
+presumption and attacked him rather recklessly. Then Metellus raised
+the signal for the Romans. Forthwith they made an unexpected rush
+through all the gates, easily overcame resistance, and enclosed the
+enemy in a narrow place through which they could now no longer
+retreat. Being many in number and with many elephants along they were
+huddled together and thrown into confusion. Meanwhile the Libyan fleet
+approached the coast and became the prime cause of their destruction.
+The fugitives seeing the ships rushed toward them and made desperate
+exertions to climb aboard; some fell into the sea and perished, other
+were killed by the elephants, which got close to one another and to
+the human beings, still others were slain by the Romans; many also
+were captured alive, men as well as elephants. For since the beasts,
+bereft of the men to whom they were used, became furious, Metellus
+made a proclamation to the prisoners, offering preservation and
+forgiveness to such as would check them: accordingly, some keepers
+approached the gentlest of the animals, controlling them by the
+influence of their accustomed presence, and then won over the
+remainder. These, one hundred and twenty in number, were conveyed to
+Rome, and they were ferried across the strait in the following way. A
+number of huge jars, separated by pieces of wood, were fastened
+together in such a way that they were neither detached nor yet did
+they touch; then this framework was spanned by beams and on the top of
+all earth and brush were placed and the surface was fenced in round
+about so that it resembled a courtyard. The beasts were put on board
+this and were ferried across without knowing that they were moving on
+the water. Thus did Metellus win a victory: Hasdrubal, the
+Carthaginian leader, though he got away safe on this occasion was
+later summoned to trial by the Carthaginians at home and suffered
+impalement.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^21] VIII, 15.--THE CARTHAGINIANS NOW BEGAN
+NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE ROMANS ON ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT NUMBER OF THE
+CAPTIVES (AMONG OTHER CAUSES); AND WITH THE ENVOYS THEY ALSO SENT
+REGULUS HIMSELF, THINKING THAT THROUGH HIM THEIR OBJECT HAD
+PRACTICALLY BEEN ALREADY GAINED BECAUSE OF THE REPUTATION AND VALOR OF
+THE MAIN: AND THEY BOUND HIM BY OATHS TO RETURN WITHOUT FAIL. AND HE
+ACTED IN ALL RESPECTS LIKE ONE OF THE CARTHAGINIANS; FOR HE DID NOT
+EVEN GRANT HIS WIFE LEAVE TO CONFER WITH HIM NOR DID HE ENTER THE CITY
+ALTHOUGH REPEATEDLY INVITED TO DO SO; INSTEAD, WHEN THE SENATE WAS
+ASSEMBLED OUTSIDE THE WALLS, AS THEY WERE ACCUSTOMED TO DO IN TREATING
+WITH ENVOYS OF THE ENEMY, and he was introduced into the gathering, he
+said: "We, Conscript Fathers, have been sent to you by the
+Carthaginians. They it was who despatched me on this journey, since by
+the law of war I have become their slave. They ask, if possible, to
+conclude the war upon terms pleasing to both parties or, if not, to
+effect an exchange of prisoners." At the end of these words he
+withdrew with the envoys that the Romans might deliberate in private.
+When the consuls urged him to take part in their discussion,
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^22] HE PAID NO HEED UNTIL PERMISSION WAS GRANTED
+BY THE CARTHAGINIANS. For a time he was silent. Then, as the senators
+bade him state his opinion, he spoke:
+
+
+_(BOOK 12, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+"I am one of you, Conscript Fathers, though I be captured times
+without number. My body is a Carthaginian chattel, but my spirit is
+yours. The former has been alienated from you, but the latter nobody
+has the power to make anything else than Roman. As captive I belong to
+the Carthaginians, yet, as I met with misfortune not from cowardice
+but from zeal, I am not only a Roman, but my heart is in your cause.
+Not in a single respect do I think reconciliation advantageous to
+you."
+
+After these words Regulus stated also the reasons for which he favored
+rejecting the proposals, and added: "I know, to be sure, that manifest
+destruction confronts me, for it is impossible to keep them from
+learning the advice I have given; but even so I esteem the public
+advantage above my own safety. If any one shall say: 'Why do you not
+run away, or stay here?' he shall be told that I have sworn to them to
+return and I would not transgress my oaths, not even when they have
+been given to enemies. There are various explanations for this, but
+the principal one is that if I abide by my oath I alone shall suffer
+disaster, but if I break it, the whole city will be involved."
+
+But the senate out of consideration for his safety showed a
+disposition to make peace and to restore the captives. When he was
+made aware of this, he pretended, in order that he might not be the
+cause of their letting slip their advantage, that he had swallowed
+deadly poison and was destined certainly to die from its effects.
+Hence no agreement and no exchange of prisoners was made. As he was
+departing in company with the envoys, his wife and children and others
+clung to him, and the consuls declared they would not surrender him,
+if he chose to stay, nor yet would they detain him if he was for
+departing. Consequently, since he preferred not to transgress the
+oaths, he was carried back. He died of outrages, so the legend
+reports, perpetrated by his captors. They cut off his eyelids and for
+a time shut him in darkness, then they threw him into some kind of
+specially constructed receptacle bristling with spikes; and they made
+him face the sun; so that through suffering and sleeplessness,--for
+the spikes kept him from reclining in any fashion,--he perished. When
+the Romans found it out, they delivered the foremost captives that
+they held to his children to outrage and put to death in revenge.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 250 (_a.u._ 504)] They voted that the consuls, Atilius
+Gaius, brother of Regulus, and Lucius Manlius, should make a campaign
+into Libya. On coming to Sicily they attacked Lilybæum and undertook
+to fill up a portion of the ditch to facilitate bringing up the
+engines. The Carthaginians dug below the mound and undermined it. As
+they found this to be a losing game because of the numbers of the
+opposing workmen, they built another wall, crescent-shaped, inside.
+The Romans ran tunnels under the circle, in order that when the wall
+settled they might rush in through the breach thus made. The
+Carthaginians then built counter-tunnels and came upon many workers
+who were unaware of what the other side was doing. These they killed,
+and also destroyed many by hurling blazing firewood into the diggings.
+Some of the allies now, burdened by the strain of the siege and
+displeased because their superiors did not come down with their full
+wages, made propositions to the Romans to betray the place. Hamilcar
+discovered their plot but did not disclose it, for fear of driving
+them into open hostility. However, he supplied their leaders with
+money and in addition promised other supplies of it to the mass of
+them. In this way he won their favor, and they did not even deny their
+treachery but drove away the last envoys who returned. The latter then
+deserted to the consuls and received from them land in Sicily and
+other gifts.
+
+The Carthaginians at home, hearing this, sent Adherbal with a very
+large number of ships carrying grain and money to Lilybæum. The leader
+waited for a time of storm and sailed in. Thereupon many others
+likewise ventured to attempt a landing, and some made it, others were
+destroyed.
+
+As long as both the consuls were present, the conflicts were even.
+Pestilence and famine, however, came to harass them and these caused
+one of them with the soldiers of his division to return home. Hamilcar
+then took courage and made sorties in which he would set fire to the
+engines and slay the men defending them; his cavalry, starting from
+Drepanum, prevented the Romans from getting provisions and overran the
+territory of their allies; and Adherbal ravaged the shores now of
+Sicily, now of Italy, so that the Romans fell into perplexity.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 249 (_a.u._ 505)] Meantime, however, Lucius Junius was
+making ready a fleet, and Claudius Pulcher made haste to reach
+Lilybæum, where he manned ships of war. With these he overhauled Hanno
+the Carthaginian as he was leaving harbor on a five-banked ship. The
+prize craft served the Romans as a model in shipbuilding.
+
+The interests of their fleet were so frequently endangered that the
+Romans were disheartened by the constant destruction of their ships.
+In these they lost numbers of men and vast sums of money. Yet they
+would not give up; nay, they even executed a man who in the senate
+opened his mouth about reconciliation with the Carthaginians, and they
+voted that a dictator should be named. Collatinus[26] was therefore
+named dictator and Metellus became master of the horse, but they
+accomplished nothing worthy of remembrance. While Collatinus[27] was
+being named dictator, Junius had won over Eryx, and Carthalo had
+occupied Ægithallus and taken Junius alive.
+
+[Footnote 26: _A. Atilius Calatinus_ once more.]
+
+[Footnote 27: [See previous footnote.]]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 248 (_a.u._ 506)] VIII, 16.--The next year Gaius
+Aurelius and Publius Servilius took office and spent their time in
+harrying Lilybæum and Drepanum, in keeping the Carthaginians off the
+land, and in devastating the region that was in alliance with them.
+Carthalo undertook many different kinds of enterprises against them,
+but, as he accomplished nothing, he started for Italy with the object
+of thus attracting the consuls to that country or, in any case, of
+injuring the district and capturing cities. Yet he made no headway
+even there and on learning that the prætor urbanus was approaching
+sailed back to Sicily. His mercenaries now rebelled about a question
+of pay, whereupon he put numbers ashore on desert islands and left
+them there, and sent many more off to Carthage. When the rest heard
+this, they became indignant and were on the point of an uprising.
+Hamilcar, Carthalo's successor, cut down numbers of them one night and
+had numerous others drowned. In the meantime the Romans had concluded
+a perpetual friendship with Hiero and they furthermore remitted all
+the dues which they were accustomed to receive from him annually.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 247 (_a.u._ 507)] Next year the Romans officially
+refrained from naval warfare because of their misfortunes and
+expenses, but some private individuals asked for ships on condition of
+restoring the vessels but appropriating any booty gained; and among
+other injuries that they inflicted upon the enemy they sailed to
+Hippo, a Libyan city, and there burned to ashes all the boats and many
+of the buildings. The natives put chains across the mouth of their
+harbor and the invaders found themselves encompassed but saved
+themselves by cleverness and good fortune. They made a quick dash at
+the chains, and just as the beaks of the ships were about to catch in
+them the members of the crew went back to the stern, and so the prows
+being lightened cleared the chains: and again, by their making a rush
+into the prows, the sterns of the vessels were lifted high enough in
+the air. Thus they effected their escape, and later near Panhormus
+they conquered the Carthaginians with these ships.
+
+Of the consuls Metellus Cæcilius was in the vicinity of Lilybæum, and
+Numerius Fabius was investing Drepanum, with additional designs upon
+the islet of Pelias. As this had been seized earlier by the
+Carthaginians, he sent soldiers by night who killed the garrison and
+took possession of the island. Learning this Hamilcar at dawn attacked
+the party that had crossed to it. Fabius not being able to ward them
+off led an assault upon Drepanum that he might either capture the city
+while deserted or bring back Hamilcar from the island. One of these
+objects was accomplished, for Hamilcar in fear retired within the
+fortifications. So Fabius occupied Pelias, and by filling in the
+strait (which happened to be shallow) between it and the mainland he
+made a clear stretch of solid ground and thus conducted with greater
+facility his hostile operations against the wall, which was rather
+weak at that point. Incidentally the Carthaginians caused the Romans
+excessive annoyance by undertaking circuitous voyages to Sicily and
+making trips across into Italy.--They exchanged each other's captives
+man for man; those left over (since the numbers were not equal) the
+Carthaginians got back for money.
+
+In the subsequent period various persons became consuls but effected
+nothing worthy of record. The Romans owed the majority of their
+reverses to the fact that they kept sending out from year to year
+different and ever different leaders, and took away their office from
+them when they were just learning the art of generalship. It looked as
+if they were choosing them for practice and not for service.
+
+The Gauls, who were acting in alliance with the Carthaginians and
+hated them because their masters treated them ill, abandoned to the
+Romans for money a position with the guarding of which they had been
+entrusted. The Romans secured for mercenary service the Gauls and
+other of the Carthaginian allies who had revolted from their service;
+never before had they supported foreigners in their army. Elated at
+this accession and furthermore by the ravaging of Libya on the part of
+the private citizens who were managing the ships, they were no longer
+willing to neglect the sea, and they again got together a fleet.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 241 (_a.u._ 513)] VIII, 17.--And Lutatius Catulus was
+chosen consul and with him was sent out Quintus Valerius Flaccus as
+prætor urbanus. On coming to Sicily they assailed Drepanum both by
+land and by sea and demolished a section of the wall. They would have
+captured the town but for the fact that the consul was wounded and the
+soldiers were wholly engrossed in caring for him. During the delay
+which ensued they learned that a body of the enemy had come from home
+with a huge fleet commanded by Hanno, and they turned their attention
+to these new arrivals. When the forces had been marshaled in hostile
+array, a meteor like a star appeared above the Romans and after rising
+high to the left of the Carthaginians plunged into their ranks. The
+naval combat was a vigorous one on the part of both nations, and for
+several reasons; especially were the Carthaginians anxious to drive
+the Romans into complete despair of naval success, and the Romans to
+retrieve their former disasters. In spite of everything the Romans
+carried off the victory, for the Carthaginian vessels were impeded by
+the fact that they carried freight,--grain and money and other things.
+
+Hanno escaped and hastened at once to Carthage. The Carthaginians,
+seized with wrath and fear, crucified him and sent envoys to Catulus
+regarding peace. And he was disposed to end the war since his office
+was soon to expire and he could not hope to destroy Carthage in so
+short a time; nor, again, did he care to leave his successors the
+glory of his own efforts. Consequently they effected an armistice by
+giving him money, grain, and hostages; these preliminaries secured
+them the right of sending envoys to Rome and proposing as conditions
+that they retire from Sicily entire, yielding it to the Romans, as
+well as abandon all the surrounding islands, that they carry on no war
+with Hiero, and pay an indemnity, a part at the time of making the
+treaty and a part later, and that they return the Roman deserters and
+captives free of cost, but ransom their own.
+
+Such were the terms agreed upon. Hamilcar succeeded only in having the
+disgrace of going under the yoke left out. After settling these
+conditions he led his soldiers out of the fortifications and sailed
+for home before the oaths were imposed. The people of Rome soon
+learned of the victory and were greatly elated, feeling that their
+superiority was indisputable. Upon the arrival of envoys they could no
+longer restrain themselves and hoped to possess all of Libya.
+Therefore they would not abide by the terms of the consul: instead,
+they exacted from them a very much larger sum of money than had been
+promised. They forbade them also to sail past Italy or allied
+territory abroad in ships of war, or to employ mercenaries from such
+districts.
+
+The first war between the Carthaginians and the Romans, then, ended
+this way in the twenty-fourth year. Catulus celebrated a triumph over
+its conclusion. Quintus Lutatius became consul and departed for
+Sicily, where with his brother Catulus he enforced order in all
+communities; and he deprived the islanders of arms. Thus Sicily, with
+the exception of Hiero's domain, was made a slave of Rome, and from
+this time its people were on a friendly footing with the
+Carthaginians.
+
+Both soon were again involved in other wars outside. At Carthage the
+remnant of their mercenary force and the slave population in the city
+and a large proportion of their hostages (influenced by the disasters
+of the State) joined in an attack upon it. The Romans did not heed the
+invitations to aid the party that had assumed the offensive, but sent
+envoys in turn for discussion; and when they found themselves unable
+to reconcile the combatants, they released free of cost all the
+Carthaginian captives they were holding, sent grain to the city and
+permitted it to gather mercenaries from Roman allied territory. By
+this action they were seeking to gain a reputation for fairness rather
+than displaying a real interest in their own advantage, and this later
+caused them trouble. For the great Hamilcar Barca, after he had
+conquered his adversaries, did not dare to make a campaign against the
+Romans, much as he hated them; but he started for Spain contrary to
+the wishes of the magistrates at home.
+
+VIII, 18.--This, however, took place later. At the time under
+discussion the Romans entered upon war with the Falisci, and Manlius
+Torquatus ravaged their country. In a battle with them his heavy
+infantry was worsted but his cavalry conquered. In a second engagement
+with them he was victorious and took possession of their arms, their
+cavalry, their furniture, their slaves, and half their country. Later
+on the original city, which was set upon a steep mountain, was torn
+down and another one was built, easily reached by road. After this the
+Romans again waged wars upon the Boii and upon the Gauls that were
+neighbors of the latter, and upon some Ligurians. The Ligurians were
+conquered in battle and otherwise injured by Sempronius Gracchus:
+Publius Valerius in a conflict with the Gauls was at first defeated,
+but soon, learning that troops had come from Rome to his assistance,
+he renewed the struggle with the Gauls, determined either to conquer
+by his own exertions or to die--he preferred that rather than to live
+and bear the stigma of disgrace; and by some fortune or other he
+managed to win the day.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 238 (_a.u._ 516)] At this time these events befell the
+Romans as described. They also secured Sardinia from the Carthaginians
+and a new supply of money by charging them with harming Roman
+shipping. The Carthaginians, not having yet recovered strength, feared
+their threats.--Next year Lucius Lentulus and Quintus Flaccus made a
+campaign against the Gauls; and as long as they remained together,
+they were invincible, [Sidenote: B.C. 237 (_a.u._ 517)] but when they
+began to pillage districts separately with the idea of getting greater
+booty, the army of Flaccus fell into danger, being surrounded by
+night. Temporarily the barbarians were beaten back, but having gained
+accessions of allies they proceeded anew with a huge force against the
+Romans. [Sidenote: B.C. 236 (_a.u._ 518)] When confronted by Publius
+Lentulus and Licinius Varus, they hoped to overcome them by their
+numbers and prevail without a battle. So they sent and demanded the
+land surrounding Ariminum and commanded the Romans to remove from the
+city since it belonged to them. The consuls on account of their small
+numbers did not dare to risk a battle nor would they take the
+responsibility of releasing any territory, and accordingly they
+arranged a truce to confer with Rome. Gallic emissaries came before
+the senate with the aforementioned representations. As none of their
+demands was granted, the envoys returned to camp. There they found
+their cause was ruined. Some of their allies had repented and
+regarding the Romans with fear had turned upon the Boii, and many had
+been killed on both sides. Then the remainder had gone home and the
+Boii had obtained peace only at the price of a large portion of their
+land.
+
+The Gallic wars having now ceased, Lentulus conducted a campaign
+against the Ligurians. He drove off the attacking parties and gained
+possession of several fortresses.--Varus took Corsica as his objective
+point, and inasmuch as he lacked the necessary ships to carry him
+over, he sent a certain Claudius Clineas in advance with troops. The
+latter terrified the Corsicans, held a conference with them, and made
+peace as though he had full authority to do so. But Varus, paying no
+attention to the covenant, fought against the Corsicans until he had
+subjugated them. [Sidenote: FRAG. 44^2] THE ROMANS TO DIVERT THE BLAME
+FOR BREAKING THE COMPACT FROM THEMSELVES SENT TO THE PEOPLE OFFERING
+TO GIVE CLAUDIUS UP. WHEN HE WAS NOT RECEIVED, THEY DROVE HIM INTO
+EXILE. [Sidenote: FRAG. 45^1] THEY WERE ON THE POINT OF LEADING AN
+EXPEDITION AGAINST THE CARTHAGINIANS ALLEGING THAT THE LATTER WERE
+COMMITTING OUTRAGES UPON THE MERCHANTS; BUT INSTEAD OF DOING THIS THEY
+EXACTED MONEY AND RENEWED THE TRUCE. Yet the agreements were not
+destined even so to be of long standing.--The case of the
+Carthaginians was accordingly postponed and they made an expedition
+against the Sardinians, who would not yield obedience, and conquered
+them. Subsequently the Carthaginians persuaded the Sardinians to plan
+a secret uprising against the Romans. Besides these the Corsicans also
+revolted and the Ligurians did not remain at rest.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 234 (_a.u._ 520)] The following year the Romans
+divided their forces into three parts in order that all the rebels,
+finding war waged upon them at once, might not render assistance to
+one another; and they sent Postumius Albinus into Liguria, Spurius
+Carvilius against the Corsicans, and Publius Cornelius, the prætor
+urbanus, into Sardinia. And the consuls not without trouble, yet with
+some speed, accomplished their missions. The Sardinians, animated by
+an immoderate amount of spirit, were vanquished by Carvilius in a
+fierce battle, for Cornelius and many of his soldiers had been
+destroyed by disease. When the Romans left their country, the
+Sardinians and the Ligurians revolted again. [Sidenote: B.C. 233
+(_a.u._ 521)] Quintus Fabius Maximus was accordingly sent to Ligurian
+territory and Pomponius Manius into Sardinia. The Carthaginians, as
+the cause of the wars, were adjudged enemies, and they sent to them
+and demanded money and ordained that they should remove their ships
+from all the islands, since these ports were hostile to them. In
+making known their attitude the Romans despatched to their rivals a
+spear and a herald's staff, bidding them choose one, whichever they
+pleased. But the Carthaginians without shrinking made a rather rough
+answer and declared that they chose neither of the articles sent them,
+but were ready to accept either that the challengers might leave
+there. Henceforth the two nations hated each other but hesitated to
+begin war.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 232 (_a.u._ 522)] As there was again a hostile
+movement of the Sardinians against the Romans, both the consuls took
+the field, Marcus Malleolus and Marcus Æmilius. And they secured rich
+spoils, which, however, were taken away from them by the Corsicans
+when they touched at their island. Hence the Romans next turned their
+attention to both. [Sidenote: B.C. 231 (_a.u._ 523)] Marcus Pomponius
+harried Sardinia, but could not find most of the inhabitants, who, as
+he learned, had slipped into caves of the forest, difficult to locate;
+therefore he sent for keen-scented dogs from Italy and with their aid
+he discovered the trail of both men and cattle and cut off many such
+parties. Gaius Papirius drove the Corsicans from the plains, but in
+attempting to force his way to the mountains he lost numerous men
+through ambush and would have suffered loss of still more through lack
+of water, had not water after a great while been found; then he
+persuaded the Corsicans to come to terms.
+
+VIII, 19.--About this time also Hamilcar the Carthaginian general was
+defeated by the Spaniards and lost his life. For, on the occasion of
+his being arrayed in battle against them, they led out in front of the
+Carthaginian army wagons full of pine wood and pitch and as they drew
+near they set fire to these vehicles, then hurried on with goads the
+animals that were drawing them. Forthwith their opponents were thrown
+into confusion, were disorganized and turned to flight, and the
+Spaniards pursuing killed Hamilcar and a very great number of others.
+He having reached the very highest pinnacle of fame thus met his end,
+and at his death his brother-in-law Hasdrubal succeeded him. The
+latter acquired a large portion of Spain and founded a city called
+Carthage, after his native town.
+
+As the Boii and the rest of the Gauls were continually offering for
+sale many articles and an especially large number of captives, the
+Romans became afraid that they might some day use the money against
+them, and accordingly forbade everybody to give to a Gaul either
+silver or gold coin.--[Sidenote: B.C. 230 (_a.u._ 524)] Soon after the
+Carthaginians,[28] learning that the consuls Marcus Æmilius and Marcus
+Junius had started for Liguria, made preparations to march upon Rome.
+The consuls became aware of this and proceeded toward them in force,
+whereupon the Carthaginians became frightened and met them with all
+appearances of friendliness. The consuls likewise feigned that they
+had not set out against them but were going through their country into
+the Ligurian territory.
+
+[Footnote 28: This is a mistake, due to the carelessness of Zonaras.
+Some Gallic tribe is evidently meant.]
+
+Now the Romans crossed the Ionian Gulf and laid hands upon the Greek
+mainland. They found an excuse for the voyage in the following
+circumstances. [Sidenote: FRAG. 47^1] ISSA IS AN ISLAND SITUATED IN
+THE IONIAN GULF. ITS DWELLERS, KNOWN AS ISSÆANS, HAD OF THEIR OWN FREE
+WILL SURRENDERED THEMSELVES TO THE ROMANS because they were angry with
+their ruler Agro, king of the Ardiæans and of Illyrian stock.
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 47^2] TO HIM THE CONSULS SENT ENVOYS. But he had
+died, leaving a son as his successor who was still a mere child,
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 47^2] AND HIS WIFE, THE BOY'S STEPMOTHER, WAS
+ADMINISTERING THE DOMAIN OF THE ARDIÆANS. HER DEALINGS WITH THE
+AMBASSADORS WERE CHARACTERIZED BY A LACK OF MODERATION, AND WHEN THEY
+SPOKE FRANKLY SHE CAST SOME OF THEM INTO PRISON AND KILLED OTHERS.
+IMMEDIATELY THE ROMANS VOTED FOR WAR AGAINST HER, HOWEVER, SHE WAS
+PANIC-STRICKEN, PROMISED TO RESTORE THE AMBASSADORS THAT WERE LEFT
+ALIVE, AND DECLARED THAT THE DEAD HAD BEEN SLAIN BY ROBBERS. WHEN THE
+ROMANS DEMANDED THE SURRENDER OF THE MURDERERS, SHE DECLARED THAT SHE
+WOULD NOT GIVE THEM UP AND DESPATCHED AN ARMY AGAINST ISSA. THEN SHE
+AGAIN GREW FEARFUL AND SENT A CERTAIN DEMETRIUS TO THE CONSULS,
+ASSURING THEM OF HER READINESS TO HEED THEM IN EVERY DETAIL. A TRUCE
+WAS MADE WITH HER EMISSARY UPON THE LATTER'S AGREEING TO GIVE THEM
+CORCYRA. YET WHEN THE CONSULS HAD CROSSED OVER TO THE ISLAND, SHE,
+POSSESSING WOMAN-LIKE A LIGHT AND FICKLE DISPOSITION, FELT IMBUED WITH
+NEW COURAGE, AND SENT OUT AN ARMY TO EPIDAMNUS AND APOLLONIA. AT THE
+NEWS THAT THE ROMANS HAD RESCUED THE CITIES, THAT THEY HAD DETAINED
+SHIPS OF HERS LADEN WITH TREASURE WHICH WERE SAILING HOME FROM THE
+PELOPONNESUS, THAT THEY HAD DEVASTATED THE COAST REGIONS, THAT
+DEMETRIUS AS A RESULT OF HER CAPRICIOUSNESS HAD TRANSFERRED HIS
+ALLEGIANCE TO THE ROMANS BESIDES PERSUADING SOME OTHERS TO DESERT, SHE
+BECAME UTTERLY TERRIFIED AND WITHDREW FROM HER SOVEREIGNTY. Demetrius
+as destined guardian of the child was given charge of the ex-queen
+also. The Romans were thanked by the Corinthians for this action and
+took part in the Isthmian contest, Plautus winning the stadium race in
+it. Moreover they formed a friendship with the Athenians and took part
+in their government and in the Mysteries.
+
+The name Illyricum was anciently applied to various regions, but later
+it was transferred to the upper mainland, that above Macedonia and
+Thrace, located this side of Hæmus and toward Rhodope: it lies between
+these mountains and the Alps, also between the river Ænus and the
+Ister, extending as far as the Euxine Sea,--indeed, its boundaries at
+some points extend beyond the Ister.
+
+[Sidenote: (FRAG. 48?)] AS AN ORACLE HAD ONCE COME TO THE ROMANS THAT
+GREEKS AND GAULS SHOULD OCCUPY THE CITY, TWO GAULS AND A COUPLE OF
+GREEKS, MALE AND FEMALE, WERE BURIED ALIVE IN THE FORUM, that in this
+way destiny might seem to have fulfilled itself and they be properly
+regarded, since buried alive, as possessing a part of the city.
+
+After this the Sardinians, deeming it a calamity that a Roman prætor
+was forever set over them, made an uprising. They were again enslaved,
+however.
+
+VIII, 20.--The Insubres, a Gallic tribe, having gained allies among
+their kinsmen beyond the Alps turned their arms against the Romans,
+and the latter accordingly made counter-preparations. The barbarians
+plundered some towns, but at last a great storm occurred in the night
+and they began to suspect that Heaven was against them. Consequently
+they lost heart and falling into a panic attempted to entrust their
+safety to flight. [Sidenote: B.C. 225 (_a.u._ 529)] Regulus pursued
+them and brought on an engagement with the rear guards in which he was
+defeated and lost his life. Æmilius occupied a hill and remained
+quiet. The Gauls in turn occupied another one and for several days
+were inactive; then the Romans through anger at what had taken place
+and the barbarians from arrogance born of the victory charged down
+from the heights and came to blows. For a long time the battle was
+evenly contested, but finally the Romans surrounded them with their
+horse, cut them down, seized their camp, and got back the spoils.
+After this Æmilius wrought havoc among the possessions of the Boii and
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 49^3] CELEBRATED A TRIUMPH, IN WHICH HE CONVEYED THE
+FOREMOST CAPTIVES CLAD IN ARMOR UP TO THE CAPITOL, MAKING JESTS AT
+THEIR EXPENSE FOR HAVING SWORN NOT TO REMOVE THEIR BREASTPLATES BEFORE
+THEY HAD MOUNTED THE CAPITOL. The Romans now secured control of the
+entire territory of the Boii and for the first time crossed the Po to
+take the offensive against the Insubres; and they continued to ravage
+their country.
+
+Meanwhile portents had occurred which threw the people of Rome into
+great fear. A river in Picenum ran the color of blood, in Etruria a
+good part of the heavens seemed to be on fire, at Ariminum a light
+like daylight blazed out at night, in many portions of Italy the
+shapes of three moons became visible in the night time, and in the
+Forum a vulture roosted for several days. [Sidenote: B.C. 223 (_a.u._
+531)] Because of these portents and inasmuch as some declared that the
+consuls had been illegally chosen, they summoned them home. The
+consuls received the letter but did not open it immediately, since
+they were just entering upon war: instead, they joined battle first
+and came out victorious. After the battle the letter was read, and
+Furius was for obeying without discussion; but Flaminius was elated
+over the victory and pointed out that it had proved their choice to be
+correct, and he went on with vehement assertions that it was because
+they were jealous of him that the influential men were even
+falsifying heavenly warnings. Consequently he refused to depart until
+he had settled the whole business in hand, and he said he would teach
+the people at home, too, not to be deceived by relying on birds or any
+other such thing. So he was anxious to remain on the ground and made
+repeated attempts to detain his colleague, but Furius would not heed
+him. But since the men who were going to be left behind with Flaminius
+dreaded lest in their isolation they might suffer some disaster at the
+hands of their opponents and begged him to stay by them for a few
+days, he yielded to their entreaties but did not take part in any
+action. Flaminius traveled about laying waste the country, subjugated
+a few forts, and bestowed all the spoils upon the soldiers as a means
+of winning their favor. At length the leaders returned home and were
+put on trial by the senate for their disobedience (on account of their
+anger towards Flaminius they subjected Furius also to disgrace); but
+the populace was against the senate and showed emulation in
+Flaminius's behalf, so that it voted them a triumph. After celebrating
+it they laid down their office.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 222 (_a.u._ 532)] Other consuls, Claudius Marcellus
+and Gnæus Scipio, chosen in their stead, made an expedition against
+the Insubres, for the Romans had not complied with the latter's
+requests by voting for peace. Together at first they carried on the
+war and were in most cases victorious. Soon, learning that the allied
+territory was being plundered, they severed their forces. Marcellus
+made a quick march against those plundering the land of the allies,
+but did not find them on the scene; he then pursued them as they fled
+and when they made a stand overcame them. Scipio remained where he was
+and proceeded to besiege Acerræ; he took it and made it a base for the
+war, since it was favorably located and well walled. Starting from
+that point they subdued Mediolanum and another village-town. After
+these had been captured the rest of the Insubres also made terms with
+them, giving them money and a section of the land.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 221 (_a.u._ 533)] Thereafter Publius Cornelius and
+Marcus Minucius made a campaign to the Ister regions and brought into
+subjection many of the nations there, some by war and some on terms
+agreed upon. [Sidenote: B.C. 220 (_a.u._ 534)] Lucius Veturius and
+Gaius Lutatius went as far as the Alps and without any fighting
+established Roman sovereignty over many people. The prince of the
+Ardiæans, however, [Sidenote: FRAG. 51] DEMETRIUS, WAS, AS HAS BEEN
+STATED ABOVE, HATEFUL TO THE NATIVES AND INJURED THE PROPERTY OF
+NEIGHBORING TRIBES; AND IT APPEARED THAT IT WAS BY MISUSING THE
+FRIENDSHIP OF THE ROMANS THAT HE WAS ABLE TO WRONG THOSE PEOPLES.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 219 (_a.u._ 535)] AS SOON AS THE CONSULS, ÆMILIUS
+PAULUS AND MARCUS LIVIUS, HEARD OF THIS THEY SUMMONED HIM BEFORE THEM.
+WHEN HE REFUSED COMPLIANCE AND ACTUALLY ASSAILED THEIR ALLIES, THEY
+MADE A CAMPAIGN AGAINST ISSA, WHERE HE WAS. And having received
+advance information that he was lying secretly at anchor somewhere in
+the vicinity of the landing-places they sent a portion of their ships
+to the other side of the island to bring on an engagement. When the
+Illyrians accordingly fell upon the reconnoitering party, thinking
+them alone, the main body approached at leisure in their ships and
+after pitching camp in a suitable place repulsed the natives, who,
+angry at the trick, lost no time in attacking them. Demetrius made his
+escape to Pharos, another island, but they sailed to that, overcame
+resistance, and captured the city by betrayal, only to find Demetrius
+fled. He at this time reached Macedonia with large amounts of money
+and went to Philip, the king of the country. He was not surrendered by
+him, but on returning to the Illyrians was arrested by the Romans and
+was executed.
+
+
+_(BOOK 13, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 218 (_a.u._ 536)] VIII, 21.--In the succeeding year
+the Romans became openly hostile to the Carthaginians, and the war,
+though of far shorter duration than the previous one, proved to be
+both greater and more baneful in its exploits and effects. It was
+brought on chiefly by Hannibal, general of the Carthaginians. This
+Hannibal was a child of Hamilcar Barca, and from his earliest boyhood
+had been trained to fight against the Romans. Hamilcar said he was
+raising all his sons like so many whelps to fight against them, but as
+he saw that this one's nature was far superior to that of the rest, he
+made him take an oath that he would wage war upon them, and for this
+reason he instructed the boy in warfare above all else when only
+fifteen years old. On account of this youthfulness Hannibal was not
+able, when his father died, to succeed to the generalship. But when
+Hasdrubal was dead, he delayed no longer, being now twenty-six years
+of age, but at once took possession of the army in Spain and after
+being acclaimed as leader by the soldiers brought it about that his
+right to lead was confirmed also by those in authority at home. After
+effecting this he needed a plausible excuse for his enterprise against
+the Romans, and this he found in the Saguntines of Spain. These
+people, dwelling not far from the river Iber and a short distance
+above the sea, were dependents of the Romans, and the latter held them
+in honor and in the treaty with the Carthaginians had made an
+exception of them. For these reasons, then, Hannibal began a war with
+them, knowing that the Romans would either assist the Saguntines or
+avenge them if they suffered injury. Hence for these reasons as well
+as because he knew that they possessed great wealth, which he
+particularly needed, and for various other causes that promised him
+advantages against the Romans he made an attack upon the Saguntines.
+
+Spain, in which the Saguntines dwell, and all the adjoining land is in
+the western part of Europe. It extends for a considerable distance
+along the inner sea, beside the Pillars of Hercules, and along the
+ocean; furthermore it occupies the upper part of the mainland for a
+very great distance, as far as the Pyrenees. [Sidenote: FRAG. 53] THIS
+RANGE, BEGINNING AT THE SEA CALLED ANCIENTLY THE SEA OF THE BEBRYCES
+BUT LATER THE SEA OF THE NARBONENSES, REACHES TO THE GREAT OUTER SEA,
+AND CONFINES MANY DIVERSE NATIONALITIES; IT ALSO SEPARATES SPAIN FROM
+THE NEIGHBORING LAND OF GAUL. The tribes did not employ the same
+language nor carry on a common government. This resulted in their not
+having a single name. The Romans called them Hispanii, but the Greeks
+Iberians, from the river Iber.
+
+These Saguntines, then, being besieged sent to those near them and to
+the Romans asking for aid. But Hannibal checked any local movement,
+and the Romans sent ambassadors to him bidding him not come near the
+Saguntines, and threatening in case he should not obey to sail to
+Carthage at once and lay accusations against him. When the envoys
+were now close at hand, Hannibal sent some of the natives who were to
+pretend that they were kindly disposed to them and were instructed to
+say that the general was not there but had gone some distance away
+into parts unknown; they advised the enemy, therefore (they were to
+say), to depart as quickly as possible and before their presence
+should be reported lest in the disorder prevailing because of the
+absence of the general they should lose their lives. The envoys
+accordingly believed them and set off for Carthage. An assembly being
+called some of the Carthaginians counseled maintaining peace with the
+Romans, but the party attached to Hannibal affirmed that the
+Saguntines were guilty of wrongdoing and the Romans were meddling with
+what did not concern them. Finally those who urged them to make war
+won the day.
+
+Meanwhile Hannibal in the course of his siege was conducting vigorous
+assaults. Many kept falling and many more were being wounded on
+Hannibal's side. One day the Carthaginians succeeded in shaking down a
+portion of the outer circuit and had been daring enough to enter
+through the breach, when the Saguntines made a sortie and scared them
+away. This gave the besieged strength and the Carthaginians fell back
+in dejection. They did not leave the spot, however, till they had
+captured the city, though the siege dragged on to the eighth month.
+Many unusual events happened in that time, one of which was Hannibal's
+being dangerously wounded. The place was taken in this manner. They
+brought to bear against the wall an engine much higher than the
+fortification and carrying heavy-armed soldiers, some visible, some
+concealed. While the Saguntines, therefore, were quite strenuously
+fighting against the men they saw, thinking them the only ones, those
+hidden had dug through the wall from below and found their way inside.
+The Saguntines overwhelmed by the unexpectedness of the event ran up
+to the citadel and held a conference to see whether by any reasonable
+concessions they might be preserved. But as Hannibal held out no
+moderate terms and no assistance came to them from the Romans, they
+begged for a cessation of the assaults until they should deliberate a
+little about their position. During this respite they gathered
+together the most highly prized of their treasures and cast them into
+the fire; then such as were incapable of fighting committed suicide,
+and those who were in their prime advanced in a body against their
+opponents and in a desperate struggle were cut down.
+
+VIII, 22.--For their sakes the Romans and the Carthaginians embarked
+upon war. Hannibal after gaining numerous allies was hastening toward
+Italy. The Romans on ascertaining this assembled in their senate-hall,
+and many speeches were delivered. Lucius Cornelius Lentulus addressed
+the people and said they must not delay but vote for war against the
+Carthaginians and separate consuls and armies into two detachments,
+and send the one to Spain and the other to Libya, in order that at one
+and the same time the land of the enemy might be desolated and his
+allies injured; thus neither would he be able to assist Spain nor
+could he himself receive assistance from there. To this Quintus Fabius
+Maximus rejoined that it was not so absolutely and inevitably
+necessary to vote for war, but they could first employ an embassy, and
+then if the Carthaginians persuaded them that they were guilty of no
+wrong, they should remain quiet, but if the same people were convicted
+of wrongdoing, they might thereupon wage war against them, "in order,"
+he said, "that we may cast the responsibility for the war upon them."
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 54^9] THE OPINIONS OF THE TWO MEN WERE SUBSTANTIALLY
+THESE. THE SENATE DECIDED TO MAKE PREPARATIONS, TO BE SURE, FOR
+CONFLICT, BUT TO DESPATCH ENVOYS TO CARTHAGE AND DENOUNCE HANNIBAL;
+AND IF THE CARTHAGINIANS REFRAINED FROM APPROVING THE EXPLOITS, THEY
+WOULD ARBITRATE THE MATTER, OR IF ALL RESPONSIBILITY WERE LAID UPON
+HIS SHOULDERS, THEY WOULD DEMAND HIS EXTRADITION, AND IF HE WERE NOT
+GIVEN UP, THEY WOULD DECLARE WAR UPON THE NATION.
+
+The envoys set out and the Carthaginians considered what must be done.
+And a certain Hasdrubal, one of those who had been primed by Hannibal,
+counseled them that they ought to get back their ancient freedom and
+shake off by means of money and troops and allies, all welded
+together, the slavery imposed by peace, adding: "If you only permit
+Hannibal to act as he wishes, the proper thing will be done and you
+will have no trouble." After such words on his part the great Hanno,
+opposing Hasdrubal's argument, gave it as his opinion that they ought
+not to draw war upon themselves lightly nor for small complaints
+concerning foreigners, when it was in their power to settle a part of
+the difficulty and divert the rest of it upon the heads of those who
+had been active in the matter. With these remarks he ceased, and the
+elder Carthaginians who remembered the former war sided with him, but
+those in robust manhood and especially all the partisans of Hannibal
+violently gainsaid him. [Sidenote: FRAG. 54^10] INASMUCH, THEN, AS
+THEY MADE NO DEFINITE ANSWER AND SHOWED CONTEMPT FOR THE ENVOYS,
+MARCUS FABIUS THRUSTING HIS HANDS BENEATH HIS TOGA AND HOLDING THEM
+WITH PALMS UPWARD SAID: "HERE I BRING TO YOU, CARTHAGINIANS, BOTH WAR
+AND PEACE: DO YOU CHOOSE WHICHEVER OF THEM YOU WISH." UPON THEIR
+REPLYING THAT THEY CHOSE NEITHER, BUT WOULD READILY ACCEPT EITHER THAT
+THE ROMANS SHOULD LEAVE, HE IMMEDIATELY DECLARED WAR UPON THEM.
+
+In this way, then, and for these reasons the Romans and the
+Carthaginians became involved in war for the second time. And the
+Divinity beforehand indicated what was to come to pass. For in Rome an
+ox talked with a human voice, and another at the Ludi Romani threw
+himself out of a house into the Tiber and was lost, many thunderbolts
+fell, and blood in one case was seen coming from sacred statues
+whereas in another it dripped from the shield of a soldier, and the
+sword of another soldier was snatched by a wolf from the very midst of
+the camp. Many unknown wild beasts went before Hannibal leading the
+way, as he was crossing the Iber, and a vision appeared to him in a
+dream. He thought that the gods once, sitting in assembly, sent for
+him and bade him march with all speed into Italy and receive from them
+a guide for the way, and that by this guide he was commanded to follow
+without turning around. He did turn around, however, and saw a great
+tempest moving and an immense serpent accompanying it. In surprise he
+asked his conductor what these creatures were; and the guide said:
+"Hannibal, they are on their way to help you in the sack of Italy."
+
+
+_(BOOK 14, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+VIII, 23.--These things inspired Hannibal with a firm hope, but threw
+the Romans into a state of profound terror. The Romans divided their
+forces into two parts and sent out the consuls,--Sempronius Longus to
+Sicily and Publius Scipio to Spain. Hannibal, desiring to invade Italy
+with all possible speed, marched on hurriedly and traversed without
+fighting the whole of Gaul lying between the Pyrenees and the Rhone.
+As far as the Rhone river no one came to oppose him, but at that point
+Scipio showed himself although he had no troops with him. Nevertheless
+with the help of the natives and their nearest neighbors he had
+already destroyed the boats in the river and had posted guards over
+the stream. Hannibal therefore used up some time in building rafts and
+skiffs, some of them out of a single log of wood, but still with the
+help of a large corps of workers had everything in readiness that was
+needful for crossing before Scipio's own army could arrive. He sent
+his brother Mago accompanied by the horsemen and a few light troops to
+cross at a point where the river is scattered over considerable
+breadth, with branches separated by islands; he himself, of course,
+proceeded by way of the natural ford, his object being that the Gauls
+should be deceived and array themselves against him only, while they
+set their guards with less care at other points along the river. This
+object was accomplished. Mago had already got across the river when
+Hannibal and his followers were crossing by the ford. On reaching the
+middle of the stream they raised a war cry and the trumpeters joined
+with the blare of their instruments, and Mago fell upon their
+antagonists from the rear. In this way the elephants and all the rest
+were ferried safely over. They had just finished crossing when
+Scipio's own force arrived. Both sides, then, sent horsemen to
+reconnoitre, after which they entered upon a cavalry battle with the
+same results as attended the war as a whole. The Romans, that is,
+after first seeming to get the worst of it and losing a number of men
+were victorious.
+
+Then Hannibal, in haste to set out for Italy but suspicious of the
+more direct roads, turned aside from them and followed another, on
+which he underwent bitter hardships. The mountains there are
+exceedingly precipitous and the snow falling in great quantities was
+driven by the winds and filled the chasms, and the ice was frozen to a
+great thickness. These things conspired to cause them fearful
+suffering, and many of his soldiers perished through the winter cold
+and lack of food; many also returned home. There is a story to the
+effect that he himself would also have turned back but for the fact
+that the road already traversed was longer and more difficult than the
+portion left before him. For this reason he did not retrace his steps,
+but suddenly appearing south of the Alps spread astonishment and
+terror among the Romans.
+
+So he advanced taking possession of whatever lay before him. Scipio
+sent his brother Gaius[29] Scipio, who was serving as a lieutenant
+under him, into Spain to either seize and hold it or bring Hannibal
+back, but he himself marched against Hannibal. They waited a few days;
+then both moved into action. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^4] BEFORE BEGINNING
+OPERATIONS, HANNIBAL CALLED TOGETHER THE SOLDIERS AND BROUGHT IN THE
+CAPTIVES WHOM HE HAD TAKEN BY THE WAY: HE ASKED THE LATTER WHETHER
+THEY CHOSE TO UNDERGO IMPRISONMENT AND TO ENDURE A GRIEVOUS SLAVERY,
+OR TO FIGHT IN SINGLE COMBAT WITH ONE ANOTHER ON CONDITION THAT THE
+VICTORS SHOULD BE RELEASED WITHOUT RANSOM. WHEN THEY ACCEPTED THE
+SECOND ALTERNATIVE, HE SET THEM TO FIGHTING. AND AT THE END OF THE
+CONFLICT HE ADDRESSED his own soldiers, encouraging them and whetting
+their eagerness for war. Scipio also did this on the Roman side. Then
+the contest began and looked at the outset as if it would involve the
+entire armies: but Scipio in a preliminary cavalry skirmish was
+defeated, lost many men, was wounded and would have been killed, had
+not his son Scipio, though only seventeen years old, come to his aid;
+he was consequently alarmed lest his infantry should similarly meet
+with a reverse, and he at once fell back and that night withdrew from
+the field.
+
+[Footnote 29: Gnæus Scipio is meant whenever Zonaras writes this
+form.]
+
+VIII, 24.--Hannibal did not learn of his withdrawal till daybreak and
+then went to the Po, and finding there neither rafts nor boats,--for
+they had been burned by Scipio,--he ordered his brother Mago to swim
+across with the cavalry and pursue the Romans, whereas he himself
+marched up toward the sources of the river and commanded that the
+elephants cross where the tributary streams converged. In this manner,
+while the water was temporarily dammed and torn piecemeal by the
+animals' bulk, he effected a crossing more easily below them. Scipio
+overtaken stood his ground and would have offered battle but for the
+fact that by night the Gauls in his army deserted. Embarrassed by this
+occurrence and still suffering from his wound he once more broke up at
+night and located his entrenchments on high ground. He was not
+pursued, but subsequently the Carthaginians came up and encamped, with
+the river between the two forces.
+
+Scipio on account of his wound and because of what had taken place was
+inclined to wait and send for reinforcements; and Hannibal after many
+attempts to provoke him to battle, finding that he could not do this
+and that he was short of food, attacked a fort where a large supply
+for the Romans was stored. As he made no headway he employed money to
+bribe the commander of the garrison, which thus came into his
+possession by betrayal. He hoped also to attain his other objects,
+partly by arms and partly by gold. Meanwhile Longus had entrusted
+Sicily to his lieutenant and had come in response to Scipio's call.
+Not much later influenced by ambition on the one hand and also by the
+fact of a victory over some marauders he presented himself in battle
+array. He lost the day by falling into an ambuscade, and when Hannibal
+appeared upon the scene with his infantry and elephants the followers
+of the Roman leader turned to flight and many were put to the sword,
+many also heedless of the river fell in and were choked. Only a few
+saved themselves with Longus. However, Hannibal though victorious was
+not happy, because he had lost many soldiers and all of his elephants,
+except one, as a result of the winter and from wounds.
+
+Accordingly, they arranged an armistice without any desire for peace
+implied and both sides retired to the territory of their allies and
+passed the winter in the cities there. Plenty of provisions kept
+coming to the Romans, but Hannibal, not satisfied with the
+contributions of the allies, made frequent raids upon the Roman
+villages and cities and sometimes would conquer, sometimes be
+repulsed. Once he was beaten by Longus with the cavalry and received a
+wound. Some of the Roman settlers encouraged by this came out by
+themselves to oppose him when he assailed them. These would-be
+warriors he destroyed and received the capitulation of the place,
+which he razed to the ground. Of the captives taken he killed the
+Romans but released the rest. This he did also in the case of all
+those taken alive, hoping to conciliate the cities by their influence.
+And, indeed, many of the Gauls as well as Ligurians and Etruscans
+either murdered the Romans dwelling within their borders or
+surrendered them and then transferred their allegiance.
+
+As Hannibal was advancing toward Etruria Longus attacked him in the
+midst of a great storm. Many fell on both sides and Hannibal entered
+Ligurian territory and delayed some time. He was suspicious of even
+his own men and was free to trust no one, but made frequent changes of
+costume, wore false hair, spoke different languages at different times
+(for he knew a number, including Latin) and both night and day he
+would frequently make the rounds of his camp. He was always listening
+to some conversations in the guise of an entirely different person
+from Hannibal and occasionally he talked thus in character.
+
+VIII, 25.--While this was going on in Italy the other Scipio, Gaius,
+had sailed along the coast to Spain, and had won over, partly by force
+and partly without opposition, all the districts to the Iber that
+border on the sea and considerable of the upper peninsula. He had also
+defeated Banno in battle and had taken him prisoner. Hasdrubal, the
+brother of Hannibal, on learning this crossed the Iber and reduced
+some of the rebels, but at Scipio's approach he fell back.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 217 (_a.u._ 537)] The people of Rome again chose
+Flaminius and Geminus consuls. Just after the advent of spring
+Hannibal was apprised that Flaminius together with Servilius Geminus
+would march against him with a large force, and he devoted his
+attention to deceiving them. He pretended that he was going to spend
+his time and meet the issue where he was, and when the Romans,
+thinking that he was permanently located, began to show carelessness
+in their line of march, he started just after nightfall, leaving his
+cavalry behind at camp, noiselessly traversed the passes and hastened
+on toward Aretium; and the cavalry, after he had got far ahead, set
+out to follow him. When the consuls found out that they had been
+tricked, Geminus stayed behind to harass the revolted districts and
+prevent them from assisting the Carthaginians, and Flaminius alone
+pursued, eager that his alone should be the credit of the expected
+victory. He succeeded in occupying Aretium beforehand, for Hannibal in
+taking a shorter road had encountered difficult marching, and had
+lost numerous men, many pack animals, and one of his eyes. It was
+late, then, before he reached Aretium and found there Flaminius, whom
+he regarded with contempt. He did not give battle, for the situation
+was unsuitable, but by way of testing his enemy's disposition he laid
+waste the country. At this the Romans made a sally and he retired, to
+give them the idea that he was afraid. During the night he broke up
+and found a satisfactory spot for battle, where he remained. He
+arranged that most of the infantry should form an ambush along the
+mountain sides and ordered all the cavalry to lie in wait concealed
+from view outside the pass; he himself encamped with a few followers
+on the hilltop. Flaminius was in good spirits and when he saw him with
+but a few men on the high ground he believed that the rest of the army
+must have been sent to some distant point and hoped to take him easily
+thus isolated. So he carelessly entered the mouth of the pass and
+there (for it was late) pitched camp. About midnight, when they were
+sleeping unguarded through scorn of their enemies, the Carthaginians
+surrounded them on every side at once and by using from a distance
+javelins, slings, and arrows they killed some still in their beds,
+others just seizing their arms, without receiving any serious harm in
+return. The Romans, having no tangible adversaries and with darkness
+and mist prevailing, found no chance to employ their valor. So great
+was the uproar and of such a nature the disordered alarm that seized
+them, that they were not even aware of earthquakes then prevailing,
+although many buildings fell in ruins and many mountains either were
+cleft asunder or collapsed so that they blocked up ravines, and rivers
+shut off from their ancient outlet sought another. Such were the
+earthquakes which overwhelmed Etruria, yet the combatants were not
+conscious of them. Flaminius himself and a vast number of others fell,
+though not a few managed to climb a hill. When it became day, they
+started to flee and being overtaken surrendered themselves and their
+arms on promise of free pardon. Hannibal, however, recking little of
+his oaths, imprisoned and kept under guard the Romans themselves, but
+released their subjects and allies among all the captives he had in
+his army. After this success he hastened toward Rome and proceeded as
+far as Narnia devastating the country and winning over the cities,
+save Spoletium; there he surrounded and slew the prætor Gaius
+Centenius who was in ambush. He made an attack upon Spoletium, but was
+repulsed, and as he saw that the bridge over the Nar had been torn
+down and ascertained that this had been done also in the case of the
+other rivers which he was obliged to cross, he ceased his headlong
+rush upon Rome. Instead, he turned aside into Campania, for he heard
+that the land was excellent and that Capua was a great city, and
+thought that if he should first occupy these he might acquire the rest
+of Italy in a short time.
+
+The people of Rome when informed of the defeat were grieved and
+lamented both for themselves and for the lost. They were in sore
+straits and tore down the bridges over the Tiber, save one, and
+proceeded hurriedly to repair their walls, which were weak in many
+places. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^9] WISHING TO HAVE A DICTATOR READY, THEY
+HAD PROCLAIMED ONE IN ASSEMBLY. SATISFIED IF THEY THEMSELVES ONLY
+SHOULD BE SAVED, THEY HAD DESPATCHED NO AID TO THE ALLIES. BUT NOW,
+LEARNING THAT HANNIBAL HAD SET OUT INTO CAMPANIA, THEY DETERMINED TO
+ASSIST THE ALLIES ALSO. To Hannibal they opposed the dictator Fabius
+and the master of horse Marcus Minucius. These leaders set out in his
+direction but did not come into close quarters with him. They followed
+and kept him in view in the hope that a favorable opportunity for
+battle might possibly befall. Fabius was unwilling to risk a conflict
+with cowed and beaten soldiers against a greater number who had been
+victorious. Furthermore he hoped that the more his foes should injure
+the country, the sooner would they be in want of food. Calculating in
+this way he did not defend Campania nor any other district. For these
+reasons he confined hostilities entirely within Campania; unknown to
+the enemy he had surrounded them on every side and now kept guard over
+them. He himself secured an abundance of provisions both from the sea
+and from the territory of allies, but the invaders, he knew, had only
+the products of the land which they were devastating to depend upon.
+Therefore he waited and did not mind the delay. Hence also he was
+blamed by his fellow-citizens and was even given the name of The
+Delayer.
+
+VIII, 26.--When it came to be nearly winter and Hannibal could not
+pass that season where he was owing to a lack of the necessities of
+life and had been checked in many attempts to get out of Campania, he
+devised a plan of this kind. He first slew all the captives, that no
+one of them might escape and acquaint the Romans with what was being
+done. Then he gathered the cattle which were in camp, affixed torches
+to their horns, and went at nightfall to the mountains forming the
+boundary of Samnium, where he lighted the torches and threw the cattle
+into a fright. They, maddened by the fire and the driving, set fire to
+the forest in many places and consequently rendered it easy for
+Hannibal to cross the mountains. The Romans in the plain as well as
+those on the heights dreaded an ambuscade and would not budge. Thus
+Hannibal got across and made his way into Samnium.
+
+Fabius, ascertaining the next day what had been done, gave chase and
+routed those left behind on the road to hinder his men's progress,
+afterward defeating also troops that came to the assistance of the
+first party. He then encamped not far from the enemy, yet would not
+come into conflict with them. However, he prevented them from
+scattering and foraging, so that Hannibal in perplexity at first
+started for Rome. As Fabius would not fight, but quietly accompanied
+him, he again turned back into Samnium. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^10] AND
+FABIUS FOLLOWING ON CONTINUED TO BESIEGE HIM FROM A SAFE DISTANCE,
+BEING ANXIOUS NOT TO LOSE ANY OF HIS OWN TROOPS, especially since he
+could obtain necessities in abundance, whereas he saw that his foe
+actually possessed nothing outside of his weapons and that no
+assistance was sent to him from home. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^11] FOR THE
+CARTHAGINIANS WERE DISPOSED TO MAKE SPORT OF HIM IN THAT HE WROTE OF
+HIS SPLENDID PROGRESS AND HIS MANY SUCCESSES AND IN THE SAME BREATH
+ASKED SOLDIERS OF THEM AND MONEY. THEY SAID THAT HIS REQUESTS WERE NOT
+IN ACCORD WITH HIS SUCCESSES: CONQUERORS OUGHT TO FIND THEIR ARMY
+SUFFICIENT, AND TO FORWARD MONEY TO THEIR HOMES INSTEAD OF DEMANDING
+MORE.
+
+As long as Fabius was in the field, no disaster happened to the
+Romans, but when he started for Rome on some public business, they met
+with a setback. Rufus, his master of horse, was only a young man and
+therefore full of empty conceit; he was not observant of the errors of
+warfare and was wearied by the delays of Fabius: hence, when he once
+held the leadership of the army alone, he disregarded the injunctions
+of the dictator and hastened to bring on a set battle, in which at
+first he seemed to be victorious, but was soon defeated. Indeed, he
+would have been utterly destroyed, had not some Samnites arrived by
+chance to aid the Romans and impressed the Carthaginians with the idea
+that Fabius was approaching. When for this reason they retired he
+thought that he had vanquished them and sent messages to Rome
+magnifying his exploit and also slandering the dictator; he called
+Fabius timorous and hesitating and a sympathizer with the enemy.
+
+The people of Rome believed that Rufus had really conquered, and in
+view of this unexpected encouragement they commended and honored him.
+They were suspicious of Fabius both because of the outcome and because
+he had not ravaged his own land in Campania, and it would have taken
+but little to make them depose him from his command. However, as they
+believed him useful, [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^14] THEY DID NOT DEPOSE HIM
+BUT THEY ASSIGNED EQUAL POWER TO HIS MASTER OF HORSE SO THAT BOTH HELD
+COMMAND ON AN EQUAL FOOTING. WHEN THIS HAD BEEN DECREED, FABIUS
+HARBORED NO WRATH AGAINST EITHER THE CITIZENS OR RUFUS; BUT RUFUS, WHO
+HAD NOT SHOWN THE RIGHT SPIRIT IN THE FIRST PLACE, WAS NOW ESPECIALLY
+PUFFED UP AND COULD NOT CONTAIN HIMSELF. HE KEPT ASKING FOR THE RIGHT
+TO HOLD SOLE SWAY A DAY AT A TIME, OR FOR SEVERAL DAYS ALTERNATELY.
+FABIUS, POSSESSED WITH DREAD THAT HE MIGHT WORK SOME HARM IF HE SHOULD
+GET POSSESSION OF THE UNDIVIDED POWER, WOULD NOT CONSENT TO EITHER
+PLAN OF HIS, BUT DIVIDED THE ARMY IN SUCH A WAY THAT THEY EACH, THE
+SAME AS THE CONSULS, HAD A SEPARATE FORCE. AND IMMEDIATELY RUFUS
+ENCAMPED APART, IN ORDER TO ILLUSTRATE THE FACT THAT HE WAS HOLDING
+SWAY IN HIS OWN RIGHT AND NOT SUBJECT TO THE DICTATOR. Hannibal,
+accordingly, perceiving this came up as if to seize a position, and
+drew him into battle. He then encompassed him about by means of an
+ambuscade and plunged him into danger, to such an extent, indeed, that
+he would have annihilated his entire army, if Fabius had not assailed
+Hannibal in the rear and prevented it.
+
+After this experience [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^16] RUFUS ALTERED HIS
+ATTITUDE, LED THE REMNANT OF THE ARMY IMMEDIATELY INTO FABIUS'S
+QUARTERS AND LAID DOWN HIS COMMAND. HE DID NOT WAIT FOR THE PEOPLE TO
+REVOKE IT, BUT VOLUNTARILY GAVE UP THE LEADERSHIP WHICH HE, A MERE
+MASTER OF THE HORSE, HAD OBTAINED FROM HIS SUPERIOR. AND FOR THIS ALL
+PRAISED HIM. AND FABIUS AT ONCE, NOTHING DOUBTING, ACCEPTED ENTIRE
+CONTROL AND THE PEOPLE SANCTIONED IT. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^17]
+THEREAFTER AS HEAD OF THE ARMY HE AFFORDED GREATEST SECURITY, AND WHEN
+ABOUT TO RETIRE FROM OFFICE SENT FOR THE CONSULS, SURRENDERED THE ARMY
+TO THEM, AND ADVISED THEM VERY FULLY REGARDING ALL THE DETAILS OF WHAT
+MUST BE DONE. AND THEY WERE NOT UNDULY BOLD, BUT ACTED ENTIRELY ON THE
+SUGGESTION OF FABIUS, notwithstanding that Geminus had had some
+previous success. He had seen the Carthaginian fleet at anchor off
+Italy but not venturing to display any hostility because of the Roman
+ability to meet it, and he had started on a retaliatory voyage, first
+making sure the good conduct of the Corsicans and Sardinians by a
+cruise past their coasts; he had then landed in Libya and plundered
+the shore district. In spite of this achievement he was not so puffed
+up by it as to risk a decisive engagement with Hannibal, but was
+willing to abide by the injunctions of Fabius. One consequence was
+that the cities were no longer found siding with the Carthaginians, as
+they had done; for they feared that Hannibal would be driven out of
+Italy and they themselves suffer some calamity at the hands of the
+Romans since they were their kinsmen. The majority were engaged in
+trying to read the future, but a few again espoused the Roman cause,
+and some sent them offerings. And though Hiero often sent grain (and
+also sent a statue of Victory), the Romans accepted it only once. Yet
+they were in such hard straits for money that the silver coinage which
+was previously unalloyed and pure was now mixed with copper.
+
+IX, 1.--All this is what took place in Italy at that period. Some
+slaves also formed a conspiracy against Rome, but were apprehended in
+advance. And a spy caught in the city had his hands cut off and was
+released that he might tell the Carthaginians his experience with his
+own lips.--In Spain in a sea-fight near the mouth of the Iber Scipio
+was victorious; for when the struggle proved to be too even, the sails
+were cut down in order that the men being placed in a desperate
+position might struggle more zealously. He also ravaged the country,
+got possession of numerous fortresses and through his brother Publius
+Scipio gained control of some Spanish cities. A Spaniard named Habelux
+affecting loyalty to the Carthaginians but in reality in the Roman
+service persuaded the Carthaginian guardian of the Spanish hostages to
+send them to their homes, in order that they might use their influence
+to bring their cities into friendly relations. Habelux naturally took
+charge of them, inasmuch as he had been the one to suggest the idea,
+but first sent to the Scipios and held a discussion about what he
+desired; then, while he was secretly taking the hostages away by
+night, he of course got captured. In this way it was the Romans who
+obtained possession of these men and acquired control of their native
+states by returning them to their homes.
+
+
+_(BOOK 15, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 216 (_a.u._ 538)] Though in these matters they were
+fortunate, they encountered elsewhere a fearful disaster, than which
+they never suffered one more terrible either earlier or subsequently.
+It was preceded by certain portents and the solemn verses of the Sibyl
+which had prophesied the disaster to them so many years before.
+Remarkable was also the prediction of Marcius. He also was a
+soothsayer and it was his rede that, inasmuch as they were Trojans of
+old, they should be overthrown in the Plain of Diomed. This was in
+Daunian Apulia and took its name from the settlement of Diomed, which
+he made there in the course of his wanderings. In that plain is also
+Cannæ, where the present misfortune occurred, close to the Ionian Gulf
+and near the mouths of the Aufidus. The Sibyl had urged them to beware
+of the spot, yet said it would avail them naught, even if they should
+keep it under strictest guard.
+
+Such were the oracular utterances: now what befell the Romans was
+this. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^21] THE COMMANDERS WERE ÆMILIUS PAULUS AND
+TERENTIUS VARRO, MEN NOT OF SIMILAR TEMPERAMENT. FOR THE ONE WAS A
+PATRICIAN, POSSESSED OF THE GRACES OF EDUCATION, AND ESTEEMED SAFETY
+BEFORE HASTE: BUT TERENTIUS HAD BEEN BROUGHT UP AMONG THE RABBLE, WAS
+PRACTICED IN VULGAR BRAVADO, AND SO DISPLAYED LACK OF PRUDENCE IN
+NEARLY ALL RESPECTS, THINKING, FOR INSTANCE, THAT HE ALONE SHOULD HAVE
+THE LEADERSHIP IN VIEW OF THE QUIET BEHAVIOR OF HIS COLLEAGUE. NOW
+THEY BOTH REACHED THE CAMP AT A MOST OPPORTUNE TIME: HANNIBAL HAD NO
+LONGER ANY PROVENDER; SPAIN WAS IN TURMOIL; THE AFFECTION OF THE
+ALLIES WAS BEING ALIENATED FROM HIM; AND IF THEY HAD WAITED FOR EVEN
+THE BRIEFEST POSSIBLE PERIOD, THEY WOULD HAVE CONQUERED. AS MATTERS
+WENT, HOWEVER, THE RECKLESSNESS OF TERENTIUS AND THE SUBMISSIVENESS OF
+PAULUS COMPASSED THEIR DEFEAT. Hannibal attempted to lead them into a
+conflict at once, and with a few followers drew near their stronghold:
+then, when a sortie was made, he purposely fell back to create the
+impression of being afraid and so drew them the more surely into a set
+battle. But, as Paulus restrained his own soldiers from pursuit,
+Hannibal simulated terror and that night packed up as if to depart;
+and he left behind him numerous articles lying within the palisade and
+ordered the rest of the baggage to be escorted with a considerable
+show of carelessness so as to make the Romans devote their attention
+to plundering it and give him thereby a chance to attack them. He
+would have translated his wish into fact, if Paulus had not held back
+his soldiers, in spite of their reluctance, and held back Terentius as
+well.
+
+So Hannibal, having failed in this essay also, came by night to Cannæ,
+and since he knew the place as one fit for ambuscades and for a
+pitched battle, he encamped there. And first he ploughed the whole
+site over, because it had a sandy subsoil and his object was to have a
+cloud of dust raised in the conflict; the wind generally springs up
+there in summer toward noon, and he contrived to get it behind his
+back. The consuls seeing at dawn that his stockade was empty of men at
+first waited, apprehending ambush, but later in the broad daylight
+came to Cannæ. Each of the Roman leaders bivouacked apart beside the
+river, for since they were not congenial they avoided association
+together. Paulus remained quiet, but Terentius was anxious to force
+the issue; when he saw, however, that the soldiers were rather
+listless, he gave up the idea. But Hannibal, who was determined to
+goad them into battle even against their will, shut them off from
+their sources of water, prevented their scattering into small parties,
+and threw the bodies of the slain into the stream above their
+intrenchments and in plain sight, in order to disgust them with the
+drinking supply. Then the Romans started to array themselves for
+battle. Hannibal anticipating this movement had planted ambuscades at
+the foot of the hills but held the remainder of his army drawn up. He
+also ordered some men at a given signal to simulate desertion; they
+were to throw away their shields and spears and larger swords but
+secretly to retain their daggers, so that after his antagonists had
+received them as unarmed, they might attack them unexpectedly.
+
+The Romans having had in view since early morning the troops arrayed
+about Hannibal were now arming themselves and taking their places. The
+trumpets incited both parties, the signals were raised, and then
+ensued the clash of battle and a contest which assumed a variety of
+aspects. Until noon the advantage had not fallen distinctly to either
+side. Then the wind came up and the false deserters were received as
+men destitute of arms and got behind the Romans, alleging the very
+natural reason that they wanted to be out of the way of the
+Carthaginian attack. At this moment the men rose from ambush on both
+sides, Hannibal with his cavalry charged the front ranks, the enemy
+confused the Romans on every hand, the wind and the dust cloud
+assailed their faces violently, causing perplexity, and interfered
+with their breathing, which was already growing quick and labored from
+exertion, so that deprived of sight, deprived of voice, they perished
+in a wild mêlée, preserving no semblance of order. So great a
+multitude fell that Hannibal did not even try to find out the number
+of the common people, and in regard to the number of the knights and
+members of the senate he did not write to the Carthaginians at home
+but indicated it by the finger-rings; these he measured off by the
+quart and sent away. Only the senators and the knights wore
+finger-rings. Yet after all a number made good their escape even on
+this occasion, among them Terentius; Paulus was killed. Hannibal did
+not pursue nor did he hasten to Rome. He might have set out at once
+for Rome with either his entire army or at least a portion of it and
+have quickly ended the war; yet he did not do so, although Maharbal
+urged him to do so. Hence he was censured as being able to win
+victories but not understanding how to use them. Since they had
+delayed this time, they could never again have an opportunity to make
+haste. Therefore Hannibal regretted it, feeling that he had committed
+a blunder, and was ever crying out: "Oh Cannæ, Cannæ!"
+
+IX, 2.--The Romans, who had been in such imminent danger of being
+destroyed, won back their superiority through Scipio. He was a son of
+the Publius Scipio in Spain, and had saved the life of his father when
+the latter was wounded: [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^24] HE WAS AT THIS TIME
+SERVING IN THE ARMY, HAD FLED TO CANUSIUM, AND LATER ACHIEVED RENOWN.
+BY COMMON CONSENT OF THE FUGITIVES ASSEMBLED AT CANUSIUM HE RECEIVED
+THE LEADERSHIP, SET IN ORDER AFFAIRS AT THAT PLACE, SENT GARRISONS TO
+THE REGIONS IN PROXIMITY, AND BOTH PLANNED AND EXECUTED ALL MEASURES
+WELL.
+
+The people of Rome heard of the defeat but did not believe it. When
+they at last came to believe it, they were filled with sorrow and met
+in the senate-house, but were ready to break up without accomplishing
+anything, when finally Fabius proposed that they send scouts to bring
+a report of what had really happened and what Hannibal was doing. He
+advised them not to lament but to go about in silence that the
+necessary measures might be taken, and furthermore to collect as large
+a force as they might and to call upon adjoining settlements for aid.
+After this, upon learning that Hannibal was in Apulia and receiving a
+letter from Terentius stating that he was alive and what he was doing,
+they recovered a little of their courage. Marcus Junius was named
+dictator and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus master of the horse.
+Immediately they enrolled not only those of the citizens who were in
+their prime but also those even who were past the fighting age; they
+added to their forces prisoners on promise of pardon and slaves on
+promise of freedom and a brigand here and there; moreover they called
+on their allies to help, reminding them of any kindness ever shown
+them and promising in addition to give to some of them grain, to
+others money, as they had never done before; they also sent emissaries
+to Greece to either persuade or hire men to serve as their allies.
+
+Hannibal, learning that the Romans had united their troops and were
+engaged in preparations, still delayed at Cannæ despairing of a
+capture by assault. Of the captives he released the allied contingent
+without ransom as before, but the Romans he kept, hoping to dispose of
+them by sale, since this would make him better off but the Romans
+worse off. When no one came from Rome in quest of the captives, he
+ordered them to send some of their number home after ransom, provided
+they had first taken oath to return. When even then the Romans refused
+to ransom them, he shipped those who were of any value to Carthage,
+and of the rest he put some to death after maltreating them and forced
+the others to fight as gladiators, pitting friends and relatives
+against each other. Those who were sent for ransom returned in order
+to be true to their oaths, but later fled. They were disfranchised by
+the censors and committed suicide.
+
+Hannibal sent his brother Mago to report the victory to the
+Carthaginians and to ask them for money and troops. He on his arrival
+counted over the rings and described the success naturally in even
+more glowing terms than it deserved; everything that he asked was
+voted and they would not listen to Hanno who opposed it and advised
+them to end the war while they seemed to have the upper hand. However,
+they never put their vote into effect, but delayed. Hannibal
+meanwhile had advanced into Campania, had seized a Samnite fortress,
+and marched upon Neapolis. He sent before him a few soldiers with the
+booty and when the people of the city, thinking them alone, rushed out
+upon them, he unexpectedly appeared in person and slew a large number.
+He did not capture the city, nor did he lay siege to it for long. The
+reason will presently be plain. Of the Campanian inhabitants of Capua
+a part clung to Roman friendship, but others favored Hannibal. After
+his success at Cannæ and when some of their men taken captive had been
+released the populace was clamorous to revolt to Hannibal, but the men
+of rank waited for some time. Finally the crowd made a rush upon them
+as they were assembled in the senate-house and would have made away
+with them all but for the action of some one of the crowd who saw how
+great a misfortune this would be. This person denounced the senators
+as by all means deserving to perish, but said that they ought first to
+choose others to fill their places, for the State could not endure
+without some men to concert measures for them. Having gained the
+assent of the Capuan people he ejected each one of them from the
+senate-house, asking the populace, as he did so, whom they chose in
+his place. Thus, as they found themselves unable to choose others on
+short notice, they let all the old senators go unharmed, because they
+appeared to be necessary. Later they became reconciled with one
+another and made peace with Hannibal. This is why he quickly retired
+from Neapolis and came to Capua. He held a conference with the people
+and made many attractive offers, among other things promising to give
+them the supreme direction of Italy; for he was anxious that they
+should be animated by hope and, feeling that they would be working for
+themselves, develop greater zeal in the struggle.
+
+At the revolt of Capua the rest of Campania also became restive, and
+the news of the town's secession troubled the Romans. As for Hannibal,
+he started on a campaign against the Nucerini. Under stress of siege
+and owing to lack of food they thrust out that portion of the
+population which was not available for fighting. Hannibal would not
+receive them, however, and gave them assurance of safety only in case
+they should go back to the city. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^25] THEREFORE THE
+REST ALSO AGREED TO LEAVE THE CITY CARRYING ONE CHANGE OF CLOTHING. AS
+SOON, HOWEVER, AS HANNIBAL WAS MASTER OF THE SITUATION, HE SHUT THE
+SENATORS INTO BATH-HOUSES AND SUFFOCATED THEM, AND IN THE CASE OF THE
+OTHERS, ALTHOUGH HE HAD TOLD THEM TO GO AWAY WHERE THEY PLEASED, HE
+CUT DOWN ON THE ROAD MANY EVEN OF THEM. A NUMBER OF THEM SAVED THEIR
+LIVES ONLY BY TAKING REFUGE IN THE WOODS. THEREUPON THE REST BECAME
+AFRAID AND WOULD NO LONGER COME TO TERMS WITH HIM, BUT RESISTED WHILE
+THEY WERE ABLE. The people of Nola were planning to range themselves
+under his banner, but when they saw what had been done to their
+countrymen, they quietly let Marcellus in and later repulsed Hannibal
+when he assaulted their city. Repelled from Nola he captured the
+people of Acerræ by starving them out. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^29] HE
+MADE THE SAME TERMS WITH THEM AS WITH THE DWELLERS IN NUCERIA AND ALSO
+ACCORDED THEM THE SAME TREATMENT. After that he directed his forces
+against Casilinum in which Romans and about a thousand of the allies
+had taken refuge. These put to death the native citizens who were
+meditating how to betray them, repulsed Hannibal several times and
+held out nobly against hunger. When food was failing them they sent a
+man across the river on an inflated skin to inform the dictator. The
+latter put jars filled with wheat into the river at night and bade
+them keep their eyes on the current in the darkness. For a while he
+thus supplied them with nutriment without being discovered, but
+eventually a jar was dashed against some obstacle and shattered; then
+the Carthaginians became aware of what was going on and put chains
+across the river. After a number had perished of hunger and of their
+wounds, they abandoned one half of the city, cut down the bridge, and
+held out in the other half. They now threw turnip seed from the wall
+upon a spot outside, doing this in order to alarm the enemy and make
+them believe that they were likely to endure for a long time.
+Hannibal, indeed, thinking that they must have plenty of food and
+astonished at their endurance invited them to capitulate and released
+them for money. The Romans outside were glad to ransom them, and more
+than that they showed them honor.
+
+IX, 3.--While these events took place the messengers returned from
+Delphi saying that the Pythia admonished them to shake off sloth and
+devote themselves to the war. Then they were filled with new
+strength. They overtook Hannibal and encamped near him so as to watch
+his movements. Junius the dictator ordered the Romans to do exactly as
+the Carthaginians were commanded to do. So they took their food and
+sleep at the same time, visited the sentries in the same manner, and
+were doing everything else in similar fashion. When Hannibal
+understood the situation, he waited for a stormy night and announced
+to some of his soldiers a skirmish for after nightfall. Junius did the
+same thing. Thereupon Hannibal ordered different detachments to attack
+him in succession at different times in order that his opponent might
+be involved in constant labor as a result of sleeplessness and the
+storm. He himself rested with the troops not in action. When day was
+about to break, he recalled the army, as was expected, and the Romans
+put away their weapons and retired to rest; then all of a sudden he
+attacked them, with the result that he killed a number and captured
+the entrenchments, which were deserted.
+
+Conditions in Sicily and Sardinia grew unsettled but did not receive
+any consideration at the hands of the Romans. [Sidenote: B.C. 215
+(_a.u._ 539)] The consuls chosen were Gracchus, previously master of
+the horse, and Postumius Albinus. Albinus was ambuscaded and destroyed
+with his entire army by the Boii as he was traversing a wooded
+mountain. The barbarians cut off his head, scooped out the interior
+and after gilding it used it for a bowl in their sacred
+ceremonials.--Portents occurred at this time. A cow brought forth a
+horse and fire shone out at sea. The consuls Gracchus and Fabius
+encamped and kept watch of Hannibal while he stayed in Capua, to see
+what he did. They spent their time in sending scouts in every
+direction, defending the allies, trying to win back the revolted and
+injuring their adversaries' interests. Hannibal, so long as he
+obtained a barely sufficient supply of food at the cost of
+encountering dangers, led a temperate life, as did his army; but after
+they had taken Capua and wintered there in idleness with ample
+provisions, they began to lose their physical strength by not laboring
+and their intellectual force by tranquillity, and in changing their
+ancestral habits they learned an accomplishment new to them,--that of
+being defeated in battle.--When the work of war finally became
+pressing, Hannibal transferred his quarters to the mountains and gave
+the army exercise. But they could not get strong in a short space of
+time. He was encouraged by the arrival of reinforcements from home,
+especially in the matter of elephants. He now set out against Nola
+intending to capture it or else to draw Marcellus, who was ravaging
+Samnium, away from that region. As he could accomplish nothing, he
+withdrew from the city and laid waste the country, until he suffered a
+decisive defeat in battle,--an event which grieved him. Many Spaniards
+and even many Libyans now forsook him and deserted to the Romans,--a
+new experience for him. Consequently, despairing of his own and the
+soldiers' prospects he abandoned that entire region and retired to
+Capua. Afterward he left there also to take up a different position.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 217 (_a.u._ 537)] The Scipios had crossed the river
+Iber and were ravaging the country; they had secured control of
+various cities and when Hasdrubal for this reason hastened to oppose
+them, they had conquered him in battle. The Carthaginians learning
+this thought that Hasdrubal needed more assistance than did Hannibal,
+and fearing that the Scipios might attempt to cross into Libya also
+they sent only a small body of troops to Hannibal, but despatched the
+largest detachment with Mago to Spain with the utmost speed; and they
+bade him after the reduction of Spain to remain to guard their
+interests there, whereas Hasdrubal was to be sent with a body of
+troops against Italy. [Sidenote: B.C. 216 (_a.u._ 538)] The Scipios,
+made aware of the plan, no longer gave battle for fear that Hasdrubal
+perhaps might win a victory and then hasten to Italy. However, as the
+Carthaginians went on injuring the part of the country that was
+friendly to the Romans, Publius engaged in a struggle with such of his
+opponents as attacked him and won a victory; Gnæus intercepted the
+enemy who were retiring from this battle and annihilated them. As a
+result of this disaster and because numerous cities were transferring
+their allegiance to the Romans and some of the Libyans had gone over
+to their side, Hasdrubal remained there longer than he was intending.
+The Scipios sent their accessions at once to Italy, and they
+themselves continued to adjust affairs in Spain. They captured the
+subjects of Saguntum who had caused them the war and their reverses,
+and they tore down the hostile settlement and sold the men. After this
+they took possession of Saguntum and restored it to its original
+inhabitants. They were so scrupulous in regard to the plunder that
+they sent nothing home. They allowed the partners of their campaign to
+do so, but for themselves they sent only some jackstones to their
+children. Hence the senate upon the request of Gnæus for leave of
+absence that he might go home and borrow a dowry for his daughter, who
+was of age to be married, voted that a dowry be given her from the
+public funds.
+
+IX, 4.--In the course of the same period both Sicily and Sardinia had
+become openly hostile. But the disturbance in these regions soon
+subsided. [Sidenote: B.C. 215 (_a.u._ 539)] Hasdrubal, who was aiding
+them, was captured and Manlius Torquatus recovered almost the entire
+island. For the time being affairs in Sicily were quiet, but afterward
+disturbance reigned anew. King Philip of Macedonia showed himself a
+most open partisan of the Carthaginians. In his desire to add Greece
+to his possessions he made an agreement with Hannibal that they should
+conduct the war in common, and that the Carthaginians should get Italy
+but he should have Greece and Epirus together with the islands. The
+agreement was made on this basis, but through the capture of the
+herald who had been sent to Hannibal by Philip the Romans learned what
+was taking place and forthwith despatched the prætor Marcus Valerius
+Lævinus[30] against him. They intended to make him anxious about
+internal affairs, so that he should stay at home. The plan worked.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 214 (_a.u._ 540)] Philip had progressed as far as
+Corcyca with the intention of sailing to Italy, but on learning that
+Lævinus was already at Brundusium he returned home. When Lævinus had
+sailed as far as Corcyca, Philip set out against the Roman allies; he
+had captured Oricum and was besieging Apollonia. Lævinus made an
+expedition against him anew, recovered Oricum and rescued Apollonia.
+Then Philip after burning the ships which he had used retired
+homewards overland.
+
+[Footnote 30: Zonaras consistently spells this name _Lavinius_.]
+
+The people of Rome chose Fabius and Marcellus consuls. Hannibal was
+then traveling about in what is called Calabria and in adjacent
+regions, and they assigned the care of him to Gracchus, who had held
+office before them. The latter routed Hanno (who had come from
+Bruttium and confronted him near Beneventum), and then going on he
+watched Hannibal closely, kept ravaging the possessions of rebels and
+won some cities safely back. The consuls themselves turned their steps
+toward Campania, for they were anxious to subdue it and so leave no
+element of hostility behind their backs when they should march against
+Hannibal. They then divided forces. Fabius overran the districts of
+Campania and Samnium. Marcellus crossed into Sicily and proceeded to
+besiege Syracuse. The town had submitted to him, but then had revolted
+again through the treachery of some men by the use of a false message.
+He would have subdued it very speedily,--for he assaulted the wall by
+both land and sea at once,--had not Archimedes with his inventions
+enabled the citizens to resist an extremely long time. By his devices
+he suspended stones and heavy-armed soldiers in the air whom he would
+let down suddenly and soon draw up again. Even ships that carried
+towers he would dash one upon another; he would pull them up and
+[Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^31?)] LIFTING THEM HIGH WOULD LET GO ALL IN A
+MASS so that when they fell into the water they were sunk by the
+impact. At last in an incredible manner he destroyed the whole Roman
+fleet by conflagration. By tilting a kind of mirror toward the sun he
+concentrated the sun's beams on it; and as the thickness and
+smoothness of the mirror coöperated to ignite the air from these beams
+he kindled a great flame, all of which he directed upon the ships that
+lay at anchor in the path of the fire, and he consumed them all.
+Marcellus, therefore, despairing of capturing the city on account of
+the inventiveness of Archimedes thought to take it by famine after a
+regular investment. This duty he assigned to Pulcher while he himself
+turned his attention to those who had participated in the revolt of
+Syracuse. Any who yielded were granted pardon, but those who resisted
+he treated harshly, and he captured a number of the cities by force,
+some also by betrayal. In the meantime Himilco had come from Carthage
+with an army, had occupied Agrigentum and Heraclea and had reached
+Syracuse. There he was first defeated, then was in turn victorious,
+and finally was beaten by a sudden assault on the part of Marcellus.
+
+IX, 5.--Thereafter Marcellus was still investing Syracuse. Hannibal
+was passing his time in Calabria. [Sidenote: B.C. 212 (_a.u._ 542)]
+The Romans, moreover, had again experienced many and disagreeable
+reverses. The consuls had received a setback near Capua, Gracchus had
+died in Lucania, Tarentum and other cities had revolted, Hannibal,
+previously cowed, remained in Italy and had marched upon Rome, and
+both the Scipios had perished. Elated by these events Hannibal
+undertook to render assistance to Capua. He went as far as Beneventum,
+then, ascertaining that Claudius had returned from Samnium into
+Lucania on account of the death of Gracchus, he became afraid that the
+Romans might secure control of parts of it, and he advanced no farther
+but turned to meet Claudius.--Upon the death of the Scipios the whole
+of Spain was thrown into disorder. Some towns voluntarily went over to
+the Carthaginians and others under compulsion, even if they did later
+swing back to the Roman side.
+
+Marcellus, finding that he was accomplishing naught by assault on
+Syracuse, thought of the following scheme. There was a vulnerable spot
+in the Syracusans' wall, which they called Galeagra; it had never
+before been recognized as such, but the fact was at this time
+discovered. He waited till the whole town of Syracuse celebrated an
+all night festival to Artemis and then bade some soldiers scale the
+wall at that point. After that some gates were opened by them and, as
+soon as a few others had gone in, all, both inside and outside, at a
+given signal raised a shout and struck their spears upon their
+shields, and the trumpeters blew a blast, with the result that utter
+panic overwhelmed the Syracusans, who were anyway somewhat the worse
+for drink, and the city was captured with the exception of Achradina
+and what is called the "island." Marcellus plundered the captured town
+and attacked the portions not yet taken, and with time and labor but
+after all successfully he conquered the remainder of Syracuse. The
+Romans when they became masters of these districts killed many
+persons, among them Archimedes. He was constructing a geometrical
+figure and hearing that the enemy were at hand he said: [Sidenote:
+(FRAG. 56^32?)] "Let them come at my head, but keep their distance
+from my figure!" He was little perturbed when a hostile warrior
+confronted him, and by his words, "Fellow, stand away from my figure,"
+he irritated the man and was cut down.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 211 (_a.u._ 543)] Marcellus for his capture of
+Syracuse and his conciliation of most of the rest of Sicily received
+high praise and was appointed consul. They had nominated Torquatus,
+who once had put his son to death. He declined, however, saying:
+[Sidenote: cp. FRAG. 32^6] "I could not endure your blunders, nor you
+my punctiliousness," whereupon they elected Marcellus and Valerius
+Lævinus.
+
+IX, 6.--After Marcellus left Sicily, Hannibal sent a troop of cavalry
+there and the Carthaginians despatched another. They won several
+battles and acquired some cities. And if the prætor Cornelius
+Dolabella had not come upon the scene, they would have subjugated all
+Sicily.
+
+Capua was at this time taken by the Romans. It availed nothing that
+Hannibal marched upon Rome in order to draw away from Capua the forces
+besieging it, although he traversed Latium, came to the Tiber, and
+laid waste the suburbs of the city. The people of Rome were
+frightened, but still they voted that one of the consuls[31] should
+remain at Capua while the other defended them. It was Claudius who
+remained at Capua, for he had been wounded: Flaccus hastened to Rome.
+
+[Footnote 31: Possibly an error on the part of Zonaras for
+_proconsuls_.]
+
+Hannibal kept making raids all the time before their eyes and doing a
+great amount of harm, but for some time they were satisfied to
+preserve their possessions within the walls. When, however, he reached
+the point of assaulting the city and their armies at once, they risked
+the proverbial cast of the die and made a sortie. They were already
+engaged in skirmishing when [Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^33?)] AN
+EXTRAORDINARY STORM ACCOMPANIED BY AN INCONCEIVABLY STRONG WIND AS
+WELL AS THUNDER, HAIL, AND LIGHTNING, BROKE FROM A CLEAR SKY, so that
+both were glad enough to flee as if by mutual consent back to the
+place from which they had set out. They were just laying aside their
+arms when the sky became clear. Although Hannibal concluded that the
+event mentioned, coming as it did precisely at the moment of conflict,
+had not occurred without divine ordering, yet he did not desist from
+his siege operations and even attempted again on a subsequent occasion
+to force the issue. But when the same phenomena were met for the
+second time, he became terrified. What added to his alarm was that
+the enemy though in so great danger did not withdraw from Capua and
+were getting ready to send both soldiers and a prætor into Spain, and
+that being in need of funds they sold the spot where he was encamped,
+which was a piece of public property. In despair he retired, often
+crying aloud, "Oh, Cannæ, Cannæ!" And he no longer showed a
+disposition to render aid to Capua.
+
+The people of that city although in extremities were nevertheless
+desperate, believing that they could not obtain pardon from the
+Romans, and they therefore held out and sent a letter to Hannibal
+begging him to assist them. The bearers of the letter were seized by
+Flaccus (Claudius had before this time died of his wound) and had
+their hands cut off. Seeing them the Campanians were terribly dismayed
+and took counsel as to what they should do. After considerable talk a
+certain Vibius Virius, one of the foremost men and most responsible
+for the revolt, spoke, saying: "Our only refuge and freedom lies in
+death. Escort me home. I have a poison made ready." So he took with
+him those who were willing to accept his advice and with them
+voluntarily gave up his life. The rest opened the gates to the Romans.
+Flaccus took possession of all their arms and money, killed some of
+the head men and sent others to Rome. The only ones that he left
+unmolested were the survivors of the common people, and he spared them
+only on condition that they receive a Roman governor, maintain no
+senate, and hold no assembly.
+
+Later they subjected themselves to other disabilities by daring to
+accuse Flaccus. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^34] THE CAMPANIANS UNDERTOOK TO
+ACCUSE FLACCUS AND THE SYRACUSANS MARCELLUS, when the latter was
+already consul. And Marcellus made a defence, refusing to perform any
+of the duties of his office until he had defended himself. The
+Syracusans when given a hearing were rather sparing of their remarks
+and devoted themselves not to accusing Marcellus but to supplication
+and defence, showing that they had not of their own free will revolted
+from the Romans and begging that pardon be granted them. While
+uttering these words they fell upon the ground and bewailed their lot.
+When a decision was rendered, it was to the effect that Marcellus was
+not guilty; that the Syracusans, however, were deserving of a certain
+degree of kind treatment not for their acts but for their words and
+supplications. As Marcellus asked to be excused from returning to
+Sicily, they sent Lævinus. The Syracusans in this way obtained some
+consideration: the Campanians, however, were led by stupidity to
+deliver their accusation with too much audacity and were rebuked.
+Flaccus was not present, but one of his ex-lieutenants conducted his
+defence for him.
+
+After the capture of Capua the other strongholds in the vicinity went
+over to the Romans, with the exception of Atellanæ. The dwellers in
+this town abandoned their city and went in a body to Hannibal. Also
+the rest of Italy that favored the Carthaginian cause was being
+gradually estranged and the consuls in their tours of the country were
+taking possession of it. The Tarentini did not as yet openly avow
+their allegiance to the Romans, but secretly they were getting tired
+of the Carthaginians.
+
+
+_(BOOK 16, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 56^35] THE ROMANS MADE PROPOSITIONS TO HANNIBAL THAT
+BOTH SIDES SHOULD RETURN THEIR PRISONERS. THEY DID NOT EFFECT THE
+EXCHANGE BECAUSE THEY WOULD NOT RECEIVE CARTHALO, AS BEING AN ENEMY,
+INSIDE OF THEIR WALLS. AND HE REFUSED TO HOLD ANY CONVERSATION WITH
+THEM, BUT IMMEDIATELY TURNED BACK IN A RAGE.
+
+At this time, moreover, Lævinus made friends with the Ætolians, who
+were allies of Philip; and when Philip had advanced as far as Corcyra
+he scared him away again so that the king returned to Macedonia with
+speed.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 210 (_a.u._ 544)] IX, 7.--The people of Rome sent
+Gaius Claudius Nero with soldiers into Spain. He followed the line of
+the coast with his fleet as far as the Iber, where he found the
+remainder of the Roman forces and confronted Hasdrubal before his
+presence had been made known. He enclosed the Carthaginians securely
+but was then cheated out of the advantage gained. Hasdrubal, seeing
+that he was cut off, sent heralds to Nero proposing to give up the
+whole of Spain and leave the country. Nero gladly accepted the offer
+and his opponent postponed the settlement of the terms to the
+following day. That night Hasdrubal quietly sent out a number of his
+men to various parts of the mountains, and they got safely away
+because the Romans, in expectation of a truce, were not keeping any
+guard. The next day he held a conference with Nero but used up the
+whole time without fixing upon anything definitely. That night he sent
+off other men in like manner. This he did similarly on several other
+days while disputing about some points in the treaty. When the entire
+infantry had gone in advance, he himself at last with the cavalry and
+elephants silently slipped away. He reached a place of safety and
+managed to make himself a source of anxiety to Nero subsequently.
+
+On learning this the people of Rome condemned Nero and voted to
+entrust the leadership to somebody else. And they were at a loss whom
+to send, for the situation required no ordinary man and many were
+breaking away from allegiance on account of the untimely fate of the
+Scipios. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^37] THEREUPON THE FAMOUS PUBLIUS SCIPIO,
+WHO SAVED HIS WOUNDED FATHER, OFFERED HIMSELF VOLUNTARILY FOR THE WORK
+OF THE CAMPAIGN. HE SURPASSED IN EXCELLENCE AND WAS ALSO RENOWNED FOR
+HIS EDUCATION. He was chosen forthwith, but his supporters not long
+after regretted their action because of his youth (he was in his
+twenty-fourth year) and because his house was in mourning for the loss
+of his father and uncle. Accordingly he made a second public
+appearance and delivered a speech; and his words put the senators to
+shame, so that they did not, to be sure, release him from his command,
+but sent Marcus Junius, an elderly man, to accompany him.
+
+After these events matters progressed without catastrophes for the
+Romans and gradually grew better. Marcellus after his acquittal before
+the court had set out against Hannibal and was making nearly
+everything safe, though he was afraid to risk an engagement with men
+driven to desperation. At any time that he was forced into a combat he
+came out victorious as the result of prudence mingled with daring.
+Hannibal now undertook to inflict injury upon those regions which he
+was unable to occupy, being influenced by the reasons aforementioned
+as also by the fact that the cities in his alliance had either
+abandoned him or were intending to do so, and by some other causes. He
+hurt a great many and several towns deserted to the Romans for this
+reason.
+
+In the case of the city of Salapia the following incident occurred.
+Two men managed affairs there and were hostile to each other.
+Alinius[32] favored the Carthaginian cause, and Plautius[33] the
+Roman; and the latter talked with Alinius about betraying the place to
+the Romans. Alinius at once informed Hannibal of the fact and Plautius
+was brought to trial. While Hannibal was deliberating with the
+councilors as to how to punish him, Plautius dared in his presence to
+speak again to Alinius, who stood near, about betrayal. The latter
+cried out: "There, there, he's talking to me about this very matter
+now." Hannibal distrusted him on account of the improbability of the
+case and acquitted Plautius as a victim of blackmail. After his
+release the two men became harmonious and brought in soldiers obtained
+from Marcellus, with whose aid they cut down the Carthaginian garrison
+and delivered the city to the Romans.
+
+[Footnote 32: By comparing other authors the names Alinius and
+Plautius are found to be the corruptions of some copyists for Dasius
+and Blattius.]
+
+[Footnote 33: [See previous footnote.]]
+
+This was the state of Carthaginian interests in Italy. Not even Sicily
+retained its friendliness for them, but submitted to the consul
+Lævinus. The leader of the Carthaginians in Sicily was Hanno, and
+Muttines was a member of his staff. The latter had been with Hannibal
+formerly and owing to the latter's jealousy of his great deeds of
+valor had been sent into Sicily. When there also he made a brilliant
+record as commander of the cavalry, he incurred the jealousy of Hanno
+as well, and as a consequence was deprived of his command. Deeply
+grieved at this he joined the Romans. First he accomplished the
+betrayal of Agrigentum for them and then he helped them in reducing
+other places, so that the whole of Sicily came again under their sway
+without any great labor.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 209 (_a.u._ 545)] IX, 8.--Fabius and Flaccus subdued
+among other cities Tarentum, which Hannibal was holding. They gave
+orders to a body of men to overrun Bruttium in order that Hannibal
+might leave Tarentum and come to its assistance. When this had
+happened, Flaccus kept watch of Hannibal while Fabius by night
+assailed Tarentum with ships and infantry at once and captured the
+city by means of his assault aided by betrayal. Hannibal, enraged at
+the trick, was eager to find some scheme for paying Fabius back. So he
+sent him a letter, purporting to be from the dwellers in Metapontum,
+looking to a betrayal of the city; for he hoped that Fabius would
+advance carelessly in that direction and that he might set a trap for
+him on the way. But the Roman leader suspected the truth of the case
+and by comparing the writing with the letter which Hannibal had once
+written to the Tarentini, he detected the plot from the similarity of
+the two.
+
+Scipio for the first part of the time, however much he may have longed
+to avenge his father and uncle and however much he yearned for glory
+in the war, nevertheless showed no haste on account of the multitude
+of his opponents. But after he ascertained that they were passing the
+winter at a considerable distance, he disregarded them and marched
+upon Carthage,--the Spanish town. Moreover no one gained the slightest
+knowledge of his march till he had come close to Carthage itself. And
+by much exertion he took the city.
+
+Following the capture of Carthage a very great [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^39]
+MUTINY OF THE SOLDIERS came very near TAKING PLACE. Scipio had
+promised to give a crown to the first one that set foot on the wall,
+and two men, the one a Roman, the other belonging to the allies,
+quarreled over it. Their continued dispute promoted a disturbance
+among the rest as well and they became inflamed to the utmost degree
+and were ready to commit some fearful outrage when Scipio settled the
+trouble by crowning both men. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^39] AND HE
+DISTRIBUTED MANY GIFTS TO THE SOLDIERS, ASSIGNING MANY ALSO TO PUBLIC
+USES; AND ALL THE HOSTAGES WHO WERE BEING DETAINED THERE HE GAVE BACK
+FREELY TO THEIR RELATIVES. AS A RESULT MANY TOWNS AND MANY PRINCES
+ESPOUSED HIS CAUSE, THE CELTIBERIAN RACE AMONG THE BEST. HE HAD TAKEN
+AMONG THE CAPTIVES A MAIDEN DISTINGUISHED FOR HER BEAUTY AND IT WAS
+THOUGHT THAT HE WOULD FALL IN LOVE WITH HER; BUT WHEN HE LEARNED THAT
+SHE WAS BETROTHED TO ONE OF THE CELTIBERIAN MAGISTRATES, HE SENT FOR
+HIM AND DELIVERED THE YOUNG GIRL TO HIM, BESTOWING UPON HIM
+FURTHERMORE THE RANSOM WHICH HER KINSFOLK HAD BROUGHT FOR HER. BY THIS
+PROCEDURE HE ATTACHED TO HIS CAUSE BOTH THEM AND THE REMAINDER OF THE
+NATION.
+
+Next he learned that Hasdrubal the brother of Hannibal was approaching
+rapidly, still ignorant of the capture of the city and expecting to
+meet no hostile force on his march. Scipio therefore confronted and
+defeated him, and afterward bivouacked in his camp and got control of
+many places in the vicinity. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^40] FOR HE WAS CLEVER
+IN STRATEGY, AGREEABLE IN SOCIETY, TERRIFYING TO OPPONENTS, AND
+THOROUGHLY HUMANE TO SUCH AS YIELDED. AND ESPECIALLY THE RECOLLECTION
+THAT HE HAD MADE A PREDICTION, SAYING BEFOREHAND THAT HE WOULD ENCAMP
+IN THE ENEMY'S COUNTRY, CAUSED ALL TO HONOR HIM. THE SPANIARDS
+ACTUALLY NAMED HIM "GREAT KING."
+
+Hasdrubal, giving up all hope, was anxious to leave Spain for Italy.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 208 (_a.u._ 546)] So after packing everything for the
+march he started in winter. His fellow commanders held their ground
+and kept Scipio busy so that he could not pursue Hasdrubal nor lighten
+the burden of war for the Romans in Italy by going there, nor sail to
+Carthage. But, although Scipio did not pursue Hasdrubal, he sent
+runners through whom he apprised the people of Rome of his approach,
+and he himself gave attention to his own immediate concerns. As he saw
+that his opponents were spread over a goodly portion of the country,
+he dreaded that whenever he should begin an engagement with them, he
+should be the cause of their gathering in one place through a
+necessity of aiding one another. Accordingly, he conducted in person a
+campaign against Hasdrubal, son of Gisco, and sent Silanus into
+Celtiberia against Mago, and also Lucius Scipio his brother into
+Bastitania. Lucius occupied the district after hard fighting,
+conquered Mago, kept close at his heels as he fled to Hasdrubal, and
+came to Scipio before the latter had accomplished anything as yet.
+
+Now that Mago had joined Hasdrubal and Lucius his brother Scipio, at
+first they would make descents into the plain and fight strenuously
+with their cavalry, and later they would array their whole army in
+line of battle but did not do any fighting. This went on for several
+days. When the clash finally came, the Carthaginians themselves and
+their allies were defeated, their stronghold was taken by the Romans,
+and the Romans made use of the provisions in it. This Scipio had
+prophesied, as the story goes, three days before. For when materials
+for food had failed them he predicted--by what prompting is unknown--:
+"On such and such a day we shall make use of the enemy's
+store."--After this he left Silanus to take care of the surviving
+opponents and himself took his departure to the other cities, many of
+which he won over. When he had brought order into the newly acquired
+territory he took up his winter abode there. His brother Lucius he
+despatched to Rome to report the progress made, to convey the captives
+thither, and to investigate how the people of Rome felt toward him.
+
+IX, 9.--The dwellers in Italy had suffered from disease and had
+encountered hardships in battles, for some of the Etruscans had
+rebelled. But what grieved them more than all else was the fact that
+they had lost Marcellus. They had been making a campaign against
+Hannibal, who chanced to be at Locri, and both the consuls had been
+surrounded by an ambuscade, Marcellus perishing instantly and
+Crispinus dying from a wound not long after. Hannibal found the body
+of Marcellus and taking his ring with which Marcellus was accustomed
+to seal his documents he would forward letters to the cities
+purporting to come from him. He was accomplishing whatever he pleased
+until Crispinus became aware of it and sent them a warning to be on
+their guard. As a result of this the tables were turned upon Hannibal.
+He had sent a message to the citizens of Salapia through a fictitious
+deserter, and approached the walls in the guise of Marcellus, using
+the Latin language in company with other men who understood it, in
+order to be taken for Romans. The Salapini, informed of his artifice,
+were artful enough in turn to pretend that they believed Marcellus was
+really approaching. Then drawing up the portcullis they admitted as
+many as it seemed to them they could conveniently dispose of and
+killed them all. Hannibal withdrew at once on learning that Locri was
+being besieged by the Romans, who had sailed against it from Sicily.
+
+Publius Sulpicius assisted by Ætolians and other allies devastated a
+large part of Achæa. But as soon as Philip the Macedonian formed an
+alliance with the Achæans, the Romans would have been driven out of
+Greece completely but for the fact that the helmet of Philip fell off
+and the Ætolians got possession of it. For in this way a report
+reached Macedonia that he was dead and a factional uprising took
+place; Philip, consequently, fearing that he should be deprived of his
+kingdom, hastened to Macedonia. Then the Romans stuck to their places
+in Greece and conquered a few cities.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 207 (_a.u._ 547)] The following year upon announcement
+of Hasdrubal's approach the people of Rome gathered their forces,
+summoned their allies, and chose Claudius Nero and Marcus Livius
+consuls. Nero they sent against Hannibal, Livius against Hasdrubal.
+The latter met him near the city of Sena but did not immediately open
+engagement with him. For many days he remained stationary, and
+Hasdrubal was in no hurry for battle, either, but remained at rest
+awaiting his brother. Nero and Hannibal entered Lucania to encamp and
+neither hastened to array his forces for battle, but in other ways
+they had some conflicts. Hannibal kept constantly changing position
+and Nero kept careful watch of him. As he constantly had the advantage
+of him and ere long captured the letter sent to him by Hasdrubal, he
+began to despise Hannibal, but fearing that Hasdrubal might overwhelm
+Livius through mere numbers he ventured upon a hazardous exploit. He
+left on the spot a portion of his force sufficient to check Hannibal
+in case the latter should make any movement, and he gave the men
+injunctions to do everything to create the impression that he was also
+there. He selected the flower of his army and started out apparently
+to attack some neighboring city, nor did any one know his true
+intentions. He hastened on, then, against Hasdrubal, reached his
+colleague at night, and took up his quarters in the latter's
+entrenchments. Both made ready for a sudden attack upon the invader.
+The situation did not go concealed, but Hasdrubal inferred what had
+happened from the fact that the word of command was given twice; for
+each consul issued orders to his own troops separately. Suspecting
+therefore that Hannibal had been defeated and had perished,--for he
+calculated that if his brother were alive, Nero would never have
+marched against _him_,--he determined to retire among the Gauls and
+there find out definitely about his brother and so carry on the war at
+his convenience.
+
+So after giving orders to the army to break up he started out that
+night, and the consuls from the noise suspected what was going on, yet
+they did not move immediately because of the darkness. At dawn,
+however, they sent the cavalry ahead to pursue the enemy and they
+themselves followed. Hasdrubal made a stand against the cavalry,
+deeming them an isolated troop, but the consuls came up and routed him
+and followed after the fugitives, of whom they slaughtered many. Even
+the elephants were of no help to the Carthaginians. Inasmuch as some
+of them that had been wounded did more harm to those in charge of them
+than had been done by the enemy, Hasdrubal gave orders to those seated
+upon them to slay the beasts as fast as they got wounded. And they
+killed them very easily by piercing them with an iron instrument under
+the ear. So they were destroyed by the Carthaginians, but the men by
+the Romans. So many fell that the Romans became surfeited with
+slaughter and did not wish to pursue the rest. They had destroyed
+Hasdrubal along with many others, they had secured huge quantities of
+spoil, they had found Roman captives to the number of four thousand in
+the camp, and thought they had sufficiently retrieved the disaster of
+Cannæ.
+
+At the conclusion of these operations Livius stayed where he was, but
+Nero returned to Apulia, reaching it on the sixth day; his absence up
+to that time had not been detected. Some of the prisoners he sent into
+Hannibal's camp to explain what had happened, and he fixed Hasdrubal's
+head on a pole nearby. Hannibal, learning that his brother was
+vanquished and dead, and that Nero had conquered and returned,
+lamented bitterly, often crying out upon Fortune and Cannæ. And he
+retired into Bruttium where he remained inactive.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 206 (_a.u._ 548)] IX, 10.--Scipio was detailed to
+superintend Roman interests in Spain till what time he should reach a
+satisfactory adjustment of them all. First he sailed to Libya with two
+quinqueremes, and it so happened that Hasdrubal son of Gisco landed
+there at the same time as he did. Syphax, who was king of a portion of
+Libya and had enjoyed friendly relations with the Carthaginians,
+entertained them both and endeavored to reconcile them. But Scipio
+said that he had no private enmity and he could not on his own
+responsibility arrange terms for his country.
+
+Accordingly he went back again and began a war against the
+Iliturgitani because they had handed over to the Carthaginians the
+Romans who took refuge with them after the death of the Scipios. He
+did not make himself master of their city until he dared to scale the
+wall in person and got wounded. Then the soldiers, put to shame and
+fearing for his life, made a very vigorous assault. Having mastered
+the situation they killed the whole population and burned down the
+entire city. As a result of the fear thus inspired many voluntarily
+ranged themselves on his side, whereas many others had to be subdued
+by force. Some when subjected to siege burned their cities and slew
+their kinsmen and finally themselves.
+
+After subjugating the greater part of the country Scipio shifted his
+position to Carthage and there instituted funeral combats in full
+armor in honor of his father and his uncle. When many others had
+contended, there came also two brothers who continued at variance
+about a kingdom, though Scipio had made efforts to reconcile them. And
+the elder slew the younger in spite of the superior strength of the
+latter.
+
+Subsequently Scipio fell sick, and that was the signal for a rebellion
+of the Spaniards. One of Scipio's legions that was in winter quarters
+near Sucro became restless. It had shown a lack of docility before
+this, but had not ventured upon open rebellion. Now, however,
+perceiving that Scipio was incapacitated and influenced further by the
+fact that their pay had been slow in coming they mutinied outright,
+drove away the tribunes, and elected consuls for themselves. Their
+number was about eight thousand. The Spaniards on ascertaining this
+revolted with greater readiness and proceeded to damage the territory
+belonging to the Roman alliance. Mago, who had intended to abandon
+Gades, consequently did not abandon it, but crossed over to the
+mainland and wrought considerable mischief.
+
+Scipio learning this wrote and sent a letter to apostate legion in
+which he affected to pardon them for revolting on account of the
+scarcity of the necessities of life, and did not seem to think it
+proper to view them with suspicion but conferred praise upon those who
+had accepted their leadership for the purpose of preventing any
+outrage due to lack of government being either suffered or committed.
+When Scipio had written to this effect and the soldiers had learned
+that he was alive and was not angry with them, they made no further
+demonstrations. Even after he recovered his health he did not use
+harsh threats in dealing with them, but sent a promise to supply them
+with food and invited them all to come to him either all together or
+only a part at a time. The soldiers, not daring to go in small squads,
+went in a body. Scipio arranged that they should bivouac outside the
+wall--for it was nearly evening--and furnished them provisions in
+abundance. So they encamped, but Scipio brought it about that the
+boldest spirits among them should enter the city, and during the night
+he overpowered and imprisoned them. At daybreak he sent forth all his
+army as if to go on an expedition somewhere. Then he called the recent
+arrivals inside the wall without their weapons in order to join his
+undertaking after they had received their provision-money. As soon as
+they had accordingly entered he signaled the men who had gone forth to
+return just as they were. Thus he surrounded the rebels and heaped
+upon them many reproaches and threats, saying finally: [Sidenote:
+FRAG. 56^42] "YOU ALL DESERVE TO DIE: HOWEVER, I SHALL NOT PUT YOU ALL
+TO DEATH BUT I SHALL EXECUTE ONLY A FEW WHOM I HAVE ALREADY ARRESTED;
+THE REST I SHALL RELEASE." With these words he set the prisoners in
+their midst, fixed them upon crosses, and after copious abuse killed
+them. Some of the soldiers standing by grew indignant and raised an
+outcry, whereupon he punished a number of them also. After this he
+gave the rest their pay and conducted a campaign against Indibilis and
+Mandonius. As they were too timid to offer him battle, he attacked and
+was victorious.
+
+Following their capitulation most of the rest of Spain was again
+enslaved, Mago abandoned Gades, and Masinissa took the Roman side. The
+Carthaginians at news of the death of Hasdrubal, Hannibal's brother,
+had voted to give up Spain but to recover their prestige in Italy. And
+they sent money to Mago that he might gather a force of auxiliaries
+and lead a campaign against that country. He, setting out once more
+for Italy, reached the Gymnasian islands. The larger one escaped his
+grasp; the natives from a distance kept using their slings (in which
+art they were masters) against the ships, so that he could not effect
+a landing: but he anchored off the smaller one and waited there on
+account of the winter. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^44] THESE ISLANDS ARE
+SITUATED CLOSE TO THE MAINLAND IN THE VICINITY OF THE IBER. THEY ARE
+THREE IN NUMBER AND THE GREEKS AND THE ROMANS ALIKE CALL THEM THE
+GYMNASIAN, BUT THE SPANIARDS THE BALEARES OR HYASOUSÆ,[34] or,
+separately, the first Ebusus, the second the "Larger,"[35] and the
+third the "Smaller,"[36] exceedingly well named.--Gades was occupied
+by the Romans.
+
+[Footnote 34: A corruption for Pityusæ.]
+
+[Footnote 35: Or, in other words, Balearis Major and Balearis Minor.]
+
+[Footnote 36: [See previous footnote.]]
+
+
+_(BOOK 17, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 56^45] IX, 11.--MASINISSA RANKED AMONG THE MOST
+PROMINENT MEN: IN FORCE AND IN PLANNING ALIKE HE DISPLAYED A
+SUPERIORITY, AS IT CHANCED, where warlike deeds were concerned. He had
+left the Carthaginians for the Romans as a result of circumstances now
+to be related. Hasdrubal the son of Gisco was a friend of his and had
+betrothed to him his daughter Sophonis. Hasdrubal, however, became
+acquainted with Syphax and perceiving that he favored the Romans did
+not keep his agreement with Masinissa any longer. He was so anxious to
+add Syphax, who was lord of a very great power, to the Carthaginian
+alliance that when his father about this time died he helped him to
+take possession of his domain, which properly belonged to Masinissa,
+and furthermore gave him Sophonis in marriage. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^46]
+SHE WAS CONSPICUOUS FOR BEAUTY, HAD BEEN TRAINED IN A LIBERAL LITERARY
+AND MUSICAL EDUCATION, WAS OF ATTRACTIVE MANNERS, COY, AND SO LOVABLE
+THAT THE MERE SIGHT OF HER OR EVEN THE SOUND OF HER VOICE VANQUISHED
+EVEN A PERSON QUITE DEVOID OF AFFECTION.
+
+Syphax for these reasons attached himself to the Carthaginians, and
+Masinissa on the contrary took up with the Romans and from first to
+last proved very useful to them. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^47] SCIPIO AFTER
+WINNING OVER THE WHOLE TERRITORY SOUTH OF THE PYRENEES, PARTLY BY
+FORCE, PARTLY BY TREATY, EQUIPPED HIMSELF TO JOURNEY TO LIBYA. THE
+PEOPLE OF ROME, HOWEVER, THROUGH JEALOUSY OF HIS SUCCESSES AND THROUGH
+FEAR THAT HE MIGHT BECOME ARROGANT AND PLAY THE TYRANT SENT TWO OF THE
+PRÆTORS TO RELIEVE HIM AND CALLED HIM HOME.
+
+THUS HE WAS DEPOSED FROM HIS COMMAND. BUT SULPICIUS TOGETHER WITH
+ATTALUS OCCUPIED OREUS BY TREACHERY AND OPUS BY MAIN FORCE. PHILIP WAS
+UNABLE TO SEND THEM SPEEDY AID AS THE ÆTOLIANS HAD SEIZED THE PASSES
+IN ADVANCE. BUT AT LAST HE DID ARRIVE ON THE SCENE AND FORCED ATTALUS
+BACK TO HIS SHIPS. PHILIP, HOWEVER, WISHED TO CONCLUDE A TRUCE WITH
+THE ROMANS. AND AFTER SOME PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION THE PEACE
+PROPOSITION WAS WITHDRAWN, BUT HE MOVED THE ÆTOLIANS OUT OF THEIR
+POSITION OF ALLIANCE WITH THE ROMANS AND MADE THEM HIS OWN FRIENDS
+INSTEAD.
+
+Hannibal for a time kept quiet, satisfied if he might only retain such
+advantages as were already his. And the consuls thinking that his
+power had slowly wasted away without a battle also waited.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 205 (_a.u._ 549)] The succeeding year Publius Scipio
+and [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^48] LICINIUS CRASSUS BECAME CONSULS. And THE
+LATTER STAYED IN ITALY, but Scipio had received orders to leave there
+for Sicily and Libya to the end that in case he should not capture
+Carthage he might at least eventually draw Hannibal from Italy. He did
+not succeed in securing an army of any real value nor in getting an
+expenditure for triremes, because the honors accorded to his prowess
+had made him an object of jealousy. The people would scarcely supply
+him with the necessities. While he set out with the fleet of the
+allies and a few volunteers drawn from the populace, Mago left the
+island and after sailing along the Italian coast disembarked in
+Liguria. Crassus was in Bruttium lying in wait for Hannibal. Philip,
+however, had become reconciled with the Romans; for on ascertaining
+that Publius Sempronius had reached Apollonia with a large force he
+was glad to make peace.
+
+[Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^50?)] Scipio the consul landed in Sicily and made
+ready to sail to Libya, but he could not do so because he did not have
+a complete force at his disposal and what he had was undisciplined.
+Therefore he resided there for the entire winter, drilling his
+followers and enrolling others in addition. As he was on the point of
+making the passage, a message came to him from Rhegium that some of
+the citizens of Locri would betray the city. Having denounced the
+commander of the garrison and obtained no satisfaction from Hannibal
+they were now ready to go over to the Romans. Accordingly he sent a
+detachment there and with the aid of the traitors seized a good part
+of the city during the night. The Carthaginians were huddled together
+in the citadel and sent for Hannibal, whereupon Scipio also set sail
+with speed and by a sudden sally repulsed Hannibal when the latter was
+close to the city. Next he captured the acropolis and, after
+entrusting the entire city to the care of the military tribunes,
+sailed back again. He was unable, however, to consummate his voyage to
+Libya. The Carthaginians so dreaded his advance that they despatched
+money to Philip to induce him to make a campaign against Italy, and
+sent grain and soldiers to Hannibal and to Mago ships and money that
+he might prevent Scipio from crossing. The Romans, led by certain
+portents to expect a brilliant victory, entrusted to Scipio the army
+of Libya and gave him permission to enroll as large an additional
+force as he should please. [Sidenote: B.C. 204 (_a.u._ 550)] Of the
+consuls they set Marcus Cethegus over against Mago and Publius
+Sempronius against Hannibal.
+
+IX, 12.--The Carthaginians, fearing that Masinissa would join Scipio,
+persuaded Syphax to restore his domain to him, the giver receiving
+assurance that he would get the tract back again. Masinissa was
+suspicious of the transaction, yet agreed to peace, in order to win
+the confidence of the Carthaginians and so be able to plunge them into
+some great catastrophe. For he was more enraged over Sophonis than
+over the kingdom, and consequently worked for Roman interests while
+affecting to be for the Carthaginians. Syphax, who was a Libyan
+adherent, professed a friendliness for the Romans and sent to Scipio
+warning him against crossing over. Scipio heard this as a piece of
+secret information, and to prevent the knowledge of it from reaching
+the soldiers he sent the herald back post-haste before he had had time
+to meet anybody else. Then he called together the army and hastened
+forward the preparations for crossing; he declared that the
+Carthaginians were unprepared and that first Masinissa and now Syphax
+was calling for them and upbraiding them for lingering. After this
+speech he suffered no further delay but set sail. He brought his ships
+to anchor near the cape called Apollonium, and [Sidenote: FRAG.
+56^51] PITCHED HIS CAMP, DEVASTATED THE COUNTRY, MADE ASSAULTS UPON
+THE CITIES AND CAPTURED A FEW. AS THE ROMANS WERE HARRYING THE
+COUNTRY, HANNO THE CAVALRY COMMANDER, WHO WAS A SON OF HASDRUBAL SON
+OF GISCO, WAS PERSUADED BY MASINISSA TO ATTACK THEM. SCIPIO
+ACCORDINGLY SENT SOME HORSEMEN AND WAS PLUNDERING SOME DISTRICTS THAT
+WERE SUITABLE FOR HIM TO OVERRUN, TO THE END THAT HIS MEN BY SIMULATED
+FLIGHT MIGHT DRAW UPON THEM THE PURSUERS. SO WHEN THEY TURNED TO FLEE,
+ACCORDING TO PREVIOUS ARRANGEMENTS, AND THE CARTHAGINIANS FOLLOWED
+THEM UP, MASINISSA WITH HIS FOLLOWERS GOT IN THE REAR OF THE PURSUERS
+AND ATTACKED THEM AND SCIPIO MAKING AN ONSET FROM HIS AMBUSH JOINED
+BATTLE WITH THEM. AND MANY WERE DESTROYED, MANY ALSO WERE CAPTURED,
+AMONG THEM HANNO HIMSELF. THEREFORE HASDRUBAL ARRESTED THE MOTHER OF
+MASINISSA, AND AN EXCHANGE OF THE TWO CAPTIVES WAS EFFECTED. SYPHAX
+NOW RENOUNCED EVEN THE APPEARANCE OF FRIENDSHIP FOR THE ROMANS AND
+OPENLY ATTACHED HIMSELF TO THE CARTHAGINIANS. AND THE ROMANS BOTH
+PLUNDERED THE COUNTRY AND RECOVERED MANY PRISONERS FROM ITALY WHO HAD
+BEEN SENT TO LIBYA BY HANNIBAL AND THEY WENT INTO WINTER QUARTERS
+WHERE THEY WERE.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 203 (_a.u._ 551)] After this Gnæus Scipio[37] and
+Gaius Servilius became consuls, and during their year of office the
+Carthaginians, having got the worst of it in the struggle, felt a
+desire to arrange terms of peace and furthermore both Hannibal and
+Mago were driven out of Italy. It was the consuls who made a stand
+against Hannibal and Mago, while Scipio was inflicting damage upon
+Libya and assailing the cities. Meantime [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^52] HE
+HAD CAPTURED A CARTHAGINIAN VESSEL, BUT RELEASED IT WHEN THEY FEIGNED
+TO HAVE BEEN COMING ON AN EMBASSY TO HIM. HE KNEW, TO BE SURE, THAT IT
+WAS ONLY A PRETEXT, BUT PREFERRED TO AVOID THE POSSIBILITY OF IT BEING
+SAID AGAINST HIM THAT HE HAD DETAINED ENVOYS. AND IN THE CASE OF
+SYPHAX, WHO WAS STILL ENDEAVORING TO NEGOTIATE A RECONCILIATION ON THE
+TERMS THAT SCIPIO SHOULD SAIL FROM LIBYA AND HANNIBAL FROM ITALY, HE
+RECEIVED HIS PROPOSITION NOT IN A TRUSTFUL MOOD, BUT TO THE END THAT
+HE MIGHT RUIN HIM. For on the excuse afforded by the postponed truce
+he sent various bodies of soldiers at various times into the
+Carthaginian camp and into that of Syphax; and when they had carefully
+inspected everything on the side of their opponents, he put aside the
+treaty on a plausible pretext, which was the more readily found
+because Syphax had been detected in a plot against Masinissa. And
+Scipio went by night to where their two camps were located, not very
+far apart, and secretly set fire to Hasdrubal's camp at many points at
+once. It rapidly blazed up--for their tents had been made of
+corn-stalks and leafy branches--and the Carthaginians fared badly. The
+followers of Syphax in attempting to aid them encountered the Romans,
+who closed in the place, and were themselves destroyed; and their own
+camp was set on fire in addition, and in it many men and horses
+perished. The Romans escaped injury during the rest of the night
+following the exploit, but just after daylight Spaniards who had
+lately arrived as an accession to the Carthaginian alliance fell upon
+them unexpectedly and killed a large number.
+
+[Footnote 37: Dio probably wrote _Cæpio_ here.]
+
+As a result of all this Hasdrubal straightway retired to Carthage and
+Syphax to his own country. Scipio set Masinissa and Gaius Lælius to
+oppose Syphax while he himself marched against the Carthaginians. The
+Carthaginians for their part sent ships toward the Roman stronghold,
+which the enemy were using as winter quarters and as a storehouse for
+all their goods. In this way they might either capture it or draw
+Scipio away from themselves. Such also was the result. As soon as he
+heard of the manoeuvre, he withdrew and hurried to the harbor, which
+he placed under guard. And on the first day the Romans easily repulsed
+their assailants, but on the next they had decidedly the worst of the
+encounter. The Carthaginians even went so far as to take away Roman
+ships by seizing them with grappling irons. They did not venture,
+however, to disembark but finally sailed homewards, after which they
+superseded Hasdrubal and chose a certain Hanno in his place. From this
+time Hanno was the general, but his predecessor privately got hold of
+some slaves and deserters whom he welded together into a fairly strong
+force; he then quietly persuaded some of the Spaniards who were
+serving in Scipio's army to help him and attempted one night to carry
+out a plot against the Roman's camp. Something would have come of it,
+had not the soothsayers, dismayed by the actions of birds, and the
+mother of Masinissa, as a result of divinations, caused an
+investigation of the Spaniards to be made. So their treachery was
+anticipated and punished, and Scipio again made a campaign against
+Carthage; he was engaged in devastating their fields [IX, 13.] while
+Syphax was waging war upon the followers of Lælius. That prince
+offered successful resistance for some time, but eventually the Romans
+prevailed, slaughtered many, took many alive, and captured Syphax.
+They also acquired possession of Cirta, his palace, without a contest
+by displaying to the guardians within their king, now a prisoner.
+
+It was there that Sophonis also was. Masinissa at once rushed toward
+her and embracing her said: "I hold Syphax that snatched thee away. I
+hold thee also. Fear not. Thou hast not become a captive, since thou
+hast me as an ally." After these words he married her on the spot,
+anticipating any action on the part of the Romans out of fear that he
+might somehow lose her, were she reckoned among the spoil. Then he
+assumed control of the rest of the cities of Syphax also. [Sidenote:
+FRAG. 56^53] AND THEY BROUGHT TO SCIPIO ALONG WITH THE OTHER PROPERTY
+SYPHAX HIMSELF. AND THE COMMANDER WOULD NOT CONSENT TO SEE HIM REMAIN
+BOUND IN CHAINS, BUT CALLING TO MIND HIS ENTERTAINMENT AT THE OTHER'S
+COURT AND REFLECTING ON HUMAN POSSIBILITIES HE LEAPED FROM HIS CHAIR,
+LOOSED HIM, EMBRACED HIM, AND TREATED HIM WITH RESPECT. Once he asked
+him: "What possessed you to go to war with us?" Syphax excused
+himself skillfully and at the same time made himself secure against
+Masinissa by declaring that Sophonis had been responsible for his
+attitude. To please her father Hasdrubal she had ensnared him by
+witchcraft against his will to espouse the Carthaginian cause. "At any
+rate," he went on, "I have paid a proper penalty for being hoodwinked
+by a woman, and in the midst of my evils have at least one
+consolation,--that Masinissa has married her. For she will certainly
+bring about his utter ruin likewise."
+
+Scipio feeling suspicious about this action of Masinissa called him
+and censured him for having so speedily married a woman taken captive
+from the enemy without the commanding officer's consent, and he bade
+him give her up to the Romans. Masinissa, thoroughly distracted,
+rushed into the tent where Sophonis was and cried out to her: "If I
+might by my own death ensure thee liberty and freedom from outrage, I
+would cheerfully die for thee; but since this is impossible, I send
+thee before me whither I and all shall come." With these words he held
+out poison to her. And she uttered neither lament nor groan but with
+much nobility made answer: "Husband, if this is thy will, I am
+content. My soul shall after thee know no other lord: for my body, if
+Scipio require it, let him take it with life extinct." Thus she met
+her death, and Scipio marveled at the deed.
+
+Lælius conducted to Rome Syphax and his son Vermina and some others of
+the foremost men; and the citizens gave Syphax an estate at Alba,
+where at his death they honored him with a public funeral, and
+confirmed Vermina in the possession of his father's kingdom besides
+bestowing upon him the captured Nomads.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 56^54] THE CARTHAGINIANS WHILE MAKING PROPOSITIONS TO
+SCIPIO THROUGH HERALDS GAVE HIM MONEY AT ONCE AND GAVE BACK ALL THE
+PRISONERS, BUT IN REGARD TO THE REMAINING MATTERS THEY DESPATCHED AN
+EMBASSY TO ROME. HOWEVER, THE ROMANS WOULD NOT RECEIVE THE ENVOYS AT
+THAT TIME, DECLARING THAT IT WAS A TRADITION IN THE STATE NOT TO ADMIT
+AN EMBASSY FROM ANY PARTIES AND NEGOTIATE WITH THEM IN REGARD TO PEACE
+WHILE THEIR ARMIES WERE STILL IN ITALY. LATER, WHEN HANNIBAL AND MAGO
+HAD EMBARKED, THEY ACCORDED THE ENVOYS AN AUDIENCE AND VOTED THE
+PEACE. But Hannibal and Mago departed from Italy not on account of the
+tentative arrangements but through haste to reach the scene of war at
+home.
+
+The Carthaginians in Libya were not thinking seriously of peace even
+before this and had made propositions about a truce only for the
+purpose of using up time and with a view to securing Hannibal's
+presence. When they heard that Hannibal was really drawing near, they
+took courage [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^55] AND ATTACKED SCIPIO BOTH BY LAND
+AND BY SEA. WHEN THE LATTER COMPLAINED TO THEM ABOUT THIS, THEY
+RETURNED NO PROPER ANSWER TO THE ENVOYS AND ACTUALLY PLOTTED AGAINST
+THEM WHEN THEY SAILED BACK; AND HAD NOT A WIND FORTUNATELY ARISEN TO
+HELP THEM, THEY WOULD HAVE PERISHED. HENCE SCIPIO, THOUGH AT THIS TIME
+THE VOTE REGARDING PEACE WAS BROUGHT TO HIM, REFUSED ANY LONGER TO
+MAKE IT. So the Carthaginians sent Mago back to Italy, but deposed
+Hanno from his command and appointed Hannibal general with full
+powers. Hasdrubal they even voted to put to death, and finding that he
+had by poison intentionally compassed his own destruction they abused
+his dead body. Hannibal having secured complete leadership invaded the
+country of Masinissa, where he proceeded to do mischief and made ready
+to fight against the Romans. Counter-preparations were made by the
+followers of Scipio.
+
+IX, 14.--The people of Rome were regretting that they had not
+prevented the return voyage of Hannibal, and when they learned that he
+was consolidating the opposition in Libya, they were again terrified
+beyond measure. [Sidenote: B.C. 202 (_a.u._ 552)] Accordingly they
+sent Claudius Nero, one of the consuls, to attend to him, and allotted
+to Marcus Servilius the protection of Italy. Nevertheless Nero was not
+able to reach Libya, being detained in Italy by stormy weather and
+again at Sardinia. After that he progressed no farther than Sicily,
+for he learned that Scipio had proved the victor. Scipio, indeed, was
+afraid that Nero might be so prompt as to appropriate the glory that
+properly was the fruit of his own toils, and so, at the very first
+glimmer of spring, he took up his march against Hannibal; he had
+already received information that the latter had conquered Masinissa.
+Hannibal, upon ascertaining the approach of Scipio, did not wait, but
+went out to meet him. They encamped opposite each other and did not at
+once come to blows, but delayed several days; and each commander
+addressed words to his own army and incited it to battle.
+
+When it seemed best to Scipio not to delay any further but to involve
+Hannibal in conflict whether he wished it or not, he set out for
+Utica, that by creating an impression of fear and flight he might gain
+a favorable opportunity for attack; and this was what took place.
+Hannibal, thinking that he was in flight and being correspondingly
+encouraged, pursued him with cavalry only. Contrary to his
+expectations Scipio resisted, engaged in battle and came out
+victorious. After routing this body he directed his next attentions
+not to pursuing them but to their equipment train, which chanced to be
+on the march, and he captured it entire. This behavior caused Hannibal
+alarm, an alarm increased by the news that Scipio had done no injury
+to three Carthaginian spies whom he had found in his camp. Hannibal
+had learned this fact from one of them, for the other two had chosen
+to remain with the Romans. Disheartened and confused he no longer felt
+the courage to carry on a decisive engagement with the Romans, but
+determined to make efforts for a truce as quickly as possible, in
+order that if this attempt should not be successful, it might at least
+cause a temporary delay and cessation of hostilities. So he sent to
+Masinissa, and through him as a man of the same stock asked for a
+truce. And he secured a conference with Scipio, but accomplished
+nothing. For Scipio avoided a definite answer as much as he did a
+harsh one, but throughout pursued a middle course, albeit preserving
+an agreeable tone, in order to lead Hannibal into careless behavior by
+pretending a willingness to come to terms. Such was the result.
+Hannibal now gave no thought to battle, but concerned himself with a
+desire to change his camp to a more favorable location. Scipio,
+gaining this information from deserters, broke up beforehand by night
+and occupied the spot which was the goal of Hannibal's striving. And
+when the Carthaginians had reached a depressed part of the road
+unsuited for encampment he suddenly confronted them. Hannibal refused
+to fight and in his efforts to locate a camp there and to dig wells he
+had a hard time of it all night long. Thus Scipio forced the enemy,
+while at a disadvantage from weariness and thirst, to offer battle
+whether pleased or not.
+
+Accordingly, the Romans entered the conflict well marshaled and eager,
+but Hannibal and the Carthaginians listlessly and in dejection, a
+dejection for which a total eclipse of the sun at this time was
+largely accountable. From this combination of circumstances Hannibal
+suspected that this, too, foreboded to them nothing auspicious. In
+this frame of mind they stationed the elephants in front of them as a
+protection. Suddenly the Romans emitted a great, bloodcurdling shout,
+and smiting their spears against their shields advanced with
+determination and on a run against the elephants. Thrown into a panic
+by the onset most of the beasts did not await the enemy's approach,
+but turned to flee and receiving frequent wounds wrought greater
+turmoil among their keepers. Others entered the fray, and then the
+Romans would stand apart and the animals ran through the spaces in
+their ranks, getting struck and wounded from close at hand as they
+passed along. For a time the Carthaginians resisted, but at length,
+when Masinissa and Lælius fell upon them from the rear with horsemen,
+they all fled. The majority of them were destroyed and Hannibal came
+very near losing his life. As he fled, Masinissa pursued him at
+breakneck speed, giving his horse free rein. Hannibal turned and saw
+him in mad career; he swerved aside just slightly, [Sidenote: FRAG.
+56^57] AND CHECKED HIS FORWARD COURSE: Masinissa rushed by and
+Hannibal got behind and wounded him. Shortly after with a few
+attendants the Carthaginian leader made good his escape.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (_a.u._ 553)] Scipio followed up his victory by a
+rapid advance against Carthage and proceeded to besiege it by land and
+sea at once. The Carthaginians at first set themselves in readiness as
+though to endure the siege, but later, brought to the end of their
+resources, [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^62] THEY MADE OVERTURES TO SCIPIO FOR
+PEACE. Scipio accepted their proposals and discussed with them the
+articles of the compact. THE TERMS AGREED UPON WERE: THAT THE HOSTAGES
+AND THE CAPTIVES AND THE DESERTERS SHOULD BE GIVEN UP BY THE
+CARTHAGINIANS, THAT ALL THE ELEPHANTS AND THE TRIREMES (SAVE TEN)
+SHOULD BE DELIVERED OVER, AND THAT IN THE FUTURE THEY SHOULD NOT KEEP
+ELEPHANTS NOR MORE SHIPS OF WAR THAN TEN, NOR MAKE WAR UPON ANY ONE
+CONTRARY TO THE ADVICE AND CONSENT OF THE ROMANS, and a few other
+points.
+
+WHEN AN AGREEMENT OF THIS NATURE HAD BEEN REACHED, THE CARTHAGINIANS
+DESPATCHED AMBASSADORS TO ROME. [Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^63?)] SO THEY
+WENT THEIR WAY, BUT THE SENATE DID NOT RECEIVE THE EMBASSY READILY;
+INDEED, ITS MEMBERS DISPUTED FOR A LONG TIME, ONE PARTY BEING OPPOSED
+TO ANOTHER. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^64] THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY, HOWEVER,
+UNANIMOUSLY VOTED FOR PEACE AND ACCEPTED THE AGREEMENT AND SENT TEN
+MEN THAT IN CONJUNCTION WITH SCIPIO THEY MIGHT SETTLE ALL THE DETAILS.
+AND THE TREATY WAS ACCEPTED, THE TRIREMES WERE GIVEN UP AND BURNED,
+AND OF THE ELEPHANTS THE LARGER NUMBER WERE CARRIED OFF TO ROME, AND
+THE REST WERE PRESENTED TO MASINISSA. THE ROMANS NOW ABANDONED LIBYA,
+AND THE CARTHAGINIANS ITALY.
+
+THE SECOND WAR, THEN, WITH THE CARTHAGINIANS RESULTED IN THIS WAY AT
+THE END OF SIXTEEN YEARS. BY IT SCIPIO HAD BEEN MADE ILLUSTRIOUS, AND
+HE WAS GIVEN THE TITLE OF AFRICANUS (AFRICA WAS THE NAME OF THAT PART
+OF LIBYA SURROUNDING CARTHAGE), AND MANY ALSO CALLED HIM "LIBERATOR"
+BECAUSE HE HAD BROUGHT BACK MANY CAPTIVE CITIZENS. HE THEREFORE
+ATTAINED GREAT PROMINENCE BY THESE DEEDS, BUT HANNIBAL WAS ACCUSED BY
+HIS OWN PEOPLE OF HAVING REFUSED TO CAPTURE ROME WHEN HE WAS ABLE TO
+DO SO, AND OF HAVING APPROPRIATED THE PLUNDER IN ITALY. HE WAS NOT,
+HOWEVER, CONVICTED, BUT WAS SHORTLY AFTER ENTRUSTED WITH THE HIGHEST
+OFFICE IN CARTHAGE.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 57^1] IX, 15.--THE ROMANS NOW BECAME INVOLVED IN
+OTHER WARS, which were waged against Philip the Macedonian and against
+Antiochus.
+
+
+_(BOOK 18, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+As long as the struggle with the Carthaginians was at its height they
+treated Philip with consideration even if his attitude toward them was
+not one of friendliness; for they wished to prevent him from
+consolidating with the Carthaginians or leading an expedition into
+Italy. But when the previous hostilities had come to a standstill,
+they did not wait a moment, but embarked upon open warfare with him,
+which they justified by the presentation of many complaints.
+Accordingly, the Romans sent envoys to him, and when he complied with
+none of their orders, voted for war. They used his descent upon the
+Greeks as a pretext, but their real reason was irritation at his
+general behavior and a determination to anticipate him, so that he
+should not be able to enslave Greece and conduct a campaign against
+Italy after the fashion of Pyrrhus. [Sidenote: B.C. 200 (_a.u._ 554)]
+As a consequence of their vote they made effective preparations in all
+departments and they associated with Sulpicius Galba Lucius Apustius
+as legatus in charge of the fleet. Galba after crossing the Ionian
+Gulf was sick for some time; accordingly the aforementioned legatus
+and the sub-lieutenant Claudius Cento assumed charge of his entire
+force. The second of these with the aid of the fleet rescued Athens,
+which was being besieged by the Macedonians, and sacked Chalcis, which
+was occupied by the same enemy. Philip returned just then, having
+finished his campaign against Athens, but Cento drove him back at his
+first approach and repulsed him again on the occasion of a subsequent
+assault. Apustius, while Philip was busy with Greece, had invaded
+Macedonia, and was plundering the country as well as making garrisons
+and cities subject. For these reasons Philip found himself in a
+quandary, and for a time scurried about hither and thither, defending
+now one place, now another. This he did until Apustius proved himself
+a mighty menace to his country and the Dardanians were injuring the
+part of Macedonia close to their borders [Sidenote: FRAG. 57^2] (THIS
+PEOPLE DWELL ABOVE THE ILLYRIANS AND THE MACEDONIANS) and some
+Illyrians together with Amynander king of the Athamanians, a
+Thessalian tribe, though they had previously been his allies now
+transferred themselves to the Roman side. In view of these events he
+conceived a suspicion of Ætolian loyalty and began to fear for his
+interests at home, and he hastened thither with the larger part of his
+army. Apustius, apprised of his approach, retired, for by this time it
+was winter.
+
+Galba on recovering from his illness made ready a still larger force
+and at the beginning of spring pushed forward into Macedonia. When the
+two leaders drew near each other they [Sidenote: FRAG. 57^3] BOTH
+PITCHED CAMP AND CONDUCTED SKIRMISHES OF THE HORSE AND LIGHT-ARMED
+TROOPS. WHEN THE ROMANS TRANSFERRED THEIR CAMP TO A CERTAIN SPOT FROM
+WHICH THEY COULD GET FOOD MORE EASILY, PHILIP DECIDED THAT THEY HAD
+SHIFTED POSITION OUT OF FEAR OF HIM; THEREFORE HE ATTACKED THEM
+UNEXPECTEDLY WHILE THEY WERE ENGAGED IN PLUNDERING AND KILLED A FEW OF
+THEM. AND GALBA ON PERCEIVING THIS MADE A SORTIE FROM THE CAMP,
+ATTACKED HIM AND SLEW MANY MORE IN RETURN. PHILIP, THEN, IN VIEW OF
+HIS DEFEAT AND THE FACT THAT HE WAS WOUNDED, WITHDREW JUST AFTER
+NIGHTFALL. GALBA, HOWEVER, DID NOT FOLLOW HIM UP BUT RETIRED TO
+APOLLONIA. APUSTIUS WITH THE RHODIANS AND WITH ATTALUS CRUISED ABOUT
+AND SUBJUGATED MANY OF THE ISLANDS.
+
+About the same time [Sidenote: FRAG. 57^4] HAMILCAR, A CARTHAGINIAN
+WHO HAD MADE A CAMPAIGN WITH MAGO IN ITALY AND REMAINED THERE
+UNNOTICED, AFTER A TERM OF QUIET CAUSED THE GAULS AS SOON AS THE
+MACEDONIAN WAR BROKE OUT TO REVOLT FROM THE ROMANS; THEN WITH THE
+REBELS HE MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE LIGURIANS AND WON OVER SOME
+OF THEM ALSO. THEY FOUGHT WITH LUCIUS FURIUS THE PRÆTOR, WERE
+DEFEATED, AND SENT ENVOYS ABOUT PEACE. THE LIGURIANS OBTAINED THIS,
+but it was not granted to the others. Instead, Aurelius the consul,
+who was jealous of the prætor's victory, led a new campaign against
+them.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 199 (_a.u._ 555)] The succeeding year a great deal of
+havoc was wrought by Hamilcar and the Gauls. They conquered the prætor
+Gnæus Bæbius, overran the territory which was in alliance with the
+Romans, besieged Placentia, and capturing it razed it to the ground.
+
+IX, 16.--To return to the campaign in Greece and Macedonia--Publius
+Villius the consul was encamped opposite Philip, who had occupied in
+advance the passes of Epirus through which are the entrances to
+Macedonia. Philip had extended a wall across the entire mountain
+region in between and held a formidable position, [Sidenote: B.C. 198
+(_a.u._ 556)] but the consul Titus Flamininus[38] at the conclusion
+of winter got around the circumvallation with a few followers by a
+narrow path. And appearing suddenly on higher ground he terrified
+Philip, who thought that the whole army of Titus had come up through
+the pass. Hence he fell back into Macedonia at once. The consul did
+not pursue him, but assumed control of the cities in Epirus. He also
+went into Thessaly and detached a good part of it from Philip and then
+retired into Phocis and Boeotia. While he was besieging Elatea his
+brother Lucius Flamininus in company with Attalus and the Rhodians was
+subduing the islands. Finally, after the capture of Cenchrea, they
+learned that envoys had been sent to the Achæans to see about an
+alliance and they despatched some themselves in turn, the Athenians
+associating in the embassy. And at first the opinions of the Achæans
+were divided, some wanting to vote their alliance to Philip and some
+to the Romans; eventually, however, they voted assistance to the
+latter. And they joined in an expedition against Corinth, where they
+succeeded in demolishing portions of the wall, but retired after
+losses suffered through sallies of the citizens.
+
+[Footnote 38: Zonaras consistently spells _Flaminius_.]
+
+Then Philip, growing afraid that many cities might be taken, made
+overtures to the consul regarding peace. The latter accepted his
+representations and they and their allies met, but nothing was
+accomplished except that permission was granted Philip to send envoys
+to Rome. Nor was anything done there. For, when the Greeks insisted
+that he depart from Corinth and Chalcis and from Demetrias in
+Thessaly, the envoys of Philip said they had received no instructions
+on this point and closed an ineffectual mission.
+
+The people of Rome in voting to Flamininus the supreme direction in
+Greece for another year also committed to his charge the case of
+Philip as well. The Roman leader, since he was to remain at his post,
+prepared for war, and the more so because the Lacedæmonian tyrant
+Nabis, although a friend of Philip from whom he had received Argos,
+had made a truce with him. The Macedonian monarch being unable to
+administer many districts at once and fearing that the city might be
+seized by the Romans had deposited it with Nabis to be restored again.
+
+In a campaign of the consul Ælius Pætus against the Gauls many
+perished on both sides in the stress of conflict and no advantage was
+achieved. And the Carthaginian hostages together with the slaves
+accompanying them and the captives who had been sold to various
+persons had the hardihood to take possession of the several cities in
+which they were living; and after slaughtering many of the native
+population were overthrown by the prætor Cornelius Lentulus before
+they had wrought any more mischief. The Gauls, however, elated by
+their successes and aware of the fact that it was only a secondary war
+the Romans were waging against them prepared as if to march upon Rome.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 197 (_a.u._ 557)] The Romans consequently became
+afraid and sent both the consuls, Cornelius Cethegus and Minucius
+Rufus, against the Gauls. They parted company and individually ravaged
+different tracts of country. The enemy accordingly also divided
+forces to meet the consuls. One band under Hamilcar encountered
+Cethegus and was defeated; the rest when made aware of this showed the
+white feather and would no longer face Rufus; consequently the latter
+overran the country at will. Those who had fought against Cethegus
+then made peace; the remainder still continued under arms.
+
+At this time Flamininus in company with Attalus reduced the whole of
+Boeotia. Attalus expired of old age in the midst of a speech which
+he was making to the people there. Flamininus went into Thessaly and
+came into collision with Philip. It was only a cavalry skirmish in
+which they engaged, for the ground was not suitable for a battle on a
+vaster scale; hence both withdrew. And having reached a certain hill,
+the top ridge of which is called Dog's Head (Cynoscephale), they
+bivouacked, one on one side, the other on the other. Here also they
+fought with their entire armies, and the outcome would have left both
+with equal honors if the Ætolians had not made the Romans superior. So
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 58] PHILIP WAS DEFEATED and fled, and afterward,
+learning that Larissa and the cities surrounding it had chosen to
+follow the fortunes of the victors, HE SENT HERALDS TO FLAMININUS. AND
+HE MADE A TRUCE as soon as Philip had given money and hostages, among
+them his own son Demetrius, and had sent out envoys to Rome in regard
+to peace.
+
+During the period of these transactions Androsthenes also had been
+vanquished by the Achæans and had lost Corinth. And Lucius Flamininus
+who was in charge of the fleet, when he could not persuade the
+Acarnanians to refrain from allying themselves with Philip, besieged
+and captured Leucas; later they became aware of Philip's defeat and he
+secured their submission with greater ease.
+
+Thus was the Macedonian war terminated and the people of Rome very
+readily became reconciled with Philip upon the following terms. He
+should restore the captives and deserters; give up the elephants and
+triremes save five (including the flagship, a vessel of sixteen
+banks), pay an indemnity, part at once, the rest in definite
+installments; be king of Macedonia alone; not keep more than five
+thousand soldiers, nor make war with any person outside his own
+country. For the rest of the cities situated in Asia and Europe which
+were previously subservient to him they let go free.
+
+The consuls waged once more with the Gauls a war not unfraught with
+difficulties, yet in spite of all they got the better of this people,
+too.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 195 (_a.u._ 559)] IX, 17.--Porcius Cato being chosen
+consul won back Spain, which had been almost entirely alienated. He
+was a man who surpassed those of his age in every virtue. Now after
+the defeat inflicted upon the Romans at Cannæ a law had been passed to
+the effect that women should not wear gold nor be carried in chairs
+nor make use at all of variegated clothing; and the people were
+deliberating as to whether they ought to abolish this law. And on this
+subject Cato delivered a speech in which he made out that the law
+ought to prevail, and finally he added these words: "Let the women,
+then, be adorned not with gold nor precious stones nor with any bright
+and transparent clothing, but with modesty, with love of husband, love
+of children, persuasion, moderation, with the established laws, with
+our arms, our victories, our trophies."--Lucius Valerius, a tribune,
+spoke in opposition to Cato, urging that the privilege of the old-time
+ornament be restored to the women. After speaking at length in this
+vein to the people he then directed his discourse to a consideration
+of Cato, and said: "You, Cato, if you are displeased at women's
+ornaments and wish to do something magnificent and befitting a
+philosopher, clip their hair close all around and put on them short
+frocks and tunics with one shoulder; yes, by Jove, you go ahead and
+give them armor and mount them on horses and, if you like, take them
+to Spain; and let's bring them in here, so that they may take part in
+our assemblies." Valerius said this in jest, but the women hearing him
+(many of them were hanging about near the Forum inquisitive to know
+how the affair would come out) rushed into the assembly denouncing the
+law; and accordingly, as it was speedily repealed, they put on some
+ornaments right there in the assembly and went out dancing.
+
+Cato sailed away and reached Spain. There he learned that all the
+dwellers as far as the Iber had united in order to wage war against
+him in a body. After organizing his army he attacked and defeated them
+and forced them to submit to him. They did so in the fear that
+otherwise they might lose the cities at a single stroke. At the time
+he did them no harm, but later when some of them incurred his
+suspicion, he deprived them all of arms and made the natives
+themselves tear down their own walls. Letters were sent in every
+direction with orders that they should be delivered to everybody on
+the same day; and in these he commanded the people to raze the circuit
+of their fortifications instanter, threatening the disobedient with
+death. Those occupying official positions when they had read them
+thought in each case that the message had been written to them alone,
+and without taking time for deliberation they all threw down their
+walls.
+
+Cato now crossed the Iber, and though he did not dare to contend with
+the Celtiberian allies of the enemy on account of their number, yet he
+handled them in marvelous fashion, now persuading them by a gift of
+larger pay to change front and join him, now admonishing them to
+return home, sometimes even announcing a battle with them for a stated
+day. The result of it all was that they broke up into separate
+factions and became so fearful that they no longer ventured to fight
+with him.
+
+
+_(BOOK 19, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+IX, 18.--At this time Flamininus, too, made a campaign against Argos,
+for the Romans seeing that Nabis was not loyal to them and was a
+source of terror to the Greeks treated him as an enemy. With an
+accession of allies from Philip Flamininus marched upon Sparta,
+crossed Taygetus without effort and advanced toward the city, meeting
+with no opposition. For Nabis, being afraid of the Romans and
+suspicious of the natives, did not rouse himself to the point of
+meeting Flamininus at a distance; but when the latter came nearer he
+made a hostile excursion from the town, thinking lightly of his
+opponent because of the fatigue of the journey and because Flamininus
+was kept employed by the business of encamping; and he did cause a few
+flurries. The next day he came out to face the Romans when they
+assaulted, but as he lost large numbers he did not come out again. So
+Flamininus, leaving a portion of his army there to prevent a warlike
+demonstration anywhere, with the rest turned his attention to the
+country districts; these he ravaged with the aid of his brother and
+the Rhodians and Eumenes, son of Attalus. Nabis was consequently in
+despair and despatched a herald to Flamininus about peace. The latter
+listened to his proposals but did not immediately cease hostilities.
+For Nabis did not dare to refuse the arrangements which he was asked
+to make, nor yet would he consent to make them. And the populace
+prevented him from coming to an agreement. So temporarily Nabis did
+not come to terms, but when the Romans attacked again and captured
+almost all of Sparta (it was in part destitute of a wall), he would
+wait no longer, but made a truce with Flamininus and by sending an
+embassy to Rome effected a settlement.
+
+Flamininus hereupon set all the Greeks free; [Sidenote: B.C. 194
+(_a.u._ 560)] later he convened them in session and after reminding
+them of the benefits they had received urged them to maintain a kindly
+attitude toward the Romans: he then withdrew all their garrisons and
+departed with his entire army.
+
+Upon the arrival of Flamininus at Rome Nabis rebelled. And straightway
+the whole Greek world, so to speak, was thrown into a turmoil which
+the Ætolians did their best to increase. They were making ready for
+war and were sending embassies to Philip and Antiochus. They persuaded
+the latter to assume a position of hostility to the Romans, promising
+him that he should be king of both Greece and Italy. Roman interests
+were so upset that they had no hope of overcoming Antiochus, but were
+satisfied if they could preserve their former conquests. Antiochus was
+regarded as a mighty personage both in the light of his own power,
+through which he had performed distinguished exploits and above all
+had subjugated Media, [Sidenote: B.C. 193 (_a.u._ 561)] and he loomed
+far mightier still for having attached to his cause Ptolemy, king of
+Egypt, and Ariarathes, monarch of Cappadocia, as a kinsman by
+marriage.
+
+Antiochus being so esteemed, the Romans as long as they were at war
+with Philip were careful to court his favor, keeping up friendly
+relations with him through envoys and sending him gifts. But when they
+had vanquished their other enemy, they despised also this king whom
+they had formerly feared. Antiochus himself crossed over into Thrace
+and gained control of many districts. [Sidenote: B.C. 192 (_a.u._
+562)] He helped colonize Lysimachia, which had been depopulated,
+intending to use it as a base. It was Philip and Nabis who had invited
+his assistance. Hannibal, too, had been with him and had caused him to
+hope that he might sail to Carthage and from there to Italy, and
+further that he could subjugate the races along the Ionian Gulf and
+with them set out against Rome. Twice before, indeed, Antiochus had
+crossed into Europe and had reached Greece. This time he learned that
+Ptolemy was dead, and deeming it all important that he should obtain
+the sovereignty of Egypt he left his son Seleucus with a force at
+Lysimachia and himself set out on the march. He found out, however,
+that Ptolemy was alive, and so kept away from Egypt and made an
+attempt to sail to Cyprus. Baffled by a storm he returned home. The
+Romans and he both despatched envoys to each other submitting mutual
+complaints that they might get an excuse for the war and inspect
+conditions on each side betimes.
+
+Hannibal had obtained the most important office at Carthage and in his
+tenure of it had offended the most powerful nobles and incurred their
+hatred. Malicious reports about him were conveyed to the Romans to
+the effect that he was rousing the Carthaginians to revolt and was
+negotiating with Antiochus. Learning that some men from Rome were at
+hand and fearing possible arrest he escaped from Carthage by night. He
+came then to Antiochus and paved the way for his own restoration to
+his native country and for war against the Romans by promising the
+king that he would secure to him the rulership of Greece and Italy.
+All went well until Scipio Africanus joined them. Scipio had been sent
+to Libya as arbitrator between Masinissa and the Carthaginians, who
+were at variance over some land boundaries, and had left their dispute
+still hanging in the air that they might continue to quarrel and
+neither of them be angry at the Romans on account of a definite
+decision. From there he crossed into Asia nominally as an envoy to
+Antiochus but in reality to smite both him and Hannibal with terror by
+his appearance and accomplish what was for the advantage of the
+Romans. After his arrival Antiochus no longer bestowed a similar
+degree of attention upon Hannibal. He suspected him of secret dealings
+with Scipio, and found him burdensome besides, because everybody
+ascribed every plan to Hannibal and all placed in him their hope for
+success in the war. For these reasons, then, he became both jealous
+and afraid of Hannibal, dreading that he might change his demeanor,
+should he get control of any power. So he neither supplied him with an
+army nor sent one to Carthage; and he did not favor him very much
+with audiences but made it a practice not to sanction any of his
+proposals.
+
+IX, 19.--The rumors about Antiochus occupied a large share of Rome's
+attention and caused the Romans no small degree of uneasiness. The
+name of Antiochus was in many mouths: some said that he already held
+the whole of Greece, others talked to the effect that he was hastening
+toward Italy. The Romans accordingly despatched envoys to Greece,
+among them Flamininus, who was on intimate terms with the people, in
+order to prevent them and Philip from creating any disturbance; and of
+the prætors they sent Marcus Bæbius to Apollonia, in case Antiochus
+should undertake to cross over into Italy that way, and Aulus Atilius
+to attend to Nabis. The second of these had no work to do, for Nabis
+had ere this perished, the victim of a plot on the part of the
+Ætolians, and Sparta had been captured by the Achæans: Bæbius and
+Philip confirmed the loyalty of many portions of Thessaly. The
+Macedonian king was true to his agreement with the Romans principally
+for the reason that Antiochus had attached some settlements belonging
+to him in Thrace.
+
+Flamininus went about Greece, and some he persuaded not to revolt,
+others already revolted he won back, except the Ætolians and a few
+towns elsewhere. The Ætolian league had bound itself to Antiochus and
+was forming a union out of some states that were willing and others
+that were unwilling. Antiochus in spite of the winter time hastened
+forward to fulfill the hopes of the Ætolians, and this explains why
+he did not bring along a respectable force. With what he had, however,
+he took Chalcis and gained control of the rest of Euboea. Finding
+some Romans among the captives he released them all. Then he entered
+Chalcis to spend the winter, [Sidenote: FRAG. 59^1] WITH THE RESULT
+THAT HE HIMSELF AND HIS GENERALS AND HIS SOLDIERS HAD THEIR MENTAL
+ENERGIES RUINED BEFOREHAND; FOR BY HIS GENERAL INDOLENCE AND HIS
+PASSION FOR A CERTAIN GIRL HE DRIFTED INTO LUXURIOUS LIVING AND AT THE
+SAME TIME RENDERED THE BEST UNFIT FOR WARFARE.
+
+The people of Rome learning that he was in Greece and had captured
+Chalcis took up the war in earnest. [Sidenote: B.C. 191 (_a.u._ 563)]
+Of the consuls they retained Scipio Nasica to guard Italy and sent
+Manius Glabrio with a large army into Greece. Nasica conducted a war
+against the Boii, and Glabrio drove Antiochus out of Greece. He also
+went to Thessaly and with the help of Bæbius and Philip gained control
+of many of the towns there. He captured Philip of Megalopolis and sent
+him to Rome, and drove Amynander out of his domain, which he then gave
+to the Macedonian ruler.
+
+Antiochus meanwhile was staying at Chalcis and keeping quiet.
+Afterward he entered Boeotia and at Thermopylæ withstood the Romans
+who came to meet him. Considering the fewness of his soldiers he
+thought it best to seek an ally in the natural advantages of his
+position. And in order to avoid having himself such an experience as
+the Greeks had met who were arrayed there against the Persian he sent
+a division of the Ætolians up to the summit of the mountains to keep
+guard there. Glabrio cared little for the location and did not
+postpone a battle: however, he despatched his lieutenants Porcius Cato
+and Valerius Flaccus by night against the Ætolians on the summit and
+himself engaged in conflict with Antiochus just about dawn. As long as
+he fought on level ground he had the best of it, but when Antiochus
+fell back to a position higher up, he found himself inferior till Cato
+arrived in the enemy's rear. Cato had come upon the Ætolians asleep
+and had killed most of them and scattered the rest; then he hurried
+down and participated in the battle going on below. So they routed
+Antiochus and captured his camp. The king forthwith retired to
+Chalcis, but learning that the consul was approaching went back
+unobserved to Asia.
+
+Glabrio at once occupied Boeotia and Euboea, and proceeded to
+deliver assaults upon Heraclea, since the Ætolians were unwilling to
+yield to him. The lower city he captured by means of a siege and
+received the capitulation of those who had fled to the acropolis.
+Among the prisoners taken at this time was found Democritus the
+Ætolian general, who had once refused alliance to Flamininus, and when
+the latter asked for a decree that he might send it to Rome, had said:
+"Don't worry. I will carry it there with my army and read it to you
+all on the banks of the Tiber."--Philip was engaged in besieging Lamia
+when Glabrio came against it and appropriated both victory and booty.
+Though the remainder of the Ætolians wanted to become reconciled,
+still they made no truce because Antiochus sent them envoys and
+money; and they set themselves in readiness for war. Philip affected
+friendliness toward the Romans, but his heart was with Antiochus.
+Meantime Glabrio was besieging Naupactus which belonged to the
+Ætolians, and Flamininus coming to them persuaded the inhabitants to
+make peace, for he was well known to them. They as well as the Epirots
+despatched envoys to Rome. Philip for sending a triumphal crown to
+Capitoline Jupiter received in return among other presents his son
+Demetrius, who was living at Rome a hostage. A truce was not made with
+the Ætolians, for they would not submit to any curtailment of
+privilege.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 190 (_a.u._ 564)] IX, 20.--The Romans set against
+Antiochus the Scipios, Africanus and his brother Lucius. They granted
+the Ætolians a respite for the purpose of once more conducting an
+embassy to Rome regarding peace, and hurried on against Antiochus. On
+reaching Macedonia they secured allies from Philip and marched on to
+the Hellespont. After crossing into Asia they occupied most of the
+coast districts which had previously been occupied by the Romans who
+had gone there first, as well as by Eumenes and the Rhodians; the
+latter had also conquered Hannibal in the region of Pamphylia, as he
+was taking some ships out from Phoenicia. Eumenes and his brother
+Attalus proceeded to injure the country of Antiochus, and cities kept
+coming over, some under compulsion, some voluntarily, to the Romans,
+with the ultimate result that Antiochus was obliged to abandon Europe
+entirely and to recall his son Seleucus from Lysimachia. When this
+son had accomplished the return journey, he sent him with troops
+against Pergamum. Inasmuch, however, as his investment of the town
+proved ineffectual and the Scipios soon reached his vicinity,
+Antiochus lost no time in concluding a truce with them; for he
+expected to obtain terms since [Sidenote: FRAG. 59^2] HE HAD GOT
+POSSESSION OF THE SON OF AFRICANUS AND WAS ACCORDING HIM THE KINDEST
+TREATMENT. AND FINALLY, THOUGH HE FAILED OF SECURING PEACE, HE
+RELEASED HIM WITHOUT RANSOM. The peace project, however, came to
+nothing, because Antiochus would not agree to accede to the Roman
+demands.
+
+Still, for a long time their attitude was marked by inaction. Finally
+they fell to fighting again. The following may serve as a general
+description of the contest. Antiochus put the chariots in front, with
+the elephants next, and behind these the slingers and the archers. But
+the Romans anticipated the charge of the chariots by a charge of their
+own and with a great clamor they rushed straight at them and repulsed
+them, so that most of these vehicles turned in the direction of the
+elephants. In their backward career they threw their own contingent
+into confusion,--for their erratic course terrified and dispersed the
+men marshaled close to them,--and a heavy rain which now came up
+rendered weak the detachment of archers and slingers. A heavy,
+all-enveloping mist succeeded, which was of no hindrance to the
+Romans, who had the upper hand and were fighting at close range; but
+in the case of their opponents, who were in dread and employed
+cavalry and archers for the most part, it made it out of the question
+to see which way to shoot their arrows and caused them to stumble over
+one another, like men in the dark. Nevertheless Antiochus developed
+sufficient power, by means of his armored cavalry, to rout the
+antagonists directly confronting him and to advance in pursuit of them
+as far as their camp. Indeed, he would have taken it, had not Marcus
+Æmilius Lepidus, who was charged with guarding it, killed the first
+Romans that came in after they had refused to heed his exhortations to
+check their flight. As a result the rest of the party turned back and
+the commander himself made a sortie with members of the garrison who
+were free from the prevailing demoralization, and their united efforts
+repulsed Antiochus. While this action was taking place, Zeuxis had
+assailed the ramparts in another quarter, had succeeded in getting
+within them, and continued to pillage until Lepidus became aware of it
+and came to the rescue of his own interests. At the same time Scipio
+captured the camp of Antiochus, wherein he found many human beings,
+many horses, baggage animals, silver and gold coins, elephants, and a
+number of precious objects besides. Antiochus after this defeat at
+once retired into Syria, and the Asiatic Greeks made common cause with
+the Romans.
+
+After this, upon overtures made by Antiochus, an armistice was
+arranged. Africanus was well disposed toward him for his son's sake,
+and the consul, too, did not want to leave the victory to be grasped
+by his successor, now approaching; consequently they laid upon
+Antiochus conditions no more severe than those they had originally
+set, before the battle. [Sidenote: B.C. 189 (_a.u._ 565)] Indeed,
+Gnæus Manlius who succeeded them in office was not pleased with the
+agreement reached, and he made additional demands upon the king,
+requiring him besides to give hostages, one of whom should be his son
+Antiochus, and to deliver up all the deserters, among whom was
+Hannibal. Antiochus reluctantly yielded obedience on all points: to
+give up Hannibal, however, was out of his power, since that prince had
+taken seasonable refuge with Prusias, king of Bithynia. On these terms
+Antiochus was able to send envoys to Rome and effect a cessation of
+hostilities. Lucius Scipio received praise for his victory, and it
+gave him the title of Asiaticus in the same way as his brother had
+been called Africanus for conquering Carthage, which had possessed the
+most considerable power in Africa.
+
+These brothers who had proved themselves men of such valor and as a
+result of excellence had attained such a height of reputation were not
+long afterward brought to court and handed over to the populace.
+Lucius was condemned on the suspicion of his having appropriated no
+inconsiderable share of the spoil, and Africanus nominally for having
+made the conditions lighter out of gratitude for kindness shown his
+son; (the true cause of his conviction was jealousy). [Sidenote: FRAG.
+60] THAT THEY COULD NOT JUSTLY BE CHARGED WITH WRONGDOING IS MADE
+PLAIN BOTH BY OTHER EVIDENCE AND MOST OF ALL BY THE FACT THAT WHEN THE
+PROPERTY OF ASIATICUS WAS CONFISCATED IT WAS FOUND TO CONSIST MERELY
+OF HIS ORIGINAL INHERITANCE, AND THAT THOUGH AFRICANUS RETIRED TO
+LITERNUM AND ABODE THERE TO THE END, NO ONE EVER AGAIN PASSED SENTENCE
+OF CONDEMNATION UPON HIM.
+
+Manlius all this time was engaged in winning over Pisidia, Lycaonia,
+and Pamphylia, and a large district of Galatia in Asia. For there
+exists in that region too a race of Gauls which broke off from the
+European stock. Years ago with their king, Brennus, at their head they
+overran Greece and Thrace, and crossing thence to Bithynia they
+detached certain portions of Phrygia, Paphlagonia, Mysia adjacent to
+Olympus, and Cappadocia, and took up their residence in them; and they
+constitute to-day a separate nation bearing the name of Gauls. This
+people caused Manlius trouble, but he managed to overcome them too,
+capturing their city Ancyra by assault and gaining control of the rest
+of the towns by capitulation. This effected, he set sail for home
+after he had received a large price for peace from Ariarathes, king of
+Cappadocia.
+
+IX, 21.--The Ætolians when they had sent ambassadors to Rome the
+second time in regard to peace themselves raised the standard of
+rebellion. Hence the Romans immediately dismissed the ambassadors and
+referred the conduct of affairs in Greece to Marcus Fulvius. He set
+out first for the large city of Ambracia (it had once been the royal
+residence of Pyrrhus and was now occupied by the Ætolians) and
+proceeded to besiege it. So the Ætolians held a conference with him
+about peace, but finding him disinclined to a truce they sent a part
+of their army into Ambracia. The Romans undertook to capture the town
+by an underground passage and pushed their mine straight forward,
+temporarily eluding the notice of the besieged party; but the latter
+began to suspect the true state of affairs when the excavated earth
+attained some dimensions. As they were not aware in what direction the
+trench was being dug, they kept applying a bronze shield to the
+surface of the ground all about the circuit of the walls. By means of
+the resonance they found out the place and went to work in their turn
+to dig a tunnel from inside and approached the Romans, with whom they
+battled in obscurity. Finally they devised the following sort of
+defence. They filled a huge jar with feathers and put fire in it. To
+this they attached a bronze cover that had a number of holes bored in
+it. Then, after carrying the jar into the mine and turning the mouth
+of it toward the enemy, they inserted a bellows in the bottom, and by
+blowing this bellows with vigor they caused a tremendous amount of
+unpleasant smoke, such as feathers would naturally create, to pour
+out, so that not one of the Romans could endure it. Hence the Romans
+in despair of succeeding made a truce and raised the siege. When they
+had agreed to treat, the Ætolians also changed their course and
+secured an armistice. Subsequently they obtained a peace from the
+People by the gift of considerable money and many hostages. Fulvius
+induced Cephallenia to capitulate and reduced to order the
+Peloponnesus, which was in a state of factional turmoil.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 187 (_a.u._ 567)] After a little, in the consulship of
+Gaius Flaminius and Æmilius Lepidus, Antiochus died and his son
+Seleucus succeeded him. Much later, at the demise of Seleucus, the
+Antiochus who spent some time as a hostage in Rome became king.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 183 (_a.u._ 571)] And Philip had courage enough to
+revolt because he had been deprived of some towns in Thessaly and of
+Ænus and Maronea besides, but he was unable to do so on account of his
+age and what had happened to his sons.--Some Gauls crossed the Alps
+and desired to found a city to the south of the mountains. Marcus
+Marcellus took away their arms and everything that they had brought:
+the Romans in the capital, however, upon receiving an embassy from
+them restored everything on condition that they should at once retire.
+
+These years also saw the death of Hannibal. Envoys had been sent from
+Rome to Prusias, monarch of Bithynia, and a part of their errand was
+to make him give up Hannibal, who was at his court. The Carthaginian
+had advance information of the facts and being unable to escape
+committed suicide. [Sidenote: cp. FRAG. 64.] AN ORACLE HAD ONCE
+ANNOUNCED TO HIM THAT HE SHOULD DIE IN THE LAND OF LIBYSSA, AND HE WAS
+EXPECTING TO DIE IN LIBYA, HIS NATIVE COUNTRY, BUT, AS IT HAPPENED,
+HIS DEMISE OCCURRED WHILE HE CHANCED TO BE STAYING IN A CERTAIN PLACE
+CALLED LIBYSSA. Scipio Africanus also died at this time.
+
+
+_(BOOK 20, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 179 (_a.u._ 575)] IX, 22.--Philip, king of Macedonia,
+had put to death his son Demetrius and was about to slay his other son
+Perseus, when death overtook him. Because Demetrius had gained the
+affection of the Roman people through his sojourn as hostage and
+because he himself and the rest of the Macedonian people hoped that he
+would secure the kingdom after Philip was done with it, Perseus, who
+was his elder, became jealous of him and falsely reported him to be
+plotting against his father. Thus Demetrius was forced to drink poison
+and perished. Philip not long after ascertained the truth and desired
+to take measures against Perseus; he did not, however, possess
+sufficient strength and death overtook him. Perseus succeeded to the
+kingdom. The Romans confirmed his claims to it and renewed the compact
+of friendship enjoyed by his father.
+
+In the period immediately following some events of importance took
+place, yet they were not of so vital a character that one should deem
+them worthy of record. Still later Perseus put himself in the position
+of an enemy to the Romans, and in order to delay actual warfare until
+he should reach a state of preparation he sent envoys to Rome
+presumably to make a defence on the charges which were being pressed
+against him. These messengers the Romans would not receive within the
+wall, but they transacted business with them in the space before the
+city; and no other answer was vouchsafed them than that they would
+send a consul with whom he might confer on whatever topics he pleased.
+They also caused them to depart the same day, having given them guides
+to prevent their associating with anybody. And Perseus was forbidden
+in the future to set foot on the soil of Italy.
+
+The Romans next sent out Gnæus Sicinius, a prætor, with a small force
+(they had not yet made ready their greater armament) and Perseus made
+a tentative invasion of Thessaly in which he won over the greater part
+of that country. [Sidenote: B.C. 171 (_a.u._ 583)] When spring opened
+they sent Licinius Crassus against him as well as a prætor, Gaius
+Lucretius, in charge of the fleet. The latter first encountered
+Perseus near Larissa and was worsted in a cavalry skirmish: later,
+though, he got the best of him and Perseus accordingly retreated into
+Macedonia. As for Crassus, he assailed the Greek cities which were
+held in subjection by Philip and was repulsed from the majority of
+them, although he did get possession of a few. Some he razed to the
+ground and sold the captives. When the inhabitants of Rome learned
+these details, they became indignant and later they imposed a money
+fine on Crassus, liberated the captured cities, and bought back from
+the purchasers such of their inhabitants as had been sold and were
+then found in Italy.
+
+So fared the Romans in these undertakings, but in the war against
+Perseus as a whole they suffered many great reverses and their
+fortunes at many points were at a low ebb. Perseus occupied the
+greater part of Epirus and Thessaly, having gathered a large body of
+troops. As a measure of defence against the Romans' elephants he had
+trained a phalanx of heavy-armed warriors whose shields and helmets he
+had taken care should be studded with sharp iron nails. Also, in order
+to make sure that the beasts should not prove a source of terror to
+the horses he constructed images of elephants that were smeared with
+some kind of ointment to give them a fearful odor and were frightful
+both to see and to hear (for a mechanical device enabled them to emit
+a roar resembling thunder); and he kept continually leading the horses
+up to these representations until they took courage. Perseus, then, as
+a result of all this had acquired great confidence and entertained
+hope that he might surpass Alexander in glory and in the size of his
+domain; the people of Rome [Sidenote: B.C. 169 (_a.u._ 585)] when they
+learned this sent out with speed Marcius Philippus, who was consul.
+He, on reaching the camp in Thessaly, drilled the Romans and the
+allies so that Perseus, becoming afraid, remained quietly in Dium of
+Macedonia and close to Tempe, and continued to keep watch of the pass.
+Philippus, encouraged by this behavior of his, crossed the mountain
+range in the center and occupied some possessions of Perseus. But as
+he was progressing toward Pydna he fell short of provisions and turned
+back to Thessaly. Perseus gained boldness anew, recovered the places
+that Philippus had occupied, and with his fleet damaged the Romans at
+numerous points. He also secured allies [Sidenote: FRAG. 65^1] AND
+HOPED TO EJECT THE ROMANS FROM GREECE ALTOGETHER, BUT THROUGH HIS
+EXCESSIVE AND INOPPORTUNE PARSIMONY AND THE CONSEQUENT CONTEMPT OF HIS
+ALLIES HE BECAME WEAK ONCE MORE. SO SOON AS ROMAN INFLUENCE WAS
+DECLINING SLIGHTLY AND HIS OWN WAS INCREASING, HE WAS FILLED WITH
+SCORN AND THOUGHT HE HAD NO FURTHER NEED OF HIS ALLIES, AND WOULD NOT
+GIVE THEM THE MONEY WHICH HE HAD OFFERED. THE ZEAL OF SOME ACCORDINGLY
+BECAME BLUNTED AND OTHERS ABANDONED HIM ENTIRELY, WHEREUPON HE WAS SO
+OVERWHELMED BY DESPAIR AS ACTUALLY TO SUE FOR PEACE. AND HE WOULD HAVE
+OBTAINED IT THROUGH EUMENES BUT FOR THE PRESENCE OF RHODIANS ALSO IN
+THE EMBASSY. THEY, BY ADOPTING A HAUGHTY TONE WITH THE ROMANS,
+PREVENTED HIM FROM OBTAINING PEACE.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 168 (_a.u._ 586)] IX, 23.--At this point the war waged
+against him was entrusted to Æmilius Paulus, now for the second time
+consul. He rapidly traversed the distance separating him from Thessaly
+and having first set the affairs of the soldiers in order forced his
+way through Tempe, which was being guarded by only a few men, and
+marched against Perseus. The latter had ere this erected breastworks
+along the river Elpeus which intervened, had occupied and rendered
+impassable by means of stone walls and palisades and buildings all the
+ground between Olympus and the sea, and was encouraged by the lack of
+water in the place. Yet even so the consul sought to effect a passage
+and found a means of overcoming the prevailing drought. By piercing
+the sand bed at the foot of Olympus he found water that was delicious
+as well as drinkable.--Meanwhile envoys of the Rhodians reached him
+animated by the same insolence which they had displayed on their
+former embassy to Rome. He would make no statement to them beyond
+saying that he would return an answer in a few days, and dismissed
+them.--Since he could accomplish nothing by direct assault, but
+learned that the mountains were traversable here and there, he sent a
+portion of his army toward that pass across them which was the more
+difficult of approach, to seize opportune points along the route (on
+account of its difficulty of access it had an extremely small guard);
+and he himself with the remainder of his army attacked Perseus that
+the latter might not entertain any suspicion which might lead to his
+guarding the mountains with especial care. After this, when the
+heights had been occupied, he set out by night for the mountains and
+by passing unnoticed at some points and employing force at others he
+crossed them. Perseus on learning it became afraid that his enemy
+might assail him from the rear or even get control of Pydna before he
+could (for the Roman fleet was simultaneously sailing along the
+coast), and he abandoned his fortification near the river and
+hastening to Pydna encamped in front of the town. Paulus, too, came
+there, but instead of immediately beginning an engagement they delayed
+for a number of days. Paulus had found out prior to the event that the
+moon was about to suffer an eclipse, and after collecting his army on
+the evening when the eclipse was due to occur gave the men notice of
+what would happen and warned them not to let it disturb them at all.
+So the Romans on beholding the eclipse looked for no evil to come from
+it, but it made an impression of terror upon the Macedonians and they
+thought that the prodigy had a bearing on the cause of Perseus. While
+each side was in this frame of mind an entirely accidental occurrence
+the next day threw them into a fierce conflict and put an end to the
+war. One of the Roman pack-animals had fallen into the water from
+which a supply was being drawn, and the Macedonians laid hold of him,
+while the water-carriers in turn tightened their grasp. At first they
+fought by themselves; then the remainder of the forces gradually
+issued from the respective camps to the assistance of their own men
+and everybody on both sides became engaged. A disordered but sharp
+conflict ensued in which the Romans were victorious and pursuing the
+Macedonians as far as the sea slaughtered numbers of them by their own
+efforts and allowed the fleet, which was drawing inshore, to slay
+numbers more. Not one of them would have been left alive but for the
+timely succor of night (for the battle had raged during the late
+afternoon).
+
+Perseus consequently made his escape to Amphipolis, where he intended
+to rally the survivors and reorganize the campaign; but as nobody came
+to him save Cretan mercenaries and he learned that Pydna and other
+cities had espoused the Roman cause, he removed thence, and after
+putting aboard some vessels all the money that he was carrying he
+sailed away by night to Samothrace. Before long he ascertained that
+Octavius was approaching at the head of his fleet and that Paulus was
+in Amphipolis; so he sent him a letter requesting permission to confer
+about terms. Since, however, he described himself in the letter as
+"king", he did not get any answer. Subsequently he despatched a letter
+without any such appellation contained in it and was granted a
+conference to consider the question of peace, but the victor declared
+that he would not sanction any conditions that did not include
+Perseus's surrender of his person and all his possessions to the
+Romans' keeping. Hence they failed to come to an agreement. [Sidenote:
+FRAG. 65^3] AFTER THIS A DEMAND WAS MADE UPON PERSEUS BY THE ROMANS
+FOR THE SURRENDER OF ONE EVANDER, A CRETAN, WHO HAD ASSISTED HIM IN
+MANY SCHEMES AGAINST THEM AND WAS MOST FAITHFUL TO HIM. THE PRINCE,
+FEARING THAT HE MIGHT DECLARE ALL THE INTRIGUES TO WHICH HE HAD BEEN
+PRIVY, DID NOT DELIVER HIM BUT SECRETLY SLEW HIM AND HAD IT RUMORED
+THAT THE MAN HAD PERISHED BY HIS OWN HAND. THEN THE ASSOCIATES OF
+PERSEUS, FEARING HIS TREACHERY (for they were not ignorant of what had
+occurred), BEGAN TO DESERT HIS STANDARD. Perseus, then, being afraid
+that he should be delivered up to the Romans tried one night to escape
+by flight and might have taken himself away unobserved to Cotys, a
+Thracian potentate, but for the fact that the Cretans abandoned him.
+They placed the money in boats and weighed anchor for home. So he
+remained there for some days with Philip, one of his sons, hidden from
+sight, but on ascertaining that the rest of his children and his
+retinue had fallen into the hands of Octavius [Sidenote: FRAG. 65^4]
+HE ALLOWED HIMSELF TO BE FOUND. UPON HIS BEING BROUGHT TO AMPHIPOLIS
+PAULUS DID HIM NO INJURY, BUT BOTH ENTERTAINED HIM AND HAD HIM SIT AT
+HIS TABLE, KEEPING HIM, LIKEWISE, ALTHOUGH A PRISONER, UNCONFINED, AND
+SHOWING HIM COURTESY. After this Paulus returned through Epirus to
+Italy.
+
+IX, 24.--About the same time Lucius Anicius, a prætor sent to conduct
+operations against Gentius, both conquered those who withstood him and
+pursued Gentius, when he fled, to Scodra (where his palace was
+located) and shut him up there. The place was built on a spur of the
+mountain and had deep ravines containing boiling torrents winding
+about it, besides being girt by a steadfast wall; and so the Roman
+commander's siege of it would have come to naught, if Gentius
+presuming greatly upon his own power had not voluntarily advanced to
+battle. This act gave the control of his entire domain to Anicius, who
+then proceeded, before Paulus could arrive, to Epirus and tamed the
+quarrelsome pride of that district as well.
+
+The Romans of the capital by some vague report heard of the victory of
+Paulus on the fourth day after the battle, but they placed no sure
+confidence in it. Then letters were brought from Paulus regarding his
+success and they were mightily pleased and plumed themselves not
+merely upon having vanquished Perseus and acquired Macedonia but upon
+having beaten the renowned Philip of old time and Alexander himself
+together with all that empire which he had held. When Paulus reached
+Rome many decrees in his honor were passed and the celebration of his
+triumph proved a most brilliant event. He had in his procession all
+the booty which he had captured, and he had also Bithys, the son of
+Cotys, besides Perseus and his wife and three children altogether in
+the garb of captives. Fearing that Heaven might wax envious of the
+Romans on account of their excess of good fortune he prayed, as
+Camillus had done before, that no ill to the State might result from
+it all but rather to him if it should be unavoidable: and, indeed, he
+lost two sons, one a little before the celebration and the other
+during the triumphal festival itself. [Sidenote: FRAG. 66] HE WAS NOT
+ONLY GOOD AT GENERALSHIP, BUT HE LOOKED DOWN UPON MONEY. OF THIS THE
+FOLLOWING IS A PROOF. THOUGH HE HAD AT THAT TIME ENTERED FOR A SECOND
+TERM UPON THE CONSULSHIP AND HAD GAINED POSSESSION OF UNTOLD SPOILS,
+HE CONTINUED TO LIVE IN SO GREAT INDIGENCE THAT WHEN HE DIED THE DOWRY
+WAS WITH DIFFICULTY PAID BACK TO HIS WIFE.
+
+Of the captives Bithys was returned to his father without ransom, but
+Perseus with his children and attendants was settled in Alba. There he
+endured so long as he still hoped to recover his sovereignty, but when
+he despaired of doing so he despatched himself. His son Philip and his
+daughter also died shortly after: only the youngest son survived for a
+time and served in the capacity of under-secretary to the magistrates
+of Alba. Thus Perseus, who boasted of tracing his descent through
+twenty kings and often had Philip and still oftener Alexander in his
+mouth, lost his kingdom, became a captive, and marched in the
+procession of triumph wearing chains as well as his diadem.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 67^1] THE RHODIANS, WHO IN THEIR EARLIER DEALINGS
+WITH THE ROMANS DISPLAYED SELF-ESTEEM, NOW BEGGED THE LATTER NOT TO
+BEAR ILL-WILL TOWARD THEM: [Sidenote: FRAG. 67^2] AND WHEREAS THEY HAD
+PREVIOUSLY REFUSED TO ACCEPT THE TITLE OF ROMAN ALLIES, THEY WERE NOW
+ESPECIALLY ANXIOUS TO SECURE IT; and they obtained the object of their
+eagerness, but only after long delay. The Romans harbored resentment
+against the Cretans, too, but in response to a number of embassies on
+the part of this nation they eventually relaxed their anger. Their
+behavior was similar [Sidenote: FRAG. 68] IN THE CASE OF PRUSIAS AND
+EUMENES. THE FORMER CAME PERSONALLY TO THE CITY AND ENTERED THE
+SENATE-HOUSE, COVERED THE THRESHOLD WITH KISSES, AND WORSHIPPED THE
+SENATORS; THUS HE OBTAINED PITY and was held guiltless: Eumenes
+through Attalus his brother secured himself against any continuation
+of malice on their part.
+
+At this time, too, the affairs of Cappadocia were settled in the
+following manner. The monarch of that country, Ariarathes, had a
+legitimate son Ariarathes. But since for a long time before she had
+this son his wife had failed to conceive, she had adopted a child whom
+she called Orophernes. When the true son was later born the position
+of the other was detected and he was banished. Naturally after the
+death of Ariarathes he headed an uprising against his brother. Eumenes
+allied himself with Ariarathes, and Demetrius the king of Syria with
+Orophernes. Ariarathes after sustaining a defeat found an asylum with
+the Romans and was appointed by them to share the kingdom with
+Orophernes. But the fact that Ariarathes had been termed "friend and
+ally" by the Romans enabled him subsequently to make the entire domain
+his own. Attalus soon succeeded Eumenes (who died) and drove
+Orophernes and Demetrius out of Cappadocia altogether.
+
+IX, 25.--Ptolemy, ruler of Egypt, passed away leaving two sons and one
+daughter. When the brothers began to quarrel with each other about the
+supreme office, Antiochus the son of Antiochus the Great sheltered the
+younger, who had been driven out, in order that under the pretext of
+defending him he might interfere in Egyptian politics. In a campaign
+directed against Egypt he conquered the greater part of the country
+and spent some time in besieging Alexandria. As the unsubdued sought
+refuge with the Romans, Popilius was sent to Antiochus and bade him
+keep his hands off Egypt; for the brothers, comprehending the designs
+of Antiochus, had become reconciled. When the latter was for putting
+off his reply, Popilius drew a circle about him with his staff and
+demanded that he deliberate and answer standing where he was.
+Antiochus then in fear raised the siege. The Ptolemies (such was the
+name of both princes) on being relieved of foreign dread fell into
+renewed disputing. Then they were reconciled again by the Romans on
+the condition that the elder should have Egypt and Cyprus, and the
+other one the country about Cyrene, which was likewise part of Egypt
+at that time. The younger one was vexed at having the inferior portion
+and came to Rome where he secured from the government a grant of
+Cyprus in addition. Then the elder once more effected an arrangement
+with the younger son by giving him some cities in exchange for Cyprus
+and being rated to contribute money and grain.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 164 (_a.u._ 590)] Antiochus subsequently died, leaving
+the kingdom to a child of the same name whom the Romans confirmed in
+possession of it and sent three men (with sufficient show of reason,
+for he was a minor) to act as his guardians. They on finding elephants
+and triremes contrary to the compact ordered the elephants all to be
+slain and administered everything else in the interest of Rome.
+Therefore Lysias, who had been entrusted with the surveillance of the
+king, incited the populace to cast out the Romans and also kill
+Gaius[39] Octavius. When these plans had been carried out Lysias
+straightway despatched envoys to Rome to offer a defence for what had
+been done. Demetrius the son of Seleucus son of Antiochus, who was
+staying in Rome as a hostage at the time of his father's death and had
+been deprived of the kingdom by his uncle Antiochus, asked for his
+ancestral domain when he learned of the death of Antiochus, but the
+Romans would neither help him to get it nor permit him to set out from
+Rome. In spite of his dissatisfaction he remained quiet. But when the
+affair of Lysias came up, he no longer delayed but escaped by flight
+and sent a message to the senate from Lycia saying that his objective
+was not his _cousin_ Antiochus (the children of brothers were so
+termed by the ancients) but Lysias, and his purpose was to avenge
+Octavius. Hastening to Tripolis in Syria he won over this town also,
+pretending that he had been sent out by the Romans to take charge of
+the kingdom. No one at this time had any idea of his secret flight,
+and so after conquering Apamea and gathering a body of troops he
+marched to Antioch. There he destroyed Lysias and the boy, who came to
+meet him in the guise of friends (through fear of the Romans they had
+offered no opposition), [Sidenote: B.C. 162 (_a.u._ 592)] and he
+recovered the kingdom, whereupon he forwarded to Rome a crown and the
+assassins of Octavius. The citizens, being enraged at him, would
+accept neither the one nor the other.
+
+[Footnote 39: This name is erroneously written by Zonaras for Gnæus.
+(Cp. Polybius 28, 3, 2; 31, 12 (also 13, 19, and 20); 32, 4 to 7.)]
+
+Next the Romans made a campaign against the Dalmatians. This race
+consists of Illyrians who dwell along the Ionian Gulf, some of whom
+the Greeks used to call Taulantii, and part of them are close to
+Dyrrachium. The cause of the war was that they had been abusing some
+of their neighbors who were in a league of friendship with the Romans,
+and when the Romans joined an embassy in their behalf the Dalmatians
+returned an answer that was not respectful, and even arrested and
+killed the envoys of the other nations. [Sidenote: B.C. 155 (_a.u._
+599)] Scipio Nasica subdued this race in a campaign against them. He
+captured their towns and several times sold the captives.--Other
+events, too, took place in those days,--not, however, of a kind to
+deserve mention or historical record.
+
+
+_(BOOK 21, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 153 (_a.u._ 601)] IX, 26.--The rattling of dice in the
+box of Circumstance now announced the final cast in the struggle with
+Carthage,--the third of the series. The Carthaginians could not endure
+their subordinate position, but contrary to the treaty were setting
+their fleet in readiness and making alliances as measures of
+preparation for war with the Nomads: [Sidenote: B.C. 152 (_a.u._ 602)]
+and the Romans, having settled other questions to their own
+satisfaction, did not remain at rest, but by the mouth of Scipio
+Nasica their commissioner they charged their rivals with this breach
+of faith and ordered them to disband their armament. The Carthaginians
+found fault with Masinissa and on account of the war with him declined
+to obey the command. The Romans then arranged terms for them with
+Masinissa and prevailed upon him to retire from some territory in
+their favor. [Sidenote: B.C. 150 (_a.u._ 604)] Since they showed
+themselves no more tractable than before, the Romans waited a bit, and
+as soon as information was received that the Carthaginians had been
+worsted in a great battle by Masinissa they voted for war against
+them. The Carthaginians, who were feeling the effects of their defeat,
+became frightened on learning this and sent envoys to Rome to secure
+an alliance; for other neighboring tribes were also beginning to
+attack them. They feigned a readiness to yield to the Romans on all
+points, and their very intention of not remaining true to their
+agreements rendered them all the more ready to promise anything.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 149 (_a.u._ 605)] When the senate called a meeting to
+consider the matter, Scipio Nasica advised receiving the Carthaginian
+embassy and making a truce with them, but Marcus Cato declared that no
+truce ought to be arranged nor the decree of war rescinded. The
+senators accepted the supplication of the envoys, promised to grant
+them a truce, and asked for hostages as an earnest of these
+conditions. These hostages were sent to Sicily and Lucius Marcius and
+Marcus Manilius went there, took charge of them, and sent them on to
+Rome. They themselves made haste to occupy Africa. After encamping
+they summoned the magistrates of Carthage to appear before them. When
+these officials arrived they did not unmask all their demands at once,
+for they feared that if the Carthaginians understood them in season
+they would plunge into war with resources unimpaired. So first they
+asked for and received grain, next the triremes, and after that the
+engines; and then they demanded the arms besides. They secured the
+entire visible supply (but the Carthaginians had a great deal of other
+equipment safely hidden) and at length ordered them to raze their city
+and to build in its place an unwalled town inland, eighty stades
+distant from the sea. At that the Carthaginians were dissolved in
+tears, acknowledged that they were trapped, and bewailed their fate,
+begging the consuls not to compel them to act as the assassins of
+their country. They soon found that they could accomplish nothing and
+had to face the repeated command either to execute the order or to
+cast the die of war. Many of the people then remained there on the
+Roman side, tacitly admitting their success: the remainder withdrew,
+and after killing some of their rulers for not having chosen war in
+the first place and after murdering such Romans as were discovered
+within the fortification they turned their attention to war. Under
+these circumstances they liberated all the slaves, restored the
+exiles, chose Hasdrubal once more as leader, and made ready arms,
+engines, and triremes. With war at their doors and the danger of
+slavery confronting them they prepared in the briefest possible time
+everything that they needed. They spared nothing, but melted down the
+statues for the sake of the bronze in them and used the hair of their
+women for ropes. The consuls at first, thinking them unarmed, expected
+to overcome them speedily and merely prepared ladders, with which they
+expected to scale the wall at once. As the assault showed their
+enemies to be armed and they saw that they possessed means for a
+siege, the Romans, before approaching close to the city again, devoted
+themselves to the manufacture of engines. The construction of these
+machines was fraught with danger, since Hasdrubal set ambuscades for
+those who were gathering the wood and annoyed them considerably, but
+in time they were able to assail the town. Now Manilius in his assault
+from the land side could not injure the Carthaginians at all, but
+Marcius, while delivering an attack from marshy ground on the side
+where the sea was, managed to shake down a part of the wall, though he
+could not get inside. The Carthaginians repulsed those who attempted
+to force their way in, and at night issued through the ruins to slay
+numerous men and burn up a very large number of engines. Hasdrubal and
+the cavalry, however, did not allow them to scatter over any
+considerable territory and Masinissa lent them no aid. He had not been
+invited at the opening of the war, and, though he had promised
+Hasdrubal that he would fight now, they gave him no opportunity of
+doing so.
+
+IX, 27.--The consuls in view of the outcome of their attempts and
+because their fleet had been damaged by its stay in the lake raised
+the siege. Marcius endeavored to achieve some advantage by sea or at
+least to injure the coast districts, but not accomplishing anything he
+sailed for home, then turned back and subdued Ægimurus: and Manilius
+started for the interior, but upon sustaining injuries at the hands of
+Himilco, commander of the Carthaginian cavalry, whom they called also
+Phameas, he returned to Carthage. There, while the outside forces of
+Hasdrubal troubled him, the people in the city harassed him by
+excursions both night and day. In fact, the Carthaginians came to
+despise him and advanced as far as the Roman camp, but being for the
+most part unarmed they lost a number of men and shut themselves up in
+their fortifications again. Manilius was particularly anxious to get
+into close quarters with Hasdrubal, thinking that, if he could
+vanquish him, he should find it easier to wage war upon the remainder.
+His wish to get into close quarters with him was eventually realized.
+He followed Hasdrubal to a small fort whither the latter was retiring,
+and before he knew it got into a narrow passage over rough ground and
+there suffered a tremendous reverse. He would have been utterly
+destroyed, had he not found a most valuable helper in the person of
+Scipio the descendant of Africanus, [Sidenote: FRAG. 69] WHO EXCELLED
+IN APPREHENDING AND DEVISING BEFOREHAND THE MOST ADVANTAGEOUS
+MOVEMENTS, BUT EXCELLED ALSO IN EXECUTING THEM. IN BODILY FRAME HE WAS
+STRONG; HE WAS AMIABLE, TOO, AND MODERATE; AND FOR THESE REASONS HE
+ESCAPED ENVY. HE CHOSE TO MAKE HIMSELF LIKE TO HIS INFERIORS, NOT
+BETTER THAN HIS EQUALS (he served as military tribune), AND WEAKER
+THAN GREATER MEN. Manilius both reported what Scipio had done and sent
+a letter to the people of Rome concealing nothing, but including among
+other matters an account of the proceedings of Masinissa and Phameas.
+These were as follows.
+
+Masinissa on his death-bed was at a loss to know how he should dispose
+of his kingdom, his dilemma being due to the number of his sons and
+the variety of their family ties on their mothers' side. Therefore he
+sent for Scipio to advise him, and the consul let Scipio go. But the
+demise of Masinissa occurred before Scipio arrived, and he gave his
+ring to his son Micipsa and delivered and committed all the other
+interests pertaining to his kingdom to Scipio, so soon as the latter
+should arrive. Scipio being aware of the preferences of Masinissa's
+sons assigned the kingdom to no one of them singly; but whereas there
+were three most distinguished, the eldest Micipsa, the youngest
+Gulussa, and intermediate in age Mastanabal, he appointed these to
+have charge of affairs, though separately. To the eldest, who was
+versed in business and fond of wealth, he entrusted the fiscal
+administration, to the second son, who possessed the critical faculty,
+he granted the right to decide disputes, and to Gulussa, who chanced
+to be of a warlike temperament, he delivered the troops. They had also
+numerous brothers on whom he bestowed certain cities and districts. He
+took Gulussa along with him and introduced him to the consul.
+
+Now at the beginning of spring they made a campaign against the allies
+of the Carthaginians and brought many of them to terms forcibly while
+inducing many others to capitulate. Scipio was especially active in
+the work. [Sidenote: FRAG. 70] WHEN PHAMEAS, DESPAIRING OF
+CARTHAGINIAN SUCCESS, went over to the Romans and held a conference
+with Scipio, then they all set out against Hasdrubal. For several days
+they assailed his fortress, but as necessaries failed them they
+retired in good order. During the siege Phameas had attacked them and
+made a show of fighting, and in the progress of the action he had
+deserted together with some of the cavalry. Then Manilius went to
+Utica and remained quiet, while Scipio took Phameas back to Rome,
+where he himself received commendation and Phameas was honored to the
+extent of being allowed to sit with the senate in the senate-house.
+
+IX, 28.--It was at this time, too, that the episode occurred in which
+Prusias figured. The latter being old and of an irritable disposition
+became possessed by a fear that the Bithynians would expel him from
+his kingdom, choosing in his stead his son Nicomedes. So on some
+pretext he sent his son to Rome, with orders to make that his home.
+But since he plotted against the younger man even during the sojourn
+in Rome and labored to kill him, some Bithynians made visits to Rome,
+took Nicomedes away secretly and conveyed him to Bithynia, and after
+slaying the old man designated him king. This act vexed the Romans,
+but did not incense them to the point of war.
+
+A certain Andriscus, who was a native of Atramyttium and resembled
+Perseus in appearance, caused a wide area of Macedonia to revolt by
+pretending to be his son and calling himself Philip. First he went to
+Macedonia and tried to upheave the country, but as no one would yield
+him allegiance he took his way to Demetrius in Syria to obtain from
+him the aid which relationship might afford. Demetrius arrested him
+and sent him to Rome, where he met with general contempt, both because
+he stood convicted of not being the son of Perseus and because he had
+no other qualities that were worthy of attention. On being released he
+gathered a band of revolutionists, drew after him a number of cities,
+and finally, assuming the kingly garb and mustering an army, he
+reached Thrace. There he added to his army numbers of the independent
+lands as well as numbers of princes who disliked the Romans, invaded
+Macedonia (which he occupied), and setting out for Thessaly made not a
+little of that territory his own.
+
+The Romans at first scorned Andriscus and then they sent Scipio Nasica
+to effect some peaceful settlement in those parts. On reaching Greece
+and ascertaining what had occurred he despatched a letter to the
+Romans explaining the case; then after collecting troops from allies
+there he gave attention to the business in hand and advanced as far
+as Macedonia. The people of Rome when informed of the doings of
+Andriscus sent an army and Publius Juventius, a prætor. Juventius had
+just reached the vicinity of Macedonia, when Andriscus gave battle,
+killed the prætor, and would have annihilated his entire force but for
+its withdrawal by night. Next he invaded Thessaly, damaged a very
+great extent of it, and ranged Thracian interests on his side.
+Consequently the people of Rome once more despatched a prætor, Quintus
+Cæcilius Metellus, with a strong body of troops: he proceeded to
+Macedonia and enjoyed the assistance of the fleet of Attalus. The
+fleet inspired Andriscus with some alarm for the coast districts so
+that he did not venture to advance farther but moved up to a point
+slightly beyond Pydna. There he had the best of it in a cavalry
+encounter but out of fear of the infantry turned back. His elation was
+such that he divided his army into two sections, and with one remained
+on the watch where he was, while he sent the other to ravage Thessaly.
+Metellus in derision of the forces confronting him joined battle, and
+by overpowering those with whom he first came into conflict he got
+control of the remainder with greater ease; for they made terms with
+him readily, inasmuch as they had erred. Andriscus fled to Thrace and
+after assembling a body of fighters gave battle to Metellus as the
+latter was advancing on his track. His vanguard, however, was routed
+first; then his contingent of allies was scattered; and Andriscus
+himself was betrayed by Byzes, a Thracian prince, and executed.
+
+One Alexander, that also declared himself to be a son of Perseus and
+collected a band of warriors, had occupied the country round about the
+river which is called the Mestus:[40] but he now took to flight, and
+Metellus chased him as far as Dardania.
+
+[Footnote 40: Presumably an error for the _Nestus_, a well-known
+stream.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 148 (_a.u._ 606)] IX, 29.--The Romans put Piso the
+consul in the field against the Carthaginians. Piso did not try
+conclusions with Carthage and Hasdrubal, but devoted himself to the
+coast cities. He was repulsed from Aspis, captured and razed Neapolis,
+and in his expedition against the town of Hippo merely used up time
+without accomplishing anything. The Carthaginians took heart both for
+the reasons indicated and because some allies had joined their cause.
+Learning this the Romans in army and city alike had recourse to Scipio
+and created him consul in spite of the fact that his age would not
+properly let him hold the office. [Sidenote: Cp. FRAG. 71] His own
+deeds and the excellence of his father Paulus and of his grandfather
+Africanus implanted in the breasts of all a firm hope that through him
+they should vanquish their enemies and utterly root out Carthage.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 147 (_a.u._ 607)] While Scipio was en route to Libya,
+Mancinus was sailing along the coast of Carthage. He noticed a point
+called Megalia which was inside the city wall and was located on a
+cliff having a sheer descent into the sea. This point was a long
+distance away from the rest of the town and had but few guards because
+of the natural strength of its position. Suddenly Mancinus applied
+ladders to it from the ships and ascended. Not till he was safely up
+did some of the Carthaginians hastily gather, but even so they were
+unable to repulse him from his vantage ground. He then sent to Piso an
+account of his exploit and a request for assistance. Piso, however,
+being far in the interior, proved of no aid to Mancinus, but Scipio
+happened along at nightfall just after the receipt of the news and
+immediately sent him help. The Carthaginians would have either
+captured or destroyed Mancinus, if they had not seen Scipio's vessels
+skirting the shore: then they grew discouraged, but would not fall
+back. So Scipio sent them some captives to tell them that he was at
+hand, upon receipt of which information they no longer stood their
+ground, but retired to send for Hasdrubal and fortify with trenches
+and palisades the cross-wall in front of the residences. Scipio now
+left Mancinus to guard Megalia and himself set out to join Piso and
+the troops so as to have their support in his conduct of operations.
+He made a rapid return journey with the lightest equipped portion of
+the army and found that Hasdrubal had entered Carthage and was
+attacking Mancinus fiercely. The arrival of Scipio put an end to the
+attack. When Piso too had come there, Scipio bade him take up his
+position outside the wall opposite certain gates, and he sent other
+soldiers around to a little gate a long distance away from the main
+force, with orders as to what they must do. He himself about midnight
+took the strongest portion of the army, got inside the circuit (using
+deserters as guides) and moving quietly to a point inside the little
+gate he hacked the bar in two, let in the men who were on the watch
+outside and destroyed the guards. Then he hastened to the gate
+opposite which Piso had his station, routing the intervening guards
+(who were only a few in each place), so that Hasdrubal by the time he
+found out what had happened could see that nearly the entire body of
+Roman troops was inside. For a while the Carthaginians withstood them:
+then they abandoned the city, all but the Cotho and Byrsa, in which
+they took refuge. Next Hasdrubal killed all the Roman captives in
+order that his people in despair of pardon might show the greater
+fortitude in resistance. He also made away with many of the natives on
+the charge that they wanted to betray their own cause. And Scipio
+encircled them with trench and palisade and intercepted them by a
+wall, yet it was some time before he took them captive. The walls were
+strong and the men within being many in number and confined in a small
+space fought with vehemence. They were well off for food, too, for
+Bithias from the mainland opposite the city sent merchantmen, amid
+wind and wave into the harbor to them so often as there was a heavy
+gale blowing. To overcome this obstacle Scipio conceived and executed
+a startling operation, namely, the damming of the narrow entrance to
+the harbor. The work was difficult and toilsome, for the Carthaginians
+undertook to check them, yet he accomplished it by the number of
+laborers at his disposal. Many battles took place in the meantime, but
+the enemy were unable to prevent the filling of the channel.
+
+IX, 30.--So when the mouth of the harbor had been filled up, the
+Carthaginians were terribly oppressed by the scarcity of food; some of
+them deserted, others endured it and died, and still others ate the
+dead bodies. Hasdrubal, accordingly, in dejection sent envoys to
+Scipio with regard to truce, and would have obtained immunity, had he
+not desired to secure both preservation and freedom for all the rest
+as well. After he had failed for this reason to accomplish his purpose
+he confined his wife in the acropolis because she had made
+propositions to Scipio for the safety of herself and her children, and
+behaved in other ways more boldly on account of his despair. He,
+therefore, and some others, mastered by frenzy, fought both night and
+day; and sometimes they would be defeated and sometimes gain
+advantage; and they devised machinery to oppose the Roman engines.
+Bithias, who held a high-perched fortress and scoured wide stretches
+of the mainland, did what he could to help the Carthaginians and
+damage the Romans. Hence Scipio also divided his army, assigning one
+half of it to invest Carthage while he sent the other half against
+Bithias, placing at the head of it his lieutenant Gaius Lælius. He
+himself spent his time in passing from one division to the other for
+inspection. Then the fortress was taken, and the siege of Carthage was
+once more conducted by an undivided force.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 146 (_a.u._ 608)] The Carthaginians despairing
+consequently of being any longer able to save both walls betook
+themselves to the enclosure of the Byrsa, since it was higher up, at
+the same time transferring thither all the objects that they could.
+By night they burned the dockyard and most of the other structures in
+order to deprive the enemy of any benefit from them. When the Romans
+became aware of their action, they occupied the harbor and advanced
+against Byrsa. Occupying the houses on each side of it some of the
+besiegers walked straight along on top of the roofs by successively
+stepping to those immediately adjacent, and others by digging through
+the walls pushed onward below until they reached the very citadel.
+When they had got so far, the Carthaginians offered no further
+opposition, but all except Hasdrubal sued for clemency. He together
+with the deserters (for Scipio would not grant them a truce) was
+crowded into the temple of Æsculapius, as were also his wife and
+children, and there he defended himself against assailants until the
+deserters set fire to the temple and climbed to the roof to await the
+last extremity of the flames. Then, beaten, he came to Scipio holding
+the suppliant branch. His wife, who witnessed his entreaty, after
+calling him by name and reproaching him for securing safety for
+himself when he had not allowed her to obtain terms threw her children
+into the fire and likewise cast herself in.
+
+Thus did Scipio take Carthage, and he forwarded to the senate a letter
+in these terms: "Carthage is taken. What are your orders?" This being
+read they held a session to consider what should be done. Cato
+advanced the opinion that they ought to raze the city and blot out the
+Carthaginians, whereas Scipio Nasica still advised sparing the
+Carthaginians. From this beginning the senate became involved in great
+dispute and contention until some one said that if for no other reason
+it must be considered necessary to spare them for the Romans' own
+sake. With this nation for antagonists they would be sure to practice
+excellence and not turn aside to pleasures and luxury; for if those
+who were able to compel them to practice warlike pursuits should be
+removed from the scene, they might become inferior from want of
+practice, for a lack of worthy competitors. As a result of these words
+all became unanimous in favor of demolishing Carthage, since they felt
+sure that that people would never remain entirely at peace. The whole
+town was therefore overthrown from pinnacle to foundation and it was
+decreed that for any person to settle upon its site should be an
+accursed act. The majority of the population captured were thrown into
+prison and there perished, and some few (still excepting the very
+foremost men) were sold. These leaders and the hostages and Hasdrubal
+and Bithias lived to the end of their lives in different parts of
+Italy as prisoners, yet free from bonds. Scipio secured both glory and
+honor and was called Africanus not after his grandfather but from his
+own achievements.
+
+IX, 31.--This year likewise saw the ruin of Corinth. The head men of
+the Greeks had been deported to Italy by Æmilius Paulus, whereupon
+their countrymen at first through embassies kept requesting the return
+of the men, and when their prayers were not granted some of the
+exiles in despair of ever effecting a return to their homes committed
+suicide. The Greeks took this situation with a very bad grace and made
+it a matter of public lamentation, besides evincing anger at any
+persons dwelling among them that favored the Roman cause; yet they
+displayed no open symptoms of hostility until they got back the
+remnants of those hostages. [Sidenote: B.C. 149 (_a.u._ 605)] Then
+those that had been wronged and those that had obtained a hold upon
+the goods of others fell into strife and began a real warfare.
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 72] THE QUARREL BEGAN BY THE ACTION OF THE ACHÆANS IN
+BRINGING CHARGES AGAINST THE LACEDÆMONIANS AS BEING RESPONSIBLE FOR
+WHAT HAD HAPPENED TO THEM. THE MEDIATORS WHOM THE ROMANS DESPATCHED TO
+THEM THEY WOULD NOT HEED: they rather set their faces toward war,
+acting under the supervision of Critolaus. Metellus was consequently
+afraid that they might lay hands on Macedonia,--[Sidenote: B.C. 148
+(_a.u._ 606)] they had already appeared in Thessaly,--and so he went
+to meet them and routed them.
+
+At the fall of Critolaus the Greek world was split asunder. Some of
+them had embraced peace and laid down their weapons, whereas others
+had committed their interests to the care of Diæus and were still
+involved in factional turmoil. [Sidenote: B.C. 146 (_a.u._ 608)] On
+learning this the people of Rome sent Mummius against them. He got rid
+of Metellus and gave his personal attention to the war. Part of his
+army sustained a slight reverse through an ambuscade and Diæus pursued
+the fugitives up to their own camp, but Mummius made a sortie, routed
+him, and followed to the Achæan entrenchments. Diæus now gathered a
+larger force and undertook to give battle to them, but, as the Romans
+would make no hostile demonstration, he conceived a contempt for them
+and advanced to a depressed piece of ground lying between the camps.
+Mummius seeing this secretly sent horsemen to assail them on the
+flank. After these had attacked and thrown the enemy into confusion,
+he brought up the phalanx in front and caused considerable slaughter.
+As a consequence Diæus in despair killed himself, and of the survivors
+of the battle the Corinthians were scattered over the country, while
+the rest fled to their homes. Hence the Corinthians within the wall
+believing that all their citizens had been lost abandoned the city,
+and it was empty of men when Mummius took it. After that he won over
+without trouble both that nation and the rest of the Greeks. He now
+took possession of their arms, all the offerings that were consecrated
+in their temples, the statues, paintings, and whatever other kind of
+ornament they had; and as soon as he could send his father and some
+other men to arrange terms for the vanquished he caused the walls of
+some of the cities to be taken down and declared them all to be free
+and independent except the Corinthians. The dwellers in Corinth he
+sold, and confiscated their land and demolished their walls and all
+their houses besides, out of fear that some states might again unite
+with them, since they constituted the greatest state. To prevent any
+of them from remaining hidden and any of the other Greeks from being
+sold as Corinthians he assembled everybody present before he had
+disclosed his determination, and after having his soldiers surround
+them in such a way as not to attract notice he proclaimed the
+enslavement of the Corinthians and the liberation of the remainder.
+Then he instructed them all to take hold of any Corinthians standing
+beside them. In this way he arrived at an accurate distinction.
+
+Thus was Corinth overthrown. The rest of the Greek world suffered
+temporarily from murders and levies of money, but afterward came to
+enjoy such immunity and prosperity that it used to be said: "If they
+had not been taken captive as early as they were, they could not have
+been preserved."
+
+So this end simultaneously befell Carthage and Corinth, famous,
+ancient cities: but at a much later date they received colonies of
+Romans, became again flourishing, and regained their original
+position.
+
+The exploits of the Romans up to this point, found by me in ancient
+books that record these matters, written by men of old time, I have
+drawn thence in a condensed form and have embodied in the present
+history. As for what comes next in order,--the transactions of the
+consuls and dictators, so long as the government of Rome was still
+conducted by these officials,--let no one censure me as having passed
+this by through contempt or indolence or antipathy and having left the
+history as it were incomplete. The gap has not been overlooked by me
+through sloth, nor have I of my own free will left my task half
+finished, but through lack of books to describe the events. I have
+frequently instituted a search for them, yet I have not found them,
+and I do not know whether the cause is that the passage of time has
+destroyed them, and so they are not preserved, or whether the persons
+to whom I entrusted the errand perhaps did not search for them with
+sufficient diligence; for I was living abroad and passing my life on
+an islet far from the city. And because it has not been my lot to gain
+access to these books in this instance, my history turns out to be
+only half complete for the acts of the consuls and even for those of
+the dictators. Hence, passing over them, though reluctantly, I will
+record the deeds of the emperors, with some brief introductory remarks
+to make clear to those who shall read my history by what steps the
+Romans passed from aristocracy (or democracy) to the rule of one man,
+and to impart, in addition, coherence to the narrative.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+NOTE.--NO SUMMARY EXISTS OF THE MISSING BOOKS TWENTY-TWO TO
+THIRTY-FIVE INCLUSIVE, AND WE ARE DRIVEN TO RELY ON SCATTERED AND
+INCONSEQUENTIAL FRAGMENTS (THAT HAVE SOMEHOW ESCAPED THE WRECK OF
+SEASONS) AS THE BASIS FOR WHATEVER MENTAL IMAGE WE MAY CHOOSE TO FORM
+OF THE LOST NARRATIVE. THESE BITS POSSESS THE SAME VALUE FOR DIO'S
+HISTORY AS DO THE UNRELATED PIECES OF MARBLE AND CLAY FROM EXCAVATIONS
+IN ENABLING US TO GAIN A WIDER UNDERSTANDING OF ANTIQUE SCULPTURE AND
+POTTERY. FOR AN ACCOUNT OF THE SOURCES OF THESE FRAGMENTS SEE THE
+INTRODUCTION, UNDER THE CAPTION ENTITLED THE WRITING.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+_(BOOK 22, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXIII] ¶Viriathus was a Lusitanian, of very obscure
+origin, as some think, who enjoyed great renown through his deeds, for
+from a shepherd he became a robber and later on also a general. He was
+naturally adapted and had trained himself to be very quick in pursuing
+and fleeing, and of great force in a stationary conflict. He was glad
+to get any food that came to hand and whatever drink fell to his lot;
+he lived most of his life under the open sky and was satisfied with
+nature's bedding. Consequently he was superior to any heat or any
+cold, and neither was he ever troubled by hunger nor did he suffer
+from any other disagreeable condition; since he found all his wants
+met quite sufficiently by whatever he had at hand, which seemed to him
+unexcelled. While he possessed such a physical constitution, as the
+result of nature and training, he surpassed still more in spiritual
+endowment. He was swift to perceive and do whatever was requisite,--he
+could tell what must be done and at the same time he understood the
+proper occasion for it,--and he was clever at pretending not to know
+the most evident facts and to know the most hidden secrets.
+Furthermore he was not only general but his own assistant in every
+business equally, and was seen to be neither humble nor pompous, but
+in him obscurity of family and reputation for strength were so mingled
+that he seemed to be neither inferior nor superior to any one. And, in
+fine, he carried on the war not for the sake of personal gain or
+power nor through anger, but because of the opportunity for action;
+therefore he was regarded as most thoroughly a lover of war and a
+successful warrior. (Valesius, p. 614.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXIV] [Sidenote: B.C. 143 (_a.u._ 611)] 1.
+¶Claudius, the colleague of Metellus, impelled by pride of birth and
+jealousy of Metellus, when he had had Italy allotted to his command
+and found no sign of war, was eager to secure by any means some
+pretext for a triumph; hence without taking the trouble to lodge any
+formal complaint he set the Salassi, a Gallic tribe, at war with the
+Romans. He had been sent to reconcile them, because they were
+disputing with their neighbors about the water necessary for the gold
+mines, and he overran their entire country ... the Romans sent him two
+of the ten priests. (Valesius, p. 617.)
+
+2. ¶Claudius, even if he understood thoroughly that he had not
+conquered, nevertheless even then displayed such arrogance as not to
+say a word in either the senate or the popular assembly about the
+triumph; but acting as if the right were indisputably his, even if no
+one should vote to that effect, he asked for the requisite
+expenditures. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXV] [Sidenote: B.C. 142 (_a.u._ 612)] ¶As regards
+character Mummius and Africanus differed vastly from each other in
+every respect. The latter ruled with a view to the greatest
+uprightness and with exactitude, not esteeming one influence above
+another; he called to account many of the senators and many of the
+knights, as well as other individuals. Mummius, on the other hand, was
+more urbane and humane in his behavior; he imputed no dishonor to any
+one, and abolished many of the regulations framed by Africanus, so far
+as was possible. To such an extent of amiability did his nature lead
+him, that he lent some statues to Lucullus for the consecration of the
+temple of Felicitas (material for which he had gathered in the Spanish
+war), and then, when that general was unwilling to return them on the
+ground that they had been made sacred by the dedication, he showed no
+anger, but permitted his own spoils to lie there offered up in
+another's name. (Valesius, p. 618.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXVI] [Sidenote: B.C. 140 (_a.u._ 614)]
+¶Pompeius[41] received many setbacks and incurred great disgrace.
+There was a river flowing through the country of the Numantini that he
+wished to turn aside from its ancient channel and let in upon their
+fields; and after tremendous exertions he did accomplish this. But he
+lost many soldiers, and no advantage from turning it aside came to the
+Romans, nor harm to the enemy.... (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Footnote 41: This is Q. Pompeius A. F. Nepos (consul B.C. 141).]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXVII] ¶Cæpio[42] effected nothing worthy of mention
+against the foe, but brought much serious harm to his own men, so that
+he ran the risk of being killed by them. He treated them all, but
+especially the cavalry, with such harshness and cruelty that a vast
+number of most unseemly jokes and stories passed current about him
+during the nights; and the more he grew vexed at it, the more jests
+did they make and endeavor to infuriate him. When what was going on
+became known and no one could be found guilty--though he suspected it
+was the doing of the cavalry--as he could fix the responsibility upon
+no one single man he became angry at all of them, and commanded them,
+six hundred in number, accompanied only by their grooms, to cross the
+river by which they were encamped and bring wood from the mountain on
+which Viriathus was bivouacking. The danger was manifest to all, and
+the tribunes and lieutenants begged him not to destroy them. The
+cavalry waited for a little to see if he would listen to the others,
+and when he would not yield, they deemed it unworthy to supplicate
+him, as he was most eager for them to do, but choosing rather to
+perish utterly than to speak a respectful word to him, they started on
+the mission assigned. The horsemen of the allies and other volunteers
+accompanied them. They crossed the river, cut the wood, and threw it
+in all around the general's quarters, intending to burn them down. And
+he would have perished in the flames, if he had not fled away in time.
+(Valesius, p. 618.)
+
+[Footnote 42: _Q. Servilius Cæpio_ (consul B.C. 140).]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXVIII] [Sidenote: B.C. 139 (_a.u._ 615)] ¶Popilius
+so terrified Viriathus that the latter sent to him about peace
+immediately and before they had tried any battle at all, killed some
+of the leaders of the rebels whose surrender had been demanded by the
+Romans--among these his father-in-law, though commanding his own
+force, was slaughtered--and delivered up the rest, all of whose hands
+the consul cut off. And he would have agreed to a complete truce, if
+their weapons had not been demanded in addition: with this condition
+neither he nor the rest of the throng would comply.[43] (Ursinus, p.
+383.)
+
+[Footnote 43: Adopting Reiske's conjecture [Greek: hypomeinai epsêsen]
+in place of the MS. [Greek: hypomeinai epoiêses].]
+
+
+_(BOOK 23, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXIX] [Sidenote: B.C. 136 (_a.u._ 618)] ¶The Romans
+received the Numantine ambassadors on their arrival outside the walls,
+to the end that their reception might not seem to imply a ratification
+of the truce. However, they sent gifts of friendship notwithstanding,
+not wishing to deprive them of the hope of possibly coming to terms.
+Mancinus and his followers told of the necessity of the compact made
+and the number of the saved, and stated that they still held all of
+their former possessions in Spain. They besought their countrymen to
+consider the question not in the light of their present immunity, but
+with reference to the danger that then encompassed the soldiers, and
+to think not what ought to have been done, but what might have been
+the outcome. The Numantini brought forward many statements about their
+previous good-will toward the Romans and considerable about the
+latter's subsequent injustice, by reason of which they had been forced
+into the war, and the perjury of Pompeius: and they asked for
+considerate treatment in return for the preservation of Mancinus and
+the rest. But the Romans both dissolved the truce and decided that
+Mancinus should be given up to the Numantini. (Ursinus, p. 383.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXX] ¶Claudius[44] through his harshness would have
+committed many outrageous acts, had he not been restrained by his
+colleague Quintus.[45] The latter, who was amiable and possessed
+exactly the opposite temperament, did not oppose him with anger in any
+matter and, indeed, occasionally yielded to him, and by gentle
+behavior so manipulated him that he found very few opportunities for
+irritation. (Valesius, p. 621.)
+
+[Footnote 44: These are the censors for the year B.C. 136, Ap.
+Claudius Pulcher and Q. Fulvius Nobilior.]
+
+[Footnote 45: See note, page 335.]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXI] ¶Furius[46] led out among his lieutenants both
+Pompeius and Metellus though they were hostile both to him and to each
+other; for, expecting to achieve some great success, he wished to have
+in them sure witnesses to his deeds and to receive the evidence of his
+prowess from their unwilling lips. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Footnote 46: P. Furius Philus (consul B.C. 136).]
+
+
+_(BOOK 24, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXIII] 1. ¶Tiberius Gracchus caused an upheaval of
+the Roman state,--and this in spite of the fact that he belonged to
+one of the foremost families (his grandfather being Africanus), that
+he possessed a natural endowment worthy of the latter, that he had
+gone through a most thorough course of education, and had a high
+spirit. In proportion to these great gifts of his was the allurement
+that they offered to follow his ambitions: and when once he had turned
+aside from what was best he drifted even involuntarily into what was
+worst. It began with his being refused a triumph over the Numantini:
+he had hoped for this honor because he had previously had the
+management of the business, but so far from obtaining anything of the
+kind he incurred the danger of being delivered up; then he decided
+that deeds were estimated not on the basis of goodness or truth but
+according to mere chance. And this road to fame he abandoned as not
+safe, but since he desired by all means to become prominent in some
+way and expected that he could accomplish this better through the
+popular than through the senatorial party, he attached himself to the
+former. (Valesius, p. 621.)
+
+2. ¶Marcus Octavius on account of an hereditary feud with Gracchus
+willingly made himself his opponent. [Sidenote: B.C. 133 (_a.u._ 621)]
+Thereafter there was no semblance of moderation: striving and
+quarreling as they were, each to survive the other rather than to
+benefit the community, they committed many acts of violence as if they
+were in a principality instead of a democracy, and suffered many
+unusual calamities proper for war but not for peace. In addition to
+their individual conflicts, there were many who, banded together,
+instituted grievous abuses and battles in the senate-house itself and
+the popular assembly as well as throughout the rest of the city: they
+pretended to be executing the law, but were in reality making in all
+things every effort not to be surpassed by each other. The result was
+that the authorities could not carry on their accustomed tasks, courts
+came to a stop, no contract was entered into, and other sorts of
+confusion and disorder were rife everywhere. The place bore the name
+of city, but was no whit different from a camp. (Valesius, p. 622.)
+
+3. ¶Gracchus proposed certain laws for the benefit of those of the
+people who served in the army, and transferred the courts from the
+senate to the knights, bedeviling and disturbing all established
+customs in order that he might be enabled to lay hold on safety in
+some wise. And after he found not even this of advantage to him, but
+his term of office was drawing to a close, when he would be
+immediately exposed to the attacks of his enemies, he attempted to
+secure the tribuneship also for the following year (in company with
+his brother) and to appoint his father-in-law consul: to obtain this
+end he would make any statement or promise anything whatever to
+anybody. Often, too, he put on a mourning garb and brought his mother
+and children, tied hand and foot, into the presence of the populace.
+(Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXIII] [Sidenote: B.C. 129 (_a.u._ 625)] ¶Scipio
+Africanus had more ambition in his makeup than was suitable for or
+compatible with his general excellence. And in reality none of his
+rivals took pleasure in his death, but although they thought him a
+great obstacle in their way even they missed him. They saw that he was
+valuable to the State and never expected that he would cause them any
+serious trouble. When he was suddenly taken away all the possessions
+of the powerful class were again diminished, so that the promoters of
+agrarian legislation ravaged at will practically all of Italy. And
+this seems to me to have been most strongly indicated by the mass of
+stones that poured down from heaven, falling upon some of the temples
+and killing men, and by the tears of Apollo. [Sidenote: B.C. 131
+(_a.u._ 623)] For the god wept copiously[47] for three days, so that
+the Romans on the advice of the soothsayers voted to cut down the
+statue and to sink it in the deep. (Valesius, p. 625.)
+
+[Footnote 47: In the original the word "wept" is repeated. Van
+Herwerden thinks that the second one should be deleted, but Schenkl
+prefers to substitute an adverb in place of the first. In the
+translation I have used an adverb giving nearly the same force as the
+repetition of the verb.]
+
+
+_(BOOK 25, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXIV] ¶Gracchus had a disposition like his brother;
+only the latter drifted from excellence into ambition and then to
+baseness whereas this man was naturally intractable and played the
+rogue voluntarily and far surpassed the other in his gift of language.
+For these reasons his designs were more mischievous, his daring more
+spontaneous, and his self-will greater in all junctures alike. He was
+the first to walk up and down in the assemblies while he harangued and
+the first to bare his arm; hence neither of these practices has been
+thought improper, since he did it. And because his speaking was
+characterized by great condensation of thought and forcefulness of
+words and he consequently was unable to restrain himself easily but
+was often led to say what he did not wish, he used to bring in a
+flute-player, and from him, playing a low accompaniment, he would take
+his rhythm and time, or if even so he in some way fell out of measure,
+he would stop. This was the sort of man that attacked the government,
+and, by assuming no speech or act to be forbidden, in the briefest
+time became a great power among the populace and the knights. All the
+nobility and the senatorial party if he had lived longer[48] ...
+[Sidenote: B.C. 121 (_a.u._ 633)] but as it was his great authority
+made him envied even by the members of his faction, and he was ruined
+by his own devices. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Footnote 48: One may supply here, as Reiske suggests, "would have
+been overthrown", "would have been humbled", or "would have been
+brought low".]
+
+
+_(BOOK 26, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXV] [Sidenote: B.C. 114 (_a.u._ 640)] 1. ¶The
+priestesses for the most part incurred destruction and shame
+themselves, and proved the source of great evils to numerous others as
+well, while the entire city because of them was thrown into an uproar.
+For the people, in view of the fact that what was immaculate by law
+and sacred by the dictates of religion and decent through fear of
+vengeance had been polluted, were ready to believe that anything most
+shameful and unholy might be done. For this reason they visited
+punishment not only on the convicted, but also on all the rest who had
+been accused, to show their hatred of what had occurred. Hence the
+whole episode in which the women were concerned seemed now to be due
+not so much to their feminine incontinence[49] as to a kind of madness
+inspired by supernatural powers. (Valesius, p. 626.)
+
+[Footnote 49: Reading [Greek: eti aselgeias] (Boissevain's emendation)
+in place of the unintelligible [Greek: aitias algein] of the MS.]
+
+2. ¶Three altogether had had intercourse with men; and of them Marcia
+had acted individually, granting her favors to one single knight[50]
+and would never have been discovered, had not the investigation into
+the cases of the others spread and overtaken her besides. Æmilia and
+Licinia had a multitude of lovers and carried on their wanton behavior
+with each other's help. At first they surrendered themselves to some
+few privately and secretly, telling each man that he was the only one
+admitted. Later they themselves bound every one who could suspect and
+inform against them to certain silence in advance by the price of
+intercourse with them, and those who had previously enjoyed their
+conversation, though they saw this, yet endured it in order not to be
+detected by a show of vexation. So after holding commerce with many,
+now singly, now in groups, now privately, now publicly, Licinia
+enjoyed the society of the brother of Æmilia, and Æmilia that of
+Licinia's brother. These doings were hidden for a great period of
+time, and though many men and many women, both free and slaves, were
+in the secret, it was hidden for a very long period, until one
+Manius,[51] who seems to have been the first to assist and coöperate
+in the whole evil, gave information of the matter because he had not
+obtained freedom nor any of the other objects of his hope. He was,
+indeed, very skillful not only at leading women into prostitution, but
+also in slandering and ruining some of them. (Valesius, p. 626.)
+
+[Footnote 50: Namely, L. Betutius Barrus.]
+
+[Footnote 51: A slave of the aforesaid Barrus.]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXVI] [Sidenote: B.C. 112 (_a.u._ 642)] ¶This was
+calculated to bring him [sc. Marcus Drusus] glory first of itself and
+second in the light of Cato's disaster; and because he had shown great
+amiability toward the soldiers and seemed to have made success of more
+importance than truth, he also secured a renown greater than his deeds
+deserved. (Valesius, p. 629.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXVII] [Sidenote: B.C. 108 (_a.u._ 646)] 1. ¶When
+Jugurtha sent to Metellus about peace the latter made separate demands
+upon him as if each were to be the last, and in this way got from him
+hostages, arms, the elephants, the captives, and the deserters. All of
+these last he killed but did not grant a truce because Jugurtha,
+fearing to be arrested, refused to come to him and because Marius and
+Gnæus[52] prevented. (Ursinus, p. 385.)
+
+[Footnote 52: Possibly an error for _Gaudas_.]
+
+2. For he [sc. Marius] was in general seditious and turbulent, wholly
+friendly to the rabble from which he had sprung and wholly ready to
+overthrow the nobility. He risked with perfect readiness any
+statement, promise, lie, or false oath in any matter where he hoped to
+gain a benefit. Blackmailing one of the foremost citizens or
+commending some rascal he thought child's play. And let no one be
+surprised that such a man could conceal his villanies for a very long
+time: for, as a result of his exceeding cunning and the good fortune
+which he enjoyed all through his early life, he actually acquired a
+reputation for virtue. (Valesius, p. 629.)
+
+3. ¶Marius was the more easily able to calumniate Metellus for the
+reason that the latter was numbered among the nobles and was managing
+military concerns excellently, whereas he himself was just beginning
+to come forward from a very obscure and doubtful origin into public
+notice:--the populace was readily inclined to overthrow Metellus
+through envy, and favored Marius increasingly for his promises:--of
+great assistance, too, was the report that Metellus had said to Marius
+(who was just then coming forward for election): "You ought to be
+satisfied if you get to be consul along with my son" (who was a mere
+lad). (Valesius, p. 630.)
+
+4. ¶Gaudas was angry at Metellus because in spite of requests he had
+received from him neither the deserters nor a garrison of Roman
+soldiers, or else because he could not sit near him,--a privilege
+ordinarily vouchsafed by the consuls to princes and potentates.
+(Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 107 (_a.u._ 647)] 5. ¶When Cirta was captured by
+capitulation Bocchus sent a herald to Marius and first demanded the
+empire of Jugurtha as the price for his defection, but later, as he
+did not obtain it, simply asked him to make terms. So he sent envoys
+to Rome, but Jugurtha while this was taking place retired to the most
+desolate portions of his own territory. (Ursinus, p. 385.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 106 (_a.u._ 648)] 6. ¶Marius entertained the envoys of
+Bocchus but said he would make no compact with him unless he should
+receive Jugurtha's prisoners from his hands; and this was done.
+(Ursinus, p. 386.)
+
+
+_(BOOK 27, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXVIII] ¶Tolosa, which was formerly at peace with
+the Romans but had revolted, under the influence of hope in the
+Cimbri, to the extent of imprisoning the garrison, was occupied by
+them at night: they were admitted unexpectedly by friends and
+plundered the temples, obtaining much other money besides, for the
+place had been wealthy from of old, containing among other offerings
+those of which the Gauls under the leadership of Brennus had once
+despoiled Delphi. Nothing of importance, however, reached the Romans
+in the capital, but the victors themselves confiscated the most of it.
+For this a number were called to account. (Valesius, p. 630.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXIX] [Sidenote: B.C. 105 (_a.u._ 649)] 1.
+¶Servilius by reason of his jealousy of his colleague[53] became the
+cause of many evils to the army; for, though he had in general equal
+powers, his repute was naturally diminished by the fact that the other
+was also consul. And ... after the death of Scaurus[54] he [Manlius?]
+sent for Servilius: but the latter replied that each of them ought to
+keep his position. Then, apprehending that Manlius might gain some
+success by his own resources, he grew jealous of him, fearing that he
+might secure individual glory, and went to him: yet he did not bivouac
+on the same ground nor make him the partaker of any plan, but took up
+a distinct position with the evident intention of joining battle with
+the Cimbri before him and winning all the glory of the war. At the
+outset they still inspired the enemy with dread, as long as their
+quarrel was concealed, so much so as to lead the foe to desire peace,
+but when the Cimbri sent a herald to Manlius as consul Servilius
+became indignant that they had not directed their embassy to him,
+refused to agree to any reconciliation, and came near slaying the
+envoys. (Valesius, p. 630.)
+
+[Footnote 53: _Cn. Manlius Maximus_.]
+
+[Footnote 54: _M. Aurelius Scaurus_ (consul suffectus B.C. 108).]
+
+2. ¶The soldiers forced Servilius to go to Manlius and consult with
+him about the emergency. But so far from coming into accord they
+became as a result of the meeting even more hostile than before: they
+fell into strife and abuse and parted in a disgraceful fashion.
+(Valesius, p. 633.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XC] [Sidenote: B.C. 104 (_a.u._ 650)] ¶After Gnæus
+Domitius obtained leave to bring suit against Scaurus, one of the
+slaves then came forward and offered to bring any damaging charges
+against his master: but he refused to become involved in such
+despicable business, and arresting the fellow delivered him over to
+Scaurus. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCI] 1. ¶Publius Licinius Nerva, who was prætor in
+the island, on learning that the slaves were not being justly treated
+in some respects, or else because he sought an occasion of profit (for
+he was not inaccessible to bribes), circulated the announcement that
+all who had any charges to bring against their masters should come to
+him, for he would assist them. Accordingly, many of them banded
+together, and some declared they were being wronged and others made
+known some other grievances against their masters, thinking they had
+secured an opportunity for accomplishing without bloodshedding all
+that they wished. The freeborn, after consultation, resisted them and
+would not yield to them on any point. Therefore Licinius, inspired
+with fear by the united front of both sides and dreading that some
+great mischief might be done by the defeated party, would not admit
+any of the slaves but sent them away thinking that they would suffer
+no harm or that at any rate they would be scattered and so could cause
+no more disturbance. But they, fearing their masters because they had
+dared to raise their voices at all against them, organized a force and
+by common consent turned to robbery. (Valesius, p. 633.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 103 (_a.u._ 651)] 2. ¶The Messenians, believing that
+they would suffer no abuse, had deposited in that place for safe
+keeping all their most valuable and highly prized possessions.
+Athenio, who as a Cilician held the chief command of the robbers, on
+learning this attacked them while they were celebrating a public
+festival in the suburbs, killed many of them as they were scattered
+about, and almost took the city by storm. After building a wall to
+fortify Macella,[55] a strong position, he did serious injury to the
+country. (Valesius, p. 634.)
+
+[Footnote 55: Possibly the modern _Macellaro_.]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCII] [Sidenote: B.C. 102 (_a.u._ 652)] 1. ¶After the
+defeat of the barbarians though many had fallen in battle some few
+were saved. Whereupon Marius attempted to console these survivors and
+to make amends by restoring to them all the plunder at a nominal
+price, to prevent its being thought that he had bestowed favors
+gratuitously upon any one. By this act Marius, who previously had been
+the darling of the populace alone because sprung from that class and
+raised to power by it, now won over even the nobles by whom he was
+hated, and was praised equally by all. He received from a willing and
+harmonious people a reëlection for the following year, to enable him
+to subdue his remaining foes. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+2. ¶The Cimbri when they had once halted lost much of their spirit and
+consequently grew duller and weaker in both soul and body. The reason
+was that in place of their former outdoor life they rested in houses,
+instead of their former cold plunges they used warm baths, whereas
+they were wont to eat raw meat they now filled themselves with richly
+spiced dishes and relishes of the country, and they saturated
+themselves, contrary to their custom, with wine and strong drink.
+These practices extinguished all their fiery spirit and enervated
+their bodies, so that they could no longer bear toils or hardships or
+heat or cold or sleeplessness. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+
+_(BOOK 28, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCIII] [Sidenote: B.C. 99 (_a.u._ 655)] 1. ¶The son
+of Metellus besought everybody to such an extent both in private and
+in public to let his father return from exile that he received the
+appellation _Pius_, i.e. dutiful. (Valesius, p. 638.)
+
+2. ¶Furius had such enmity toward Metellus that when he was censor he
+took his horse away. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+3. Publius Furius,[56] indicted for his deeds committed in the
+tribuneship, was slain by the Romans in the Comitia itself. He richly
+deserved to die, for he was a seditious person and after first joining
+Saturninus and Glaucia he veered about, deserted to the opposing
+faction, and joined its members; it was not proper, however, for him
+to perish in just this way. And this action seemed to be on the whole
+justifiable. (Valesius, p. 637.)
+
+[Footnote 56: He was tribune of the plebs, B.C. 99.]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCIV] 1. For there were other factional leaders, but
+the greatest authority was possessed by Marcius[57] over one group,
+and by Quintus[58] over the other: these men were eager for power, of
+insatiable ambition, and consequently greatly inclined toward strife.
+Those qualities they possessed in common; but Drusus had the advantage
+of birth, and of wealth, which he lavishly expended upon those who at
+any time made demands upon him, while the other greatly surpassed him
+in audacity, daring, the anticipation of plots, and malignity
+suitable to the occasion. Hence not unnaturally, since they
+supplemented each other partly by their likeness and partly by their
+differences, they created an extremely strong factional feeling which
+remained even after the death of both. (Valesius, p. 638.)
+
+[Footnote 57: _M. Livius Drusus._]
+
+[Footnote 58: _Q. Servilius Cæpio._]
+
+2. ¶Drusus and Cæpio, formerly great friends and united by mutual ties
+of marriage, became privately at enmity with each other and carried
+their feud even into politics. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCV] [Sidenote: B.C. 92 (_a.u._ 662)] 1. ¶Rutilius,
+an upright man, was most unjustly condemned. He was brought to court
+by a preconcerted plan of the knights on a charge of having been
+bribed while serving in Asia as lieutenant under Quintus Mucius,[59]
+and they imposed a fine upon him. The reason for this act was their
+rage at his having ended many of their irregularities in connection
+with the collecting of taxes. (Valesius, p. 637.)
+
+[Footnote 59: The clause as found in the MS. gives no sense. The
+translation here is on the basis of an emendation suggested by
+Boissevain.]
+
+2. ¶Rutilius made a very able defence, and there was no one of his
+words which would not be the natural utterance of an upright man who
+was being blackmailed and grieved far more for the conditions of the
+State than for his own possessions: he was convicted, however, and
+immediately stripped of his property. This process more than any other
+revealed the fact that he had in no wise deserved the sentence passed
+upon him. He was found to possess much less than the accusers had
+charged him with having confiscated from Asia, and he could trace all
+of his goods back to just and lawful sources of acquisition. Such was
+his unworthy treatment, and Marius was not free from responsibility
+for his conviction; a man so excellent and of such good repute had
+been an annoyance to him. Wherefore Rutilius, indignant at the conduct
+of affairs in the city, and disdaining to live longer in the company
+of such a creature, withdrew, though under no compulsion, and went
+even as far as Asia. There for a time he dwelt in Mitylene; then after
+that place had received injury in the Mithridatic war he transferred
+his residence to Smyrna and there lived to the end of his life nor
+wished ever to return home. And in all this he suffered not a whit in
+reputation or plenty. He received many gifts from Mucius and a vast
+number from all the peoples and kings as well who had become
+acquainted with him, till he possessed far more than his original
+property. (Valesius, p. 637.)
+
+
+_(BOOK 29, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCVI] [Sidenote: B.C. 90 (_a.u._ 664)] 1. ¶Lupus,[60]
+suspecting that the patricians making the campaign with him were
+revealing his plans to the enemy, sent word about them to the senate
+before he had any definite information,[61] and, as a consequence,
+although they were in no case well disposed[62] toward each other
+through factional differences, he set them still more at variance.
+There would have been even greater disturbance, had not some of the
+Marsi been detected mixing with the foraging parties of the Romans and
+entering the ramparts under the guise of allies, where they took
+cognizance of speeches and actions in the camp and reported them to
+their own men. In consequence of this discovery they ceased to be
+angry with the patricians. (Valesius, p. 641.)
+
+[Footnote 60: _P. Rutilius Lupus_.]
+
+[Footnote 61: There are two gaps in the MS. here. "Had ...
+information" is a conjecture of Tafel and Gros; and "well disposed
+toward each other" of Reiske, who compares Book Fifty, chapter 16, of
+Dio.]
+
+[Footnote 62: [See previous footnote.]]
+
+2. ¶Marius suspected Lupus, although a relative, and through jealousy
+and hope of being appointed consul even a seventh time as the only man
+who could bring success out of the existing situation, bade him delay:
+their men, he said, would have provisions, whereas the other side
+would not be able to hold out for any considerable time when the war
+was in their country. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+3. ¶The Picentes subdued those who would not join their rebellion and
+abused these men in the presence of their friends and from the heads
+of their wives they tore out the hair along with the skin. (Valesius,
+ib.)
+
+
+_(REMAINS OF BOOKS 30-35, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCVII] 1. ¶Mithridates, when the Roman envoys[63]
+arrived, did not make the slightest move, but after bringing some
+counter-charges and also exhibiting to the envoys the amount of his
+wealth, some of which he had at that time spent on various objects
+public and private, he remained quiet. But Nicomedes, elated by their
+alliance and being in need of money, invaded his territory. (Ursinus,
+p. 386.)
+
+[Footnote 63: Their leader was M.' Aquilius.]
+
+2. ¶Mithridates despatched envoys to Rome requesting them if they
+deemed Nicomedes a friend to persuade him or compel him to act justly
+toward him, or if not, to allow him (Mithridates) to take measures
+against his foe. They, so far from doing what he wished, even
+threatened him with punishment if he should not give back Cappadocia
+to Ariobarzanes and remain at peace with Nicomedes. His envoys they
+sent away the very day and furthermore ordered him never to send
+another one unless he should render them obedience. (Ursinus, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCVIII] [Sidenote: B.C. 89 (_a.u._ 665)] ¶Cato,[64]
+the greater part of whose army was effeminate and superannuated, found
+his power diminished in every direction: and once, when he had
+ventured to rebuke them because they were unwilling to work hard or
+obey orders readily, he came near being overwhelmed with a shower of
+missiles from them. He would certainly have been killed, if they had
+had plenty of stones; but since the site where they were assembled
+was given over to agriculture and happened to be very wet, he received
+no hurt from the clods of earth. The man who began the mutiny, Gaius
+Titius,[65] was arrested: he was a low fellow who made his living in
+the courts and was excessively and shamelessly outspoken; he was sent
+to the city to the tribunes, but escaped punishment. (Valesius, p.
+641.)
+
+[Footnote 64: _L. Porcius Cato_ (consul B.C. 89).]
+
+[Footnote 65: Properly _C. Titinius Sisenna_.]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCIX] [Sidenote: B.C. 88 (_a.u._ 666)] 1. ¶All the
+Asiatics, at the bidding of Mithridates, massacred the Romans; only
+the people of Tralles did not personally kill any one, but hired a
+certain Theophilus, a Paphlagonian (as if the victims were more likely
+thus to escape destruction, or as if it made any difference to them by
+whom they should be slaughtered). (Valesius, p. 642.)
+
+2. ¶The Thracians, persuaded by Mithridates, overran Epirus and the
+rest of the country as far as Dodona, going even to the point of
+plundering the temple of Zeus. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. C] [Sidenote: B.C. 87 (_a.u._ 667)] 1. ¶Cinna, as
+soon as he took possession of the office, was anxious upon no one
+point so much as to drive Sulla out of Italy. He made Mithridates his
+excuse, but in reality wanted this leader to remove himself that he
+might not, by lurking close at hand, prove a hindrance to the objects
+that Cinna had in mind. He fairly distinguished himself by his zeal
+for Sulla and would refuse to promise nothing that pleased him. For
+Sulla, who saw the urgency of the war and was eager for its glory,
+before starting had arranged everything at home for his own best
+interests. He appointed Cinna and one Gnæus Octavius to be his
+successors, hoping in this way to retain considerable power even while
+absent. The second of the two he understood was generally approved for
+his excellence and good nature, and he thought he would cause no
+trouble: the other he well knew was an unprincipled person, but he did
+not wish to antagonize him, because the man had some influence and was
+ready, as he had said and declared on oath, to assist him in every way
+possible. Sulla himself, though an adept at discovering the minds of
+men and inferring correctly in regard to the nature of things, made a
+thorough mistake in this matter and bequeathed a great war to the
+State. (Valesius, p. 642.)
+
+2. ¶Octavius was naturally dull in politics. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+3. ¶The Romans, when civil war set in, sent for Metellus, urging him
+to help them. (Ursinus, p. 386.)
+
+4. ¶The Romans, at odds with one another, sent for Metellus and bade
+him come to terms with the Samnites, as he best might: for at this
+time they alone were still damaging Campania and the district beyond
+it. He, however, concluded no truce with them. They demanded
+citizenship to be given not to themselves alone but also to those who
+had deserted to their side, refused to give up any of the booty which
+they had, but demanded back all the captives and deserters from their
+own ranks, so that even the senators no longer chose to make peace
+with them on these terms. (Ursinus, p. 385.)
+
+5. ¶When Cinna had put in force again the law regarding the return of
+exiles, Marius and the rest of his followers who had been expelled
+leaped into the city with the army left to them by all the gates at
+once; these they shut, so that no one could make his escape, and
+despatched every man they met, making no distinction, but treating
+them all alike as enemies. They took special pains to destroy any
+persons who had possessions, because they coveted such property, and
+outraged their children and wives as if they had enslaved some foreign
+city. The heads of the most eminent citizens they fastened to the
+rostra. That sight was no less cruel than their ruin; for the thought
+might occur to the spectators that what their ancestors had adorned
+with the beaks of the enemy was now being deformed by the heads of the
+citizens.
+
+For, in fine, so great a desire and greed for slaughter possessed
+Marius, that when he had killed most of his enemies and no one because
+of the great confusion prevailing occurred to him whom he wished to
+destroy, he gave the word to the soldiers to stab all in succession of
+the passers-by to whom he should not extend his hand. For Roman
+affairs had come to this, that a man had to die not only without a
+trial and without having incurred enmity, but by reason of Marius's
+hand not being stretched out. Now naturally in so great a throng and
+uproar it was not only no object to Marius to make the gesture, but it
+was not even possible, no matter how much he wished it, to use his
+hand as he pleased. Hence many died for naught who ought certainly on
+every account not to have been slain. The entire number of the
+murdered is beyond finding out; for the slaughter went on five whole
+days and an equal number of nights. (Valesius, p. 642.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 86 (_a.u._ 668)] 6. ¶While the Romans were offering
+the New Year's sacrifice at the opening of the season and making their
+vows[66] for their magistrate according to ancestral rites, the son of
+Marius killed a tribune with his own hands, sending his head to the
+consuls, and hurled another from the Capitol,--a fate which had never
+befallen such an official,--and debarred two prætors from both fire
+and water. (Valesius, p. 645.)
+
+[Footnote 66: Reading [Greek: euchas] (Reiske, Boissevain) in place of
+[Greek: archas].]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CI] 1. ¶The lieutenant of Flaccus, Fimbria, when his
+chief had reached Byzantium revolted against him. He was in all
+matters very bold and reckless, passionately fond of any notoriety
+whatsoever and contemptuous of all that was superior. This led him at
+that time, after his departure from Rome, to pretend an
+incorruptibility in respect to money and an interest in the soldiers,
+which bound them to him and set them at variance with Flaccus. He was
+the more able to do this because Flaccus was insatiable in regard to
+money, not being content to appropriate what was ordinarily left over,
+but enriching himself even from the soldiers' allowance for food and
+from the booty, which he invariably maintained belonged to him.
+(Valesius, p. 650.)
+
+2. ¶When Flaccus and Fimbria had arrived at Byzantium and Flaccus
+after commanding them to bivouac outside the wall had gone into the
+city, Fimbria seized the occasion to accuse him of having taken
+money, and denounced him, saying that he was living in luxury within,
+whereas they were enduring hardships under the shelter of tents, in
+storm and cold. The soldiers then angrily rushed into the city, killed
+some of those that fell upon them and scattered to the various houses.
+(Valesius, ib.)
+
+3. ¶On the occasion of some dispute between Fimbria and the quæstor
+Flaccus threatened to send him back to Rome whether he liked it or
+not, and when the other consequently made some abusive reply deprived
+him of his command. Fimbria set out upon his return with the worst
+possible will and on reaching the soldiers at Byzantium greeted them
+as if he were upon the point of departure, asked for a letter, and
+lamented his fate, pretending to have suffered undeservedly. He
+advised them to remember the help he had given them and to be on their
+guard; and his words contained a hidden reference to Flaccus, implying
+that he had designs upon them. Finding that they accepted his story
+and were well disposed toward him and suspicious of the general, he
+went on still further and incited them to anger by accusing Flaccus of
+various faults, finally stating that he would betray them for money;
+hence the soldiers drove away Thermus, who had been assigned to take
+charge of them. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+4. ¶Fimbria destroyed many men not to serve the best ends of justice
+nor to secure the greatest benefit to Rome but through bad temper and
+lust of slaughter. A proof is that he once ordered many crosses to be
+made, to which he was wont to bind them and wear out their lives by
+cruel treatment, and then when these were found to be many more than
+those who were to be put to death he commanded some of the bystanders
+to be arrested and affixed to the crosses that were in excess, that
+they might not seem to have been made in vain. (Valesius, p. 653.)
+
+5. ¶The same man on capturing Ilium despatched as many persons as he
+could, sparing none, and all but burned the whole city to the ground.
+He took the place not by storm but by guile. After bestowing some
+praise on them for the embassy sent to Sulla and saying that it made
+no difference with which one of the two they ratified a truce (for he
+and Sulla were both Romans) he thereupon went in among them as among
+friends and performed these deeds. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CII] [Sidenote: B.C. 85 (_a.u._ 669)] 1. ¶Metellus
+after being defeated by Cinna went to Sulla and was of the greatest
+assistance to him. For in view of his reputation for justice and piety
+not a few who were opposed to Sulla's policy decided that it was not
+without reason that Metellus had joined him but that he chose what was
+really juster and more advantageous for the country, and hence they
+went over to their side. (Valesius, p. 653.)
+
+2. ¶A thunderbolt fell upon the Capitol, causing the destruction of
+the Sibylline books and of many other things. (Mai, p. 551.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CIII] [Sidenote: B.C. 83 (_a.u._ 671)] ¶Pompey was a
+son of Strabo, and has been compared by Plutarch with Agesilaus the
+Lacedæmonian. Indignant at those who held the city he proceeded
+absolutely alone to Picenum before he had quite yet come to man's
+estate: from the inhabitants on account of his father's position of
+command he collected a small band and set up an individual
+sovereignty, thinking to perform some famous exploit by himself; then
+he joined the party of Sulla. Beginning in this way he became no less
+a man than his chief, but, as his title indicates, grew to be "Great."
+(Valesius, p. 653.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CIV] [Sidenote: B.C. 82 (_a.u._ 672)] ¶Sulla
+delivered the army to a man[67] who was in no wise distinguished[68]
+nor generally commended, in spite of the fact that he had many who had
+been with him from the beginning superior in both experience and
+action, whom up to that time he had employed in all emergencies and
+treated as most faithful. Before he became victor he was accustomed to
+make requests of them and use their assistance to the fullest extent.
+But as he drew near his dream of absolute dominion, he made no account
+of them any longer but reposed his trust rather in the basest men who
+were not conspicuous for family or possessed of a reputation for
+uprightness. The reason was that he saw that such persons were ready
+to assist him in all his projects, even the vilest; and he thought
+they would be most grateful to him if they should obtain even very
+small favors, would never show contempt nor lay claim to either his
+deeds or his plans. The virtuous element, on the other hand, would not
+be willing to help him in his evil-doing but would even rebuke him;
+they would demand rewards for benefits conferred, according to merit,
+would feel no gratitude for them but take them as something due, and
+would claim his actions and counsels as their own. (Valesius, p. 654.)
+
+[Footnote 67: _Q. Lucretius Ofella._]
+
+[Footnote 68: Supplying [Greek: mêt' epiphanei], with Reiske.]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CV] 1. ¶Sulla up to that day that he conquered the
+Samnites had been a conspicuous figure, possessing a renown from his
+leadership and plans, and was believed to be most devoted to
+humaneness and piety, so that all thought that he had Fortune as an
+ally because of his excellence. After this event he changed so much
+that one would not say his earlier and his later deeds were those of
+the same person. This probably shows that he could not endure good
+fortune. Acts that he censured in other persons while he was still
+weak, and others, far more outrageous even, he committed: it had
+presumably always been his wish to do so, but he had been hindered by
+lack of opportunity. This fact produced a strong conviction in the
+minds of some that bad luck has not a little to do with creating a
+reputation for virtue.[69] As soon as Sulla had vanquished the
+Samnites and thought he had put an end to the war (the rest of it he
+held of no account) he changed his tactics and, as it were, left his
+former personality behind outside the wall and in the battle, and
+proceeded to surpass Cinna and Marius and all their associates
+combined. Treatment that he had given to no one of the foreign peoples
+that had opposed him he bestowed upon his native land, as if he had
+subdued that as well. In the first place he sent forthwith the heads
+of Damasippus and the members of his party stuck on poles to Præneste,
+and many of those who voluntarily surrendered he killed as if he had
+caught them without their consent. The next day he ordered the
+senators to assemble at the temple of Bellona, giving them the idea
+that he would make some defence of his conduct, and ordered those
+captured alive to meet at the so-called "public" field,[70] pretending
+that he would enroll them in the lists. This last class he had other
+men slay, and many persons from the city, mixed in among them,
+likewise perished: to the senators he himself at the same time
+addressed a most bitter speech. (Valesius, p. 654.)
+
+[Footnote 69: Adopting Reiske's suggestion for filling out a lacuna in
+the sense.]
+
+[Footnote 70: The _villa publica_.]
+
+2. ¶The massacre of the captured persons was going on even under
+Sulla's direction with unabated fury, and as they were being killed
+near the temple the great uproar and lamentation that they made, their
+shrieks and wails, invaded the senate-house, so that the senate was
+terrified for two reasons. The second of the two was that they were
+not far from expecting that they themselves, also, might yet suffer
+some terrible injury, so unholy were both his words and his actions:
+therefore many, cut to the heart with grief at the thought of reality
+and possibility, wished that they themselves belonged to the number of
+men already dead outside, and so might secure a respite at last from
+fear. Their cases, however, were postponed, while the rest were
+slaughtered and thrown into the river, so that the savagery of
+Mithridates, deemed so terrible, in slaughtering all the Romans in
+Asia in one day, was now held to be of slight importance in comparison
+with the number massacred and their manner of death. Nor did the
+terror stop here, but the slaughters which began at this point as if
+by a kind of signal occurred in the country district and all the
+cities of Italy. Toward many Sulla himself showed hatred and toward
+many others his companions did the same, some truthfully and some in
+pretence, in order that displaying by the similarity of their deeds a
+character similar to his and establishing him as their friend they
+might not, by any dissimilarity, incur suspicion, seem to be reproving
+him at all, and so endanger themselves. They murdered all whom they
+saw to surpass them either in wealth or in any other respect, some
+through envy and others on account of their possessions. For under
+such conditions many neutral persons even, though they might have
+taken neither side, became subject to some private complaint, as
+surpassing some one in excellence or wealth and family. No safety was
+visible for any one against those in power who wished to commit an
+injustice in any case. (Valesius, p. 657.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 81 (_a.u._ 673)] 3. ¶Such calamities held Rome
+encompassed. Who could narrate the insults to the living, many of
+which were offered to women, and many to the noblest and most
+prominent children, as if they were captives in war? Yet those acts,
+though most distressing, yet at least in their similarity to others
+that had previously taken place seemed endurable to such persons as
+were away from them. But Sulla was not satisfied, nor was he content
+to do the same as others: a certain longing came over him to far excel
+all in the variety of his slaughters, as if there were some virtue in
+being second to none even in bloodguiltiness, and so he exposed to
+view a new device, a whitened tablet, on which he inscribed the names.
+Notwithstanding this all previous atrocities continued undiminished,
+and not even those whose names were not inscribed on the tablets were
+in safety. For many, some living and others actually dead, had their
+names subsequently inscribed at the pleasure of the slayers, so that
+in this aspect the phenomenon exhibited no novelties, and equally by
+its terror and its absurdity distressed absolutely every one. The
+tablets were exposed like some register of senators or list of
+soldiers approved, and all those passing by at one time or another ran
+eagerly to it in crowds, with the idea that it contained some
+favorable announcement: then many found relatives' names and some,
+indeed, their own inscribed for death, whereupon their condition,
+overwhelmed by such a sudden disaster, was a terrible one; many of
+them, making themselves known by their behavior, perished. There was
+no particle of safety for any one outside of Sulla's company. For
+whether a man approached the tablets, he incurred censure for meddling
+with matters not concerning him, or if he did not approach he was
+regarded as a malcontent. The man who read the list through or asked
+any question about anything inscribed became suspected of enquiring
+about himself or his companions, and the one who did not read or
+enquire was suspected of being displeased at it and for that reason
+incurred hatred. Tears or laughter proved fatal on the instant: hence
+many were destroyed not because they had said or done anything
+forbidden, but because they either drew a long face or smiled. Their
+attitudes were so carefully observed as this, and it was possible for
+no one either to mourn or to exult over an enemy, but even the latter
+class were slaughtered on the ground that they were jeering at
+something. Furthermore many found trouble in their very names, for
+some who were unacquainted with the proscribed applied their names to
+whomsoever they pleased, and thus many perished in the place of
+others. This resulted in great confusion, some naming any man they met
+just as ever they pleased, and the others denying that they were so
+called. Some were slaughtered while still ignorant of the fact that
+they were to die, and others, who had been previously informed,
+anywhere that they happened to be; and there was no place for them
+either holy or sacred, no safe retreat, no refuge. Some, to be sure,
+by perishing suddenly before learning of the catastrophe hanging over
+them, and some at the moment they received the news, were fortunately
+relieved of the terrors preceding death: those who were warned in
+advance and hid themselves found it a very difficult matter to escape.
+They did not dare to withdraw, for fear of being detected, nor could
+they endure to remain where they were for fear of betrayal. Very many
+of them were betrayed by their associates and those dearest to them,
+and so perished. Consequently not those whose names were inscribed
+merely, but the rest, as well, suffered in anticipation. (Valesius,
+pp. 658-662.)
+
+4. ¶The heads of all those slaughtered in any place were brought to
+the Roman Forum and exposed on the rostra, so that as often as
+proscriptions were issued, so often did the heads appear. (Valesius,
+ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CVI] [Sidenote: B.C. 74 (_a.u._ 680)] Lucullus said
+that he would rather have rescued one Roman from danger than have
+captured at one stroke all the forces of the enemy. (Mai, p. 551.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CVII] 1. For titles do not change the characters of
+men, but one makes titles take on new meanings according to one's
+management of affairs. Many monarchs are the source of blessings to
+their subjects,--wherefore such a state is called a kingdom,--whereas
+many who live under a democracy work innumerable evils to themselves.
+(Mai, p. 556. Cp. Frag. XII.)
+
+2. For nothing leads on an army or anything else requiring some
+control to better or worse like the character and habits of the person
+presiding over it. The disposition and character of their leaders the
+majority imitate, and they do whatever they see them doing, some from
+real inclination, and others as a mere pretence. (Mai, p. 556.)
+
+3. The subservient element is wont ever to shape itself according to
+the disposition of its rulers. (Mai, p. 560, from Antonius Melissa, p.
+78, ed. Tigur.)
+
+4. For who would not prefer to be upright and at his death to lie in
+the bosom of the State, rather than to behold her devastated? (Mai, p.
+557.)
+
+5. If any one were building a house for you where you were not going
+to remain, you would think the undertaking a loss: do you now wish to
+grow rich in that place from which you must depart repeatedly before
+evening? (Mai, ib.)
+
+6. Do you not know that we tarry in others' domains just like
+strangers and sojourners? Do you not know that it is the lot of
+sojourners to be driven out when they are not expecting or looking for
+it? That is our case. (Mai, ib.)
+
+7. Who would not choose to die from one blow, and that with no pain or
+very little, instead of after sickness? Who would not pray to depart
+from a sound body with sound spirits rather than to rot with some
+decay or dropsy, or wither away in hunger? (Mai, ib.)
+
+8. Things hoped for that fail of realization are wont to grieve some
+persons more than the loss of things never expected at all. They
+regard the latter as far from them and so pursue them less, as if they
+belonged to others, whereas the former they approach closely, and
+grieve for them as if deprived of rightful possessions. (Mai, p. 558.)
+
+9. Expectation of danger, without danger, puts the person expecting in
+the position of having made things secure beforehand through imagining
+some coming unpleasantness. (Mai, p. 560, from Antonius Melissa.)
+
+10. To be elated by good fortune is like running the stadium race on a
+slippery course. (Mai, ib., also from Antonius.)
+
+11. The same author [i.e., Dio the Roman] said: "Is it not an outrage
+to trouble the gods, when we ourselves are not willing to do what the
+gods deem to be in our power?" (Mai, p. 561, from the Anthology of
+Arsenius.)
+
+12. The same said: "It is much better to win some success and be
+envied than to fail and be pitied." (Mai, ib., from Arsenius.)
+
+13. The same said: "It is impossible for any one who acts contrary to
+right principles to derive any benefit from them." (Mai, p. 562.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CVIII] [Sidenote: B.C. 70 (_a.u._ 684)] The Cretans
+sent an embassy to the Romans, hoping to renew the old truce and
+furthermore to obtain some kindness for their preservation of the
+quæstor and his fellow soldiers. But they, rather imbued with anger at
+their failure to overcome the Cretans than grateful to the enemy for
+not having destroyed them, made no reasonable answer and demanded back
+from them all the captives and deserters. They demanded hostages and
+large sums of money, required the largest ships and the chief men to
+be given up, and would not wait for an answer from the envoys' country
+but sent out one of the consuls immediately to take possession of
+those things and make war upon them if they failed to give,--as proved
+to be the case. For the men who at the outset, before any such demand
+was made and before they had conquered, had refused to make terms
+would naturally not endure after their victory the imposition of
+exorbitant demands of such a character. The Romans knowing this
+clearly and suspecting further that the envoys would try to corrupt
+some persons with money, so as to hinder the expedition, voted in the
+senate that no one should lend them anything. (Ursinus, p. 388.)
+
+
+
+***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIO'S ROME, VOLUME 1 (OF 6)***
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+<head>
+<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=ISO-8859-1" />
+<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Dio's Rome, Volume 1 (of 6), by Cassius Dio</title>
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+<h1>The Project Gutenberg eBook, Dio's Rome, Volume 1 (of 6), by Cassius Dio,
+Translated by Herbert Baldwin Foster</h1>
+<pre>
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at <a href = "http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></pre>
+<p>Title: Dio's Rome, Volume 1 (of 6)</p>
+<p>       An Historical Narrative Originally Composed in Greek during the Reigns of Septimius Severus, Geta and Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and Alexander Severus: and Now Presented in English Form</p>
+<p>Author: Cassius Dio</p>
+<p>Release Date: March 24, 2006  [eBook #18047]</p>
+<p>Language: English</p>
+<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p>
+<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIO'S ROME, VOLUME 1 (OF 6)***</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h3>E-text prepared by Ted Garvin, Linda Cantoni,<br />
+    and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br />
+    (http://www.pgdp.net/)</h3>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr class="full" />
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+
+
+
+<h1>DIO'S ROME</h1>
+
+<h3>AN</h3>
+
+<h3>HISTORICAL NARRATIVE ORIGINALLY COMPOSED IN GREEK DURING THE REIGNS OF
+SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, GETA AND CARACALLA, MACRINUS, ELAGABALUS AND
+ALEXANDER SEVERUS:</h3>
+
+<h3>AND</h3>
+
+<h3>NOW PRESENTED IN ENGLISH FORM</h3>
+
+<h3>BY</h3>
+
+<h2>HERBERT BALDWIN FOSTER,</h2>
+
+<p style="text-align: center">
+A.B. (Harvard), Ph.D. (Johns Hopkins),<br />
+Acting Professor of Greek in Lehigh University<br />
+</p>
+
+<h3><i>FIRST VOLUME</i></h3>
+
+<p style="text-align: center"><i>Gleanings from the Lost Books</i></p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center">I. The Epitome of Books 1-21 arranged by Ioannes Zonaras, Soldier and
+Secretary,<br />
+in the Monastery of Mt. Athos, about 1130 A.D.</p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center">II. Fragments of Books 22-35.</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 35%;" />
+
+
+<p style="text-align: center">
+TROY NEW YORK<br />
+PAFRAETS BOOK COMPANY<br />
+1905<br />
+</p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center">
+<span class="smcap">Copyright</span> 1905<br />
+PAFRAETS BOOK COMPANY<br />
+<span class="smcap">Troy New York</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 35%;" />
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Transcriber's Note:</i> This e-text contains a number of words and phrases in Greek. In the original text, some
+of the Greek characters have diacritical marks which do not display properly in commonly
+used browsers such as Internet Explorer. In order to make this e-text as accessible as
+possible, the diacritical marks have been ignored, except that the rough-breathing mark
+is here represented by an apostrophe at the beginning of the word. All text in Greek has
+a mouse-hover transliteration, e.g., <span lang="el" title="Greek: kalos">&#954;&#945;&#955;&#959;&#962;</span>.</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p style="text-align: center"><i>To</i></p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center"><i>My Friend Teacher and Inspirer</i></p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center"><i>Mr. Gildersleeve of Baltimore</i></p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center"><i>Who Has Won to the Age of Greek Lore even as to the Youth of Greek
+Life</i></p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center"><i>I Offer a Redundant Tribute</i></p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>VOLUME CONTENTS</h2>
+
+<table border="0" summary="contents" cellpadding="5" cellspacing="1">
+  <tbody>
+  <tr>
+    <td>&#160;</td>
+    <td align="right">
+<span class="smcap">page</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>
+<a href="#CONCERNING_THE_TRANSLATION">Concerning the Translation</a></td>
+    <td align="right">
+<a href="#Page_vii">vii</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>
+<a href="#CONCERNING_THE_ORIGINAL">Concerning the Original</a></td>
+    <td align="right">
+<a href="#Page_1">1</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>
+
+
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#A_THE_WRITING">(a) The Writing</a></span></td>
+    <td align="right">
+
+
+<span>
+<a href="#Page_3">3</a></span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#B_THE_WRITER">(b) The Writer</a></span></td>
+    <td align="right">
+<span>
+<a href="#Page_33">33</a></span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>
+<a href="#A_LIST_OF_THE_MORE_RECENT_DISSERTATIONS">A Select List of Dissertations on Dio</a></td>
+    <td align="right">
+<a href="#Page_43">43</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>
+<a href="#A_LIST_OF_THE_PRINCIPAL_ARTICLES">Magazine Articles and Notes on Dio</a> (1884-1904)</td>
+    <td align="right">
+<a href="#Page_49">49</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>
+<a href="#THE_ORIGINAL_ARRANGEMENT">Plan of the Entire Work</a> (as Conjectured by A. von Gutschmid)</td>
+    <td align="right">
+<a href="#Page_61">61</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>
+<a href="#AN_EPITOME">An Epitome of the Lost Books 1-21</a> (by Ioannes Zonaras)</td>
+    <td align="right">
+<a href="#Page_67">67</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#NOTE">Fragments of Books 22-35</a> (from various sources)</td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_329">329</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXIII">Fragment LXXIII</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_331">331</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXIV">Fragment LXXIV</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_332">332</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXV">Fragment LXXV</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_332">332</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXVI">Fragment LXXVI</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_333">333</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXVII">Fragment LXXVII</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_333">333</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXVIII">Fragment LXXVIII</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_334">334</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXIX">Fragment LXXIX</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_335">335</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXX">Fragment LXXX</a>&#160;</td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_335">335</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXXI">Fragment LXXXI</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_336">336</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXXII">Fragment LXXXII</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_337">337</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXXIII">Fragment LXXXIII</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_339">339</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXXIV">Fragment LXXXIV</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_340">340</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXXV">Fragment LXXXV</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_341">341</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXXVI">Fragment LXXXVI</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_342">342</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXXVII">Fragment LXXXVII</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_342">342</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXXVIII">Fragment LXXXVIII</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_345">345</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#LXXXIX">Fragment LXXXIX</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_345">345</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#XC">Fragment XC</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_346">346</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#XCI">Fragment XCI</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_346">346</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#XCII">Fragment XCII</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_347">347</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#XCIII">Fragment XCIII</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_349">349</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#XCIV">Fragment XCIV</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_349">349</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#XCV">Fragment XCV</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_350">350</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#XCVI">Fragment XCVI</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_352">352</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#XCVII">Fragment XCVII</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_353">353</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#XCVIII">Fragment XCVIII</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_353">353</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#XCIX">Fragment XCIX</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_354">354</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#C">Fragment C</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_354">354</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#CI">Fragment CI</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_357">357</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#CII">Fragment CII</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_359">359</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#CIII">Fragment CIII</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_359">359</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#CIV">Fragment CIV</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_360">360</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#CV">Fragment CV</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_361">361</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#CVI">Fragment CVI</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_366">366</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#CVII">Fragment CVII</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_366">366</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td><a href="#CVIII">Fragment CVIII</a></td>
+    <td align="right"><a href="#Page_368">368</a></td>
+  </tr>
+</tbody>
+</table>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Pg vii]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CONCERNING_THE_TRANSLATION" id="CONCERNING_THE_TRANSLATION"></a>CONCERNING THE TRANSLATION</h2>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Pg ix]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Cassius Dio, one of the three original sources for Roman history to be
+found in Greek literature, has been accessible these many years to the
+reader of German, of French, and even of Italian, but never before has
+he been clothed complete in English dress. In the Harvard College
+Library is deposited the fruit of a slight effort in that direction, a
+diminutive volume dated two centuries back, the title page of which
+(agog with queer italics) reads as follows:</p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center">THE</p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center">HISTORY</p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center">OF</p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center">DION CASSIUS</p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center">ABBRIDG'D BY XIPHILIN</p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center">CONTAINING</p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center">The most considerable Passages under the <i>Roman</i> emperors<br />
+from the time of <i>Pompey</i> the Great, to the Reign of <i>Alexander Severus</i>.</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 15%;" />
+
+<p style="text-align: center">In Two Volumes</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 15%;" />
+
+<p style="text-align: center">Done from the <i>Greek</i>, by Mr. Manning</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 15%;" />
+
+<p style="text-align: center">Tametsi haudquaquam par gloria sequatur Scriptorem, &amp; Authorem rerum,<br />
+tamen in primis arduum videtur res gestas scribere. Salust.</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 15%;" />
+
+<p style="text-align: center"><i>London</i>: Printed for <i>A.</i> and <i>J. Churchill</i>, in <i>Paternoster Row</i>,
+1704.</p>
+<p>&#160;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Pg x]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Four hundred and seven small pages, over and above the Epistle
+Dedicatory, are contained in Volume One. Really, however, this is not
+the true Dio at all, but merely his shadow, seized and distorted to
+satisfy the ideas of his epitomizer, the monk Xiphilinus, who was
+separated from him by a thousand years in the flesh and another
+thousand in the spirit. Of the little specimens here and there
+translated for this man's or that man's convenience no mention need
+here be made. Hence, practically speaking, Dio now for the first time
+emerges in his impressive stature before the English-speaking public
+after there has elapsed since his own day a period twice as long as
+then constituted the extent of that history which was his theme.</p>
+
+<p>The present version, begun while I was serving as Acting Professor of
+Greek at St. Stephen's College, Annandale, N.Y., has been carried
+forward during such intervals of leisure as I could snatch from an
+overflowing schedule at the University of South Dakota. It has been my
+companion on many journeys and six states have witnessed its progress
+toward completion. In spite of the time consumed it seems in
+retrospect not far short of presumptuous to have tried in three or
+four years to put into acceptable English what Dio spent twelve in
+writing down. Yet the task was not quite the same, for half of this
+historian's books have been caught up and whirled away in the cyclone
+of time; and who knows whether they still possess any resting-place
+above or beneath the earth?</p>
+
+<p>The text originally chosen as the basis for the translation was that
+of Melber, the idea of the translator being that the Teubner edition
+would be the most con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[Pg xi]</a></span>venient and readily obtainable standard of
+reference for any one who wished to compare the Greek and the English.
+Hence the numbering of the Fragments is that of Melber (subdivisions
+are distinguished by a notation simpler than that of the original
+&quot;sections&quot;). Since no Teubner volumes beyond the second proved to be
+forthcoming, the rest of the work followed the stereotyped Tauchnitz
+edition, which also enjoys a large circulation. This text, however,
+contained so many cases of corruption and clumsiness that it seemed
+best to work over carefully nearly all of the latter portion of the
+English and to embody as many as possible of the improvements of
+Boissevain. Incidentally Boissevain's interior arrangement of all the
+later books was adopted, though it was deemed preferable (for mere
+readiness of reference) to adhere to the old external division of
+books established by Leunclavius. (Boissevain's changes are, however,
+indicated.) The Tauchnitz text with all its inaccuracies endeavors to
+present a coherent and readable narrative, and this is something which
+the exactitude of Boissevain does not at all times permit. In the
+translation I have striven to follow a conservative course, and at
+some points a straightforward narrative interlarded with brackets will
+give evidence of its origin in Tauchnitz, whereas at others loose,
+disjointed paragraphs betray the hand of Boissevain who would not
+willingly let Xiphilinus and Dio ride in the same compartment. My main
+desire through it all has been not so much to attain a logical unity
+of form as to present a history which shall look well and read well in
+English. For this reason also I have banished most of the Fragments
+(which must have only<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[Pg xii]</a></span> a comparatively limited interest) to the last
+volume and have replaced them in my first by portions of Zonaras
+(taken from Melber) which have their origin in Dio and are at the same
+time clear, comprehensible, and connected.</p>
+
+<p>Should any person object that even so my text does not offer eye and
+ear a pellucid field for smooth advance, I must reply that the
+original is likewise very far from being a serene and joyous highway;
+and it has not appeared to me necessary or desirable to improve upon
+the form of Dio's record further than the difference in the genius of
+the two languages demanded. I am reminded here of what Francisque
+Reynard says regarding the difficulties of Boccaccio, and because of a
+similarity in the situation I venture to quote from the preface of his
+(French) version of the Decameron:</p>
+
+<p>&quot;Dans son admiration exclusive des anciens, Boccace a pris pour mod&#232;le
+Cic&#233;ron et sa longue p&#233;riode acad&#233;mique, dans laquelle les incidences
+se greffent sur les incidences, poursuivant l'id&#233;e jusqu'au bout, et
+ne la laissant que lorsqu'elle est &#233;puis&#233;e, comme le souffle ou
+l'attention de celui qui lit.... Aussi le plus souvent sa phras&#233;ologie
+est-elle fort complexe, et pour suivre le fil de l'id&#233;e premi&#232;re,
+faut-il apporter une attention soutenue. Ce qui est d&#233;j&#224; une
+difficult&#233; de lecture dans le texte italien, devient un obstacle tr&#232;s
+s&#233;rieux quand on a &#224; traduire ces interminables phrases en fran&#231;ais
+moderne, prototype de pr&#233;cision, de clart&#233;, de logique
+grammaticale.... Je sais bien qu'il y a un moyen commode de
+l'&#233;luder...: c'est de couper les phrases et d'en faire, d'une seule,
+deux, trois, quatre, autant qu'il est besoin. Mais &#224; ce jeu on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[Pg xiii]</a></span> change
+notablement la physionomie de l'original, et c'est ce que je ne puis
+admettre.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>As is Boccaccio to Cicero, so is Cassius Dio, <i>mutatis mutandis</i>, to
+Thukydides; and of course the imitator improves upon the model.
+Imagine a man who out-Paters Pater when Pater shall be but a memory,
+and you begin to secure a vision of the style of this Roman senator,
+who accentuates every peculiarity of the tragic historian's packed
+periods; and whereas his great predecessor made sentences so long as
+to cause medi&#230;val scholars heartily to wish him in the Barathron,
+books and all, comes forward six hundred years later marshaling phrase
+upon phrase, clause upon clause, till a modern is forced to exclaim:
+&quot;What, will the line stretch out to the crack of doom?&quot; Now I have
+dealt with these complexes in different ways; and sometimes I have
+cleft and hacked and wrenched them out of all semblance of their
+original shape, and sometimes I have hauled them almost entire, like a
+cable, tangled with particles, out of the sea-bed of departed days.</p>
+
+<p>This principle of inconsistency which I have pursued in varying the
+rendering of long sentences, periodic or loose, according to external
+modifying conditions, may be observed also in certain other features
+of the book. For I have felt obliged to allow inconsistency of letter
+in the hope of approaching a consistency of spirit. I suppose that the
+ideal plan to follow in a translation would be to let a given English
+word represent a given Greek word, so that &quot;beautiful&quot; should occur as
+many times in the English version as <span lang="el" title="Greek: kalos">&#954;&#945;&#955;&#959;&#962;</span> in the original,
+and &quot;strength&quot; as many times as <span lang="el" title="Greek: rhômê">'&#961;&#969;&#956;&#951;</span>. Such a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[Pg xiv]</a></span> scheme,
+however, is not feasible in a passage of any length, and its
+impossibility simply goes to show what a makeshift translation is and
+always has been, after all. Therefore single Greek words will be found
+reproduced by various English terms, but with that color which seems
+best adapted to the context.</p>
+
+<p>Again, in spelling I have chosen a method not unknown to recent
+historians, which consists in anglicising familiar proper names that
+are household words, like Antony, Catiline, etc., but keeping the
+classical Latin form for persons less well known, as Antonius the
+grandfather of Mark Antony. To the names of gods I have given a Latin
+dress unless a particular god happened to be named by a Greek on Greek
+soil. Similarly in geographical or topographical designations the
+translator of Dio must needs confront a more difficult situation than
+did Dio himself. Greek reduces <i>all</i> names to its own basis. In
+English one must often select from the Latin form, Greek form, Native
+form, or Anglicised form. Since Dio lived in Italy and was to all
+intents and purposes a Roman I decided to make the Latin form the
+standard, and admit rarely the Anglicised form, less often the Greek,
+and least often the Native. As to the minuti&#230; of spelling I need
+scarcely say that I have been tremendously aided by Boissevain's
+exhaustive studies, briefly summarized in his notes. This painstaking
+care, for which he feels almost obliged to apologize, will lend a
+permanent lustre to his invaluable work.</p>
+
+<p>That many errors must have crept into an undertaking of this magnitude
+I have only too vivid forebodings,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[Pg xv]</a></span> and this in spite of no
+inconsiderable efforts of mine to avoid them: herein I can but beg the
+clemency of my readers and judges and hope that such faults may be
+found to be mostly of a minor character. And perhaps I can do no
+better than to make common cause at once with Mr. Francis Manning
+whose book I recently mentioned; for, in his Epistle Dedicatory &quot;To
+The | Right Honourable | CHARLES | Earl of Orrery&quot;, he voices as well
+as possible the feelings with which I write on the dedication page the
+name of Professor Gildersleeve:</p>
+
+<p>&quot;Your Lordship will forgive me for detaining you thus long with
+relation to the Work I have made bold to present you with in our own
+Tongue. How well it is perform'd, I must leave entirely to my Readers.
+I assume nothing to myself but an endeavour to make my Author speak
+intelligible <i>English</i>. I shall only add what my Subject leads me to,
+and what for my Reader's sake I ought to mention: That as there are
+but few Authors that can present any Book to your Lordship in most
+other Languages, and on most of the Learned Subjects, but might wish
+they had been assisted by your Lordship's Skill and Knowledge therein,
+as well as Patronage and Protection; so the Translator of this <i>Greek</i>
+Historian in particular must lament, that notwithstanding all his
+Industry and Pains, he is faln infinitely short of that great
+Judgment, Nicety and Criticism in the <i>Greek</i> Language, which your
+Lordship has in your Writings made appear to the World.&quot;</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 45%;" />
+
+<p>Dio has long served as a source to writers treating topics of greater
+or less length in Roman history. He is now presented entire to the
+casual reader: his ve<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[Pg xvi]</a></span>racious narrative must ever continue to interest
+the historical student, who may correct him by others or others by
+him, the ecclesiastic, to whom is here offered so graphic a picture of
+the conditions surrounding early Christianity, and the literary man,
+who finds the limpid stream of Hellenic diction far from its source
+grow turbid and turgid in turning the mill wheels for this dealer in
+<span lang="el" title="Greek: onkos">&#959;&#947;&#954;&#959;&#962;</span>. Dio's faults are patent, but his excellencies,
+fortunately, are patent, too; and the world may rejoice that in an age
+of lust and bloodshed this serious-minded magistrate bethought him to
+record with religious exactness what he believed to be the truth
+respecting the Kingdom, the Republic, and the Empire of Rome even to
+his own day.</p>
+
+<p>I desire in conclusion to express especial gratitude and appreciation
+for assistance and suggestions to Professor C.W.E. Miller of Johns
+Hopkins University, Professors J.H. Wright and A.A. Howard of Harvard
+University, and to Mr. A.T. Robinson of the Massachusetts Institute of
+Technology. Likewise I must acknowledge my obligations, in the
+elucidation of particularly vexed and corrupt passages, to the
+illuminative comments of Sturz, or Wagner, or Gros, or Boiss&#233;e, or all
+combined. Additional thanks are due to many others who have helped or
+shall yet help to make Dio in English a success.</p>
+
+<p style="text-align: right">HERBERT BALDWIN FOSTER.</p>
+
+<p>
+<span class="smcap">Bethlehem, Pennsylvania</span>,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">June, 1905.</span><br />
+</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CONCERNING_THE_ORIGINAL" id="CONCERNING_THE_ORIGINAL"></a>CONCERNING THE ORIGINAL.</h2>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="A_THE_WRITING" id="A_THE_WRITING"></a>A.&#8212;THE WRITING.</h2>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Roman senator and pr&#230;tor, when about forty
+years of age delivered himself of a pamphlet describing the dreams and
+omens that had led the general Septimius Severus to hope for the
+imperial office which he actually secured. One evening there came to
+the author a note of thanks from the prince; and the temporary
+satisfaction of the recipient was continued in his dreams, wherein his
+guiding angel seemed to urge him to write a detailed account of the
+reign of the unworthy Commodus (Book Seventy-two), just ended. Once
+again did Dio glow beneath the imperial felicitations and those of the
+public. Inoculated with the bacillus of publication and animated by a
+strong desire for immortality,&#8212;a wish happily realized,&#8212;he undertook
+the prodigious task of giving to the world a complete account of Roman
+events from the beginning to so late a date as Fortune might
+vouchsafe. Forthwith he began the accumulation of materials, a task in
+which ten active years (A.D. 200 to 210) were utilized. The actual
+labor of composition, continued for twelve years more at intervals of
+respite from duties of state, brought him in his narrative to the
+inception of the reign of his original patron, the first Severus.&#8212;All
+the foregoing facts are given us as Dio's own statement, in what is at
+present the twenty-third chapter of the seventy-second book, by that
+painter in miniature, Ioannes Xiphilinus.</p>
+
+<p>It was now the year A.D. 223, Dio was either consul for the first time
+(as some assert) or had the consular<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> office behind him, the world was
+richer by the loss of Elagabalus, and Alexander Severus reigned in his
+stead. Under this emperor the remaining books (Seventy-three to
+Eighty, inclusive) must have been composed, for Dio puts the finishing
+touches on his history in 229. Since by that time he was nearly eighty
+years of age and since he has written of no reign subsequent to
+Alexander's, we may conclude that he did not survive his master, who
+died in 235. The sum total of his efforts, then, as he left it,
+consisted of eighty books, covering a period from 1064 B.C. to 229
+A.D. At present there are extant of that number complete only Books
+Thirty-six to Sixty inclusive, treating the events of the years 68
+B.C. to 47 A.D. The last twenty books, Sixty-one to Eighty, appear in
+fairly reliable excerpts and epitomes, but for the first thirty-five
+books we are dependent upon the merest scraps and fragments. How and
+by what steps this great work disintegrated, and in what form it has
+been preserved to modern times, this it is to be our next business to
+trace.</p>
+
+<p>It seems that Dio's work had no immediate influence, but &quot;Time brings
+roses&quot;, and in the Byzantine age we find that he had come to be
+regarded as the canonical example of the way in which Roman History
+should be written. Before this desirable result, however, had been
+brought to pass, Books Twenty-two to Thirty-five inclusive had
+disappeared. These gave the events of the years from the destruction
+of Carthage and Corinth (in the middle of the second century B.C.) to
+the activity of Lucullus in 69. A like fate befell Books<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> Seventy and
+Seventy-one at an early date. The first twenty-one books and the last
+forty-five (save the two above noted) seem to have been extant in
+their original forms at least as late as the twelfth century. Which
+end of the already syncopated composition was the first to go the way
+of all flesh (and parchment, too,) it would not be an easy matter to
+determine. It is regarded by most scholars as certain that Ioannes
+Zonaras, who lived in the twelfth century, had the first twenty-one
+and the last forty-five for his epitomes. Hultsch, to be sure,
+advances the opinion<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> that Books One to Twenty-one had by that time
+fallen into a condensed form, the only one accessible; but the
+majority of scholars are against him. After Zonaras's day both One to
+Twenty-one and Sixty-one to Eighty suffer the corruption of moth and
+of worm.</p>
+
+<p>The world has, then, in this twentieth century, those entire books of
+Dio which have already been mentioned,&#8212;Thirty-six to Sixty,&#8212;and
+something more. Let us first consider, accordingly, the condition in
+which this intact remnant has come down to the immediate present, and
+afterward the sources on which we have to depend for a knowledge of
+the lost portion.</p>
+
+<p>There are eleven manuscripts for this torso of Roman History, taking
+their names from the library of final deposit, but they are not all,
+by any means, of equal value. First come Mediceus A (referred to in
+this book as Ma), Vaticanus A, Parisinus A, and Venetus A (Va) of the
+first class; then Mediceus B<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> of the second class; finally, Parisinus
+B, Escorialensis, Turinensis, Vaticanus B, and Venetus B, with the
+mongrel Vesontinus, which occupies a position in this group best
+designated, perhaps, as 2-1/2.</p>
+
+<p>Vaticanus A has been copied from Mediceus A, and Parisinus A from
+Vaticanus A, so that they are practically one with their archetype.
+Venetus A is of equal age and authority with Mediceus A. One can not
+now get back of these two codices. There is none of remoter date for
+Dio save the parchment Cod. Vat. 1288, containing most of Books
+Seventy-eight and Seventy-nine,&#8212;a portion of the work for the moment
+not under discussion. Coming to the second class, Mediceus B is a
+joint product of copying from the two principal MSS. just mentioned.
+In the third class, Parisinus B is a copy of Mediceus B with a little
+at the opening taken from Mediceus A. This was the version selected as
+a guide by Robert Estienne in the first important edition of Dio ever
+published (A.D. 1548). All the rest, Escorialensis, Turinensis,
+Vaticanus B, and Venetus B are mere offshoots of Parisinus B. The
+Vesontinus codex is derived partly from Venetus A and partly from some
+manuscript of the third class.</p>
+
+<p>The parchment manuscript to which allusion was made above is only some
+three centuries later than the time of Dio himself. It covers the
+ground from Book 78, 2, 2, to 79, 8, 3 inclusive (ordinary division).
+It belonged to Orsini, and after his death (A.D. 1600) became the
+property of the Vatican Library. It is square in shape and consists of
+thirteen leaves, each<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> containing three columns of uncials. In spite
+of its age it is fairly overflowing with errors of every sort, many of
+which have been emended by an unknown corrector who also wrote in
+uncials; this same corrector would appear to have added the last leaf.
+And there are a few additions in minuscules by a still later hand. The
+leaves are very thin and in some places the ink has completely faded,
+showing only the impression of the pen. For specimen illustrations of
+this codex see Silvestre (Pal&#233;ographie Universelle II, plate 7),
+Tischendorf (cod. Sinait. plate 20) and Boissevain's Cassius Dio (Vol.
+III).</p>
+
+<p>The dates of these codices (centuries indicated by Arabic numerals)
+are about as follows:</p>
+
+<table border="0" summary="codices" cellpadding="5" cellspacing="1">
+  <tbody>
+  <tr>
+    <td align="right">I.</td>
+    <td>
+<span>Mediceus A-Ma-</span></td>
+    <td align="right">(11)</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td align="right">I.</td>
+    <td>
+<span>Venetus A-Va-</span></td>
+    <td align="right">(11)</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td align="right">I.</td>
+    <td>
+<span>Vaticanus A</span></td>
+    <td align="right">(15)</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td align="right">I.</td>
+    <td>
+<span>Parisinus A</span></td>
+    <td align="right">(17)</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td align="right">II.</td>
+    <td>
+<span>Mediceus B</span></td>
+    <td align="right">(15)</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td align="right">III.</td>
+    <td>
+<span>Parisinus B</span></td>
+    <td align="right">(15)</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td align="right">III.</td>
+    <td>
+<span>Venetus B</span></td>
+    <td align="right">(15)</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td align="right">III.</td>
+    <td>
+<span>Vaticanus B</span></td>
+    <td align="right">(15)</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td align="right">I. and III.</td>
+    <td>Vesontinus</td>
+    <td align="right">(15)</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td align="right">III.</td>
+    <td>
+<span>Turinensis</span></td>
+    <td align="right">(16)</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td align="right">III.</td>
+    <td>
+<span>Escorialensis</span></td>
+    <td align="right">(?)</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td align="right">I.</td>
+    <td>Codex Vaticanus græcus No. 1288</td>
+    <td align="right">(5-6)</td>
+  </tr>
+</tbody>
+</table>
+
+
+<p>Mediceus A contains practically Books Thirty-six to Fifty-four, and
+Venetus A Books Forty-one to Sixty (two &quot;decades&quot;). As they are both
+the oldest copies<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> extant and the sources of all the others, modern
+editors would confine themselves to them exclusively but for the fact
+that in each some gaps are found. In Mediceus A, for instance, two
+quaternions (sixteen leaves) are lacking at the start, Leaf 7 is gone
+from the third quaternion, Leaves 1 and 8 from the fourth; from the
+thirty-first (now Quaternion 29) Leaf 1 has been cut, from the
+thirty-third and last Leaf 5 has disappeared. Likewise in Venetus A
+there are some gaps, especially near the end, in Book Sixty, where
+three leaves are missing. Hence (without stopping to take up gaps and
+breaks in detail) it may be said that the general plan pursued at the
+present day is to adopt a reading drawn for each book from the
+following sources respectively:</p>
+
+<table border="0" summary="sources" cellpadding="5" cellspacing="1">
+  <tbody>
+  <tr>
+    <td>Book 36.<br />
+&nbsp;</td>
+    <td>Mediceus A, with lacuna of chapters 3-19 incl.,<br />
+    supplied by the mutual corrections of Vaticanus A and Parisinus B.</td>
+    </tr>
+    <tr>
+      <td>Books 37 to 49.</td>
+      <td>Mediceus A.</td>
+    </tr>
+    <tr>
+      <td>Books 50 to 54.</td>
+      <td>Vaticanus A (vice Mediceus A).</td>
+    </tr>
+    <tr>
+      <td>Books 55 to 59.</td>
+      <td>Venetus A.</td>
+    </tr>
+    <tr>
+      <td>Book 60.<br />
+&nbsp;</td>
+      <td>Venetus A, except chapter 17, sections 7 to 20, and chapter 22,<br />
+      section 3, to chapter 26, section 2,&#8212;two passages supplied by Mediceus B.</td>
+</tr>
+      </tbody>
+      </table>
+
+<p>What knowledge has the world of the first thirty-five books of Dio's
+Roman History? To such a question answer must be made that of this
+whole section the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> merest glimpse can be had. It is here that we
+encounter the name of Zonaras, concerning whom some information will
+now be in order. Ioannes Zonaras was an official of the Byzantine
+Court who came into prominence under Alexis I. Comnenus in the early
+part of the twelfth century. For a time he acted as both commander of
+the body-guard and first private secretary to Alexis, but in the
+succeeding reign,&#8212;that of Calo-Ioannes,&#8212;he retired to the monastery
+of Mt. Athos, where he devoted himself to literary labors until his
+death, which is said to have occurred at the advanced age of
+eighty-eight. He was the author of numerous works, such as a Lexicon
+of Words Old and New, an Exposition of the Apostolic and Patristic
+Canons, an Argument Directed Against the Marriage of Two Nephews to
+the Same Woman, etc.; but our special interest lies in his <span lang="el" title="Greek: Chronikon">&#935;&#961;&#959;&#957;&#953;&#954;&#959;&#957;</span> (Chronicon), a history of the world in eighteen books, from
+the creation to 1118 A.D.,&#8212;this last being the date of the demise of
+Alexis. The earlier portions of this work are drawn from Josephus; for
+Roman History he uses largely Cassius Dio; Plutarch, Eusebius, Appian
+also figure. But it has already been stated that Books Twenty-two to
+Thirty-five perished at an indefinitely early date; hence it follows
+that Zonaras has only Books One to Twenty-one at hand to use for his
+account of <i>early</i> Rome; besides these he has later employed Books
+Forty-four to Eighty. Consequently it is possible to get many of the
+facts related to Dio, and in some cases his exact words, by reading
+Books VII to XII of this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> <span lang="el" title="Greek: Chronikon">&#935;&#961;&#959;&#957;&#953;&#954;&#959;&#957;</span> or <span lang="el" title="Greek: Epitomê Historiôn">&#917;&#960;&#953;&#964;&#959;&#956;&#951; '&#921;&#963;&#964;&#959;&#961;&#953;&#969;&#957;</span>
+by Zonaras. It is Books VII, VIII, and IX especially which
+follow Books One to Twenty-one of Dio.</p>
+
+<p>Parallel with this account of Zonaras and extending beyond it, even to
+the extent of throwing a wire of communication across the yawning
+time-chasm represented by Books Twenty-two to Thirty-five, are certain
+excerpts and epitomes found in various odd corners and strangely
+preserved to the present moment. These are: Excerpts Concerning
+Virtues and Vices; Excerpts Concerning Judgments; Excerpts Concerning
+Embassies. The so-called &quot;Planudean Excerpts&quot; which used to be
+admitted to editions are rejected on good authority<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> by Melber, whom
+I have followed. I shall attempt only a brief mention of those
+excerpts, to show their pertinence.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Excerpts Concerning Virtues and Vices</i> exist in a manuscript of
+the tenth century at the library of Tours, originally brought from the
+island of Cyprus and sold to Nicolas Claude Fabre de Peiresc, who
+lived from 1580 to 1637. Apparently it is a collection made at the
+order of Constantine VII. Porphyrogenitus. It was first published at
+Paris by Henri de Valois in 1634. The collection consists of
+quotations from Polybius, Diodorus Siculus, Nicolas Damascenus,
+Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Appian, Dio, John of Antioch, and others.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Excerpts Concerning Judgments</i> are found in a Vatican manuscript
+known as Codex Vaticanus Rescriptus Gr&#230;cus, N. 73. Angelo Mai first
+published the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> collection at Rome in 1826. They consist of many
+narrative fragments extending over the field of Roman History from
+early to late times, but fall into two parts: between these two parts
+there is a gap of six or more pages. That the former set of fragments
+is taken directly from Dio all scholars are ready to allow. In regard
+to the latter set there have been, and perhaps still are, diverse
+opinions. The trouble is that on the one hand these passages do not
+end with the reign of Alexander Severus, where Dio manifestly ended
+his history, but continue down to Constantine and (since the
+manuscript has lost some sheets at the close) possibly much farther:
+and on the other hand the style and diction differ considerably from
+Dio's own. It was once the fashion to say that as many of the
+fragments as come before the reign of Valerian (A.D. 253)<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> came from
+Dio's composition, but that the remainder were written by an unknown
+author. Now, however, it is generally agreed that all the excerpts of
+the second set were the work of one man, whether John of Antioch, or
+Peter Patricius, or some third individual. Still, though not direct
+quotations from Dio, they are regarded as of value in filling out both
+his account and that of Xiphilinus. The words are different, but the
+facts remain undoubtedly true.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Excerpts Concerning Embassies</i> are contained in somewhat less
+than a dozen manuscripts, all of which prove to have sprung from a
+Spanish archetype (since destroyed by fire) that Juan Paez de Castro
+owned in the sixteenth century. Many of the copies were made<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> by
+Andreas Darmarius. The first publisher of these selections was Fulvio
+Orsini (= Ursinus), who brought them out at Antwerp in 1582. As their
+name indicates, they are accounts of embassies sent either by the
+Romans to foreign tribes or by foreign tribes to the Romans. Some of
+them are taken from Cassius Dio; hence their importance here.</p>
+
+<p>Now it was the custom of the earlier editors to arrange the (early)
+fragments of Dio according to the groups from which they were taken:
+(1) the so-called Fragmenta Valesia (pickings from grammarians,
+lexicographers, scholiasts), edited by the same Henri de Valois above
+mentioned; (2) the Fragmenta Peiresciana (= Excerpts Concerning
+Virtues and Vices); (3) the Fragmenta Ursina (= Excerpts Concerning
+Embassies); and finally, in the edition of Sturz<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> (4) Excerpta
+Vaticana (= Excerpts Concerning Judgments and the now rejected
+&quot;Planudean Excerpts&quot;). The above grouping has been abandoned and a
+strictly chronological order followed in all the later editions,
+including Bekker, Dindorf, Melber, Boissevain.</p>
+
+<p>The body of Fragments preceding Book Thirty-six cites, in addition to
+the collections mentioned, the following works or authors:</p>
+
+<p>Anecdota Gr&#230;ca of Immanuel Bekker (1785-1871), a scholar of vast
+attainments and profound learning in classical literature. These
+Anecdota are excerpts made from various Greek manuscripts found in the
+course of travels extending through France, Italy, England, and
+Germany. There were three volumes, appearing from 1814 to 1821.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Antonio Melissa.&#8212;A Greek monk living between 700 and 1100 A.D. He
+collected two books of quotations from early Christian Fathers (one
+hundred and seventy-six titles) on the general subject of Virtues and
+Vices.</p>
+
+<p>Arsenius.&#8212;Archbishop of Monembasia: age of the Revival of Learning.</p>
+
+<p>Cedrenus.&#8212;A Greek monk of the eleventh century who compiled a
+historical work (<span lang="el" title="Greek: Synopsis historiôn">&#931;&#965;&#957;&#959;&#968;&#953;&#962; '&#953;&#963;&#964;&#959;&#961;&#953;&#969;&#957;</span>) the scope of which
+extended from the creation to 1057 A.D. He gives no evidence of
+historical knowledge or the critical sense, but rather of great
+credulity and a fondness for legends. His treatise is, moreover,
+largely plagiarized from the <i>Annals</i> of Ioannes Scylitzes
+Curopalates.</p>
+
+<p>Cramer, J.A.&#8212;An Oxford scholar who published two collections of
+excerpts (similar to those of Bekker) between 1835 and 1841. The
+collection referred to in our text had its source in manuscripts of
+the Royal Library in Paris. It was in three octavo volumes.</p>
+
+<p>Etymologicum Magnum.&#8212;A lexicon of uncertain date, after Photius (886
+A.D.) and before Eustathius. This dictionary contains many valuable
+citations from lost Greek works. First edition, Venice, 1499.</p>
+
+<p>Eustathius.&#8212;Archbishop of Thessalonica and the most learned man of
+his age (latter half of the twelfth century). His most important
+composition is his <i>Commentary on Homer's Iliad and Odyssey</i> in which
+he quotes vast numbers of authors unknown to us now except by name.
+First edition, Rome, 1542-1550.</p>
+
+<p>Glossary of C. Labb&#230;us, the editor of Ancient Glosses of Law Terms,
+published in Paris, 1606.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>John of Antioch.&#8212;Author of a work called &quot;Chronological History from
+Adam&quot; quoted in the <i>Excerpts Concerning Virtues and Vices</i> (vid.
+supra). Internal evidence indicates that the book was written after
+610 and before 900 A.D.</p>
+
+<p>John of Damascus.&#8212;A voluminous ecclesiastical writer belonging to the
+reigns of Leo Isauricus and Constantine VII. (approximately from 700
+to 750 A.D.). He was an opponent of the iconoclastic movement. The
+best edition of his works was published at Paris in 1712. The passage
+cited in our Fragments is from <span lang="el" title="Greek: peri Drakontôn">&#960;&#949;&#961;&#953; &#916;&#961;&#945;&#954;&#959;&#957;&#964;&#969;&#957;</span>, a mutilated
+essay on dragons standing between a &quot;Dialogue Between a Saracen and a
+Christian&quot; and a &quot;Discussion of the Holy Trinity.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>John Laurentius Lydus.&#8212;A Byzantine writer, born at Philadelphia (the
+city of Revelation, III, 7), in 490 A.D. Although he was famed during
+his lifetime as a poet, all his verses have perished. The work cited
+in our Fragments,&#8212;&quot;Concerning the Offices of the Roman Republic, in
+Three Books,&quot;&#8212;had a curious history. For centuries it was regarded as
+lost, but about 1785 nine tenths of it was discovered by De Villoison
+in a MS. in the suburbs of Constantinople. It was published in Paris,
+1811.&#8212;Laurentius in the course of his career held important political
+posts and received two important literary appointments from the
+Emperor Justinian I.</p>
+
+<p>Suidas.&#8212;A lexicographer of the tenth century, composer of the most
+comprehensive Greek dictionary of early times. It is a manual at once
+of language and of antiquities. Inestimable as its value is, the
+workman<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span>ship is careless and uneven. The arrangement is alphabetical.</p>
+
+<p>John Tzetzes.&#8212;A Greek grammarian of the twelfth century. His learning
+was great but scarcely equaled his self-conceit, as repeatedly
+displayed in passages of his works. Many of his writings are still
+extant. One of these is called <i>Chiliades</i> (or <i>Thousands</i>), a name
+bestowed by its first editor, who divided the work into sections of
+one thousand lines each. The subject-matter consists of the most
+miscellaneous historical or mythological narratives or anecdotes,
+absolutely without connection. Tzetzes copied these accounts from
+upward of four hundred writers,&#8212;one of them being Cassius Dio. The
+<i>Chiliades</i> is written in the so-called <i>Versus politicus</i>, or
+&quot;political verse,&quot; which is really not verse at all, but a kind of
+decadent doggerel.&#8212;A minor treatise by the same author is the
+<i>Exegesis of the Iliad of Homer</i>, published by Hermann (Leipzig,
+1812).</p>
+
+<p>Isaac Tzetzes, who has attracted less attention than his brother John,
+is best known as the author of a commentary on the <i>Cassandra</i> of
+Lycophron (a poem of 1474 iambic verses by a post-classical tragedian,
+about 285 B.C., embodying the warnings of the royal prophetess and
+couched in appropriately incomprehensible expressions). It was hardly
+worth all the care that Tzetzes lavished upon it. From manuscript
+evidence and various claims of John Tzetzes it seems that John worked
+over, improved, and enlarged the commentary of his brother. Isaac's
+name, however, still remains associated with this particular
+exposition.</p>
+
+<p>We are now at length placed in a position to consider<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> the condition
+of the ultimate portion of the work, i.e., the last twenty books,
+Sixty-one to Eighty inclusive. In general it may be said that for this
+section of the history we are thrown back upon an epitome of Ioannes
+Xiphilinus, who lived about fifty years earlier than the Ioannes
+Zonaras recently under discussion. To this general statement there are
+two important exceptions. First, even as early as Xiphilinus wrote
+(eleventh century) nearly two books of this last portion had perished.
+Book Seventy, containing the reign of Antoninus Pius, was entirely
+gone save a few miserable chapters, and Book Seventy-one had suffered
+the same fate in its beginning, so that our account of the renowned
+Marcus Aurelius begins practically with the year 172 instead of 161.
+The gap thus created has been partially filled by extracts of every
+conceivable quality and merit, from Suidas, from John of Antioch, even
+from Asinius Quadratus. This on the side of loss: on the side of gain
+there are numerous little excerpts (just as in the case of the early
+books) that may serve to fill crevices or cover scars, and above all
+there exists a parchment manuscript, known as Vaticanus 1288, older
+than Mediceus A, older than Venetus A, and containing Books
+Seventy-eight and Seventy-nine probably very much as Dio wrote them,
+save that the account is mutilated at beginning and end.</p>
+
+<p>Boissevain concludes (by comparing the Table of Contents found with a
+remark of Photius) that this particular piece of salvage was
+originally Books Seventy-nine and Eighty (instead of Seventy-eight and
+Seventy-nine), that Book Eighty of Dio was really what is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> now
+commonly called Seventy-nine <i>and</i> Eighty, and that the so-called Book
+Eighty (of only five chapters) was but a kind of epilogue to the whole
+work. Whatever we may decide respecting the merits of his argument,
+the important fact is that here for a short distance we have Dio's
+original narrative, as in Books Thirty-six to Sixty, and are no longer
+obliged to depend upon epitomes.</p>
+
+<p>A word of explanation about Xiphilinus must come next. This Xiphilinus
+was a native of Trapezos (Trebizond) and became a monk at
+Constantinople. Here, at the behest of Michael VII. Ducas (1071-1078)
+he made an abridgment of Books Thirty-six to Eighty of Dio; thus it is
+his version of the lost books Sixty-one to Eighty on which we are
+compelled to rely. His task was accomplished with an even greater
+degree of carelessness than is customary in such compositions, and it
+may be said that his ability or, at least, his good will is not nearly
+so great as that of Zonaras. Yet he is largely a <i>pis aller</i> for the
+would-be reader of Cassius Dio.</p>
+
+<p>Whereas the original was divided arbitrarily into books, Xiphilinus
+divided his condensation into &quot;sections,&quot; each containing the life of
+one emperor. Readers must further note that the present division of
+Books Seventy-one to Eighty dates only from Leunclavius (1592, first
+edition) and is not necessarily correct. Improvements in arrangement
+by Boissevain (latest editor of Dio entire) are indicated in the
+present translation, though for convenience of reference the old
+headlines are still retained.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Before speaking of the editions through which Dio's <i>Roman History</i>
+has passed it seems desirable to summarize briefly the condition of
+the whole as explained in the preceding pages. Here is a bird's-eye
+view of the whole situation.</p>
+
+    <table border="0" summary="books" cellpadding="5" cellspacing="1">
+      <tbody>
+      <tr>
+        <td align="center">Books</td>
+        <td align="right">1-21</td>
+        <td>exist in Zonaras and various fragments.</td>
+      </tr>
+      <tr>
+        <td align="center">&quot;</td>
+        <td align="right">22-35</td>
+        <td>exist in fragments only.</td>
+      </tr>
+      <tr>
+        <td align="center">&quot;</td>
+        <td align="right">36-54</td>
+        <td>exist in Dio's own words, and are found in universally approved MSS.</td>
+        </tr>
+        <tr>
+          <td align="center">&quot;</td>
+          <td align="right">54-60</td>
+          <td>exist in generally approved MSS.</td>
+        </tr>
+        <tr>
+          <td align="center">&quot;</td>
+          <td align="right">60-69</td>
+          <td>exist in Xiphilinus and excerpts.</td>
+        </tr>
+        <tr>
+          <td align="center">Book</td>
+          <td align="right">70</td>
+          <td>exists in fragments only.</td>
+        </tr>
+        <tr>
+          <td align="center">Books</td>
+          <td align="right">71-77</td>
+          <td>exist in Xiphilinus and excerpts.</td>
+        </tr>
+        <tr>
+          <td align="center">&quot;</td>
+          <td align="right">78, 79</td>
+          <td>exist in Dio's own words (oldest MS).</td>
+        </tr>
+        <tr>
+          <td align="center">Book</td>
+          <td align="right">80</td>
+          <td>exists in Xiphilinus.</td>
+        </tr>
+      </tbody>
+      </table>
+
+
+<h3>EDITIONS.</h3>
+
+<p>A brief list of important editions of this author is appended; the
+order is chronological.</p>
+
+<p>1. N. Leonicenus.&#8212;Italian translation of Books 35 to 60. Venice,
+1533. Free, and with many errors.</p>
+
+<p>2. R. Stephanus.&#8212;Greek text of Books 35 to 60. Paris, 1548. Work well
+done, but based on a poor MS.</p>
+
+<p>3. Xylander.&#8212;Latin translation of Books 35 to 60, with a brief Latin
+index. Basle, 1557. This version was made from No. 2.</p>
+
+<p>4. Baldelli.&#8212;Italian translation of Books 35 to 60. Venice, 1562.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>5. H. Stephanus.&#8212;A second edition of No. 2 with Latin translation of
+No. 2 added. A few corrections have been made and the Latin index is a
+little fuller. Paris, 1591.</p>
+
+<p>6. Leunclavius.&#8212;A second edition of No. 3, somewhat emended, <i>and
+with Books 61 to 80 (Xiphilinus) added</i>; also containing <i>Orsini's
+Excerpts Concerning Embassies</i> (in Greek and Latin), notes of
+Leunclavius, and a still fuller Latin index. Frankfurt, 1592.</p>
+
+<p>7. Leunclavius.&#8212;Posthumous edition. Text of Dio and of Xiphilinus
+(the latter from Nero to Alexander Severus). Corrections of R.
+Stephanus in Dio proper, and of Xylander in both Dio and Xiphilinus,
+notes of Leunclavius on Dio, and notes of Orsini on <i>Excerpts
+Concerning Embassies</i>. Same Latin index as in No. 6. Hanover, 1606.</p>
+
+<p>8. <span class="smcap">Reimar</span>. (Important. All previous editions are taken from
+codex Parisinus B. Reimar, assisted by Gronovius (father and son) and
+by Quirinus, employed Mediceus A (the standard codex) together with
+Vaticanus A and Vaticanus B.) Text of Dio and Xiphilinus (Books 36 to
+80), the Xylander-Leunclavius Latin version, the <i>Excerpts Concerning
+Virtues and Vices</i>, and fragments collected from various sources by
+Henri de Valois. Reimar used not only the three MSS. mentioned above,
+but three copies of previous editions,&#8212;one of No. 2 (with notes of
+Turnebus and others), one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> of No. 5 (with, notes of Oddey), and one of
+No. 7 (with notes of an unknown individual of much learning, cited by
+Reimar and in this edition as <i>N</i>). Finally he gathered all possible
+emendations from as many as fourteen scholars who had suggested
+improvements in the text. Hamburg, 1750.</p>
+
+<p>9. J.A. Wagner.&#8212;German translation in five volumes. Frankfurt, 1783.</p>
+
+<p>10. Penzel.&#8212;German translation with notes. Four volumes. Leipzig,
+1786-1818.</p>
+
+<p>11. Morellius.&#8212;Fragments of Dio, with new readings of the same.
+Emphasizes the importance of codex Venetus A and has some remarks on
+Venetus B. Published in 1793.</p>
+
+<p>12. Sturz.&#8212;New edition of Dio based on No. 8, improved by a new
+collation of the Medicean manuscripts and with collation of the codex
+Turinensis, besides emendations gathered from many new sources. Eight
+volumes. Leipzig, 1824-5. (Volume IX in 1843, containing Mai's
+<i>Excerpts Concerning Judgments</i>.)</p>
+
+<p>13. Tauchnitz text.&#8212;Stereotyped edition, four volumes, Leipzig, 1829.
+New impression, Leipzig, 1870-77. (Originally used as a basis for the
+present translation after Book Fifty: later, wholesale revisions were
+undertaken to make the English for the most part conform to the text
+of Boissevain.)</p>
+
+<p>14. Tafel.&#8212;German translation, three volumes. Stuttgart, 1831-1844.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>15. J. Bekker.&#8212;Dio entire. (With new collation of the old MS.
+containing most of Books Seventy-eight and Seventy-nine, and with many
+new and brilliant conjectural emendations by the editor.) Two volumes.
+Leipzig, 1849.</p>
+
+<p>16. Gros-Boiss&#233;e.&#8212;French translation together with the Greek text and
+copious notes. (With new collation of the Vatican, Medicean, and
+Venetian codices, besides use of Parisinus A and Vesontinus;
+manuscripts of the Fragments, especially the Tours manuscript
+(concerning Virtues and Vices) have been carefully gone over.) Ten
+volumes. Gros edited the first four; Boiss&#233;e the last six. Paris,
+1845-1870.</p>
+
+<p>17. Dindorf.&#8212;Teubner text. Dindorf was the first to perceive the
+relation of the manuscripts and their respective values. He used
+Herwerden's new collation of the Vatican palimpsest containing
+<i>Excerpts Concerning Judgments</i>. From making fuller notes and
+emendations he was prevented by untimely death. Five volumes. Leipzig,
+1863-1865.</p>
+
+<p>18. Melber.&#8212;Teubner text, being a new recension of Dindorf, with
+numerous additions. To consist of five volumes. Leipzig, from 1890.
+The first two volumes, all that were available, have been used for
+this translation.</p>
+
+<p>19. Boissevain.&#8212;The most modern, accurate, and artistic edition of
+Dio. The editor is very conservative in the matter of manuscript
+tradition. He personally read in Italy many of the MSS., and had the
+aid of numerous friends at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> home and abroad in collating MSS., besides
+the help of a few in the suggestion of new readings. In the later
+portion of the text he makes a new division of books, and essays also
+to assign the early fragments to their respective books. Three
+volumes. Berlin, 1895, 1898, 1901. Vol. I, pp. 359 + cxxvi; Vol. II,
+pp. 690 + xxxi; Vol. III, pp. 800 + xviii. The second volume contains
+two phototype facsimiles of pages of the Laurentian and Marcian MSS.,
+and the third volume three similar specimens of the Codex Vaticanus.
+In the appendix of the last volume are found, in the order named, the
+following aids to the study of Dio.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>1. The <i>entire</i> epitome of Xiphilinus (Books 36-80).</p>
+
+<p>2. Vatican Excerpts of Peter Patricius (Nos. 1-38), compared
+with Dio's wording.</p>
+
+<p>3. Vatican Excerpts of Peter Patricius (Nos. 156-191),
+containing that portion of the Historia Augusta which is
+subsequent to Dio's narrative.</p>
+
+<p>4. Excerpts by John of Antioch, taken from Dio.</p>
+
+<p>5. The &quot;Salmasian Excerpts.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>6. Some &quot;Constantinian Excerpts,&quot; compared with Dio.</p>
+
+<p>7. The account of Dio given by Photius and by Suidas.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>8. Table of Fragments.</p></div>
+
+<p>Boissevain's invaluable emendations and interpretations have been
+liberally used by the present translator, and some of his changes of
+arrangement have been accepted outright, others only indicated.</p>
+
+
+<h3>CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NARRATIVE.</h3>
+
+<p>The atmosphere of Dio's Roman History is serious to a degree. Its
+author never loses sight of the fact that by his labor he is
+conferring a substantial benefit upon mankind, and he follows,
+moreover, a particular historical theory, popular at the time, which
+allows little chance for sportiveness or wit. Just as the early French
+drama could concern itself only with personages of noble or royal
+rank, so Dio's ideal compels him for the most part to restrict himself
+to the large transactions of governments or rulers and to diminish the
+consideration that idiosyncrasies of private life or points of
+antiquarian interest might otherwise seem to claim. The name of this
+ideal is &quot;Dignity&quot; (<span lang="el" title="Greek: onkos">&#959;&#947;&#954;&#959;&#962;</span> is the Greek), a principle of
+construction which is opposed to a narration adorned with details.
+However much it may have been overworked at times, its influence was
+certainly healthful, for it demanded that the material be handled in
+organic masses to prevent the reader from being lost in a confused
+mass of minuti&#230;. Racy gossip and old wives' tales are to be replaced
+by philosophic reflection and pictures of temperament. Instead of mere
+lists of anecdotes there must be a careful survey of political<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span>
+relations. Names, numbers, and exact dates may often be dispensed
+with. Still, amid all this, there is enough humor of situation in the
+gigantic tale and enough latitude of speech on the part of the acting
+personages to prevent monotony and to render intellectual
+scintillations of the compiler comparatively unnecessary.
+Occasionally, for the sake of sharper focus on the portrait of some
+leader, Dio will introduce this or that trivial incident and may
+perhaps feel called upon immediately, under the strictness of his
+self-imposed r&#233;gime, to apologize or justify himself.</p>
+
+<p>The style of the original is rendered somewhat difficult by a
+conscious imitation of the involved sentence-unit found in Thukydides
+(though reminiscences of Herodotos and Demosthenes also abound) but
+gives an effect of solidity that is symmetrical with both the method
+and the man. Moreover, one may assert of it what Matthew Arnold
+declared could <i>not</i> be said regarding Homer's style, that it rises
+and falls with the matter it treats, so that at every climax we may be
+sure of finding the charm of vividness and at many intermediate points
+the merit of grace. It is a long course that our historian, pressed by
+official cares, has to cover, and he accomplishes his difficult task
+with creditable zeal: finally, when his Thousand Years of Rome is
+done, he compares himself to a warrior helped by a protecting deity
+from the scene of conflict. Surely it must have been one of the major
+battles of his energetic life to wrest from the formless void this
+orderly record of actions and events embroidered with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> discussion of
+the motives for those actions and the causes of such events.</p>
+
+<p>Dio has apparently equipped himself extremely well for his
+undertaking. A fragment edited by Mai (see Fragment I) seems to make
+him say that he has read every available book upon the subject; and,
+like Thukydides, he is critical, he is eclectic, and often supports
+his statements by the citation or introduction of documentary
+testimony. His superstition is debasing and repellent, but works harm
+only in limited spheres, and it is counterbalanced by the fact that he
+had been a part of many events recounted and had held high
+governmental offices, enjoying a career which furnished him with
+standards by which to judge the likelihood of allegations regarding
+earlier periods of Rome,&#8212;that, in a word, he was no mere
+carpet-knight of History. He is honestly conscientious in his use of
+language, attempting to give the preference to standard phrases and
+words of classical Greek over corrupt idioms and expressions of a
+decadent tongue; it is this very conscientiousness, of course, which
+leads him to adopt so much elaborate syntax from bygone masters of
+style. Finally,&#8212;the point in which, I think, Dio has come nearest to
+the gloomy Athenian,&#8212;something of the matter-of-fact directness of
+Thukydides is perceptible in this Roman History. The operator unrolls
+before us the long panorama of wars and plots and bribes and murders:
+his pictures speak, but he himself seldom interjects a word. Sometimes
+the lack of comment seems almost brutal, but what need to darken the
+torture-chamber in the House of Hades?<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>There are two ways of writing history. One is to observe a strictly
+chronological order, describing together only such events as took
+place in a single year or reign; and the other, to give all in one
+place and in one narration the story of a single great movement,
+though it should cover several years and a fraction,&#8212;or, again, to
+sketch the condition of affairs in one province, or valley, or
+peninsula for so long a time as the story of such a region seems to
+possess unity of development. The first kind of writing takes the year
+or the reign as its standard, whereas the second uses the matter under
+discussion or some part of the earth in the same way: and they may
+accordingly be called, one, the chronological method, and the other,
+the pragmato-geographical. The difference between the two is well
+illustrated by the varying ways in which modern works on Greek history
+treat the affairs of Sicily.</p>
+
+<p>The first plan is that which Dio follows, and his work would have been
+called by the Romans <i>annales</i> rather than <i>histori&#230;</i>. The method has
+its advantages, one of which is, or should be, that the reader knows
+just how far he has progressed; he can compare the relative
+significance of events happening at the same time in widely separated
+lands: he is, as it were, <i>living</i> in the past, and receives from week
+to week or month to month reports of the world's doings in all
+quarters. On the other hand, this plan lacks dramatic force; there are
+sub-climaces and one grand climax: and the interest is apt to flag
+through being obliged to divide itself among many districts. The same
+results, both<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> good and bad, are observable in Thukydides, whom Dio
+follows in constructive theory as well as style. It has already been
+said that our historian sacrifices sharpness of dates to the Onkos,
+depending, doubtless, on his chronological arrangements to make good
+the loss. Usually it does so, but occasionally confusion arises.
+Whether because he noticed this or not, he begins at the opening of
+the fifty-first book to be accurate in his dates, generally stating
+the exact day. Rarely, Dio lets his interest run away with him and
+mixes the two economies.</p>
+
+<p>If we read the pages closely, we find that by Dio's own statement his
+work falls properly into three parts. The first consists of the first
+fifty-one books, from the landing of &#198;neas to the establishment of the
+empire by Octavianus. Up to that time, Dio says (in LIII, 19),
+political action had been taken openly, after discussion in the senate
+and before the people. Everybody knew the facts, and in case any
+authors distorted them, the public records were open for any one to
+consult. After that time, however, the rulers commonly kept their acts
+and discussions secret; and their censored accounts, when made public,
+were naturally looked upon by the man in the street with doubt and
+suspicion. Hence, from this point, says the historian, a radical
+difference must inevitably be found in the character of his account.</p>
+
+<p>The second portion, opening with Book Fifty-two, ends at the death of
+Marcus Aurelius (180 B.C.). In LXXI, 36, 4 Dio admits that the old
+splendor ended with Marcus and was not renewed. His history, he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> says,
+makes here a sheer descent (<span lang="el" title="Greek: katapiptei">&#954;&#945;&#964;&#945;&#960;&#953;&#960;&#964;&#949;&#953;</span>) from the golden to
+the iron age. It fades, as it were, into the light of common day in a
+double sense: for the events succeeding this reign Dio himself was
+able to observe as an intelligent eyewitness.</p>
+
+<p>The third section, then, extends from the beginning of Book
+Seventy-two to the end of the work. Here Dio breaks away oftener than
+before from his servility to the Dignity of History, only to display a
+far more contemptible servility to his imperial masters. According to
+his own account he stood by and passively allowed atrocities to be
+multiplied about him, nor does he venture to express any forceful
+indignation at the performance of such deeds. Had he protested, the
+world's knowledge of Rome's degenerate tyrants would undoubtedly have
+been less complete than it now is; and Dio was quite enough of an
+egotist to believe that his own life and work were of paramount
+importance. If we compare him unfavorably with Epictetus, we must
+remember that the latter was obscure enough to be ignored.</p>
+
+<p>In both the second and the third parts, that is to say throughout the
+entire imperial period, Dio is conceded to have committed an error in
+his point of view by making the relations of the emperor to the senate
+the leading idea in his narrative and subordinating other events to
+that relation. Senator as he was, he naturally magnified its
+importance, and in an impartial estimate of his account one must allow
+for personal bias.</p>
+
+<p>Our historian's sources for the earlier part of his work are not
+positively known. He has been credited<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> with the use of Livy, of
+C&#339;lius, of Appian, and of Dionysios of Halicarnassos, but the
+traces are not definite enough to warrant any dogmatic assertion.
+Perhaps he knew Tacitus and perhaps Suetonius: the portrait of
+Tiberius is especially good and was probably obtained from an author
+of merit. But there were in existence a great multitude of books
+inferior or now forgotten besides the works of the authors above
+mentioned; and Dio's History in general shows no greater evidence of
+having been drawn from writers whom we know than from others whom we
+do not know.</p>
+
+<p>We have already noticed Dio's similarity to Thukydides in style,
+arrangement, and emotional attitude. There remains one more bond of
+brotherhood,&#8212;the speeches. Just as the sombre story of the
+Peloponnesian conflict has for a prominent feature the pleas and
+counterpleas of contending parties, together with a few independent
+orations, so this Roman History is filled with public utterances of
+famous men, either singly or in pairs. Dio evinces considerable
+fondness for these wordy combats (<span lang="el" title="Greek: hamillai logôn">'&#945;&#956;&#953;&#955;&#955;&#945;&#953; &#955;&#959;&#947;&#969;&#957;</span>). About one
+speech to the book is the average in the earlier portion of the work.
+The author probably adapted them from rhetorical <span lang="el" title="Greek: meletai">&#956;&#949;&#955;&#949;&#964;&#945;&#953;</span>, or
+essays, then in existence. He was himself a finished product of the
+rhetorical schools and was inclined to give their output the greatest
+publicity. The most interesting of these efforts,&#8212;some go so far as
+to say the only one of real interest,&#8212;is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> the speech of M&#230;cenas in
+favor of the establishment of monarchy by Augustus: this argument
+undoubtedly sets forth Dio's own views on government. Like the rival
+deliverance of Agrippa it shows traces of having undergone a revision
+of the first draught, and it is more than probable that the two did
+not assume their present shape until the time of Alexander Severus.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="B_THE_WRITER" id="B_THE_WRITER"></a>B.&#8212;THE WRITER.</h2>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>Suidas, the lexicographer of the tenth century, who is profitable for
+so many things, has this entry under &quot;Dio&quot;:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>Dio&#8212;called Cassius, surnamed Cocceius (others
+&quot;Cocceianus&quot;), of Nic&#230;a, historian, born in the times of
+Alexander son of Mamm&#230;a, wrote a Roman History in 80 books
+(they are divided by decades), a &quot;Persia&quot;, &quot;The Get&#230;&quot;,
+&quot;Journey-signs&quot;, &quot;In Trajan's Day&quot;, &quot;Life of Arrian the
+Philosopher&quot;.</p></div>
+
+<p>Photius, an influential Patriarch of Constantinople and belonging to
+the ninth century, has in his &quot;Bibliotheca&quot; a much longer notice,
+which, however, contains almost nothing that a reader will not find in
+Dio's own record. This is about the extent of the information afforded
+us by antiquity, and modern biographers usually fall back upon the
+author's own remarks regarding himself, as found scattered through his
+Roman History. Such personal references were for the first time
+carefully collected, systematically arranged, and discussed in the
+edition of Reimar; subsequently the same matter was reprinted in the
+fifth volume of the Dindorf Teubner text.</p>
+
+<p>Just a word first in regard to the lost works with which Suidas
+credits Dio. He probably never wrote the &quot;Persia&quot;: perhaps it belonged
+to Dio of Colophon, or possibly Suidas has confused <i>Dion</i> with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span>
+<i>Deinon</i>. It is certain that he did not write &quot;The Get&#230;&quot;: this
+composition was by his maternal grandfather, Dio of Prusa, and was the
+fruit of exile. &quot;Journey-signs&quot; or &quot;Itineraries&quot; is an enigmatic
+title, and the more cautious scholars forbear to venture an opinion
+upon its significance. Bernhardy, editor of Suidas, says &quot;Intelligo
+<i>Librum de Signis</i>&quot; and translates the title &quot;De Ominibus inter
+congrediendum.&quot; Leonhard Schmitz (in the rather antiquated <i>Smith</i>)
+thinks it means &quot;Itineraries&quot; and that Dio Chrysostom very likely
+wrote it, because he traveled considerably. Concerning &quot;In Trajan's
+Day&quot; two opinions may be mentioned,&#8212;one, that the attribution of such
+a title to Dio is a mistake (for, if true, he would have mentioned it
+in his larger work): the other, that its substance was incorporated in
+the larger work, and that it thereby lost its identity and importance.
+The &quot;Life of Arrian&quot; is probably a fact. Arrian was a
+fellow-countryman of Dio's and had a somewhat similar character and
+career. It may be true, as Christ surmises, that this biography was a
+youthful task or an essay of leisure, hastily thrown off in the midst
+of other enterprises.</p>
+
+<p>Coming to Dio's personality we have at the outset to decide how his
+name shall be written. We must make sure of his proper designation
+before we presume to talk about him. The choice lies between Dio
+Cassius and Cassius Dio, and the former is the popular form of the
+name, if it be permissible to speak of Dio at all as a &quot;popular&quot;
+writer. The facts in the case, however, are simple. The Greek
+arrangement is <span lang="el" title="Greek: Diôn ho Kassios">&#916;&#953;&#969;&#957; '&#959; &#922;&#945;&#963;&#963;&#953;&#959;&#962;</span>. Now the regular Greek custom
+is to place<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> the gentile name, or even the pr&#230;nomen, <i>after</i> the
+cognomen: but the regular Latin custom (and after all Dio has more of
+the Roman in his makeup than of the Greek) is to observe the order
+<i>pr&#230;nomen</i>, <i>nomen</i>, <i>cognomen</i>. It is objected, first, that the
+Greeks <i>sometimes</i> followed the regular Latin order, and, second, that
+the Romans <i>sometimes</i> followed the regular Greek order (e.g., Cicero,
+in his <i>Letters</i>). But the Greek exception cannot here make Dio the
+<i>nomen</i> and Cassius the <i>cognomen</i>: we <i>know</i> that the historian
+belonged to the gens Cassia (his father was Cassius Apronianus) and
+that he took Dio as cognomen from his grandfather, Dio Chrysostom. And
+the Latin exception simply offers us the alternative of following a
+common usage or an uncommon usage. The real question is whether Dio
+should be regarded rather as Greek or as Roman. To be logical, we must
+say either Dion Kassios or Cassius Dio. Considering the historian's
+times and his <i>habitat</i>, not merely his birthplace and literary
+dialect, I must prefer Cassius Dio as his official appellation. Yet,
+because the opposite arrangement has the sanction of usage, I deem it
+desirable to employ as often as possible the unvexed single name
+<i>Dio</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Dio's pr&#230;nomen is unknown, but he had still another cognomen,
+Cocceianus, which he derived along with the <i>Dio</i> from his maternal
+grandfather. The latter, known as Dio of Prusa from his birthplace in
+Bithynia, is renowned for his speeches, which contain perhaps more
+philosophy than oratory and won for him from posterity the title of
+Chrysostom,&#8212;&quot;Golden Mouth.&quot; Dio of Prusa was exiled by the tyrant
+Domitian, but recalled and showered with favors by the em<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span>peror
+Cocceius Nerva (96-98 A.D.); from this patron he took the cognomen
+mentioned, Cocceianus, which he handed down to his illustrious
+grandson.</p>
+
+<p>Besides this distinguished ancestor on his mother's side Dio the
+historian had a father, Cassius Apronianus, of no mean importance. He
+was a Roman senator and had been governor of Dalmatia and Cilicia; to
+the latter post Dio bore his father company (Books 49, 36; 69, 1; 72,
+7). The date of the historian's birth is determined approximately as
+somewhere from 150 to 162 A.D., that is, during the last part of the
+reign of Antoninus Pius or at the beginning of the reign of Marcus
+Aurelius. The town where he first saw the light was Nic&#230;a in Bithynia.</p>
+
+<p>The careful education which the youth must have had is evident, of
+course, in his work. After the trip to Cilicia already referred to Dio
+came to Rome, probably not for the first time, arriving there early in
+the reign of Commodus (Book 72, 4). This monster was overthrown in 192
+A.D.; before his death Dio was a senator (Book 72, 16): in other
+words, he was by that time above the minimum age, twenty-five years,
+required for admission to full senatorial standing; and thus we gain
+some scanty light respecting the date of his birth. Under Commodus he
+had held no higher offices than those of qu&#230;stor and &#230;dile: Pertinax
+now, in the year 193, made him pr&#230;tor (Book 73, 12). Directly came the
+death of Pertinax, as likewise of his successor Julianus, and the
+accession of him whom Dio proudly hailed as the &quot;Second
+Au<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span>gustus,&quot;&#8212;Septimius Severus. The new emperor exerted a great
+influence upon Dio's political views. He pretended that the gods had
+brought him forward, as they had Augustus, especially for his work.
+The proofs of Heaven's graciousness to this latest sovereign were
+probably by him delivered to Dio, who undertook to compile them into a
+little book and appears to have believed them all; Severus, indeed,
+had been remarkably successful at the outset. Before long Dio had
+begun his great work, which he doubtless intended to bring to a
+triumphant conclusion amid the golden years of the new prince of
+peace.</p>
+
+<p>Unfortunately the <i>entente cordiale</i> between ruler and historian did
+not long endure. Severus grew disappointing to Dio through his
+severity, visited first upon Niger and later upon C&#230;sar Clodius
+Albinus: and Dio came to be <i>persona non grata</i> to Severus for this
+reason among others, that the emperor changed his mind completely
+about Commodus, and since he had begun to revere, if not to imitate
+him, what Dio had written concerning his predecessor could be no
+longer palatable. The estrangement seems to be marked by the fact that
+until Severus's death Dio went abroad on no important military or
+diplomatic mission, but remained constantly in Italy. He was sometimes
+in Rome, but more commonly resided at his country-seat in Capua (Book
+76, 2). In a very vague Passage in Book 76, 16 Dio speaks of finding
+&quot;when I was consul&quot; three thousand indictments for adultery inscribed
+on the records. This leads<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> most scholars to assume that he was consul
+<i>before</i> the death of Severus. Reimar thought differently, and
+produces arguments to support his view. I do not deem many of the
+passages which he cites entirely apposite, and yet some of the points
+urged are important. I can only say that the impression left in my
+mind by a rapid reading of the Greek is that Dio was consul while
+Severus reigned; if such be the case, he probably held the rank of
+<i>consul suffectus</i> (&quot;honorary&quot; or &quot;substitute&quot;). All who refuse to
+admit that he could have obtained so high an office at that time place
+the date of his first consulship anywhere from 219 to 223 A.D. because
+of his own statement that in 224 he was appointed to the (regularly
+proconsular) governorship of Africa.</p>
+
+<p>The son of Severus, Caracalla or Antoninus, drew Dio from his
+homekeeping and took him with him on an eastern expedition in 216, so
+that our historian passed the winter of 216-217 as a member of
+Caracalla's retinue at Nicomedea (Book 77, 17 and 18) and joined there
+in the annual celebration of the Saturnalia (Book 78, 8). Dio takes
+occasion to deplore the emperor's bestial behavior as well as the
+considerable pecuniary outlay to which he was personally subjected,
+but at the same time he evidently did not allow his convictions to
+become indiscreetly audible. Much farther than Nicomedea Dio cannot
+have accompanied his master; for he did not go to the Parthian war,
+presently undertaken, and he was not present either at Caracalla's
+death (217) or at the overthrow of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span> Macrinus (218). This Macrinus, one
+of the short-time emperors, gave Dio the post of <i>curator ad
+corrigendum statum civitatium</i>, with administrative powers over the
+cities of Pergamum and Smyrna (Book 79, 7), and his appointee remained
+in active service during much of the reign of Elagabalus,&#8212;possibly,
+indeed, until the accession of Alexander Severus (see Book 78, 18,
+end). Mamm&#230;a, the mother of the new sovereign, surrounded her son with
+skilled helpers of proved value, and it was possibly due to her wisdom
+that Dio was first sent to manage the proconsulate of Africa, and, on
+his return, to govern the imperial provinces of Dalmatia and Upper
+Pannonia. Somewhat later, in the year 229, he became consul for the
+second time, <i>consul ordinarius</i>, as colleague of Alexander himself.
+But Dio's disciplinary measures in Pannonia had rendered him unpopular
+with the pampered Pretorians, and heeding at once his own safety and
+the emperor's request he remained most of the time outside of Rome.
+This state of affairs was not wholly satisfactory, and it is not
+surprising that after a short time Dio complained of a bad foot and
+asked leave to betake himself to Nic&#230;a, his native place.</p>
+
+<p>Here we must leave him. Whether his death came soon or late after 229
+A.D. is a matter of some uncertainty. It would be difficult to make a
+more complete record out of the available material, save to say that
+from two casual references it is inferred that Dio had a wife and
+children, and that in his career he often, sometimes with imperial
+assistance, tried cases in court.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="A_LIST_OF_THE_MORE_RECENT_DISSERTATIONS" id="A_LIST_OF_THE_MORE_RECENT_DISSERTATIONS"></a>A LIST OF THE MORE RECENT DISSERTATIONS</h2>
+
+<h3>ON</h3>
+
+<h2>CASSIUS DIO.</h2>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>A. Baumgartner.&#8212;<i>&#220;ber die Quellen des Cassius Dio f&#252;r die &#228;ltere
+r&#246;mische Geschichte.</i> (1880.)</p>
+
+<p>F. Beckurts.&#8212;<i>Zur Quellenkritik des Tacitus, Sueton und Cassius Dio.</i>
+(1880.)</p>
+
+<p>J. Bergmans.&#8212;<i>Die Quellen der Vita Tiberii (Buch 57 der Historia
+Romana) des Cassius Dio.</i> (1903.)</p>
+
+<p>Breitung.&#8212;<i>Bemerkungen &#252;ber die Quellen des Dio Cassius LXVI-LXIX.</i>
+(1882.)</p>
+
+<p>H. Christensen.&#8212;<i>De fontibus a Cassio Dione in Vita Neronis enarranda
+adhibitis.</i> (1871.)</p>
+
+<p>A. Deppe.&#8212;<i>Des Dio Cassius Bericht &#252;ber die Varusschlacht verglichen
+mit den &#252;brigen Geschichtsquellen.</i> (1880.)</p>
+
+<p>P. Fabia.&#8212;<i>Julius P&#230;lignus, pr&#233;fet des vigiles et procurateur de
+Cappadoce (Tacite, Ann. XII, 49; Dion Cassius LXI, 6, 6).</i> (1898.)</p>
+
+<p>R. Ferwer.&#8212;<i>Die politischen Anschauungen des Cassius Dio.</i> (1878.)</p>
+
+<p>J.G. Fischer.&#8212;<i>De fontibus et auctoritate Cassii Dionis.</i> (1870.)</p>
+
+<p>H. Grohs.&#8212;<i>Der Wert des Geschichtswerkes des Cassius Dio als Quelle
+f&#252;r die Geschichte der Jahre 49-44 v. Chr.</i> (1884.)</p>
+
+<p>G. Heimbach.&#8212;<i>Quid et quantum Cassius Dio in historia conscribenda
+inde a libro XI usque ad librum XLVII e Livio desumpserit.</i> (1878.)</p>
+
+<p>F.K. Hertlein.&#8212;<i>Conjecturen zu griechischen Prosaikern.</i> (1873.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>D.G. Ielgersma.&#8212;<i>De fide et auctoritate Dionis Cassii Cocceiani.</i>
+(1879.)</p>
+
+<p>E. Kyhnitzsch.&#8212;<i>De contionibus, quas Cassius Dio histori&#230; su&#230;
+intexuit, cum Thucydideis comparatis.</i> (1894.)</p>
+
+<p>E. Litsch.&#8212;<i>De Cassio Dione imitatore Thucydidis.</i> (1893.)</p>
+
+<p>Madvig.&#8212;<i>Adversaria Critica.</i> (1884.)</p>
+
+<p>J. Maisel.&#8212;<i>Observationes in Cassium Dionem.</i> (1888.)</p>
+
+<p>J. Melber.&#8212;<i>Der Bericht des Dio Cassius &#252;ber die gallischen Kriege
+C&#230;sars.</i> (1891.)</p>
+
+<p>J. Melber.&#8212;<i>Dio Cassius &#252;ber die letzten K&#228;mpfe gegen Sext. Pompeius,
+36 v. Chr.</i> (1891.) In &quot;Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiet der Klassichen
+Alterthumswissenschaft, W. v. Christ zum 60. Geburtstag dargebracht
+von seinen Sch&#252;lern.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>P. Meyer.&#8212;<i>De M&#230;cenatis oratione a Dione ficta.</i> (1891.)</p>
+
+<p>M. Posner.&#8212;<i>Quibus auctoribus in bello Hannibalico enarrando usus sit
+Dio Cassius.</i> (1874.)</p>
+
+<p>E. Schmidt.&#8212;<i>Plutarchs Bericht &#252;ber die Catilinarische Verschw&#246;rung
+in seinem Verh&#228;ltnis zu Sallust, Livius und Dio.</i> (1885.)</p>
+
+<p>G. Sickel.&#8212;<i>De fontibus a Cassio Dione in conscribendis rebus inde a
+Tiberio usque ad mortem Vitelii gestis adhibitis.</i> (1876.)</p>
+
+<p>D.R. Stuart.&#8212;<i>The attitude of Dio Cassius towards epigraphic
+sources.</i> (1904.)&#8212;In &quot;Roman Historical Sources,&quot; etc., pp. 101-147.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>H. van Herwerden.&#8212;<i>Lectiones Rheno-Traiectin&#230;.</i> (1882.) Pp. 78-95.</p>
+
+<p>A. v. Gutschmid.&#8212;See <i>Kleine Schriften</i>, V, pp. 547-554. (1894.)</p>
+
+<p>J. Will.&#8212;<i>Qu&#230; ratio intercedat inter Dionis Cassii de C&#230;saris bellis
+gallicis narrationem et commentarios C&#230;saris de bello gallico.</i>
+(1901.)</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="A_LIST_OF_THE_PRINCIPAL_ARTICLES" id="A_LIST_OF_THE_PRINCIPAL_ARTICLES"></a>A LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL ARTICLES</h2>
+
+<h3>ON</h3>
+
+<h2>CASSIUS DIO</h2>
+
+<p style="text-align: center"><b>Found in Periodicals for the Twenty Years Preceding the Date of the
+Present Translation (1884-1904).</b></p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center">&#160;</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p><b>1884.</b></p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; A review of <i>R. Ferwer</i>. (Die politischen Anschauungen des
+Cassius Dio.) (Bursian, Jhrb.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">H. Haupt.</span>&#8212;Dio Cassius. (Yearly Review, continued.) (Rh.
+Mus., Book 4.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">K. Schenkl.</span>&#8212;A general review of the advance made in the
+study of Dio from 1873 to 1884. (Bursian, Jhrb. pp. 277-8; and also
+pp. 186-194 for 1883.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1885.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">U. Ph. Boissevain.</span>&#8212;De Cassii Dionis libris manuscriptis
+(with author's stemma). (Mnemos., Vol. 13, Part 3. Also see Note on p.
+456 of Part 4, same volume.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">H. Haupt.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Grohs</i> (Der Wert des Geschichtswerkes
+des Cassius Dio als Quelle der Jahre 49-44 V.C.). (Philolog.
+Anzeiger.)</p>
+
+<p>Id.&#8212;Dio Cassius. (Yearly Review, continued.) (Philol., Vol. 44, Book
+1 and Book 3.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">H. Schiller.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Grohs</i> (same article). (B.P.W.,
+Feb. 21.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; A review of U. Ph. Boissevain. (Program. On the Fragments of
+Cassius Dio.) (Bursian, Jhrb.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1886.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">S.A. Naber.</span>&#8212;Emendations in Dio XLII, 34, and XXXVI, 49.
+(Mnemos., N.S. 14, pp. 93 and 94.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; Mention of Haupt's Survey in Philol. 44. (See above. Bursian,
+Jhrb.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; A review of <i>Grohs</i>. (Article cited above. Bursian, Jhrb.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; A review of <i>Grohs</i>. (Do. do.&#8212;Litt. Cbl., Jan. 16.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1887.</b></p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; A review of <i>C.J. Rockel</i> (De allocutionis usu qualis sit apud
+Thucydidem, Xenophontem, oratores Atticos, <i>Dionem</i>, Aristidem.).
+(Jhrb. of I. M&#252;ller.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; Mention of H. Haupt's Survey in Philol. 44. (Jhrb. of I. M&#252;ller.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Br. Keil.</span>&#8212;A criticism of <i>Rockel</i>. (Article above cited. W.
+Kl. Ph., May 4.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">W.F. Allen.</span>&#8212;The Monetary Crisis in Rome, A.D. 33.
+(Containing citations from Dio. Tr. A. Ph. A., Vol. 18.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">E.G. Sihler.</span>&#8212;The Tradition of C&#230;sar's Gallic Wars from
+Cicero to Orosius. (Containing citations from Dio. Tr. A. Ph. A., Vol.
+18.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Liatyschev.</span>&#8212;(An article containing citations from Dio that
+contribute to a knowledge of the location of the city of
+Olbia.&#8212;Journal Ministerstva Narodnavo Prosv&#234;schtscheniia, Nos. 1, 2,
+3, 4.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1888.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">W.F. Allen.</span>&#8212;Lex Curiata de Imperio. (Containing citations
+from Dio XXXIX, 19 and elsewhere.&#8212;Tr. A. Ph. A., Vol. 19.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">S.A. Naber.</span>&#8212;Critical observations. (Including Dio XLVI, 15;
+LI, 14; LV, 10; LXIX, 28; LXXVI, 14; LXXVII, 4. Mnemos., Vol. 16, part
+1.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; A review of <i>L. Poetsch</i>. (Program. Bei.&#8212;tr&#228;ge zur Kritik der
+Kaiserbiographien <i>Cassius Dio</i>, Herodian, und &#198;lius Lampridius auf
+Grund ihrer Berichte &#252;ber den Kaiser Commodus Antoninus.&#8212;Z. &#339;st.
+Gymn., 1888, Book 3.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1889.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Breitung.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Maisel</i> (Observationes in Cassium
+Dionem.). (W. Kl. Ph., June 19.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; A review of <i>Maisel</i>. (Do. do.&#8212;The Academy, February.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">J. Hilberg.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Maisel</i>. (Do. do.&#8212;Z. &#339;st.
+Gymn., 1889, Book 3.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">H. Kontos.</span>&#8212;Critical note on Dio, XLIX, 12, 2. (<span lang="el" title="Greek: ATHÊNA">&#913;&#920;&#919;&#925;&#913;</span>, Vol. 1, parts 3-4.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Melber.</span>&#8212;Contribution to a new order of the Fragments in
+Cassius Dio. (Sitzb. d. philos.-philolog. u. hist. d. k. B. Akademie
+d. Wiss. zu M&#252;nchen, Feb. 9.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Nauck.</span>&#8212;Analecta Critica. (Proposition to restore six
+fragments of Cassius Dio to Dio Chrysostom.&#8212;Hermes, Vol. 24, part 3.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Alex Riese.</span>&#8212;Die Sueben (based upon Dio). (Rh. Mus., Vol. 44,
+part 3.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Sp. Vasis.</span>&#8212;Passage of Dio applied to correct conclusions of
+Willems on Cic. ad Att. 5, 4, 2. (<span lang="el" title="Greek: ATHÊNA">&#913;&#920;&#919;&#925;&#913;</span>, Vol. 1, parts
+3-4.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; A review of <i>E. Cornelius</i> (Quomodo Tacitus histori&#230; scriptor in
+hominum memoria versatus sit usque ad renascentes litteras s&#230;c. XIV et
+XV.&#8212;Dio is indirectly involved.). (Jhrb. d. phil. Ver. zu. Berlin,
+1889.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; A review of <i>C.J. Rockel</i>. (Title cited under 1887.&#8212;Jhrb. of I.
+M&#252;ller.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1890.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">U. Ph. Boissevain.</span>&#8212;A misplaced fragment of Dio (LXXV, 9, 6).
+(Hermes, Vol. 25, part 3.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Th. Hultzsch.</span>&#8212;On Dio Cassius (relative to early alteration
+of the text). (N. JB. f. Ph. u. P&#228;., Vol. 141, book 3.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Karl Jacoby.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Maisel</i>. (Title cited under
+1889.&#8212;B.P.W., Feb. 15.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Melber.</span>&#8212;Regarding the chronological relocation of several
+fragments of Dio. (Bl. f. d. Bayer. Gymn., Vol. 26, books 6 and 7.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; A citation of the Kontos note (see above) from <span lang="el" title="Greek: ATHÊNA">&#913;&#920;&#919;&#925;&#913;</span>.
+(Rev. d. Et. Gr., Vol. 3, N. 9.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1891.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Boissevain.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Melber</i>. (Text edition of Dio, Vol.
+I.) (B.P.W., Jan. 24.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Breitung.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Melber</i>. (Do. do.&#8212;W. Kl. Ph., June
+24.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">B. K&#252;bler.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Melber</i>. (Do. do.&#8212;Deutsche LZ.,
+Nov. 28.)</p>
+
+<p>Id.&#8212;Five conjectures in the (earlier portion of) text of Dio. (Rh.
+Mus., Vol. 46, part 2.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Melber.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Maisel</i>. (Title cited under 1889.&#8212;Bl.
+f. d. Bayer. Gymn., Vol. 27, books 6 and 7.)</p>
+
+<p>Id.&#8212;A correction in Zonaras, IX, 5. (Bl. f. d. Bayer. Gymn., Vol. 27,
+book 1.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">G.M. Rushforth.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Melber</i> (Dio, Vol. 1). (Cl.
+Rev., Vol. 5, Nos. 1 and 2.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">C. Wachsmuth.</span>&#8212;The pentad arrangement in Dio and others. (Rh.
+Mus., Vol. 46, part 2.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; Mention of an article on Dio (C&#230;sar's Gallic Wars) in Festgruss
+des kgl. Max.-Gymn. zu M&#252;nchen. (Phil. Rundsch., Dec. 5.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1892.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">U. Ph. Boissevain.</span>&#8212;On the spellings Call&#230;ci&#8212;Gall&#230;ci, etc.
+(Mnemos., N.S. Vol. 20, p. 286 ff.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">H. Schiller.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Meyer</i> (De M&#230;cenatis oratione a
+Dione ficta). (B.P.W., Sept. 17.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1893.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">B&#252;ttner-Wobst.</span>&#8212;An account of Dio in the Cod. Peir. (Berichte
+der kgl. s&#228;chs. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch., part 3.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">C.G. Cobet.</span>&#8212;Emendations. (Mnemos. N.S., Vol. 21, p. 395.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">B. Heisterbergk.</span>&#8212;An emendation in XLVIII, 12. (Philol., Vol.
+50, part 4.)</p>
+
+<p>J.J.H.&#8212;An emendation of LXVII, 12. (Mnemos., Vol. 21, part 4.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Maisel.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Melber</i>. (Dio, Vol. 1.&#8212;Phil. Rundsch.,
+March 4.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">S.A. Naber.</span>&#8212;Four emendations. (Mnemos., Vol. 21, part 4.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p><b>1894.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">K. Buresch.</span>&#8212;A comment on Dio, LIV, 30, 3. (W. Kl. Ph., Jan.
+24.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1895.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Ad. Bauer.</span>&#8212;Dio's account of the war in Dalmatia and Pannonia
+(6-9 A.D.). (Arch&#228;ologisch-Epigraphische Mittheilungen aus
+Oesterreich-Ungarn, 17th year, book 2.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">U. Ph. Boissevain.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Maisel</i> (Beitr&#228;ge zur
+W&#252;rdigung der Hdss. des Cassius Dio). (B.P.W., Apr. 13.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">K. Jacoby.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Maisel</i>. (Do. do.&#8212;W. Kl. Ph., July
+3.)</p>
+
+<p>Id.&#8212;A review of <i>Melber</i>. (Dio, Vol. 2.&#8212;Ibid.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Th. Mommsen.</span>&#8212;The miracle of the rain on the column of Marcus
+Aurelius. (Dio as a source.) (Hermes, Vol. 30, part 1.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; A review of <i>E. Kyhnitzsch</i> (De contionibus quas Cassius Dio
+histori&#230; su&#230; intexuit, cum Thucydideis comparatis). (Litt. Cbl., Oct.
+26.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1896.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">U. Ph. Boissevain.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>E. Kyhnitzsch</i>. (Title just
+above.&#8212;B.P.W., Jan. 18.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">P. Ercole.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>M.A. Micallela</i> (La Fonte di Dione
+Cassio per le guerre galliche di Cesare). (Riv. di. Fil. e d'Istr.
+Class., 25th year, part 1.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Ph. Fabia.</span>&#8212;The statement of Dio about Nero and Papp&#230;a shown
+to be parallel with that of Tacitus (Hist. I, 13). (Rev. de Phil., de
+Litt., et d'Hist. anciennes, Vol. 20, part 1.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">K. Kuiper.</span>&#8212;De Cassii Dionis Zonar&#230;que historiis epistula
+critica ad Ursulum Philippum Boissevain. (Mnemos., N.S. Vol. 24.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">B. Niese.</span>&#8212;Dio's contributions to the history of the war
+against Pyrrhus. (Hermes, Vol. 31, part 4.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">F. Vogel.</span>&#8212;Dio worthless for facts regarding C&#230;sar's second
+expedition into Britain. (N. JB. f. Ph. u. P&#228;., 1896, books 3 and 4.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; Dio LIII, 23, compared with inscription discovered at Phil&#230;,
+Egypt. (Philol., Vol. 55, part 1.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1897.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">D. Detlefsen.</span>&#8212;Dio LIV, 32, as a sample of ancient knowledge
+in regard to the North Sea. (Hermes, Vol. 32, part 2.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Ph. Fabia.</span>&#8212;<i>Ofonius</i> rather than <i>Sophonius</i> (Dio MSS.) for
+the gentile name of Tigillinus. (Rev. de Phil., de Litt., et d'Hist.
+anciennes, Vol. 21, book 3.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">P. Garofolo.</span>&#8212;A citation of Dio. (Jhrb. of I. M&#252;ller, 1897.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">B. K&#252;bler</span>.&#8212;A review of <i>Melber</i>. (Dio, Vol. 2.&#8212;Deutsche
+LZ., March 6.)</p>
+
+<p>Id.&#8212;A review of <i>Boissevain</i>. (Edition of Dio.&#8212;B.P.W., May 15.)</p>
+
+<p>
+&#8212;&#8212; A mention of three articles by <i>Melber</i>.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">1.) Der Bericht des Dio Cassius &#252;ber d. gall. <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span>Kriege C&#228;sars.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">2.) Des Dio Cassius Bericht &#252;ber d. Seeschlacht d. D. Brutus geg. d. Veneter.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">3.) Dio Cassius &#252;ber d. letzten K&#228;mpfe geg. S. Pompejus, 36 v. Chr.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">(Jhrb. of I. M&#252;ller, 1897.)</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; Mention of a rearrangement favored by <i>Boissevain</i> (&quot;Ein
+verschobenes Fragment des Cassius Dio&quot;) who holds that a certain
+fragment, old style LXXV, 9, 6, properly belongs to the year 116 A.D.
+and to Trajan's expedition against the Parthians.</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1898.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">B&#252;ttner-Wobst.</span>&#8212;Dio corrected in regard to an episode in the
+siege of Ambracia, 189 B.C. (Philol., Vol. 57, part 3.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Ph. Fabia.</span>&#8212;An emendation and a change of order in Dio, LXI,
+6, 6. (Rev. de Phil., de Litt., et d'Hist. anciennes, 1898, book 2.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">J. Kromayer.</span>&#8212;Studies in the Second Triumvirate (Dio as a
+source). (Hermes, Vol. 33, part 1.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">B. K&#252;bler.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Boissevain</i>. (Dio, Vol. 2.&#8212;B.P.W.,
+Nov. 26 and Dec. 3.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">J. Vahlen.</span>&#8212;Varia. (Dio LV, 6 and 7, for date of death of
+M&#230;cenas). (Hermes, Vol. 33, part 2.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1899.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Wilh. Cr&#246;nert.</span>&#8212;-A study of 34 pp. on the transmission of the
+text of Dio. (Wiener Studien, 1899, book 1.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">K. Jacoby.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Boissevain</i>. (Dio, Vol. 1.&#8212;W. Kl.
+Ph., March 22.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p><b>1900.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Wilh. Cr&#246;nert.</span>&#8212;Criticism of Boissevain. (Rev. Crit., July
+2.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">C. Robert.</span>&#8212;On Dio LV, 10. (Hermes, Vol. 25, No. 4.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; On Dio XLVII, 17, 1. (Archiv. f. Papyrusforschung u. verw. Geb.,
+vol. 2, book 1.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; Observationes. (Philol., Vol. 59, No. 2.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; M&#233;langes (including Dio XXXVIII, 50, 4). (Wiener Studien, 22nd
+year, book 2.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">N. Vuli&#263;.</span>&#8212;A note on Cassius Dio, XXXVIII, 50, 4. (Wiener
+Studien, 22nd year, book 2, p. 314.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1901.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">C. Jullian.</span>&#8212;Dio's account of the surrender of Vercingetorix
+compared with others. (Rev. des Et. Anc., Vol. 3, No. 2.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">H. St. Sedimayer.</span>&#8212;Apocolocyntosis, i.e. Apotheosis per
+Satiram (Dio, LX, 35). (Wiener Studien, I, pp. 181-192.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1902.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">B. K&#252;bler.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>Boissevain</i>. (Dio, Vol. 3.&#8212;B.P.W.,
+Dec. 20.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; Reference to portraiture in Dio. (Philol., Vol. 61, No. 3.)</p>
+
+<p>&#8212;&#8212; Record of a new coin bearing the name of L. Munatius Plancus (cp.
+Dio XLVI, 50). (Numismat. Zeitschr., Vol. 34.)</p>
+
+
+<p><b>1903.</b></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">A. Bomer.</span>&#8212;An opinion to the effect that <span lang="el" title="Greek: Elisôn">&#917;&#955;&#953;&#963;&#969;&#957;</span> (Dio
+LIV, 33) is a corrupt reading for <span lang="el" title="Greek: Stibarna">&#931;&#964;&#953;&#946;&#945;&#961;&#957;&#945;</span> = Stever. (N. JB.
+f. d. kl. Alt., Gesch., u. deut. Lit., 6th year, part 3.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">S.B. Cougeas.</span>&#8212;An account of a new MS. of Xiphilinus (No. 812
+of the Iberian monastery on Mt. Athos. It is incomplete and ends at L,
+11, 3 of Dio). (<span lang="el" title="Greek: ATHÊNA">&#913;&#920;&#919;&#925;&#913;</span>, Vol. 15.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">H. Peter.</span>&#8212;A review of <i>G.M. Columba</i> (Cassio Dione e del
+guerre galliche di Cesare.&#8212;B.P.W., Sept. 5).</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="THE_ORIGINAL_ARRANGEMENT" id="THE_ORIGINAL_ARRANGEMENT"></a>THE ORIGINAL ARRANGEMENT</h2>
+
+<h3>of</h3>
+
+<h2>DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY</h2>
+
+<p style="text-align: center"><b>as conjectured by A. von Gutschmid (<i>Kleine Schriften</i>, V, p. 561).</b></p>
+
+<p style="text-align: center">&#160;</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>
+A. Rome under the Kings (Two Books).<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Book I, B.C. 753-673.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Book II, B.C. 672-510.</span><br />
+<br />
+B. Rome under a Republic (Thirty-nine Books).<br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">a.) To the End of the Second Punic War (Fifteen Books.)</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">1.) To the Beginning of the Second Samnite War (Five Books):</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book III, B.C. 509.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book IV, B.C. 508-493.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book V, B.C. 493-449.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book VI, B.C. 449-390.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book VII, B.C. 390-326.</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">2.) To the Beginning of the Second Punic War (Five Books):</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book VIII, B.C. 326-290.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book IX, B.C. 290-278.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book X, B.C. 277-264.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XI, B.C. 264-250.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XII, B.C. 250-219.</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">3.) To the End of the Second Punic War (Five Books):</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XIII, B.C. 219-218.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XIV, B.C. 218-217.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XV, B.C. 216-211.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XVI, B.C. 211-206.</span><br />
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XVII, B.C. 206-201.</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">b.) From the End of the Second Punic War (Twenty-four Books).</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">1.) To the Death of Gaius Gracchus (Eight Books):</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XVIII, B.C. 200-195.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XIX, B.C. 195-183.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XX, B.C. 183-149.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXI, B.C. 149-146.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXII, B.C. 145-140.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXIII, B.C. 139-133.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXIV, B.C. 133-124.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXV, B.C. 124-121.</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">2.) To the Dictatorship of Sulla (Eight Books):</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXVI, B.C. 120-106.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXVII, B.C. 105-101.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXVIII, B.C. 100-91.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXIX, B.C. 90-89.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXX, B.C. 88 (Happenings at Home).</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXI, B.C. 88 (Events Abroad) and 87 (Happenings at Home).</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXII, B.C. 87 (Events Abroad)-84.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXIII, B.C. 84-82.</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">3.) To the Battle of Pharsalus (Eight Books):</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXIV, B.C. 81-79.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXV, B.C. 78-70.</span><br />
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXVI, B.C. 69-66.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXVII, B.C. 65-60.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXVIII, B.C. 59-58.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XXXIX, B.C. 57-54 (= a.u. 700) (Happenings at Home).</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XL, B.C. 54 (Events Abroad)-50.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLI, B.C. 49-48.</span><br />
+<br />
+C. Rome under Political Factions and under the Monarchy (Thirty-nine Books).<br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">a.) To the Death of Augustus (Fifteen Books).</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">1.) To the Triumvirate (Five Books):</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLII, B.C. 48-47.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLIII, B.C. 46-44.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLIV, B.C. 44.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLV, B.C. 44-43.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLVI, B.C. 43.</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">2.) To the Bestowal of the Imperial Title upon Augustus (Five Books):</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLVII, B.C. 43-42.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLVIII, B.C. 42-37.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book XLIX, B.C. 36-33.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book L, B.C. 32-Sept. 2, B.C. 31.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LI, Sept. 2, B.C. 31-29 (= a.u. 725) (Events Abroad).</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">3.) To the Death of Augustus (Five Books):</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LII, B.C. 29 (Happenings at Home).</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LIII, B.C. 28-23.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LIV, B.C. 22-10.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LV, B.C. 9-A.D. 8.</span><br />
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LVI, A.D. 9-14.</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">b.) From the Death of Augustus (Twenty-four Books).</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">1.) To Vespasian (Eight Books):</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LVII, A.D. 14-25.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LVIII, A.D. 26-37.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LIX, A.D. 37-41.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LX, A.D. 41-46.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXI, A.D. 47 (= a.u. 800)-59.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXII, A.D. 59-68.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXIII, A.D. 68-69</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXIV, A.D. 69-70.</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">2.) To Commodus (Eight Books):</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXV, A.D. 70-79.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXVI, A.D. 79-81.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXVII, A.D. 81-96.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXVIII, A.D. 96-117.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXIX, A.D. 117-138.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXX, A.D. 138-161.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXI, A.D. 161-169.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXII, A.D. 169-180.</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 3.5em;">3.) To Dio's Second Consulate (Eight Books).</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXIII, A.D. 180-192.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXIV, A.D. 193.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXV, A.D. 193-197.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXVI, A.D. 197-211.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXVII, A.D. 211-217.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXVIII, A.D. 217-218.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXIX, A.D. 218-222.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 6.5em;">Book LXXX, A.D. 222-229.</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span>
+</p>
+<h2><a name="AN_EPITOME" id="AN_EPITOME"></a>AN EPITOME</h2>
+
+<h3>of</h3>
+
+<h2>THE LOST BOOKS I-XXI OF DIO</h2>
+
+<h3>as found in the</h3>
+
+<h2>CHRONICON</h2>
+
+<h3>of</h3>
+
+<h2>IOANNES ZONARAS.</h2>
+
+<hr style="width: 35%;" />
+
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h3><i>(BOOK 1, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 1</span>VII, 1.&#8212;&#198;neas after the Trojan war came
+to the Aborigines, who were the former inhabitants of the land wherein
+Rome has been built and at that time had Latinus, the son of Faunus,
+as their sovereign. He came ashore at Laurentum, by the mouth of the
+river Numicius, where in obedience to some oracle he is said to have
+made preparations to dwell.</p>
+
+<p>The ruler of the land, Latinus, interfered with &#198;neas's settling in
+the land, but after a sharp struggle was defeated. Then in accordance
+with dreams that appeared to both leaders they effected a
+reconciliation and the king beside permitting &#198;neas to reside there
+gave him his daughter Lavinia in marriage. Thereupon &#198;neas founded a
+city which he named Lavinium and the country was called Latium and the
+people there were termed Latins. But the Rutuli who occupied adjoining
+territory had been previously hostile to the Latins, and now they set
+out from the city of Ardea with warlike demonstrations. They had the
+support of no less distinguished a man than Turnus, a relative of
+Latinus, who had taken a dislike to Latinus because of Lavinia's
+marriage, for it was to him that the maiden had originally been
+promised. A battle took place, Turnus and Latinus fell, and &#198;neas
+gained the victory and his father-in-law's kingdom as well. After a
+time, however, the Rutuli secured the Etruscans as allies and marched
+upon &#198;neas. They won in this war. &#198;neas vanished, being seen no more
+alive or dead, and was honored as a god by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> Latins. Hence he has
+come to be regarded by the Romans as the fountain head of their race
+and they take pride in being called &quot;Sons of &#198;neas.&quot; The Latin domain
+fell in direct succession to his son Ascanius who had accompanied his
+father from home. &#198;neas had not yet had any child by Lavinia, but left
+her pregnant. Ascanius was enclosed round about by the enemy, but by
+night the Latins attacked them and ended both the siege and the war.</p>
+
+<p>As time went on the Latin nation increased in size, and the majority
+of the people abandoned Lavinium to build another town in a better
+location. To it they gave the name of Alba from its whiteness and from
+its length they called it Longa (or, as Greeks would say, &quot;white&quot; and
+&quot;long&quot;).</p>
+
+<p>At the death of Ascanius the Latins gave the preference in the matter
+of royal power to the son borne to &#198;neas by Lavinia over the son of
+Ascanius, their preference being founded on the fact that Latinus was
+his grandfather. The new king's name was Silvius. Silvius begat &#198;neas,
+from &#198;neas sprang Latinus, and Latinus was succeeded by Pastis.
+Tiberinus, who came subsequently to be ruler, lost his life by falling
+into a river called the Albula. This river was renamed <i>Tiber</i> from
+him. It flows through Rome and is of great value to the city and in
+the highest degree useful to the Romans. Amulius, a descendant of
+Tiberinus, displayed an overweening pride and had the audacity to
+deify himself, pretending an ability to answer thunder with thunder by
+mechanical contrivances and to lighten in response to the lightnings
+and to hurl thunderbolts. He met his end by the overflow<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> of the lake
+beside which his palace was set, and both he and the palace were
+submerged in the sudden rush of waters. Aventinus his son perished in
+warfare.</p>
+
+<p>So far the account concerns Lavinium and the people of Alba. At the
+beginning of Roman history we see Numitor and Amulius, who were
+grandsons of Aventinus and descendants of &#198;neas.</p>
+
+
+<h3><i>(BOOK 2, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 672<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 82)</span>VII, 6.&#8212;When Numa died leaving no
+successor, Tullus Hostilius was chosen by the people and the senate.
+He followed in the footsteps of Romulus, and both welcomed combats
+himself and encouraged the people to do the same. The Albanians having
+become the victims of a marauding expedition on the part of the the
+Romans, both sides proceeded into battle; before they came into actual
+conflict, however, they effected a reconciliation and both races
+decided to dwell together in one city. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 6<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">but as each clung to his own town and insisted that the other race
+should remove to it, they failed of their object. next they disputed
+about the leadership</span>. As neither one would yield it to the other,
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 6<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">they arranged to have a contest for
+the sovereignty</span>. They did not care to fight with entire armies
+nor yet to let the decision be made by a duel of champions. But there
+were on both sides brethren born three at a birth, the offspring of
+twin mothers, of like age and alike in strength: the Roman brethren
+were called Publihoratii and the Albanian Curiatii. These they set
+into battle over against one another, paying no heed to their
+relationship. So they, having armed themselves and having arrayed
+themselves in opposing files in the vacant space between the camps,
+called upon the same family gods and cast repeated glances upward at
+the sun. Having joined issue they fought now in groups, now in pairs.
+Finally, when two of the Romans had fallen and all of the Al<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span>banians
+had been wounded, the remaining Horatius, because he could not
+withstand the three at once, even were he unwounded, gave way in order
+that in pursuing him they might be scattered. And when they had become
+separated in the pursuit, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 6<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">attacking
+each one</span> he despatched them all. Then he was given honors. But
+because he further killed his sister when she lamented on seeing
+Horatius carrying the spoils of her cousins, he was tried for murder;
+and having taken an appeal to the people he was released.</p>
+
+<p>The Albanians now became subjects of the Romans, but later they
+disregarded the compact; and having been summoned, in their capacity
+of subjects, to serve as allies, they attempted at the crisis of the
+battle to desert to the enemy and to join in the attack upon the
+Romans. They were detected, however, and punished: many (including
+their leader, Mettius) were put to death, and the rest suffered
+deportation; their city Alba was razed to the ground, after being
+deemed for five hundred years the mother city of the Romans.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 6<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">now against the enemy tullus was
+thought to be very efficient, but he neglected religion. when,
+however, a pestilence was incurred and he himself fell sick, he turned
+aside to a godfearing course.</span> He is said to have reached the end
+of his life by being consumed by lightning<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> or else as the result of
+a plot formed by Ancus Marcius, who happened to be (as has been
+stated) a son of Numa's daughter. He was king of the Romans thirty-two
+years.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span></p>
+<p>VII, 7.&#8212;When Hostilius died, Marcius succeeded to the kingdom,
+receiving it as a voluntary gift from the Romans. And he was not
+perfect in his arm, for he was maimed at the joint (or bend), whence
+he got the title Ancus (bent arm). Though gentle he was compelled to
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 7</span><span class="smcap">change his habits</span> and he turned
+his attention to campaigns. For the rest of the Latins, on account of
+the destruction of Alba and in fear that they themselves might suffer
+some similar disaster, were angry at the Romans. As long as Tullus
+survived, they humbled themselves, dreading his reputation for
+warfare: but thinking that Marcius was easy to attack because of his
+peaceful disposition, they assailed his territory and pillaged it. He,
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 7</span><span class="smcap">comprehending that peace could be
+caused by war</span>, attacked the attackers, defended his position, and
+captured their cities, one of which he razed to the ground, and
+treated many of the men taken as slaves and transferred many others to
+Rome. As the Romans grew and land was added to their domain, the
+neighboring peoples were displeased and set themselves at odds with
+the Romans. Hence the latter had to overcome the Fidenates by siege,
+and they damaged the Sabines by falling upon them while scattered and
+seizing their camp, and by terrifying others they got them to embrace
+peace even contrary to inclination. After this the life-stint of
+Marcius was exhausted, when he had ruled for twenty-four years, being
+a man that paid strict attention to religion according to the manner
+of his grandfather Numa.</p>
+
+<p>VII, 8.&#8212;The sovereignty was now appropriated by Lucius Tarquinius,
+who was the son of Demaratus a Corinthian, borne to the latter by a
+native woman<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> after he had been exiled and had taken up his abode in
+Tarquinii, an Etruscan city; the boy had been named Lucumo. And though
+he inherited much wealth from his father, yet, because as an immigrant
+he was not deemed worthy of the highest offices by the people of
+Tarquinii, he removed to Rome, changing his appellation along with his
+city; and he changed his name to Lucius Tarquinius,&#8212;from the city in
+which he dwelt. It is said that as he was journeying to his new home
+an eagle swooped down and snatched the cap which he had on his head,
+and after soaring aloft and screaming for some time placed it again
+exactly upon his head: wherefore he was inspired to hope for no small
+advancement and eagerly took up his residence in Rome. Hence not long
+after he was numbered among the foremost men. <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 8</span><span class="smcap">for by using his wealth quite lavishly and by
+winning over the nobles through his intelligence and wit he was
+included among the patricians and in the senate by marcius, was
+appointed pr&#230;tor, and was entrusted with the supervision of the king's
+children and of the kingdom. he showed himself an excellent man,
+sharing his money with those in need and bestowing his services
+readily if any one needed him to help. he neither did nor said
+anything mean to any one. if he received a kindness from persons he
+made much of the attention, whereas if any offence was offered him, he
+either disregarded the injury or minimized it and made light of it,
+and far from making reprisals upon the man that had done the injury,
+he would</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> <span class="smcap">even benefit him. thus he came to dominate both marcius
+himself and his circle, and acquired the reputation of being a
+sensible and upright man.</span></p>
+
+<p>But the aforesaid estimate of him did not continue permanently. For at
+the death of Marcius he behaved in a knavish way to the latter's two
+sons and made the kingdom his own. The senate and the people were
+intending to elect the children of Marcius, when Tarquinius made
+advances to the most influential of the senators;&#8212;he had first sent
+the fatherless boys to some distant point on a hunting
+expedition:&#8212;and by his talk and his efforts he got these men to vote
+him the kingdom on the understanding that he would restore it to the
+children when they had attained manhood. And after assuming control of
+affairs he so disposed the Romans that they should never wish to
+choose the children in preference to him: the lads he accustomed to
+indolence and ruined their souls and bodies by a kind of kindness. As
+he still felt afraid in spite of being so placed, he secured some
+extra strength for himself in the senate. Those of the populace who
+felt friendly towards him he enrolled (to the number of about two
+hundred) among the patricians and the senators, and thus he put both
+the senate and the people within his own control. He altered his
+raiment, likewise, to a more magnificent style. It consisted of toga
+and tunic, purple all over and shot with gold, of a crown of precious
+stones set in gold, and of ivory sceptre and chair, which were later
+used by various officials and especially by those that held sway as
+emperors. He also on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> occasion of a triumph paraded with a
+four-horse chariot and kept twelve lictors for life.</p>
+
+<p>He would certainly have introduced still other and more numerous
+innovations, had not Attus Navius prevented him, when he desired to
+rearrange the tribes: this man was an augur whose equal has never been
+seen. Tarquinius, angry at his opposition, took measures to abase him
+and to bring his art into contempt. So, putting into his bosom a
+whetstone and a razor, he went among the populace having in his mind
+that the whetstone should be cut by the razor,&#8212;a thing that is
+impossible. He said all that he wished, and when Attus vehemently
+opposed him, he said, still yielding not a particle: &quot;If you are not
+opposing me out of quarrelsomeness, but are speaking the truth, answer
+me in the presence of all these witnesses whether what I have in mind
+to do shall be performed.&quot; Attus, having taken an augury on almost the
+very spot, replied immediately: &quot;Verily, O King, what you intend shall
+be fulfilled.&quot; &quot;Well, then,&quot; said the other, &quot;take this whetstone and
+cut it through with this razor; this is what I have had in mind to
+come to pass.&quot; Attus at once took the stone and cut it through.
+Tarquinius, in admiration, heaped various honors upon him, accorded
+him the privilege of a bronze image, and did not again make any change
+in the established constitution, but employed Attus as a counselor on
+all matters.</p>
+
+<p>He fought against the Latins who had revolted, and afterwards against
+the Sabines, who, aided by the Etruscans as allies, had invaded the
+Roman country;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> and he conquered them all. He discovered that one of
+the priestesses of Vesta, who are required by custom to remain virgins
+all their life, had been seduced by a man, whereupon he arranged a
+kind of underground chamber with a long passage, and after placing in
+it a bed, a light, and a table nearly full of foods, he brought
+thither the unchaste woman escorted by a procession and having
+introduced her alive into the room walled it up. From his institution
+this plan of punishing those of the priestesses that do not keep their
+virginity has continued to prevail. The men that outrage them have
+their necks inserted in cloven pillars in the Forum, and then are
+maltreated naked until they give up the ghost.</p>
+
+<p>However, an attack was made upon Tarquinius by the children of Marcius
+because he would not yield the sovereignty to them, but instead placed
+a certain Tullius, borne to him by a slave woman, at the head of them
+all. This more than anything else displeased the patricians. The young
+men interested some of the latter class in their cause and formed a
+plot against the king. They arrayed two men like rustics, equipped
+with axes and scythes, and made them ready to attack him. So these
+two, when they did not find Tarquinius in the Forum, went to the royal
+court (pretending, of course, to have a dispute with each other) and
+asked for admission to his presence. Their request was granted and
+they began to make opposing arguments, and while Tarquinius was giving
+his attention to one of them pleading his cause, the other slew him.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>VII, 9.&#8212;Such was the end that befell Tarquinius who had ruled for
+thirty-eight years. By the co&#246;peration of Tanaquil, wife of
+Tarquinius, Tullius succeeded to the kingdom of Rome. He was the child
+of a certain woman named Ocrisia, the wife of Spurius Tullius, a
+Latin; she had been captured in the war and chosen by Tarquinius: she
+had either become pregnant at home or conceived after her capture;
+both stories are current. When Tullius had reached boyhood he went to
+sleep on a chair once in the daytime and a quantity of fire seemed to
+leap from his head. Tarquinius, seeing it, took an active interest in
+the child and on his arriving at maturity had him enrolled among the
+patricians and in the senate.</p>
+
+<p>The murderers of Tarquinius were arrested and his wife and Tullius
+learned the plan of the plot; but instead of making Tarquinius's death
+known at once, they took him up and tended him (pretending that he was
+still alive), and meantime exchanged mutual pledges that Tullius
+should take the sovereignty but surrender it to Tanaquil's sons when
+they became men. And when the multitude ran together and raised an
+outcry, Tanaquil, leaning out of an upper story, said: &quot;Be not afraid.
+My husband both lives and shall be seen by you shortly. But in order
+that he may regain health at leisure and that no hindrance to business
+may arise from his being incapacitated, he entrusts the management of
+the public weal for the present to Tullius.&quot; These were her words and
+the people not unwillingly accepted Tullius: for he was thought to be
+an upright man.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>So, having been granted the administration of public affairs, he
+managed them for the most part according to orders supposed to emanate
+from Tarquinius. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 9</span><span class="smcap">but when he saw the
+people obeying him in all points</span>, he brought the assassins of
+Tarquinius before the senate, though, to be sure, only because of
+their plot; for he was still pretending that the king was still alive.
+They were sentenced and put to death, and the sons of Marcius through
+fear took refuge among the Volsci. Then did Tullius reveal the death
+of Tarquinius and openly take possession of the kingdom. At first he
+put forward the children of Tarquinius as his excuse and caused it to
+be understood that he was the guardian of their royal office, but
+afterward he proceeded to pay court to the people, believing that he
+could secure control of the multitude very much more easily than of
+the patricians. He gave them money, assigned land to each individual,
+and made preparations to free the slaves and adopt them into tribes.
+As the nobles were irritated at this, he gave instructions that those
+liberated should perform some services, in requital, for the men that
+had liberated them. Now since the patricians were disaffected in the
+matter of his aspirations and circulated among other sayings one to
+the effect that no one had chosen him to hold the sovereignty, he
+gathered the people and harangued them. And by the use of many
+alluring statements he so disposed them toward himself that they at
+once voted the kingdom to him outright. He in return bestowed many
+gifts upon them and enrolled some of them in the senate.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span> These
+originally in most matters were at a disadvantage as compared with the
+patricians, but as time went on they shared equally with the
+patricians in everything save the office of interrex and the
+priesthoods, and were distinguished from them in no respect except by
+their shoes. For the shoes of the patricians were made ornate by the
+addition of straps and the imprint of the letter, which were intended
+to signify that they were descended from the original hundred men that
+had been senators. The letter R, they say, either indicates the number
+of the hundred men referred to or else is used as the initial of the
+name of the Romans.</p>
+
+<p>In this way Tullius gained control of the populace, but fearing that
+some rebellion might take place he delivered the greater number and
+the more important of the public positions to the care of the more
+powerful citizens. Thus they became harmonious in their views and
+transacted the public business in the best manner. He also conducted a
+few wars against the Veians and against all the Etruscans, in the
+course of which nothing was done worthy of record. Wishing to
+affiliate the Latins still more closely with the Romans he persuaded
+them to construct in Rome a temple out of common funds. This he
+devoted to Minerva. But differences arose in regard to its
+superintendence. Meantime a Sabine brought to Rome an exceedingly fine
+cow, intending to sacrifice her to Minerva in accordance with an
+oracle. The oracle said that he who should sacrifice her would enlarge
+his country. One of the Romans learning this went to the man and told<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span>
+him that it was requisite for the victim first to be purified in the
+river, and by his talk persuaded him. Having persuaded him he took the
+cow under the pretence of keeping her safe and having taken her he
+sacrificed her. When the Sabine made known the oracle the Latins both
+yielded the presidency of the shrine to the Romans and in other ways
+honored them as superior to themselves.</p>
+
+<p>This was the course these matters took. Now Tullius joined his
+daughters in marriage with the Tarquins, and though he announced that
+he was going to restore the kingdom to them he kept putting it off,
+now on one excuse and now on another. And they were not at all
+disposed to be complaisant, but were indignant. The king paid no heed
+to them and urged the Romans to democracy and freedom. Then were the
+Tarquins all the more disquieted. But the younger one, however ill at
+ease he was, still endured it, until in the course of time he thought
+he could bear Tullius no longer. And when he found that his wife did
+not approve his attitude, nor did his brother, he put to death his own
+wife <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">and compassed his brother's
+death by poison administered by the latter's wife</span>. Then, uniting
+his fortunes with his brother's spouse, he plotted with her help
+against Tullius. After persuading many of the senators and patricians
+whose reputations were under a cloud to co&#246;perate with him against
+Tullius he unexpectedly repaired with them to the senate, his wife
+Tullia also following him. He there spoke many words to remind them of
+his father's worth and uttered many<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> jests at the expense of Tullius.
+When the latter on hearing of it hastily made his appearance and said
+a word or two, the pretender seized him, and thrusting him out cast
+him down the steps in front of the senate-house. So the king,
+bewildered by the audacity of Tarquin and surprised that no one came
+to his assistance, did not say or do anything more. Tarquin at once
+obtained the kingdom from the senate, and sent some men who despatched
+Tullius while he was on his way home. The latter's daughter, after
+embracing her husband in the senate-house and saluting him as king,
+departed to the palace and drove her chariot over the dead body of her
+father as he lay there.</p>
+
+<p>VII, 10.&#8212;Thus ruled Tullius and thus he died after a reign of
+forty-four years. Tarquin, who succeeded to the kingdom, stationed
+body-guards around him after the manner of Romulus, and used them both
+night and day, at home and abroad. For, as a result of what he had
+done to his father-in-law, and his wife to her father, they in turn
+were afraid of other people. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">and
+when he had equipped himself to rule over them tyrannically he
+arrested and put to death the most powerful members of the senate and
+of the rest, executing publicly those against whom he was able to
+bring a charge, and others secretly; some also he banished. he
+destroyed not merely those who were attached to the party of tullius,
+but in addition those who had co&#246;perated with him in securing the
+monarchy, and thus he made away with the best part of the senate and
+of the knights. he understood<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> that he was hated by the entire
+populace; hence he did not appoint any persons whatever to take the
+places of those who kept perishing, but undertaking to abolish the
+senate altogether he did not appoint a single new person to it and
+communicated no news of importance to those who still were members. he
+called the senators together not to help him in the administration of
+any important measures, but in order that their fewness might be made
+evident to all and they be consequently despised. most of his business
+he carried on by himself or with the aid of his sons. it was hard to
+approach and hard to accost him, and he showed great haughtiness and
+brutality toward all alike, and he as well as his children adopted a
+more tyrannical bearing toward all persons.</span> Hence he also cast
+eyes of suspicion upon the members of his guard and secured a new
+body-guard from the Latin nation, intermingling the Latins with Romans
+in the ranks. He intended that the Latins by obtaining equal
+privileges with the Romans should owe him gratitude therefor, and that
+the Romans should cause him less terror, since they no longer had a
+place of their own but bore arms only in association with the Latins.</p>
+
+<p>He also joined battle with the people of Gabii and fared ill in the
+conflict, but by treachery overcame them; for he suggested to his son
+Sextus that he desert to their side. Sextus, in order to get some
+plausible pretext for the desertion, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">reviled his father publicly as a tyrant and foresworn</span>, and
+the latter flogged his son and took measures of defence. Then,
+according to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> arrangement, the son made his treacherous desertion to
+the people of Gabii, taking along with him money and companions. The
+enemy believed the trick on account of the cruelty of Tarquin and
+because at this time the son spoke many words of truth in abusing his
+father and by his conduct seemed to have become thoroughly estranged
+from him. So they were very glad to receive him, and in his company
+made many incursions into Roman territory and did it no slight damage.
+For this reason and because he privately furnished some persons with
+money and spent it lavishly for public purposes he was chosen pr&#230;tor
+by them and was entrusted with the management of the government among
+them. At that he secretly sent a man and acquainted his father with
+what had occurred, asking him for his intentions with regard to the
+future. The king made no answer to the emissary, in order that he
+might not, being equally informed, either willingly or unwillingly
+reveal something; but leading him into a garden where there were
+poppies he struck off with a rod the heads that were prominent and
+strewed the ground with them; hereupon he dismissed the
+message-bearer. The latter, without comprehending the affair, repeated
+the king's actions to Sextus, and he understood the sense of the
+suggestion. Therefore he destroyed the more eminent men of Gabii, some
+secretly by poison, others by robbers (supposedly), and still others
+he put to death after judicial trial by contriving against them false
+accusations of traitorous dealings with his father.</p>
+
+<p>Thus did Sextus visit sorrow upon the men of Gabii and destroyed their
+superior citizens, distributing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> their money among the crowd. Later,
+when some had already perished and the rest had been cozened and
+thoroughly believed in him, assisted by the Roman captives and the
+deserters (many of whom he had gathered for his projects), he seized
+the city and surrendered it to his father. The king bestowed it upon
+his son, but himself made war upon other nations.</p>
+
+<p>VII, 11.&#8212;The oracles of the Sibyl to the Romans he obtained even
+against his will. A woman whom they called Sibyl, gifted with divine
+inspiration, came to Rome bringing <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">three or nine</span> books, offered these to Tarquin for purchase,
+and stated the value of the books. As he paid no attention to her, she
+burned one or three of the books. When again Tarquin scorned her, she
+destroyed part of the rest in a similar way. And she was about to burn
+up also those still left when the augurs compelled him to purchase the
+few that were intact. He bought these for the price for which he might
+have secured them all, and delivered them to two senators to keep. As
+they did not entirely understand the contents, they sent to Greece and
+hired two men to come from there to read and interpret these things.
+The dwellers in the vicinity, desiring to learn what was revealed by
+the books, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">managed to bribe marcus
+acilius,<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> one of the custodians, and had some statements copied out.
+the affair became public and marcus after being thrown into two hides
+sewn together</span> was drowned (and beginning with him this punishment
+has ever since prevailed in the case of parricides), in order that
+earth nor water nor sun might be defiled by his death.</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span></p>
+<p>The temple on the Tarpeian rock he constructed according to the vow of
+his father. And the earth having yawned even to the substructure of
+the foundations there appeared the head of a man freshly slain, still
+with blood in it. Accordingly the Romans sent to a soothsayer of
+Etruria to ask what was signified by the phenomenon. And he, desiring
+to make the portent apply to Etruria, made a diagram upon the ground
+and in it laid out the plan of Rome and the Tarpeian rock. He intended
+to ask the envoys: &quot;Is this Rome? Is this the Rock? Was the head found
+here?&quot; They would suspect nothing and agree in their assent, and so
+the efficacy of the portent would be transferred to the place where it
+had been shown in the diagram. This was his design, but the envoys
+learned from his son what his device was, and when the question was
+put to them, they answered: &quot;The settlement of Rome is not here, but
+in Latium, and the hill is in the country of the Romans, and the head
+was found on that hill.&quot; Thus the design of the soothsayer was
+thwarted and they learned the whole truth and reported it to their
+fellow-citizens, to wit, that they should be very powerful and rule
+very many people. So this was another event that imbued them with
+hope. Then the hill was renamed by them &quot;Capitolium&quot;: for <i>capita</i> in
+the Roman speech means &quot;the head.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>Needing money for the building of the temple Tarquin waged war upon
+the inhabitants of Ardea; but from it he gained no money, and he was
+driven out of the kingdom. Signs also came in his way that indicated
+his expulsion. Out of his garden vultures<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> drove the young of eagles,
+and in the men's hall, where he was having a banquet with his friends,
+a huge serpent appeared and caused him and his companions at table to
+decamp. In consequence of this he sent his sons Titus and Aruns to
+Delphi. But as Apollo declared that he should not be driven from his
+domain till a dog should use human speech, he was elated with hopes
+for the best, thinking that the oracle could never be fulfilled.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>5</sup></span><span class="smcap">now lucius junius was a son of
+tarquin's sister; his father and brother tarquin had killed. so he,
+fearing for his own person, feigned madness, employing this means of
+safety as a screen for his life. hence he was dubbed brutus, for this
+is the name by which the latins are accustomed to call idiots. while
+pretending to be mad he was taken along as a plaything by the children
+of tarquin, when they journeyed to delphi. and he said that he was
+carrying a votive offering to the god; this was a staff, apparently
+possessing no point of excellence</span>, so that he became a laughing
+stock for it all the more. It furnished a kind of image of the
+affliction that he feigned. For he had hollowed it out and had
+secretly poured in gold, indicating thereby that the disesteem which
+he suffered for his madness served to conceal a sound and estimable
+intelligence. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>7</sup></span><span class="smcap">to the query of the
+sons of tarquin as to who should succeed to their father's sovereignty
+the god replied that the first who kissed his mother should obtain the
+power. and brutus, comprehending, fell down as if accidentally and
+cov</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span><span class="smcap">ered the earth with kisses, rightly deeming her to be the mother
+of all.</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 10<sup>8</sup></span><span class="smcap">this brutus overthrew the
+tarquins</span>, taking as his justification the case of Lucretia,
+though these rulers were even without that hated by all for their
+tyrannous and violent characteristics. Lucretia was a daughter of
+Lucretius Spurius, a man that was a member of the senate, and she was
+wife of the distinguished Tarquinius Collatinus and was renowned, as
+it chanced, for her beauty and chastity. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span>
+10<sup>8</sup></span><span class="smcap">sextus, the son of tarquin, set his heart upon outraging
+her, not so much because he was inspired with passion by her beauty as
+because he chose to plot against her chaste reputation. so, having
+watched for collatinus to be away from home, he came by night to her
+and lodged at her house, since she was the wife of a relative. and
+first he tried by persuasion to secure illicit pleasure from her and
+then he resorted to violence. as he could not succeed, he threatened
+to cut her throat. but inasmuch as she despised death, he threatened
+furthermore to lay a slave beside her and to kill them both and to
+spread the report that he had found them sleeping together and killed
+them. this rendered lucretia distraught, and in fear that this might
+be believed to have so happened she surrendered. and after the act of
+adultery she placed a dagger beneath the pillow and sent for her
+husband and her father. when they came, accompanied by brutus and
+publius valerius, she shed many tears and with moans related the
+entire transaction. then she added: &quot;and i will treat my case as
+be</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span><span class="smcap">comes me, but do you, if you are men, avenge me, yourselves, and
+show the tyrants what manner of creatures you are and what manner of
+woman they have outraged.&quot; having spoken to this effect she
+immediately drew the dagger from its hiding place and killed
+herself.</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h3><i>(BOOK 4, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p>VII, 13.&#8212;The Sabines, however, because of wrath at their treatment,
+did not keep quiet even through the winter, but overran Roman
+territory and damaged the forces of Postumius when he was for the
+second time consul. And they would absolutely have captured him, had
+not Menenius Agrippa, his colleague, come to his aid. And assaulting
+them they killed a number, with the result that the rest withdrew.
+After this Spurius Cassius and Opiter Verginius as consuls made peace
+with the Sabines. And capturing the city of Camerium they executed
+most of the inhabitants; the remnant they took alive and sold, and
+razed the city to the ground.</p>
+
+<p>Postumius Cominius and Titus Larcius arrested and put to death some
+slaves who were hatching a conspiracy to seize the Capitoline. Servius
+Sulpicius and Marcus Tullius in their turn anticipated a second
+conspiracy composed of slaves and some others that had joined them,
+for it was reported to the consuls by certain men privy to the plot.
+They surrounded and overpowered the conspirators and cut them down. To
+the informers citizenship and other rewards were given.</p>
+
+<p>When a new war was stirred up on the part of the Latins against Rome,
+the people, demanding that a cancellation of debts be authorized,
+refused to take up arms. Therefore the nobles then for the first time
+established a new office to have jurisdiction over both<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> classes.
+Dictator was the name given to the person entitled to the position,
+and he possessed all powers as much as had the kings. People hated the
+name of king on account of the Tarquins, but being anxious for the
+benefit to be derived from sole leadership (which seemed to exert a
+potent influence amid conditions of war and revolution), they chose it
+under another name. Hence the dictatorship was, as has been said, so
+far as its authority went, equivalent to kingship, except that the
+dictator might not ride on horseback unless he were about to start on
+a campaign, and was not permitted to make any expenditure from the
+public funds unless the right were specially voted. He might try men
+and put them to death at home and on campaigns, and not merely such as
+belonged to the populace, but also members of the knights and of the
+senate itself. No one had the power to make any complaint against him
+nor to take any action hostile to him,&#8212;no, not even the
+tribunes,&#8212;and no case could be appealed from him. The office of
+dictator extended for a period of not more than six months, to the end
+that no such official by spending much time in the midst of so much
+power and unhampered authority should become haughty and plunge
+headlong into a passion for sole leadership. This was what happened
+later to Julius C&#230;sar, when contrary to lawful precedent he had been
+approved for the dictatorship.</p>
+
+<p>VII, 14.&#8212;At this time, consequently, when Larcius became dictator,
+the populace made no uprising but presented themselves under arms.
+When, however, the Latins came to terms and were now in a quiescent
+state,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> the lenders proceeded to treat the debtors more harshly and
+the populace for this reason again rebelled and even came running in a
+throng into the senate. And all the senators would there have perished
+at the hands of the inrushing mob, had not some persons at this
+juncture reported that the Volsci had invaded the country. In the face
+of such news the populace became calm, not regarding this action,
+however, in the light of clemency to the senate, for they felt sure
+that that body would almost immediately be destroyed by the enemy.
+Hence they did not take the trouble to man the walls nor render any
+assistance until Servilius released the prisoners held for default of
+payments and decreed a suspension of taxes for as long as the campaign
+lasted and promised to reduce the debts. Then in consequence of these
+concessions they proceeded against the enemy and won the day.
+Inasmuch, however, as they were not relieved of their debts and in
+general could obtain no decent treatment, they again raised a clamor
+and grew full of wrath and made an uprising against both the senate
+and the pr&#230;tors.</p>
+
+<p>But at the approach of another war the pr&#230;tors decreed a cancellation
+of debts: others opposed this measure: and so Marcus Valerius was
+named dictator. He was of the kindred of Poplicola and was beloved by
+the people. Then, indeed, so many gathered, animated with such zeal
+(for he had promised them prizes, too), that they overran not only the
+Sabines, but the Volsci and &#198;qui who were allied with them. As a
+sequel, the populace voted many honors to Valerius, one of which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> was
+their bestowal of the title Maximus. This name, translated into Greek,
+signifies &quot;greatest.&quot; And he, wishing to do the populace some favors,
+made many addresses to the senate but could not get it to follow his
+guidance. Consequently he rushed out of the senatorial assembly in a
+rage, and after making to the populace a long speech against the
+senate resigned his command. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 16<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">and
+the populace was all the more provoked to revolt. as for the
+money-lenders, by insisting in the case of debts upon the very letter
+of the agreement and refusing to make any concession to those who owed
+them they both failed to secure the exact amount and were disappointed
+in many other hopes. for poverty and the resulting desperation is a
+heavy curse, and is, if it spreads among a large number of people,
+very difficult to combat. now the cause of most of the troubles that
+befell the romans lay in the unyielding attitude adopted at this time
+by the more powerful toward their inferiors.</span> For as the military
+contingent came to be hard pressed by dint of campaigns and was
+baffled out and out in frequent hopes frequently entertained, and the
+debtors were repeatedly abused and maltreated by the money-lenders,
+the people became inflamed to such a pitch of fury that many of the
+destitute abandoned the city, withdrew from the camp, <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 16<sup>5</sup></span><span class="smcap">and like enemies gathered their subsistence
+from the country</span>.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">when this situation had been brought about, since numbers came
+flocking to the side of the revolutionists, the senators, dreading
+that the latter might become more estranged and the neighboring
+tribes</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> <span class="smcap">join their rebellion for purposes of attack, made propositions
+to them in which they promised everything that the senate was
+empowered to do for them. but when they displayed the utmost audacity
+and would accept no offer, one of the envoys, agrippa menenius, begged
+them to hearken to a fable. having obtained their consent he spoke as
+follows. once all the members of the body began a contention against
+the belly. and the eyes said: &quot;we give the hands the power to work and
+the feet the power to go.&quot; and the tongue and the lips: &quot;through us
+the counsels of the heart are made known.&quot; and then the ears: &quot;through
+us the words of others are despatched to the mind.&quot; and the hands: &quot;we
+are the workers and lay up stores of wealth.&quot; and finally the feet:
+&quot;we tire ourselves out carrying the whole body in journeys and while
+working and while standing.&quot; and all in a chorus: &quot;while we labor so,
+thou alone, free from contribution and labor, like a mistress art
+served by us all and the fruit of all our labors thou thyself alone
+dost enjoy.&quot; the belly herself admitted that this was so, and said
+she: &quot;if you like, leave me unsupplied and make me no presents.&quot; this
+proposition suited, and the members voted never more to supply the
+belly by their common effort. when no food was presented to her, the
+hands were not nimble to work, being relaxed on account of the failure
+of the belly, nor were the feet possessed of strength, nor did any
+other of the limbs show its normal activity uninjured, but all were
+inefficient, slow, or completely motionless. and then they
+comprehended that the</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span> <span class="smcap">presents made to the belly had been supplied
+not more to her than to themselves and that each one of them
+incidentally enjoys the benefit conferred upon her.</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 16<sup>5</sup></span><span class="smcap">through these words the populace
+was made to comprehend that the abundance of the prosperous tends also
+to the advantage of the poor, and that even though the former be
+advantaged by their loans and so increase their abundance, the outcome
+of this is not hurtful to the interests of the many; since, if it were
+not for the wealthy owning property, the poor would not have in times
+of need persons to lend to them and would perish under the pressure of
+want. accordingly they became milder and reached an agreement, the
+senate for its part voting a reduction in their debts and a release
+from seizure of property.</span></p>
+
+<p>VII, 15.&#8212;They feared, however, that when their society had been
+disbanded they might either find the agreements not effectual or might
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 16<sup>6</sup></span> <span class="smcap">be harmed on account of their
+separation, one being punished on one pretext, another on
+another</span>, in constant succession. So they formed a compact to lend
+aid to one another in case any one of them should be wronged in any
+particular; and they took oaths to this effect and forthwith elected
+two representatives from their own number (and afterward still more)
+in order that by such a partnership arrangement they might have
+assistants and avengers. And this they did not only once, but the idea
+now conceived in this form kept growing, and they appointed their
+representatives for a year, as to some office. The men were called in
+the tongue of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> Latins <i>tribunes</i> (the commanders of thousands are
+also so named) but are styled <i>d&#234;marchoi</i> in the Greek language. In
+order that the titles of the tribuni might be kept distinct they added
+to the name of the one class the phrase &quot;of the soldiers&quot; and to that
+of the other class the phrase &quot;of the people.&quot; These <i>tribunes of the
+people</i>, then, or <i>d&#234;marchoi</i> became responsible for great evils that
+befell Rome. For though they did not immediately secure the title of
+magistrates, they gained power beyond all the rest, defending every
+one that begged protection and rescuing every one that called upon
+them not only from private persons, but from the very magistrates,
+except the dictators. If any one ever invoked them when absent, he,
+too, was released from the person holding him prisoner and was either
+brought before the populace by them or was set free. And if ever they
+saw fit that anything should not be done, they prevented it, whether
+the person acting were a private citizen or an official: and if the
+people or the senate were about to do or vote anything and a single
+tribune opposed it, the action or the vote became null and void. As
+time went on, they were allowed or allowed themselves to summon the
+senate, to punish whoever disobeyed them, to practice divination, and
+to hold court. And in case they were refused permission to do
+anything, they gained their point by their incontestable opposition to
+every project undertaken by others. For they introduced laws to the
+effect that whoever should obstruct them by deed or word, be he
+private citizen or magistrate, should be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> &quot;hallowed&quot; and incur
+pollution. This being &quot;hallowed&quot; meant destruction; for this was the
+name applied to everything (as, for instance, a victim) that was
+consecrated for slaughter. The tribunes themselves were termed by the
+multitude &quot;sacrosanct&quot;, since they obtained sacred enclosures for the
+shelter of such as invoked them. For <i>sacra</i> among the Romans means
+&quot;walls&quot;, and <i>sancta</i> &quot;sacred&quot;. Many of their actions were
+unwarrantable, for they threw even consuls into prison and put men to
+death without granting them a hearing. Nobody ventured to oppose them;
+or, in case any one did, he became himself &quot;hallowed.&quot; If, however,
+persons were condemned not by all the tribunes, they would call to
+their help those who had not concurred in the verdict, and so they
+went duly through the forms of court procedure before the tribunes
+themselves or before some arbiters or before the populace, and became
+the possession of the side that won. In the course of time the number
+of the tribunes was fixed at ten, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 16<sup>7</sup></span><span class="smcap">and as a result of this most of their power was overthrown. for as
+though by nature (but really, of course, by reason of jealousy) fellow
+officials invariably quarrel; and it is difficult for a number of men,
+especially in a position of influence, to attain harmony</span>. No
+sooner did outsiders, planning to wreck their influence, raise
+factional issues to the end that dissension might make them weaker,
+than the tribunes actually attached themselves some to one party, some
+to another. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 16<sup>7</sup></span><span class="smcap">if even one of them
+opposed a measure</span>, he rendered the decisions of the rest null and
+void.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Now at first they did not enter the senate-house, but sitting at the
+entrance watched proceedings, and in case aught failed to please them,
+they would show resistance. Next they were invited inside. Later,
+however, the ex-tribunes were numbered with the senators, and finally
+some of the senators actually were permitted to be tribunes, unless a
+man chanced to be a patrician. Patricians the people would not accept:
+having chosen the tribunes to defend them against the patricians, and
+having advanced them to so great power, they dreaded lest one of them
+might turn his strength to contrary purposes and use it against them.
+But if a man abjured the rank given him by birth and changed his
+social standing to that of a common citizen, they received him gladly.
+Many of the patricians whose position was unquestioned renounced their
+nobility through desire for the immense influence possible, and so
+became tribunes.</p>
+
+<p>Such was the growth of the domination of the tribunes. In addition to
+them the people chose two &#230;diles, to be their assistants in the matter
+of documents. They took charge of everything that was submitted in
+writing to the plebs, to the populace, and to the senate, and kept it,
+so that nothing that was done escaped their notice. This and the
+trying of cases were the objects for which they were chosen anciently,
+but later they were charged with the supervision of buying and
+selling, whence they came to be called <i>agoranomoi</i> (&quot;clerks of the
+market&quot;) by those who put their name into Greek.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h3><i>(BOOK 5, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p>VII, 16.&#8212;The first revolution of the Romans, then, terminated as
+described. Many of the neighboring tribes had found in the revolution
+a hostile incentive, and the Romans with a unified purpose after their
+reconciliation conducted vigorously the wars which the latter waged,
+and conquered in all of them. It was at this time that in the siege of
+Corioli they came within an ace of being driven from their camp, but a
+patrician, Gn&#230;us Marcius, showed his prowess and repelled the
+assailants. For this he received various tokens of renown and was
+given the title of Coriolanus from the people which he had routed.
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 17<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">for the time he was thus exalted
+but not long afterward he was anxious to be made pr&#230;tor and failed,
+and therefore grew vexed at the populace and evinced displeasure
+toward the tribunes. hence the tribunes (whose functions he was
+especially eager to abolish) heaped up accusations against him and
+fixed upon him a charge of aiming at tyranny and expelled him from
+rome. having been expelled he forthwith betook himself to the
+volsci.</span> The latter's leaders and those in authority over them
+were delighted at his arrival and again made ready for war; Attius
+Tullius urged this course upon them all, but the people showed lack of
+enthusiasm. So when the nobles neither by advice nor by intimidation
+could prevail upon them to take up arms, they concocted the following
+scheme. The Romans were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> conducting a horse-race, and the Volsci among
+other neighboring peoples had gathered in a large body to behold the
+spectacle. Tullius, as a pretended friend of the Romans, persuaded the
+Roman pr&#230;tors that they should keep watch on the Volsci, since the
+latter had made ready to attack them unexpectedly in the midst of the
+horse-race. The pr&#230;tors, after communicating the information to the
+others, made proclamation at once, before the contest, that all the
+Volsci must retire. The Volsci, indignant because they alone of all
+the spectators had been expelled, put themselves in readiness for
+battle. Setting at their head Coriolanus and Tullius, and with numbers
+swollen by the accession of the Latins, they advanced against Rome.
+The Romans, when informed of it, instead of making a vigorous use of
+arms fell into mutual recriminations, the popular party censuring the
+patricians because Coriolanus, who was campaigning against his
+country, happened to belong to their number, and the other party the
+populace because they had been unjust in expelling him and making him
+an enemy. Because of this contention they would have incurred some
+great injury, had not the women come to their aid. For when the senate
+voted restoration to Coriolanus and envoys had been despatched to him
+to this end, he demanded that the land of which the Volsci had been
+deprived in the previous wars be given back to them. But the people
+would not relinquish the land. Consequence: a second embassy.
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 17<sup>8</sup></span><span class="smcap">and he was exceedingly angry that
+they, who were in danger of losing their own country, would not</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> <span class="smcap">even
+under these conditions withdraw from the possessions of others. when
+this situation was reported to the disputants, they still refused to
+budge, nor did the dangers cause the men, at least, to desist from
+quarreling. but the women, volumnia the wife of coriolanus and
+veturia<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> his mother, gathering a company of the remaining most
+eminent ladies visited him in camp and took his children along with
+them. while the rest wept without speaking veturia began: &quot;we are not
+deserters, my son, but the country has sent us to you to be, if you
+should yield, your mother, wife and children, but otherwise your
+spoil. and if even now you still are angry, kill us the first. be
+reconciled and hold no longer your anger against your citizens,
+friends, temples, tombs; do not take by storm your native land in
+which you were born, were reared, and became coriolanus, bearer of
+this great name. send me not hence without result, unless you would
+behold me dead by my own hand.&quot; thereupon she sighed aloud and showed
+her breasts and touched her abdomen, exclaiming: &quot;this brought you
+forth, my child, these reared you up.&quot; she, then, said this, and his
+wife and children and the rest of the women joined in the lament, so
+that he too was moved to grief. recovering himself with difficulty he
+enfolded his mother in his arms and at the same time kissing her
+replied: &quot;see, mother, i yield to you. yours is the victory, and to
+you let all ascribe this favor. for i cannot endure even to see them,
+who after receiving such great benefits at my</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> <span class="smcap">hands have given me
+such a recompense, nor will i enter the city. do you keep the country
+instead of me, because you have so wished it, and i will depart.&quot;
+having spoken thus he withdrew. and he did not accept the restoration,
+but retired among the volsci and there at an advanced age departed
+this life.</span></p>
+
+<p><a name="VII_17">VII, 17</a>.&#8212;Now the tribunes demanded that some land acquired by the
+Romans from the enemy be apportioned among the people, and as a result
+of their action much damage was incurred by the citizens both from the
+enemy and from one another. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 19<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">for
+the nobles being unable to restrain them in any other way stirred up
+purposely wars after wars, in order that being busied therewith they
+might not disturb themselves about the land.</span> But after a time
+some persons began to suspect what was going on, and would not permit
+both of the consuls (or pr&#230;tors) to be appointed by the nobles, but
+themselves desired to choose one of them from the patricians. Upon
+effecting this they selected Spurius Furius, and campaigning with him
+accomplished with enthusiasm all objects for which they had set out.
+But those who took the field with his colleague, Fabius C&#230;so, not only
+displayed no energy, but abandoned their camp, came to the city, and
+raised a tumult until the Etruscans, learning of the affair, assailed
+them. Even then, moreover, they did not leave the city until some of
+the tribunes came to an agreement with the nobles. Still, they fought
+vigorously and destroyed many of the enemy, and not a few of their own
+number also were killed. One of the consuls like<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span>wise
+fell,&#8212;Manlius<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>: the populace chose Manlius<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> pr&#230;tor for the third
+time.</p>
+
+<p>Again was a war waged against them by the Etruscans. And when the
+Romans were in dejection and at a loss to know how they should
+withstand the enemy, the Fabii came to their help. <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 20<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">they, three hundred and six in number, when
+they saw that the romans were dejected</span>, were not following
+profitable counsels, and were on all points in desperation, took upon
+themselves the burden of the war against the Etruscans, exhibiting
+readiness to carry on the conflict by themselves with their persons
+and with their wealth. They occupied and fortified an advantageous
+position from which as a base they harried the entire hostile domain,
+since the Etruscans would not venture to engage in combat with them,
+or, if they ever did join issue, were decisively defeated. But, upon
+the accession of allies, the Etruscans laid an ambuscade in a wooded
+spot: the Fabii, being masters of the whole field, assailed them
+without precaution, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 20<sup>2</sup></span>fell into the
+snare, were surrounded and all massacred. And their race would have
+entirely disappeared, had not one of them because of his youth been
+left at home, in whose descendants the family later attained renewed
+renown.</p>
+
+<p>After the Fabii had been destroyed as related the Romans received
+rough treatment at the hands of the Etruscans. Subsequently they
+concluded a peace with the enemy, but turning against one another
+committed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> many deeds of outrage, the populace not even refraining
+from attack upon the pr&#230;tors. They beat their assistants and shattered
+their fasces and made the pr&#230;tors themselves submit to investigation
+on every pretext, great and small. They actually planned to throw
+Appius Claudius into prison in the very midst of his term of office,
+inasmuch as he persistently opposed them at every point and had
+decimated the partners of his campaign after their giving way before
+the Volsci in battle. Now decimation was the following sort of
+process. When the soldiers had committed any grave offence the leader
+told them off in groups of ten and taking one man of each ten (who had
+drawn the lot) he would punish him by death. At Claudius's retirement
+from office the popular party straightway brought him to trial; and
+though they failed to condemn him, they forced him, by postponing
+their vote, to commit suicide. And among the measures introduced by
+some of the tribunes to the prejudice of the patrician interests was
+one permitting the populace to convene separately, and without
+interference from the patricians to deliberate upon and transact as
+much business as they pleased. They also ordained that, if any one for
+any cause should have a penalty imposed upon him by the pr&#230;tors, the
+populace might thereupon have the case appealed to them and decide it.
+And they increased the number of &#230;diles and of tribunes, in order to
+have a large body of persons to act as their representatives.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 21<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">during the progress of these
+events the patricians openly took scarcely any retaliatory measures,
+except in a few cases, but secretly slaughtered a</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> <span class="smcap">number of the
+boldest spirits. neither this, however, nor the fact that on one
+occasion nine tribunes were delivered to the flames by the populace
+seemed to restrain the rest. not only were those who subsequently held
+the tribuneship not calmed, but actually they were the rather
+emboldened</span>. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 21<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">this was the
+condition into which the patricians brought the populace. and they
+would not obey the summons to go on a campaign, though the foe
+assailed, unless they secured the objects for which they were
+striving, and if they ever did take the field, they fought listlessly,
+unless they had accomplished all that they desired. hence many of the
+tribes living close to them, relying on either the dissension of their
+foes or their own strength, raised the standard of revolt</span>.
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 22<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">among these were also the &#230;qui,
+who, after conquering at this time marcus minucius while he served as
+pr&#230;tor, became presumptuous</span>. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 22<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">those at rome, learning that minucius had been defeated, chose as
+dictator lucius quinctius, who was a poor man and had devoted his life
+to farming, but was distinguished for his valor and wise moderation;
+and he let his hair grow in curls, whence he was named
+cincinnatus</span>.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> He, being selected as dictator, took the field
+that very day, used wariness as well as speed, and simultaneously with
+Minucius attacked the &#198;qui, killing very many of them and capturing
+the rest alive: the latter he led under the yoke and then released.
+This matter of the yoke I shall briefly describe. The Romans used to
+fix in the ground two poles (upright wooden beams, of course, with a
+space between them)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span> and across them they would lay another transverse
+beam; through the frame thus formed they led the captives naked. This
+conferred great distinction upon the side that conducted the operation
+but vast dishonor upon the side that endured it, so that some
+preferred to die rather than submit to any such treatment. Cincinnatus
+also captured a city of theirs called Corvinum<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> and returned: he
+removed Minucius from his pr&#230;torship because of his defeat, and
+himself resigned his office.</p>
+
+<p>VII, 18.&#8212;The Romans, however, now got another war on their hands at
+home, in which their adversaries were composed of slaves and some
+exiles who moved unexpectedly by night and secured possession of the
+Capitol. This time, too, the multitude did not arm themselves for the
+fray till they had wrung some further concessions from the patricians.
+Then they assailed the revolutionists and overcame them, but lost many
+of their own men.</p>
+
+<p>For these reasons, accordingly, and because of certain portents the
+Romans became sobered and dismissed their mutual grievances and voted
+to establish the rights of citizenship on a fairer basis. And they
+sent three men to Greece with an eye to the laws and the customs of
+the people there. Upon the return of the commission they abolished all
+the political offices, including that of the tribunes, and chose
+instead eight of the foremost men, and <span class="sidenote">B.C. 451<br />(<i>a.u.</i>
+303)</span>designated Appius Claudius and Titus Genucius pr&#230;tors with
+dictatorial powers for that one year. They empowered them to compile
+laws and further voted that no case could be appealed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span> from them,&#8212;a
+latitude granted previously to none of the magistrates save the
+dictators. These men held sway each for a day, assuming by turns the
+dignity of rulership. They compiled laws and exposed the same to view
+in the Forum. These statutes being found pleasing to all were put
+before the people, and after receiving their ratification were
+inscribed on ten tablets; for all records that were deemed worthy of
+safekeeping used to be preserved on tablets.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 450<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 304)</span>The above mentioned magistrates at
+the expiration of the year surrendered their office, but ten more
+chosen anew (for the overthrow of the State, as it almost seemed) came
+to grief. They all held sway at once on equal terms and chose from
+among the patricians some most brazen youths, through whom, as their
+agents, they committed many acts of violence. At last, toward the end
+of the year, they compiled a few additional statutes written upon two
+tablets, all of which were the product of their own individual
+judgment. From these not harmony, but greater disputes, were destined
+to fall to the lot of the Romans.</p>
+
+<p>The so-called twelve tablets were thus created at that time. But
+besides doing this the lawgivers in question, when their year of
+office had expired, still maintained control of affairs, occupying the
+city by force; and they would not convene the senate nor the people,
+lest, if they came together, they should depose them. And when the
+&#198;qui and the Sabines now stirred up war against the Romans, these
+officials by arrangement with their adherents gained their object of
+hav<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span>ing the conduct of the wars entrusted to them. Of the decemvirate
+Servius Oppius and Appius Claudius remained at home: the other eight
+set out against the enemy.</p>
+
+<p>Absolutely all <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 22<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">the interests</span>,
+however, <span class="smcap">of state and camp alike were thrown into confusion, and
+hence contention again arose</span>. The leaders of the force had
+invaded the land of the Sabines and sent a certain Lucius Sicius, who
+was accounted a strong tower in warfare and likewise one of the most
+prominent representatives of the populace, with companions, avowedly
+to seize a certain position; but they had the man slain by the party
+that had been sent out with him. The report was brought into camp that
+the man with others had been killed by the foe, and the soldiers went
+out to gather up the dead bodies. They found not one corpse belonging
+to the enemy but many of their own race, whom Sicius had killed in his
+own defence when they attacked him. And when they saw that the dead
+were lying all around him and had their faces turned toward him, they
+suspected what had been done and furthermore raised a tumult.&#8212;There
+was still another incident that had a bearing on the situation.</p>
+
+<p>Lucius Virginius, a man of the people, had a daughter of surpassing
+beauty whom he intended to bestow in marriage upon Lucius Icilius,<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>
+a person of similar rank in society. For this maiden Claudius
+conceived a passion, and not otherwise able to attain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> his ends he
+arranged with certain men to declare her a slave: he was to be the
+arbiter. The father of the girl accordingly came from the camp and
+pled his case. When Claudius had given sentence against her and the
+girl was delivered to those who had declared her a slave and no one
+came to the rescue, her father wild with grief took a cleaver and
+ended his daughter's life and, just as he was, rushed out to the
+soldiers. They, who had been previously far from tractable, were so
+wrought up that they straightway set out in haste against the city to
+find Claudius. And the rest, who had gone on a campaign against the
+Sabines, when they learned this abandoned their intrenchments, and,
+joining with the rest, set at their head twenty men, determined to
+accomplish something of importance. The remainder of the multitude in
+the city likewise espoused their cause and added to the tumult.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile Claudius in terror had hidden himself and Oppius convened
+the senate; and sending to the populace he enquired what they wanted.
+They demanded that Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, two of the
+senators who favored their cause, be sent to them, saying that through
+these men they would make their reply. Owing to the fear of the ten
+magistrates (for they were now all on the scene) that the people would
+employ the two as leaders against them they were not sent, whereupon
+the populace grew still more angry. As a consequence the senators were
+inspired with no slight fear and against the will of the magistrates
+they sent Valerius and Horatius to the people.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> By this means a
+reconciliation was effected: the rioters were granted immunity for
+their acts, and the decemvirate was abolished; the annual
+magistracies, including that of tribunes, were restored with the same
+privileges as they had formerly enjoyed. Virginius was one of the
+magistrates appointed; and they cast into prison Oppius and Claudius
+(who committed suicide before their cases were investigated), and
+indicted, convicted, and banished the remainder of the board.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 449<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 305)</span>VII, 19.&#8212;Now the consuls&#8212;it is
+said that this is the first time they were known as consuls, being
+previously called pr&#230;tors; and they were Valerius and Horatius&#8212;both
+then and thereafter showed favor to the populace and strengthened
+their cause rather than that of the patricians. The patricians, though
+subdued, would not readily convene and did not put matters entirely in
+the power of the lower class, but granted the tribunes the right of
+practicing augury in their assemblies: nominally this was an honor and
+dignity for them, since from very ancient times this privilege had
+been accorded the patricians alone, but really it was a hindrance. The
+nobles intended that the tribunes and the populace should not
+accomplish easily everything they pleased, but should sometimes be
+prevented under this plea of augury. The patricians as well as the
+senate were displeased at the consuls, whom they regarded as favorable
+to the popular cause, and so did not vote a triumph to them&#8212;though
+each had won a war&#8212;and did not assign to each a day as had been the
+custom. The populace, however, both held a festival for two days and
+voted triumphal honors to the consuls.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 6, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 448<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 306)</span>When the Romans thus fell into
+discord their adversaries took courage and came against them. It was
+in the following year, when Marcus Genucius and Gaius Curtius were
+consuls, that they turned against each other. The popular leaders
+desired to be consuls, since the patricians were in the habit of
+becoming tribunes by transference to their order, and the patricians
+clung tenaciously to the consular office. They indulged in many words
+and acts of violence against each other. But in order to prevent the
+populace from proceeding to greater extremities the nobles yielded to
+them the substance of authority though they would not relinquish the
+name; and in place of the consuls they named military tribunes in
+order that the honor of the title might not be sullied by contact with
+the vulgar throng. It was agreed that three military tribunes be
+chosen from each of the classes in place of the two consuls. However,
+the name of consul was not lost entirely, but sometimes consuls were
+appointed and at other times military tribunes. This, at all events,
+is the tradition that has come down of what took place, with the
+additional detail that the consuls nominated dictators, though their
+own powers were far inferior to those appertaining to that office, and
+even that the military tribunes likewise did so sometimes. It is
+further said that none of the military tribunes, though many of them
+won many victories, ever celebrated a triumph.</p><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 447<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 307)</span>It was in this way, then, that
+military tribunes came to be chosen at that time: censors were
+appointed in the following year, during the consulship of Barbatus and
+Marcus Macrinus. Those chosen were Lucius Papirius and Lucius
+Sempronius. The reason for their election was that the consuls were
+unable, on account of the number of the people, to supervise them all;
+the duties now assigned to the censors had until that time been
+performed by the consuls as a part of their prerogatives. Two was the
+original number of the censors and they were taken from the
+patricians. They held office at first and at the last for five-year
+periods, but during the intervening time for three half-years; and
+they came to be greater than the consuls, though they had taken over
+only a part of their functions. They had the right to let the public
+revenues, to supervise roads and public buildings, to make complete
+records of each man's wealth, and to note and investigate the lives of
+the citizens, enrolling those deserving of praise in the tribes, in
+the equestrian order, or in the senate (as seemed to fit the case of
+each one), and similarly erasing from any class the names of those who
+were not right livers: this power was greater than all those now left
+to the consuls. They made declarations attested by oath, in regard to
+every one of their acts, that no such act was prompted by favor or by
+enmity but that their considerations and performances were both the
+result of an unbiased opinion of what was advantageous for the
+commonwealth. They convened the people when laws were to be introduced
+and for other purposes, and employed all the insignia of the greater
+offices save lictors. Such, at its inception, was</p><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> the office of the
+censors. If any persons did not register their property and themselves
+in the census lists, the censors sold the property and the consuls the
+men. This arrangement held for a certain time, but later it was
+determined that a man once enrolled in the senate should be a senator
+for life and that his name should not be erased, unless one had been
+disgraced by being tried for the commission of a crime or was
+convicted of leading an evil life: the names of such persons were
+erased and others inscribed in their stead.</p>
+
+<p>In the case of those who gave satisfaction in office principal honors
+were bestowed upon dictators, honors of the second rank upon censors,
+and third place was awarded to masters of horse. This system was
+followed without distinction, whether they were still in office or
+whether they had already laid it down. For if one descended from a
+greater office to an inferior one, he still kept the dignity of his
+former position intact. One particular man, whom they styled
+<i>principa</i> of the senate (he would be called <i>prokritos</i> by the
+Greeks) was preferred before all for the time that he was president (a
+person was not chosen for this position for life) and surpassed the
+rest in dignity, without wielding, however, any power.</p>
+
+<p>VII, 20.&#8212;For a time they maintained peace with each other and with
+the adjacent tribes, but then a famine mastered them, so severe that
+some not able to endure the pangs of hunger threw themselves into the
+river, and they fell to quarreling. The one class blamed the
+prosperous as being at fault in the handling of the grain, and the
+other class blamed the poorer men for unwillingness to till the soil.
+<span class="sidenote">B.C. 439<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 315)</span>Spurius M&#230;lius, a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span> wealthy knight,
+seeing this attempted to set up a tyranny, and buying corn from the
+neighboring region he lowered the price of it for many and gave it
+free to many others. In this way he won the friendship of a great many
+and procured arms and guardsmen. And he would have gained control of
+the city, had not Minucius Augurinus, a patrician, appointed to have
+charge of the grain distribution and censured for the lack of grain,
+reported the proceeding to the senate. The senate on receiving the
+information nominated at once and at that very meeting Lucius
+Quinctius Cincinnatus, though past his prime (he was eighty years
+old), to be dictator. They spent the whole day sitting there, as if
+engaged in some discussion, to prevent news of their action from
+traveling abroad. By night the dictator had the knights occupy in
+advance the Capitol and the remaining points of vantage, and at dawn
+he sent to M&#230;lius Gaius Servilius, master of the horse, to summon him
+pretendedly on some other errand. But as M&#230;lius had some suspicions
+and delayed, Servilius fearing that he might be rescued by the
+populace&#8212;for they were already running together&#8212;killed the man
+either on his own responsibility or because ordered to do so by the
+dictator. At this the populace broke into a riot, but Quinctius
+harangued them and by providing them with grain and refraining from
+punishing or accusing any one else he stopped the riot.</p>
+
+<p>Wars with various nations now assailed the Romans, in some of which
+they were victorious within a few days; but with the Etruscans they
+waged a long continued contest. Postumius conquered the &#198;qui and had
+captured a large city of theirs, but the soldiers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> neither had had it
+turned over to them for pillage nor were awarded a share of the
+plunder when they requested it. Therefore they surrounded and slew the
+qu&#230;stor who was disposing of it, and when Postumius reprimanded them
+for this and strove to find the assassins, they killed him also. And
+they assigned to their own use not only the captive territory but all
+that at the time happened to be found in the public treasury. The
+uprising would have assumed even greater dimensions but for the fact
+that war against the Romans was renewed by the &#198;qui. Alarmed by this
+situation they became quiet, endured the punishment for the murders,
+which touched only a few, and took the field against their opponents,
+whom they engaged and conquered. For this achievement the nobles
+distributed the plunder among them, and voted pay first to the
+infantry and later also to the cavalry. Up to that time they were used
+to undertaking campaigns without pay and lived at their own expense;
+now for the first time they began to draw pay.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 408<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 346)</span>A war arising between them and Veii,
+the Romans won frequent victories and reduced the foe to a state of
+siege as long as the latter fought with merely their own contingent:
+but when allies had been added to their force they came out against
+the Romans and defeated them. Meanwhile the lake situated close to the
+Alban Mount, which was shut in by the surrounding ridges and had no
+outlet, overflowed its banks during the siege of Veii to such an
+extent that it actually poured over the crests of the hills and went
+rushing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> down to the sea. The Romans deeming that something
+supernatural was certainly signified by this event sent to Delphi to
+consult the oracle about the matter. There was also among the
+population of Veii an Etruscan who was a soothsayer. The Pythian
+interpretation coincided with his; and both declared that the city
+would be captured when the overflowing water should not fall into the
+sea but be used up differently. The Romans consequently ordered
+several religious services to be performed. But the Pythian god did
+not specify to which of the divinities nor in what way they should
+offer these, and the Etruscan appeared to have the knowledge but would
+explain nothing. So the Romans who were stationed about the wall from
+which he was wont to issue to consort with them pretended friendliness
+toward him, permitted him to make himself at ease in every way, and
+allowed him to come to visit them without interference. Thus they
+succeeded in seizing him and forced him to give all the requisite
+information. According to the indications he furnished they offered
+sacrifices, tunneled the hill, and conducted the superfluous water by
+a secret canal into the plain, so that all of it was used up there and
+none ran down into the sea.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 7, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p>VII, 24.&#8212;A certain Marcus Fabius, a patrician, who chanced to be the
+father of two daughters, betrothed the elder to a Licinius Stolo, much
+inferior to him in rank, and married the younger to Sulpicius Rufus,
+who belonged to his own class. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 27<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">now
+while rufus was military tribune, once when he was in the forum his
+wife had a visit from her sister. at the arrival of the husband the
+lictor, according to some ancient custom, knocked at the door. the
+clatter startled the woman, who was not familiar with this procedure:
+thereupon both her sister and the others present burst out laughing
+and she was made fun of as a simpleton. she took the matter as a
+serious affront and roused her husband to canvass for office.</span>
+Stolo, accordingly, incited by his wife, confided his intentions to
+Lucius Sextius, one of his peers, and both forced their way into the
+tribuneship; they thus overturned the good order of the State to such
+an extent that for four years the people had no rulers, since these
+men repeatedly obstructed the patrician elections. This state of
+affairs would have continued for a still longer time, had not news
+been brought that the Celt&#230; were again marching upon Rome.</p>
+
+<p>VII, 25.&#8212;It is related that after this a disaster befell Rome. The
+level land between the Palatine and the Capitoline is said to have
+become suddenly a yawning gulf, without any preceding earthquake or
+other phenomenon such as usually takes place in nature on the occasion
+of such developments. For a long time the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> chasm remained <i>in statu
+quo</i>, and neither closed up in the slightest degree nor was to be
+filled, albeit the Romans brought and cast into it masses of earth and
+stones and all sorts of other material. In the midst of the Romans'
+uncertainty an oracle was given them to the effect that the aperture
+could in no way be closed except they should throw into the chasm
+their best possession and that which was the chief source of their
+strength: then the thing would cease, and the city should command
+power inextinguishable. Still the uncertainty remained unresolved, for
+the oracle was obscure. But Marcus Curtius, a patrician, young in
+years, of a remarkably beautiful appearance, powerful physique, and
+courageous spirit, conspicuous also for intelligence, comprehended the
+meaning of the oracle. He came forward before them all and addressed
+them, saying: &quot;Why, Romans, convict the revelation of obscurity or
+ourselves of ignorance? We are the thing sought and debated. For
+nothing lifeless may be counted better than what has life, nor shall
+that which has comprehension and prudence and the adornment of speech
+fail of preference before what is uncomprehending, speechless and
+senseless. What should any one deem superior to Man to be cast into
+the earth-fissure, that therewith we might contract it? <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 28<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">there is no mortal creature either better or
+stronger than man. for, if one may speak somewhat boldly, man is
+naught else than a god with mortal body, and a god naught else than a
+man without body and therefore immortal</span>, and we are not far
+sundered from divine Power. This, to my mind, is the matter and I urge
+you also to adhere to this view. May no one think that I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> shall have
+recourse to the lot or bid maiden or lad lose a life. I myself
+willingly bestow myself upon you, that you may send me this very day
+as herald and envoy to the cthonian gods, to be your representative
+and helper forever.&quot; At the close of these words Curtius proceeded to
+put on his armor and then mounted his horse. The rest grew mad with
+grief and mad with joy; they came flocking with adornments, and some
+adorned the man himself with them as a hero, and others threw some of
+them into the chasm. Scarcely had Curtius sprung into it fully
+mounted, when the earth-fissure was closed and no one ever again
+beheld either the chasm or Curtius. This is the way the story is
+related by the Romans. Should any person judge it fabulous and not to
+be credited, he has the right to pay no attention to it.</p>
+
+<p>And again wars were waged against the Romans both by Gauls and by
+other nations, but they repelled all invaders, voting now for consuls,
+now for dictators. Whereupon somewhat of the following nature took
+place. Lucius Camillus was named dictator, as the Gauls were
+overrunning the environs of Rome. He proceeded against the barbarians
+with the intention of using up time and not risking the issue in
+conflict with men animated by desperation: he expected to exhaust them
+more easily and securely by the failure of provisions. And a Gaul
+challenged the Romans to furnish a champion for a duel. His opponent,
+accordingly, was Marcus Valerius, a military tribune, a grandson of
+the famous Maximus. The course of the battle was brilliant on both
+sides: the Roman excelled in cleverness and an unusual mastery of his
+art, and the Gaul in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> strength and daring. It was regarded as still
+more marvelous that a crow lighted on the helmet of Valerius and
+cawing all the time made dashes at the barbarian, confusing his sight
+and impeding his onset until he finally received a finishing blow. The
+Gauls, consequently, indignant at being beaten by a bird, in a rage
+closed at once with the Romans and suffered a severe defeat. From the
+incident of the crow's assistance Valerius obtained the further name
+of Corvinus.</p>
+
+<p>Thereafter, as the armies began to grow insubordinate and a civil war
+threatened to break out, the insurgents were brought to terms by the
+enactment of laws that no one's name should be erased from the lists
+against his will, that any person who had served as tribune of the
+soldiers should not be centurion, that both of the consuls might
+belong to and be appointed from the people, and that the same man
+should not hold two offices at the same time nor hold the same office
+twice within ten years.</p>
+
+<p>VII, 26.&#8212;Now the Latins, although under treaty with the Romans,
+revolted and provoked a conflict. They were filled with pride for the
+reason that they had an abundance of youthful warriors and were
+practiced in the details of warfare as a result of the constant
+campaigning with the Romans. The other side, understanding the
+situation, chose Torquatus consul for the third time and likewise
+Decius, and came out to meet them. They fought a fierce battle, each
+party thinking that that day was a precise test of their fortune and
+of their valor. A certain event seemed to give the battle added
+distinction. The consuls, seeing that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> the Latins were equipped and
+spoke like the Romans, feared that some of the soldiers might make
+mistakes through not distinguishing their own and the hostile force
+with entire ease. Therefore they made proclamation to their men to
+observe instructions carefully and in no case to fight an isolated
+combat with any of the antagonists. Most observed this injunction, but
+the son of Torquatus, who was on the field among the cavalry and had
+been sent to reconnoitre the enemy's position, transgressed it not
+through wilfulness but rather through ambition. The leader of the
+Latin horse saw him approaching and challenged him to a championship
+contest; and when the youth would not accept the challenge on account
+of the notice that had been served, the other provoked him, saying:
+&quot;Are you not the son of Torquatus? Do you not give yourself airs with
+your father's collar? Are you strong and courageous against those
+low-lived Gauls but fear us Latins? Where, then, do you find your
+right to rule? Why do you give orders to us as your inferiors?&quot;&#8212;The
+Roman became frenzied with rage and readily forgot the injunction: he
+won the combat, and in high spirits conveyed the spoils to his father.
+The latter, after assembling the army, said: &quot;Nobly you have fought,
+my child, and for this I will crown you. But because you did not
+observe the orders issued, though under obligation both as a son and
+as a soldier to yield obedience, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 32<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">for this reason i shall execute you, that you may obtain both the
+prize for your prowess and the penalty for your disobedience</span>.&quot;
+Having spoken these words<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> he at the same moment placed the garland on
+his head and cut off the very head that bore it.</p>
+
+<p>Soon after, a dream that appeared to both consuls the same night, of
+identical import in each case, seemed to tell them that they should
+overcome the enemy, if one of the consuls should devote himself.
+Discussing the dream together in the daytime, they decided that it was
+of divine origin, and agreed that it must be obeyed. And they disputed
+with each other, not as to which should be saved, but as to which of
+them preferably should devote himself: they even presented their
+arguments before the foremost men in camp. Finally they settled it
+that one should station himself on the right wing and the other on the
+left, and that whichever of those two divisions should be defeated,
+the consul stationed there should give up his life. There was so much
+rivalry between them in regard to the self-devotion that each of the
+consuls prayed that he might be defeated, in order to obtain the right
+to devote himself and the consequent glory. After joining battle with
+the Latins they carried on a closely contested fight for a long time,
+but finally Decius's wing gave way before the Latins a little. On
+perceiving this Decius devoted himself. Slipping off his armor he put
+on his purple-bordered clothing. Some say that in this costume he
+sprang upon a horse and rode toward the enemy and met his death at
+their hands, others that he was slain by a fellow-soldier of his own
+race. A short time after Decius had perished a decisive victory fell
+to the lot of the Romans and the Latins were all routed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> yet
+certainly not on account of the death of Decius. <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 32<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">for how can you believe that from such a
+death of one man so great a multitude of human beings was destroyed on
+the one side and on the other was saved and won a conspicuous
+victory?</span> So the Latins in this way were defeated, <span class="sidenote">
+<a name="Frag_32-6">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 32<sup>6</sup></a></span><span class="smcap">and torquatus, though he had killed his son
+and though his colleague had lost his life, nevertheless celebrated a
+triumph</span>.</p>
+
+<p>Once again did they subdue these very Latins, who had revolted, and
+they subjugated in battle other nations, employing now consuls and now
+dictators.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span></p>
+
+<h3><i>(BOOK 8, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p>One of the latter was Lucius Papirius, also called Cursor from his
+physical condition (he was a very fleet runner) and on account of his
+practicing running. After this Papirius as dictator with Fabius Rullus
+as master of the horse was sent out against the Samnites and by
+defeating them compelled them to agree to such terms as he wished. But
+when he had resigned his leadership they again arose in arms. They
+were attacked anew by the dictator Aulus Cornelius, <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">and being defeated made proposals of peace to
+the men at rome. they sent them all the captives that they had, and
+ascribed the responsibility for the war to rutulus, a man of influence
+among them. his bones, since he anticipated them in committing
+suicide, they scattered abroad. yet they did not obtain their peace,
+being accounted untrustworthy; but the victors, though accepting the
+prisoners, voted for relentless war against them.</span> <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">the romans, then, expecting in their extreme
+arrogance that they should capture them all at the first blow,
+succumbed to a terrible disaster. the samnites, being badly frightened
+and thinking the refusal to make peace a calamity, fought with
+desperation; and by planting an ambuscade in a narrow spot rather
+closely hemmed in by hills they both captured the camp and seized
+alive the whole force of the romans, all of whom they sent under the
+yoke.</span>&#8212;What the operation of the yoke was has already been
+described by me above.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>&#8212;How<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span>ever, they killed not a man but took
+away their arms and horses and everything else they had save one
+garment, and released them thus stripped of possessions under an
+agreement that they should leave Samnite territory and be their allies
+on an equal footing. In order to insure the articles of the agreement
+being ratified also by the senate, they retained six hundred of the
+knights to serve as hostages.</p>
+
+<p>The consuls Spurius Postumius and Tiberius Calvinus with their army
+immediately withdrew, and at night they and the most notable of the
+rest of the force entered Rome, while the remaining soldiers scattered
+through the country districts. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>9</sup></span><span class="smcap">the
+men in the city on hearing of the event did not find it possible
+either to be pleased at the survival of their soldiers or to be
+displeased. when they thought of the calamity their grief was extreme,
+and the fact that they had suffered such a reverse at the hands of the
+samnites increased their grief; when they stopped to reflect, however,
+that if it had come to pass that all had perished, all their interests
+would have been endangered, they were really pleased at the survival
+of their own men.</span> But concealing for a time their pleasure they
+went into mourning and carried on no business in the everyday fashion
+either at once or subsequently, as long as they had control of
+affairs. The consuls they deposed forthwith, chose others in their
+stead, and took counsel about the situation. And they determined not
+to accept the arrangement; but since it was impossible to take this
+action without throwing the responsibility upon the men who had
+conducted the negotiations, they hesitated on the one hand to con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span>demn
+the consuls and the rest who, associated with the latter in their
+capacity as holders of certain offices, had made the peace, and they
+hesitated on the other hand to acquit them, since by so doing they
+would bring the breach of faith home to themselves. Accordingly they
+made these very consuls participate in their deliberations and they
+asked Postumius first of all for his opinion, that he might state
+separately his sentiments touching his own case, and the shame of
+having disgrace attach to all of them be avoided. So he came forward
+and said that their acts ought not to be ratified by the senate and
+the people, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>11</sup></span><span class="smcap">for they themselves
+had not acted of their own free will, but under the compulsion of a
+necessity</span> which the enemy had brought upon them not through valor
+but through craft and ambuscade. Now men who had practiced deception
+could not, if they were deceived in turn, have any just complaint
+against those who turned the tables on them. When he had finished
+saying this and considerable more of the same nature, the senate found
+itself at a loss how to act: but as Postumius and Calvinus took the
+burden of responsibility upon their own shoulders, it was voted that
+the agreements should not be ratified and that these men should be
+delivered up.</p>
+
+<p>Both the consuls, therefore, and the remaining officials who had been
+present when oaths were taken were conducted back to Samnium.
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>14</sup></span><span class="smcap">the samnites, however, would not
+accept them, but demanded back all the captives, and invoked the gods
+and conjured them by the divine power, and finally they dismissed the
+men that had been surrendered.</span> The Romans were glad enough to get
+them back, but were angry at the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> Samnites <span class="smcap">whom they attacked in
+battle and vanquished, after which they accorded them a similar
+treatment, for they sent them under the yoke in turn and released
+them</span> without inflicting any other injury. They also got
+possession of their own knights, who were being held by the Samnites
+as hostages and were unharmed.</p>
+
+<p>VIII, 1.&#8212;After a long interval the Romans under the leadership of
+Gaius Junius were again warring with the Samnites, when they met with
+disaster. While Junius was pillaging the hostile territory, the
+Samnites conveyed their possessions into the Avernian<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> woods,
+so-called from the fact that on account of the closeness of the trees
+no bird flies into them. Being there ensconced they set out some herds
+without herdsmen or guards and quietly sent some pretended deserters
+who guided the Romans to the booty apparently lying at their disposal.
+But when the latter had entered the wood, the Samnites surrounded them
+and did not cease from slaughter till they were completely tired out.
+And though the Samnites fought on many other occasions against the
+Romans and were defeated, they would not be quiet, but having acquired
+the Gauls, besides others, as allies, they made preparations to march
+upon Rome itself. The Romans, when they learned of it, fell into
+alarm, for their original inclination to do so was augmented by many
+portents. On the Capitol blood is reported to have issued for three
+days from the altar of Jupiter, together with honey on one day, and
+milk on a second&#8212;if anybody can believe it: and in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span> the Forum a
+bronze statue of Victory set upon a stone pedestal was found standing
+upon the ground below, without any one's having moved it; and, as it
+happened, it was facing in that direction from which the Gauls were
+already approaching. This of itself was enough to terrify the
+populace, who were even more dismayed by ill-omened interpretations
+published by the seers. However, a certain Manius, by birth an
+Etruscan, encouraged them by declaring that Victory, even if she had
+descended, had gone forward, and being now settled more firmly on the
+ground indicated to them mastery in the war. Accordingly, many
+sacrifices, too, should be offered to the gods; for their altars, and
+particularly those on the Capitol, where they sacrifice
+thank-offerings for victory, were regularly stained with blood in the
+midst of their successes and not in their disasters. From these
+developments, then, he persuaded them to expect some fortunate
+outcome, but from the honey to expect disease (because invalids crave
+it) and from the milk famine; for they should encounter so great a
+scarcity of provisions as to seek for food of native growth and
+pasturage.</p>
+
+<p>Manius, then, interpreted the omens in this way, <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>22</sup></span><span class="smcap">and as his prophecy turned out to be
+correct, he gained thereafter a reputation for skill and foreknowledge
+in all matters</span>. Now Volumnius was ordered to make war upon the
+Samnites; Fabius Maximus Rullus and Publius Decius were chosen consuls
+and were sent to withstand the Gauls and the other warriors in the
+Gallic contingent. They, having come with speed to Etruria, saw the
+camp of Appius, which was fortified by a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> double palisade; and they
+pulled up the stakes and carried them off, instructing the soldiers to
+place their hope of safety in their weapons. So they joined battle
+with the enemy. Meanwhile a wolf in pursuit of a deer had invaded the
+space between the two armies and darting toward the Romans passed
+through their ranks. This encouraged them, for they regarded
+themselves as having a bond of union with him, since, according to
+tradition, a she-wolf had reared Romulus. But the deer ran to the
+other side and was struck down, thus leaving to <i>them</i> fear and the
+issue of disaster. When the armies collided, Maximus quite easily
+conquered the foes opposed to him, but Decius was defeated. And
+recalling the self-devotion of his father, undertaken on account of
+the dream, he likewise devoted himself, though without giving anybody
+any information about his act. Scarcely had he let himself be slain,
+when the men ranged at his side, partly through shame at his deed
+(feeling that he had perished voluntarily for them) and partly in the
+hopes of certain victory as a result of this occurrence, checked their
+flight and nobly withstood their pursuers. At this juncture Maximus,
+too, assailed the latter in the rear and slaughtered vast numbers. The
+survivors took to their heels and were annihilated. Fabius Maximus
+then burned the corpse of Decius together with the spoils and made a
+truce with such as asked for peace.</p>
+
+<p>The following year Atilius Regulus again waged war with the Samnites.
+And for a time they carried on an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> evenly contested struggle, but
+eventually, after the Samnites had won a victory, the Romans conquered
+them in turn, took them captive, led them beneath the yoke, and so
+released them. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>23</sup></span><span class="smcap">the samnites,
+enraged at what had occurred, resorted to desperate measures with the
+intention of either conquering or being utterly destroyed, threatening
+with death him who should remain at home.</span> So these invaded
+Campania: but the consuls ravaged Samnium, since it was destitute of
+soldiers, and captured a few cities. Therefore the Samnites abandoning
+Campania made haste to reach their own land; and having come into
+hostile collision with one of the consuls they were defeated by a
+trick and in their flight met with terrible reverses, losing their
+camp and in addition the fortress to the assistance of which they were
+advancing. The consul celebrated a triumph and devoted to public uses
+the goods gathered from the spoils. The other consul made a campaign
+against the Etruscans and reduced them in short order: he then levied
+upon them contributions of grain and money, of which he distributed a
+part to the soldiers and deposited the rest in the treasuries.</p>
+
+<p>However, there befell a mighty pestilence, and the Samnites and
+Falisci began to bestir themselves; they entertained a contempt for
+the Romans both on account of the disease and because, since no war
+menaced, they had chosen the consuls not on grounds of excellence. The
+Romans, ascertaining the situation, sent out Carvilius along with
+Junius Brutus, and with Quintus Fabius his father Rullus Maximus, as
+subcommanders or lieutenants. Brutus worsted the Falisci and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span>
+plundered their possessions as well as those of the other Etruscans:
+Fabius marched out of Rome before his father and pushed rapidly
+forward when he learned that the Samnites were plundering Campania.
+Falling in with some scouts of theirs and seeing them quickly retire
+he got the impression that all the enemy were at that point and
+believed they were in flight. Accordingly, in his hurry to come to
+blows with them before his father should arrive, in order that the
+success might appear to be his own and not his elder's, he went ahead
+with a careless formation. Thus he encountered a compact body of foes
+and would have been utterly destroyed, had not night intervened. Many
+of his men died also after that with no physician or relative to
+attend them, because they had hastened on far ahead of the baggage
+carriers in the expectation of immediate victory. Of a surety they
+would have perished on the following day but for the fact that the
+Samnites, thinking Fabius's father to be near, felt afraid and
+withdrew.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 33<sup>24</sup></span><span class="smcap">those in the city on hearing this
+became terribly angry, summoned the consul, and wanted to put him on
+trial. but the old man his father by enumerating his own and his
+ancestors' brave deeds, by promising that his son should make no
+record that was unworthy of them, and by urging his son's youth to
+account for the misfortune, immediately abated their wrath. joining
+him in the campaign he conquered the samnites in battle, captured
+their camp, ravaged their country, and drove away great booty. a part
+of it he devoted to public uses and a part he accorded to the
+soldiers. for these reasons the romans extolled</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> <span class="smcap">him and ordered that
+his son also should command for the future with consular powers and
+still employ his father as lieutenant. the latter managed and arranged
+everything for him, sparing his old age not a whit, yet he did not let
+it be seen that he was executing the business on his own
+responsibility, but made the glory of his exploits attach to his
+child.</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 37</span>VIII, 2.&#8212;<span class="smcap">after this, when the
+tribunes moved an annulment of debts, the people, since this was not
+yielded by the lenders as well, fell into turmoil</span>: and their
+turbulent behavior was not quieted until foes came against the city.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 9, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p>Those to begin the wars were the Tarentini, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span>
+39<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">who had associated with themselves the etruscans and gauls
+and samnites and several other tribes</span>. These allies the Romans
+engaged and defeated in various battles, with different consuls on
+different occasions, but the Tarentini, although they had themselves
+been the authors of the war, nevertheless did not yet openly present
+an imposing array in battle. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 39<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">now
+lucius valerius while admiral wanted to anchor with his triremes off
+tarentum (being on his way to a place whither he had been despatched
+with them), for he deemed the country friendly.</span> <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 39<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">but the tarentini, owing to a guilty sense of
+their own operations, suspected that valerius was sailing against
+them, and in a passion set sail likewise and attacking him when he was
+expecting no hostile act sent him to the bottom along with many
+others. of the captives they imprisoned some and put others to death.
+when the romans heard of this, they were indignant, to be sure, but
+nevertheless despatched envoys upbraiding them and demanding
+satisfaction. the offenders not only failed to vouchsafe them any
+decent answer, but actually jeered at them, going so far as to soil
+the clothing of lucius postumius, the head of the embassy. at this an
+uproar arose and the tarentini indulged in continued guffaws. but
+postumius cried: &quot;laugh on, laugh on while you may! for long will be
+the period of your weeping, when you shall wash this garment clean
+with your blood.&quot;</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Upon the return of the envoys the Romans, learning what had been done,
+were grieved and voted that Lucius &#198;milius the consul make a campaign
+against the Tarentini. He advanced close to Tarentum and sent them
+favorable propositions, thinking that they would choose peace on fair
+terms. Now they were at variance among themselves in their opinions.
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 39<sup>6</sup>?</span>The elderly and well-to-do were
+anxious for peace, but those who were youthful and who had little or
+nothing were for war. The younger generation had its way. Being timid
+for all that they planned to invite Pyrrhus of Epirus to form an
+alliance, and sent to him envoys and gifts. &#198;milius, learning this,
+proceeded to pillage and devastate their country. They made sorties
+but were routed, so that the Romans ravaged their country with
+impunity and got possession of some strongholds. &#198;milius showed much
+consideration for those taken prisoners and liberated some of the more
+influential, and the Tarentini, accordingly, filled with admiration
+for his kindness, were led to hope for reconciliation and so chose as
+leader with full powers Agis, who was of kindred to the Romans.
+Scarcely had he been elected when Cineas, sent ahead by Pyrrhus,
+planted himself in the pathway of negotiations. <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">for pyrrhus, king of the so-called epirus,
+surpassed everybody through natural cleverness and through the
+influence and experience bestowed by education; and he had made the
+larger part of hellas his own, partly by benefits and partly by
+fear.</span> <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">accordingly, chance
+having thrown the envoys of the tarentini in his way, he deemed the
+alliance a piece of good luck. for a considerable</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> <span class="smcap">time he had had his
+eye on sicily and carthage and sardinia, but nevertheless he shrank
+from personally taking the initiative in hostilities against the
+romans</span>. He announced that he would lead the Tarentini, but in
+order that the motive of his declaration might not be suspected (for
+reasons indicated) he stated that he should return home without delay,
+and insisted upon a clause being added to the agreement to the effect
+that he should not be detained by them in Italy further than actual
+need required. After settling this agreement he detained the majority
+of the envoys as hostages, giving out that he wanted them to help him
+get the armies ready: a few of them together with Cineas he sent in
+advance with troops. As soon as they arrived the Tarentini took
+courage, gave up their attempted reconciliation with the Romans, and
+deposing Agris from his leadership elected one of the envoys leader.
+Shortly afterward Milo, sent by Pyrrhus with a force, took charge of
+their acropolis and personally superintended the manning of their
+wall. The Tarentini were glad at this, feeling that they did not have
+to do guard duty or undergo any other troublesome labor, and they sent
+regular supplies of food to the men and consignments of money to
+Pyrrhus.</p>
+
+<p>&#198;milius for a time held his ground, but when he perceived that the
+Pyrrhic soldiers had come, and recognized his inability on account of
+the winter to maintain an opposition, he set out for Apulia. The
+Tarentini laid an ambush at a narrow passage through which he was
+obliged to go, and by their arrows, javelins and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> slingshots rendered
+progress impossible for him. But he put at the head of his line their
+captives whom he was conveying. Fear fell upon the Tarentini that they
+might destroy their own men instead of the Romans, and they ceased
+their efforts.</p>
+
+<p>Now Pyrrhus set off, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">not even
+awaiting the coming of spring</span>, taking a large, picked army, and
+twenty elephants, beasts never previously beheld by the Italians.
+Hence the latter were invariably filled with alarm and astonishment.
+While crossing the Ionian Sea he encountered a storm and lost many
+soldiers of his army: the remainder were scattered by the violent
+waters. Only with difficulty, then, and by land travel did he reach
+Tarentum. He at once impressed those in their prime into service
+alongside of his own soldiers so as to make sure that they should not
+be led, by having a separate company, to think of rebellion; he closed
+the theatre, presumably on account of the war and to prevent the
+people from gathering there and setting on foot any uprising; also he
+forbade them to assemble for banquets and revels, and ordered the
+youth to practice in arms instead of spending all day in the
+market-place. When some, indignant at this, left the ranks, he
+stationed guards from his own contingent so that no one could leave
+the city. The inhabitants, oppressed by these measures, and by
+supplying food, compelled as they were, too, to receive the guardsmen
+into their houses, repented, since they found in Pyrrhus only a
+master, not an ally. He, fearing for these reasons that they might
+lean to the Roman cause, took note of all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> the men who had any ability
+as politicians or could dominate the populace and sent them one after
+another to Epirus to his son on various excuses; occasionally,
+however, he would quietly assassinate them instead. A certain
+Aristarchus, who was accounted one of the noblest of the Tarentini and
+was a most persuasive speaker, he made his boon companion to the end
+that this man should be suspected by the people of having the
+interests of Pyrrhus at heart. When, however, he saw that he still had
+the confidence of the throng, he gave him an errand to Epirus.
+Aristarchus, not daring to dispute his behest, set sail, but went to
+Rome.</p>
+
+<p>VIII, 3.&#8212;Such was the behavior of Pyrrhus toward the Tarentini.
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>8</sup></span><span class="smcap">those in rome learning that
+pyrrhus had come to tarentum were smitten with terror because the
+italian states had been set at enmity with them and because he was
+reported to be without doubt a good warrior and to have a force that
+was by no means despicable as an adversary.</span> So they proceeded to
+enlist soldiers and to gather money and to distribute garrisons among
+the allied cities to prevent them from likewise revolting; and
+learning that some were already stirred with sedition they punished
+the principal men in them. A handful of those from Pr&#230;neste were
+brought to Rome late in the afternoon and thrown into the treasury for
+security. Thereby a certain oracle was fulfilled for the Romans. For
+an oracle had told them once that these people should occupy the Roman
+treasure-house. The oracle, then, resulted this way: the men lost
+their lives.</p>
+
+<p>Valerius Lavinius was despatched against Pyrrhus, the Tarentini, and
+the rest of their associates, but a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> part of the army was retained in
+the city. As for Lavinius, he at once set out on his march so that he
+might carry on the war as far as possible from his own territory. He
+hoped to frighten Pyrrhus by showing the latter those men advancing
+against him of their own accord whom he had thought to besiege. In the
+course of his journey he seized a strong strategic point in the land
+of the Lucanians, and he left behind a force in Lucania to hinder the
+people from giving aid to his opponents.</p>
+
+<p>Pyrrhus on learning of Lavinius's approach made a start before the
+latter came in sight, established a camp, and was desirous of using up
+time while waiting for allies to join. He sent a haughty letter to
+Lavinius with the design of overawing him. The writing was couched
+thus: &quot;King Pyrrhus to Lavinius, Greeting. I learn that you are
+leading an army against Tarentum. Send it away, therefore, and come
+yourself to me with few attendants. For I will judge between you, if
+you have any blame to impute to each other, and I will compel the
+party at fault, however unwilling, to grant justice.&quot; Lavinius wrote
+the following reply to Pyrrhus: &quot;You seem to me, Pyrrhus, to have been
+quite daft when you set yourself up as judge between the Tarentini and
+us before rendering to us an account of your crossing over into Italy
+at all. I will come, therefore, with all my army and will exact the
+appropriate recompense both from the Tarentini and from you. What use
+can I have for nonsense and palaver, when I can stand trial in the
+court of Mars, our progenitor?&quot; After sending such an answering
+despatch he hurried on and pitched camp, leaving the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> stream of the
+river at that point between them. Having apprehended some scouts he
+showed them his troops and after telling them he had more of them,
+many times that number, he sent them back. Pyrrhus, struck with alarm
+by this, was not desirous of fighting because some of the allies had
+not yet joined his force, and he was constantly hoping that provisions
+would fail the Romans while they delayed on hostile soil. Lavinius,
+too, reckoned on this and was eager to join issue. As the soldiers had
+become terrified at the reputation of Pyrrhus and on account of the
+elephants, he called them together and delivered a speech containing
+many exhortations to courage; then he busily prepared to close with
+Pyrrhus, willing or unwilling. The latter had no heart to fight, but
+in order to avoid an appearance of fearing the Romans he also in
+person addressed his own men, inciting them to the conflict. Lavinius
+tried to cross the river opposite the camp, but was prevented. So he
+retired and himself remained in position with his infantry, but sent
+the cavalry off (apparently on some marauding expedition) with
+injunctions to march some distance and then make the attempt. In this
+way both they assailed the enemy unexpectedly in the rear, and
+Lavinius, in the midst of the foe's confusion, crossed the river and
+took part in the battle. Pyrrhus came to the aid of his own men, who
+were in flight, but lost his horse by a wound and was thought by them
+to have been killed. Then, the one side being dejected and the other
+scornfully elated, their actions were correspondingly altered. He
+became<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> aware of this and gave his clothing, which was more striking
+than that of the rest, to Megacles, bidding him put it on and ride
+about in all directions to the end that thinking him safe his
+opponents might be brought to fear and his followers to feel
+encouragement. As for himself, he put on an ordinary uniform and
+encountered the Romans with his full army, save the elephants, and by
+bringing assistance to the contestants wherever they were in trouble
+he did his supporters a great deal of good. At first, then, for a
+large part of the day they fought evenly; but when a man killed
+Megacles, thinking to have killed Pyrrhus and creating this impression
+in the minds of the rest, the Romans gained vigor and their opponents
+began to give way. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>12</sup></span><span class="smcap">pyrrhus,
+noting what was taking place, cast off his cap and went about with his
+head bare; and the battle took an opposite turn.</span> Seeing this,
+Lavinius, who had horsemen in hiding somewhere, outside the battle,
+ordered them to attack the enemy in the rear. In response to this
+Pyrrhus, as a device to meet it, raised the signal for the elephants.
+Then, indeed, at the sight of the animals, which was out of all common
+experience, at their bloodcurdling trumpeting, and at the clatter of
+arms which their riders, seated in the towers, made, both the Romans
+themselves became panic stricken and their horses, in a frenzy, either
+shook off their riders or bolted, carrying them away. Disheartened at
+this the Roman army was turned to flight and in their rout some
+soldiers were destroyed by the men in the towers on the elephants'
+backs, and others by the beasts them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span>selves, which with their trunks
+and horns (or teeth?) took the lives of many and crushed and trampled
+under foot no less. The cavalry, following after, slew many; not one,
+indeed, would have been left, had not an elephant been wounded, and by
+its own struggles as a result of the wound as well as by its
+trumpeting thrown the rest into confusion. Only this restrained
+Pyrrhus from pursuit and only in this way did the Romans manage to
+cross the river and make their escape into an Apulian city. Many of
+Pyrrhus's soldiers and officers alike fell, so that <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>13</sup></span><span class="smcap">when certain men congratulated him on his
+victory, he said; &quot;if we ever conquer again in like fashion, we shall
+be ruined.&quot; the romans, however, he admired even in their defeat,
+declaring: &quot;i should already have mastered the whole inhabited world,
+were i king of the romans.&quot;</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>14</sup></span><span class="smcap">pyrrhus, accordingly, acquired a
+great reputation for his victory and many came over to his side: the
+allies also espoused his cause. these he rebuked somewhat on account
+of their tardiness, but gave them a share of the spoil.</span> VIII,
+4.&#8212;The men of Rome felt grief at the defeat, but they sent an army to
+Lavinius; and they summoned Tiberius from Etruria and put the city
+under guard when they learned that Pyrrhus was hastening against it.
+Lavinius, however, as soon as he had cured his own followers of their
+wounds and had collected the scattered, the reinforcements from Rome
+now having arrived, followed on the track of Pyrrhus and harassed him.
+Finding out that the king was ambitious to capture Capua he occupied
+it in advance and guarded it. Disappointed there Pyrrhus set out for
+Neapolis. Since<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> he developed no power to accomplish anything at this
+place either and was in haste to occupy Rome, he passed on through
+Etruria with the object of winning that people also to his cause. He
+learned that they had made a treaty with the Romans and that Tiberius
+was moving to meet him face to face. (Lavinius was dogging his
+footsteps.) <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>19</sup></span><span class="smcap">a dread seized him of
+being cut off on all sides by them while he was in unfamiliar
+regions</span> and he would advance no farther. <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>20</sup></span><span class="smcap">when, as he was retreating and had reached
+the vicinity of campania, lavinius confronted him and the latter's
+army was much larger than it was before, he declared that the roman
+troops when cut to pieces grew whole again, hydra-fashion. and he made
+preparations in his turn, but did not come to the issue of
+battle.</span> He had ordered his own soldiers before the shock of
+conflict, in order to terrify the Romans, to smite their shields with
+their spears and cry aloud while the trumpeters and the elephants
+raised a united blare. But when the other side raised a much greater
+shout, actually scaring the followers of Pyrrhus, he no longer wanted
+to come to close quarters, but retired, as if he found the omens bad.
+And he came to Tarentum. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>21</sup></span><span class="smcap">thither
+came roman envoys to treat in behalf of the captives,&#8212;fabricius among
+others. these he entertained lavishly and showed them honor, expecting
+that they would conclude a truce and make terms as the defeated
+party</span>. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>22</sup></span><span class="smcap">fabricius asked that
+he might get back the men captured in battle for such ransom as should
+be pleasing to both. pyrrhus, quite dumfounded because the man did not
+say that</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span> <span class="smcap">he was also commissioned to treat about peace, took counsel
+privately with his friends, as was his wont, about the return of the
+captives, but also about the war and how he should conduct it.</span>
+Milo advised neither returning the captives nor making a truce, but
+overcoming all remaining resistance by war, since the Romans were
+already defeated: Cineas, however, gave advice just the opposite of
+his; he approved of surrendering the captives without price and
+sending envoys and money to Rome for the purpose of obtaining an
+armistice and peace. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>23</sup></span><span class="smcap">to his
+decision did the rest also cleave, and pyrrhus, too, chanced to be of
+this mind. having called the ambassadors, therefore, he said: &quot;not
+willingly, romans, did i lately make war upon you, and i have no wish
+to war against you now. it was my desire to become your friend.
+wherefore i release to you the captives without ransom and ask the
+privilege of making peace.&quot;</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>24</sup></span><span class="smcap">these words he had spoken to the
+envoys as a whole and had either given or furnished them promises of
+money, but in conversation with fabricius alone he said: &quot;i would
+gladly become a friend to all romans, but most of all to you. i see
+that you are an excellent man and i ask you to help me in getting
+peace.&quot; with these words he attempted to bestow upon him a number of
+gifts. but fabricius said: &quot;i commend you for desiring peace, and i
+will effect it for you, if it shall prove to our advantage. for you
+will not ask me, a man who, as you say, pretends to uprightness, to do
+anything against my country. nay, i would not even accept any of these
+things which you are fain to give. i ask you, therefore,</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> <span class="smcap">whether you
+in very truth regard me as a reputable man or not. if i am a
+scoundrel, how is it that you deem me worthy of gifts? if, on the
+other hand, i am a man of honor, how can you bid me accept them? be
+then assured that i have very many possessions, that i am satisfied
+with what i now have and feel no need of more. you, however, even if
+you are ever so rich, are in unspeakable poverty. for you would not
+have crossed over to this land, leaving behind epirus and the rest of
+your possessions, if you had been content with them and were not
+reaching out for more.&quot;</span></p>
+
+<p>After this conversation had taken place as recounted, the envoys took
+the captives and departed. Pyrrhus despatched Cineas to Rome with a
+large amount of gold coin and women's apparel of every description, so
+that even if some of the men should resist, their wives, at least, won
+by the appeal of the finery, might make them share in the prostitution
+of principles. Cineas on coming to the city did not seek an audience
+with the senate, but lingered about, alleging now one reason, now
+another. He was visiting the houses of leading men and by his
+conversation and gifts was slowly extending his influence over them.
+When he had won the attachment of a number, he entered the
+senate-chamber and spoke, saying; &quot;King Pyrrhus offers as his defence
+the fact that he came not to make war upon you, but to reconcile the
+Tarentini, and in answer to their entreaties. Indeed, he has released
+your prisoners, waiving ransom, and though he might have ravaged your
+country and assaulted your city, he requests to be en<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span>rolled among
+your friends and allies, hoping to gain much assistance from you and
+to render you still more and greater benefits in return.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>Thereupon the greater part of the senators evinced pleasure because of
+the gifts and because of the captives: however, they made no reply,
+but went on deliberating for several days more as to the proper course
+to pursue. There was a deal of talk, but the disposition to accord a
+truce predominated. On learning this Appius the Blind was carried to
+the senate-house (for by reason of his age and his infirmity he was a
+stay-at-home) and declared that the <i>modus vivendi</i> with Pyrrhus was
+not advantageous to the State. He urged them to dismiss Cineas at once
+from the city and to make known to Pyrrhus by his mouth that the king
+must first withdraw to his home country and from there make
+propositions to them about peace or about anything else he wanted.
+This was the advice Appius gave. The senate delayed no longer, but
+forthwith unanimously voted to send Cineas that very day across the
+borders and to wage an implacable war with Pyrrhus, so long as he
+should abide in Italy. They imposed upon the captives certain
+degradations in the campaigns and used them no longer against Pyrrhus
+nor for any other project as a unit (out of apprehension that if they
+were together they might rebel), but sent them to do garrison duty, a
+few here, a few there.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 10, BOISSEVAIN).</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 279<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 475)</span>VIII, 5.&#8212;During the winter both
+sides busied themselves with preparations. When spring had now begun,
+Pyrrhus invaded Apulia and reduced many places by force, many also by
+capitulation. Finally the Romans came upon him near a city called
+Asculum and pitched camp opposite. For several days they lingered,
+rather avoiding each other. The Romans were not feeling confident
+against men who had once beaten them, and the others dreaded the
+Romans as persons animated by desperation. Meanwhile some were talking
+to the effect that Decius was getting ready to &quot;devote himself&quot; after
+the fashion of his father and grandfather, and by so doing they
+terribly alarmed the followers of Pyrrhus, who believed that through
+his death they would certainly be ruined. Pyrrhus then convened his
+soldiers and discussed this matter, advising them not to be
+disheartened nor scared out of their wits by such talk. One human
+being, he said, could not by dying prevail over many nor could any
+incantation or magic prove superior to arms and men. By making these
+remarks and confirming his words by arguments Pyrrhus encouraged the
+army under his lead. Also he enquired into the details of the costume
+which the Decii had used in devoting themselves, and sent injunctions
+to his men, if they should see anybody so arrayed, not to kill him,
+but seize him alive. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>28</sup></span><span class="smcap">and he sent
+to decius and told him that he would not succeed in</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> <span class="smcap">accomplishing
+this, even if he wished it, and threatened that if he were taken
+alive, he should perish miserably. to this the consuls answered that
+they were in no need of having recourse to such a proceeding as the
+one mentioned, since they were sure to conquer him anyway.</span> There
+was a river not easy to ford running between the two camps, and they
+enquired whether he chose to cross unmolested himself, while they
+retired, or whether he would allow them to do it, the object being
+that the forces should encounter each other intact and so from a
+battle with conditions equal the test of valor might be made an
+accurate one. The Romans delivered this speech to overawe him, but
+Pyrrhus granted them permission to cross the river, since he placed
+great reliance upon his elephants. The Romans among their other
+preparations made ready, as a measure against the elephants,
+projecting beams on wagons, overlaid with iron and bristling in all
+directions. From these they intended to shoot and to withstand the
+animals with fire as well as by other means. When the conflict began,
+the Romans forced the Greeks back, slowly to be sure, but none the
+less effectually, until Pyrrhus, bringing his elephants to bear not
+opposite their chariots but at the other end of the line, routed their
+cavalry through fear of the beasts even before they had come close.
+Upon their infantry, however, he inflicted no great damage. Meantime
+some of the Apulians had started for the camp of the Epirots and by so
+doing brought about victory for the Romans. For when Pyrrhus sent some
+of his warriors against them, all the rest were thrown into dis<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span>order
+and suspecting that their tents had been captured and their companions
+were in flight they gave way. Numbers of them fell, Pyrrhus and many
+commanding officers besides were wounded, and later on account of the
+lack of food and of medical supplies they incurred great loss. Hence
+he retreated to Tarentum before the Romans were aware. As for the
+consuls, they crossed the river to fight, but when they ascertained
+that all had scattered, they withdrew to their own cities. They were
+unable to pursue after their foes on account of wounds among their own
+following. Then the Romans went into winter quarters in Apulia,
+whereas Pyrrhus sent for soldiers and money from home and went on with
+other preparations. But learning that Fabricius and Pappus had been
+chosen consuls and had arrived in camp, he was not constant in the
+same intention.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 278<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 476)</span>The aforesaid consuls were now in
+the midst of their army, when a certain Nicias, one of those believed
+to be loyal to Pyrrhus, came to Fabricius and offered to murder him
+treacherously. Fabricius, indignant at this (for he wanted to overcome
+the enemy by valor and main force, like Camillus), informed Pyrrhus of
+the plot. This action of his moved the king so strongly that he again
+released the Roman captives without price and sent envoys once more in
+regard to peace. But when the Romans made no reply about peace, but as
+before bade him depart from Italy and only in that event make
+propositions to them, and since they kept overrunning and capturing
+the cities in alliance with him, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>29</sup></span><span class="smcap">he fell into perplexity</span>; till at length some Syra</p><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span>cusans
+called on him for aid&#8212;they had been quarreling, as it chanced, ever
+since the death of Agathocles&#8212;and surrendered to him both themselves
+and their city. Hereupon he again breathed freely, hoping to subjugate
+all of Sicily. Leaving Milo behind in Italy to keep guard over
+Tarentum and the other positions, he himself sailed away after letting
+it be understood that he would soon return. The Syracusans welcomed
+him and laid everything at his feet, so that in brief time he had
+again become great and the Carthaginians in fright secured additional
+mercenaries from Italy. But presently his prospects fell to the other
+extreme of fortune <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>30</sup></span><span class="smcap">by reason of
+the fact that he either expelled or slew many who held office and had
+incurred his suspicions</span>. Then the Carthaginians, seeing that he
+was not strong in private forces and did not possess the devotion of
+the natives, took up the war vigorously. They harbored any Syracusans
+who were exiled and rendered his position so uncomfortable that he
+abandoned not only Syracuse, but Sicily as well.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 277<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 477)</span>VIII, 6.&#8212;The Romans on finding out
+his absence took courage and turned their attention to requiting those
+who had invited him. Postponing till another occasion the case of the
+Tarentini they invaded Samnium with their consuls Rufinus and Junius,
+devastated the country as they went along, and took several deserted
+forts. The Samnites had conveyed their dearest and most valuable
+treasures into the hills called the <i>Cranita</i>, because they bear a
+large growth of cornel-wood (<i>crania</i>). The Romans in contempt for
+them dared to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> begin the ascent of the aforementioned hills. As the
+region was tangled with shrubbery and difficult of access many were
+killed and many, too, were taken prisoners.</p>
+
+<p>The consuls now no longer carried on the war together, since each
+blamed the other for the disaster, but Junius went on ravaging a
+portion of Samnium, while Rufinus inflicted injury upon Lucanians and
+Bruttians. He then started against Croton, which had revolted from
+Rome. His friends had sent for him, but the other party got ahead of
+them by bringing a garrison from Milo, of which Nicomachus was
+commander. Ignorant of this fact he approached the walls carelessly,
+supposing that his friends controlled affairs, and suffered a setback
+by a sudden sortie made against him. Then, bethinking himself of a
+trick, he captured the city. He sent two captives as pretended
+deserters into Croton; one at once, declaring that he had despaired of
+capturing the place and was about to set out into Locris, which was
+being betrayed to him; the other later, corroborating the report with
+the further detail that he was on his way. That the story might gain
+credence he packed up the baggage and affected to be in haste.
+Nicomachus trusted this news (for his scouts made the same report),
+and leaving Croton set off with speed into Locrian territory by a
+somewhat shorter road. When he had got well into Locris, Rufinus
+turned back to Croton, and escaping observation because he was not
+expected and because of a mist that then prevailed he captured the
+city. Nicomachus learn<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span>ing this went back to Tarentum, and
+encountering Rufinus on the way lost many men. The Locrians came over
+to the Roman side.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 276<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 478)</span>The next year the Romans made
+expeditions into Samnium and into Lucania and fought with the
+Bruttians. Pyrrhus, who had been driven out of Sicily and had
+returned, was now troubling them grievously. He got back the Locrians
+(by their killing the Roman garrison and changing their rulers), but
+in a campaign against Rhegium was repulsed, was himself wounded, and
+lost great numbers. He then retired into Locris and after executing a
+few who opposed his cause he got food and money from the rest and made
+his way back to Tarentum. The Samnites, hard pressed by the Romans,
+caused him to leave the shelter of that town: <span class="sidenote">B.C. 275<br />
+(<i>a.u.</i> 479)</span> but on coming to their assistance he was put to flight.
+A young elephant was wounded, and shaking off its riders wandered
+about in search of its mother; the latter thereupon became
+unmanageable, and as all the rest of the elephants raised a din
+everything was thrown into dire confusion. Finally the Romans won the
+day, killing many men and capturing eight elephants, and occupied the
+enemy's entrenchments. Pyrrhus accompanied by a few horsemen made his
+escape to Tarentum, and from there sailed back to Epirus, leaving Milo
+behind with a garrison to take care of Tarentum because he expected to
+come back again. He also gave them a chair fastened with straps made
+from the skin of Nicias, whom he put to death for treachery. This was
+the vengeance, then, that he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> took upon Nicias, <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 40<sup>32</sup></span><span class="smcap">and he was intending to exact vengeance from
+some youths who had ridiculed him at a banquet; but he asked them why
+they were ridiculing him, and when they answered: &quot;we should have said
+a lot more things a good deal worse, if the wine hadn't failed us&quot;, he
+laughed and let them go</span>.</p>
+
+<p>Now Pyrrhus, who had made a most distinguished record among generals,
+who had inspired the Romans with great fear and left Italy in the
+fifth year to make a campaign against Greece, not long afterward met
+his death in Argos. A woman, as the story runs, being eager to catch a
+sight of him from the roof as he passed by, made a misstep and falling
+upon him killed him. The same year Fabricius and Pappus became
+censors; and among others whose names they erased from the lists of
+the knights and the senators was Rufinus, though he had served as
+dictator and had twice been consul. The reason was that he had in his
+possession silver plate of ten pounds' weight. This shows how the
+Romans regarded poverty as consisting not in the failure to possess
+many things but in wanting many things. Accordingly, their officials
+who went abroad and others who set out on any business of importance
+to the State received besides other necessary allowances a seal-ring
+as a public gift.</p>
+
+<p>Some of the Tarentini who had been abused by Milo attacked him, with
+Nico at their head. Not accomplishing anything they occupied a section
+of their own wall, and with that as headquarters kept making assaults
+upon Milo. When they found out that the Romans were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> disposed to make
+war upon them, they despatched envoys to Rome and obtained peace.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 41<br /> B.C. 273<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 481)</span>
+<span class="smcap">and ptolemy philadelphus, king of egypt, when he learned that
+pyrrhus had fared poorly and that the romans were growing, sent gifts
+to them and made a compact. and the romans, pleased with this,
+despatched ambassadors to him in turn. the latter received magnificent
+gifts from him, which they wanted to put into the treasury; the
+senate, however, would not accept them, but allowed them to keep
+them.</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 272<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 482)</span>After this, by the activity of
+Carvilius they subdued the Samnites, and overcame the Lucanians and
+Bruttians by the hands of Papirius. The same Papirius quelled the
+Tarentini. The latter, angry at Milo and subjected to abuse by their
+own men, who, as has been told, made the attack on Milo, called in the
+Carthaginians to their aid when they learned that Pyrrhus was dead.
+Milo, seeing that his chances had been contracted to narrow limits, as
+the Romans beset him on the land side and the Carthaginians on the
+water front, surrendered the citadel to Papirius on condition of being
+permitted to depart unharmed with his immediate followers and his
+money. Then the Carthaginians, as representatives of a nation friendly
+to the Romans, sailed away, and the city made terms with Papirius.
+They delivered to him their arms and their ships, demolished their
+walls, and agreed to pay tribute.</p>
+
+<p>The Romans, having thus secured control of the Tarentini, turned their
+attention to Rhegium, whose inhabitants after taking Croton by
+treachery had razed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span> the city to the ground and had slain the Romans
+there. They averted the danger that was threatening them from the
+Mamertines holding Messana (whom the people of Rhegium wanted to get
+as allies), by coming to an agreement with them; but in the siege of
+Rhegium they suffered hardships through a scarcity of food and some
+other causes until Hiero by sending from Sicily grain and soldiers to
+the Romans strengthened their hands and materially aided them in
+capturing the city. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 270<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 484)</span>The place was
+restored to the survivors among the original inhabitants: those who
+had plotted against it were punished.</p>
+
+<p>Hiero, who was not of distinguished family on his father's side and on
+his mother's was akin to the slave class, ruled almost the whole of
+Sicily and was deemed a friend and ally of the Romans. After the
+flight of Pyrrhus he became master of Syracuse, and having a cautious
+eye upon the Carthaginians who were encroaching upon Sicily he was
+inclined to favor the Romans; and the first mark of favor that he
+showed them was the alliance and the forwarding of grain already
+narrated.</p>
+
+<p>After this came a winter so severe that the Tiber was frozen to a
+great depth and trees were killed. The people of Rome suffered
+hardships and the hay gave out, causing the cattle to perish.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 269<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 485)</span>VIII, 7.&#8212;The next year a Samnite
+named Lolius living in Rome as a hostage made his escape, gathered a
+band and seized a strong position in his native country from which he
+carried on brigandage. Quintus Gallus<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> and Gaius Fabius made a
+campaign against him. Him and the rabblement with him, most of them
+unarmed, they suppressed; on proceeding, however, against the Carcini
+in whose keeping the robbers had deposited their booty, they
+encountered trouble. Finally one night, led by deserters, they scaled
+the wall at a certain point and came dangerously near perishing on
+account of the darkness,&#8212;not that it was a moonless night but because
+it was snowing fiercely. But the moon shone out and they made
+themselves absolute masters of the position.</p>
+
+<p>A great deal of money fell to the share of Rome in those days, so that
+they actually used silver denarii.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 267<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 487)</span>Next they made a campaign into the
+district now called Calabria. Their excuse was that the people had
+harbored Pyrrhus and had been overrunning their allied territory, but
+as a fact they wanted to gain sole possession of Brundusium, since
+there was a fine harbor and for the traffic with Illyricum and Greece
+the town had an approach and landing-place of such a character that
+vessels would sometimes come to land and put out to sea wafted by the
+same wind. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 266<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 488)<br /><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 42</span>They captured it and sent
+colonists to it and to other settlements as well. While the
+accomplishment of these exploits <span class="smcap">raised them to a higher plane of prosperity, they showed no
+haughtiness: on the contrary they surrendered to the apolloniatians on
+the ionian gulf quintus fabius, a senator, because he had insulted
+their ambassadors. but these on receiving him sent him back home again
+unharmed.</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 265<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 489)</span>In the year of the consulship of
+Quintus Fabius and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span> &#198;milius they went on a campaign to the Volsinii to
+secure the freedom of the latter, for they were under treaty
+obligations to them. These people were originally a branch of the
+Etruscans, and they gathered power and erected an extremely strong
+rampart; they enjoyed also a government guided by good laws. For these
+reasons once, when they were involved in war with the Romans, they
+offered resistance for a very long time. When they had been subdued,
+they deteriorated into a state of effeminacy, left the management of
+the city to their servants and let those servants, as a rule, also
+carry on their campaigns. Finally they encouraged them to such an
+extent that the servants possessed both spirit and power, and thought
+they had a right to freedom. In the course of time their efforts to
+obtain it were crowned with success. After that they were accustomed
+to wed their mistresses, to inherit their masters, to be enrolled in
+the senate, to secure the offices, and to hold the entire authority
+themselves. Indeed, it was usual, when insults were offered them by
+their masters, for them to requite the authors of them with rather
+unbecoming speed. Hence the old-fashioned citizens, not being able to
+endure them and yet possessing no power of their own to repress them,
+despatched envoys by stealth to Rome. The envoys urged the senate to
+convene with secrecy at night in a private house, so that no report
+might get abroad, and they obtained their request. The meeting
+accordingly deliberated under the idea that no one was listening: but
+a sick Samnite, who was being entertained as a guest of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> master of
+the house, kept his bed unnoticed, learned what was voted, and gave
+information to those against whom charges were preferred. The latter
+seized and tortured the envoys on their return; when they found out
+what was on foot they killed the messengers and also some of the
+foremost men.</p>
+
+<p>The above were the causes which led the Romans to send Fabius against
+them. He routed the body of the foe that met him, destroyed many in
+their flight, shut up the remainder within the wall, and made an
+assault upon the city. In that action he was wounded and killed,
+whereupon gaining confidence the enemy made a sortie. They were again
+defeated, retired, and had to submit to siege. When they began to feel
+the pangs of hunger, they surrendered. The consul delivered to outrage
+and death the men who had appropriated the honors of the ruling class
+and he razed the city to the ground; the native inhabitants, however,
+and many servants who had rendered valuable service to their masters
+he settled on another site.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 11, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p>VIII, 8.&#8212;From that time the Romans began struggles oversea: they had
+previously had no experience at all in naval matters. They now became
+seamen and crossed over to the islands and to other divisions of the
+mainland. The first people they fought against were the Carthaginians.
+These Carthaginians were no whit inferior to them in wealth or in the
+excellence of their land; they were trained in naval operations to a
+great degree of accuracy, were equipped with cavalry forces, with
+infantry and elephants, ruled the Libyans, and held possession of both
+Sardinia and the greater part of Sicily: as a result they had
+cherished hopes of subjugating Italy. Various factors contributed to
+increase their self-conceit. They were especially delighted with their
+position of independence: their king they elected under the title of a
+yearly office and not for permanent sovereignty. Animated by these
+considerations they were at the point of most zealous eagerness.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">the reasons alleged for the war
+were&#8212;on the part of the romans that the carthaginians had assisted
+the tarentini, on the part of the carthaginians that the romans had
+made a treaty of friendship with hiero. the fact was, however, that
+they viewed each other with jealousy and thought that the only
+salvation for their own possessions lay in the possibility of
+obtaining what the other held. at a time when their attitude toward
+each other</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span> <span class="smcap">was of this nature a slight accident that befell broke the
+truce and provoked a conflict between them.</span> This is what
+happened.</p>
+
+<p>The Mamertines, who had once conducted a colony from Campania to
+Messana, were now being besieged by Hiero, and they called upon the
+Romans as a nation of kindred blood. The latter readily voted to aid
+them, knowing that in case the Mamertines should not secure an
+alliance with them, they would have recourse to the Carthaginians; and
+then the Carthaginians would sweep all Sicily and from there cross
+over into Italy. For this island is such a short distance away from
+the mainland that the story goes that it was itself once a part of the
+mainland. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">so the island thus lying
+off italy seemed to invite the carthaginians, and it appeared as if
+they might lay claim to the land over opposite, could they but occupy
+it. and the possession of messana gave to its masters the right to be
+lords of the strait also.</span></p>
+
+<p>Though the Romans voted to assist the Mamertines, they did not quickly
+come to their aid because of various hindrances that occurred. Hence
+the Mamertines, under the spur of necessity, called upon the
+Carthaginians. These brought about peace with Hiero both for
+themselves and for the party that had invoked their help, so as to
+prevent the Romans from crossing into the island; and under the
+leadership of Hanno they retained the guardianship of strait and city.
+<span class="sidenote">B.C. 264<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 490)</span>Meantime Gaius Claudius, military
+tribune, sent in advance with a few ships by Appius Claudius, had
+arrived at Rhegium. But to sail across was more than he dared, for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span> he
+saw that the Carthaginian fleet was far larger. So he embarked in a
+skiff and approached Messana, where he held a conversation, as
+extended as the case permitted, with the party in possession. When the
+Carthaginians had made reply, he returned without accomplishing
+anything. Subsequently he ascertained that the Mamertines were at odds
+(they did not want to submit to the Romans, and yet they felt uneasy
+about the Carthaginians), and he sailed over again. <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">among other remarks which he made to tempt
+them he declared that the object of his presence was to free the city,
+and as soon as he could set their affairs in order, he should sail
+away. he bade the carthaginians also either to withdraw, or, if they
+had any just plea, to offer it. now when not one of the mamertines (by
+reason of fear) opened his lips, and the carthaginians since they were
+occupying the city by force of arms paid no heed to him, he said: &quot;the
+silence on both sides affords sufficient evidence. it shows that the
+one side is in the wrong, for they would have justified themselves if
+their purposes were at all honest; and that the other side covets
+freedom, for they would have been quite free to speak, if they had
+espoused the cause of the carthaginians.&quot; and he volunteered to aid
+them.</span> At this a tumult of praise arose from the Mamertines. He
+then sailed back to Rhegium and a little later with his entire fleet
+forced his passage across. However, partly because of the numbers and
+skill of the Carthaginians, but chiefly because of the difficulty of
+sailing and a storm that suddenly broke <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span>
+43<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">he lost some of his tri</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span><span class="smcap">remes and with the remainder barely
+succeeded in getting back to rhegium</span>.</p>
+
+<p>VIII, 9.&#8212;<span class="smcap">however, the romans did not shun the sea because of
+their defeat.</span> Claudius proceeded to repair his ships, <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>5</sup></span><span class="smcap">while hanno, wishing to throw the
+responsibility for breaking the truce upon the romans, sent to
+claudius the captured triremes and restored the captives, urging him
+to agree to peace.</span> <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>6</sup></span><span class="smcap">but when
+the other would accept nothing, he threatened that he would never
+permit the romans even to wash their hands in the sea</span>. Claudius
+now having become acquainted with the strait watched for a time when
+the current and the wind both carried from Italy toward Sicily, and
+under those circumstances sailed to the island, encountering no
+opposition. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>7</sup></span><span class="smcap">he discovered the
+mamertines at the harbor: hanno had before become suspicious of their
+movements and had established himself in the acropolis, which he was
+guarding. the roman leader accordingly convened an assembly and after
+some conversation with them persuaded them to send for hanno. the
+latter refused to come down</span>, but filled with a subsequent fear
+that the Mamertines might allege injustice on his part and revolt he
+did enter the assembly. After many words had been spoken to no purpose
+by both sides, one of the Romans seized him and, with the approval of
+the Mamertines, threw him into prison.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, under compulsion, Hanno left Messana entirely. The Carthaginians
+disciplined him and sent a herald to the Romans bidding them leave
+Messana and depart from all of Sicily by a given day; they also set<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span>
+an army in motion. Since the Romans paid no heed, they put to death
+the mercenaries serving with them who were from Italy, and made an
+assault upon Messana, Hiero accompanying them. Then for a season they
+besieged the city and kept guard over the strait, to prevent any
+troops or provisions being conveyed to the foe. The consul was
+informed of this when he was already quite close at hand, and found a
+number of Carthaginians disposed at various points in and about the
+harbor under pretence of carrying on trade. In order to get safe
+across the strait he resorted to deception and did succeed in
+anchoring off Sicily by night. His point of approach was not far from
+the camp of Hiero and he joined battle without delay, thinking that
+his appearance in force would be most likely to inspire the enemy with
+fear. When they came out to withstand the attack, the Roman cavalry
+was worsted but the heavy-armed infantry prevailed. Hiero retired
+temporarily to the mountains and later to Syracuse.</p>
+
+<p>When Hiero had retired, the Mamertines took courage because of the
+presence of Claudius. He therefore assailed the Carthaginians, who
+were now isolated, and their rampart, which was situated on a kind of
+peninsula. For on the one side the sea enclosed it and on the other
+some marshes, difficult to traverse. At the neck of this peninsula,
+the only entrance and a very narrow one, a cross wall had been built.
+In an attempt to carry this point by force the Romans fared badly and
+withdrew under a shower of weapons. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>9</sup></span><span class="smcap">the libyans</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span> <span class="smcap">then took courage and sallied out, pursuing the
+fugitives, as they thought them, beyond the narrow strip of land.
+thereupon the romans wheeled, routed them, and killed a number, so
+that they did not issue from the camp again,&#8212;at least so long as
+claudius was in messana.</span> He, however, not daring to attack the
+approach in force, left a detachment behind in Messana and turned his
+steps toward Syracuse and Hiero. He personally superintended the
+assault upon the city, and now and then the inhabitants would come out
+to battle. Each side would sometimes be victorious and sometimes incur
+defeat. One day the consul got into a confined position and would have
+been caught, had he not, before being surrounded, sent to Hiero an
+invitation to agree to some terms. When the representative came with
+whom he was to conclude the terms, he kept falling back unobtrusively,
+while he conversed with him, until he had retired to safety. But the
+city could not easily be taken, and a siege, on account of scarcity of
+food supplies and disease in the army, was impracticable. Claudius
+accordingly withdrew; and the Syracusans following held discussions
+with his scattered followers and would have made a truce, if Hiero
+also had been willing to agree to terms. The consul left behind a
+garrison in Messana and sailed back to Rhegium.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 263<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 491)</span>As Etruscan unrest had come to a
+standstill and affairs in Italy were perfectly peaceful, whereas the
+Carthaginian state was becoming ever greater, the Romans ordered both
+the consuls to make an expedition into Sicily. Valerius Maximus and
+Otacilius Crassus consequently crossed over and in their progress<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span>
+through the island together and separately they won over many towns by
+capitulation. When they had made the majority of places their own,
+they set out for Syracuse. Hiero in terror sent a herald to them with
+offers: he expressed a readiness to restore the cities of which they
+had been deprived, promised money, and liberated the prisoners. On
+these terms he obtained peace, for the consuls thought they could
+subjugate the Carthaginians more easily with his help. After reaching
+an agreement with him, then, they turned their attention to the
+remaining cities garrisoned by Carthaginians. They were repulsed from
+all of them except Segesta, which they took without resistance. Its
+inhabitants because of their relationship with the Romans (they
+declare they are descended from &#198;neas) slew the Carthaginians and
+joined the Roman alliance.</p>
+
+<p>VIII, 10.&#8212;On account of the winter the consuls embarked again for
+Rhegium. The Carthaginians conveyed most of their army to Sardinia in
+the intention of attacking Rome from that quarter. They would thus
+either rout them out of Sicily altogether or would render them weaker
+after they had crossed. Yet they achieved neither the one object nor
+the other. The Romans both kept guard over their own land and sent a
+respectable force to Sicily with Postumius Albinus and Quintus
+&#198;milius.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> <span class="sidenote">B.C. 262<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 492)</span>On arriving in Sicily
+the consuls set out for Agrigentum and there besieged Hannibal the son
+of Gisco. The people of Carthage, when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> apprised of it, sent Hanno,
+with a powerful support, to aid him in the warfare. This leader
+arrived at Heraclea, not far from Agrigentum, and was soon engaged in
+war. A number of battles, but not great ones, took place. At first
+Hanno challenged the consuls to fight, then later on the Romans
+challenged him. For as long as the Romans had an abundance of food,
+they did not venture to contend against a superior force, and were
+hoping to get possession of the city by famine; when, however, they
+encountered a permanent shortage of grain, they displayed a zeal for
+taking risks, but Hanno showed hesitation; their eagerness led him to
+suspect that he might be ambushed. Everybody therefore was satisfied
+to revere the Romans as easy conquerors, and Hiero, who once
+co&#246;perated with them sulkily, now sent them grain, so that even the
+consuls took heart.</p>
+
+<p>Hanno now undertook to bring on a battle, expecting that Hannibal
+would fall upon the Romans in the rear, assailing them from the wall.
+The consuls learned his plan but remained inactive, and Hanno in scorn
+approached their intrenchments. They also sent some men to lie in
+ambush behind him. When toward evening he fearlessly and
+contemptuously led a charge, the Romans joined battle with him from
+ambush and from palisade and wrought a great slaughter of the enemy
+and of the elephants besides. Hannibal had in the meantime assailed
+the Roman tents, but was hurled back by the men guarding them. Hanno
+abandoned his camp and made good his escape to Heraclea. Hannibal then
+formed a plan to escape as runaways from Agri<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span>gentum by night, and
+himself eluded observation; the rest, however, were recognized and
+were killed, some by the Romans and many by the Agrigentinians. For
+all that the people of Agrigentum did not obtain pardon, but their
+wealth was plundered and they themselves were all sold into servitude.</p>
+
+<p>On account of the winter the consuls retired to Messana. The
+Carthaginians were angry with Hanno and despatched Hamilcar the son of
+Barca in his stead, a man superior in generalship to all his
+countrymen save only Hannibal his son. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 261<br />(<i>a.u.</i>
+493)</span>Hamilcar himself guarded Sicily and sent Hannibal as admiral to
+damage the coast sections of Italy and so draw the consuls to his
+vicinity. Yet he did not accomplish his aim, for they posted guards
+along both shores and then went to Sicily. They effected nothing
+worthy of record, however. And Hamilcar, becoming afraid that his
+Gallic mercenaries (who were offended because he had not given them
+full pay) might go over to the Romans, brought about their
+destruction. He sent them to take charge of one of the cities under
+Roman sway, assuring them that it was in course of being betrayed and
+giving them permission to plunder it: he then sent to the consuls
+pretended deserters to give them advance information of the coming of
+the Gauls. Hence all the Gauls were ambuscaded and destroyed; many of
+the Romans also perished.</p>
+
+<p>After the consuls had departed home Hamilcar sailed to Italy and
+ravaged the land and won over some cities in Sicily. On receipt of
+this information the Romans<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span> <span class="sidenote">B.C. 260<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 494)</span>gathered a fleet and put one of the consuls, Gaius Duillius, in
+command of it, while they sent his colleague, Gaius<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> Cornelius, to
+Sicily. He, neglecting the war on land which had fallen to his lot,
+sailed with the ships that belonged to him to Lipara, on the
+understanding that it was to be betrayed to him. Through treachery it
+had fallen into the hands of the Carthaginians. When, therefore, he
+put into Lipara, Bodes the lieutenant of Hannibal closed in upon him.
+As Gaius<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> made preparations to defend himself, Bodes fearing the
+Romans' desperation invited them to discuss terms. Having persuaded
+them to do so he took the consul and military tribunes, who supposed
+they were to meet the admiral, on board his own trireme. These men he
+sent to Carthage: the rest he captured without their so much as
+lifting a weapon.</p>
+
+<p>VIII, 11.&#8212;Then Hannibal continued the ravaging of Italy, while
+Hamilcar made a campaign against Segesta, where the Romans had most of
+their infantry force. Gaius C&#230;cilius, a military tribune, wanted to
+assist them, but Hamilcar waylaid him and slaughtered many of his
+followers. The people of Rome learning this at once sent out the
+pr&#230;tor urbanus and incited Duillius to haste. On coming to Sicily he
+learned the fact that the ships of the Carthaginians were inferior to
+his own in stoutness and size, but excelled in the quickness of their
+rowing and variety of movement. Therefore he fitted out his triremes
+with mechanical devices,&#8212;anchors and grappling irons with long spikes
+and other such things,&#8212;in order that by laying hold of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> the hostile
+ships with these they might pin them fast to their own vessels; then
+by crossing over into them they might have a hand to hand conflict
+with the Carthaginians and engage them just as in an infantry battle.
+When the Carthaginians began the fight with the Roman ships, they
+sailed round and round them using the oars rapidly and would make
+sudden dashes. So for the time the conflict was an evenly matched one:
+later the Romans got the upper hand and sank numbers of crews,
+retaining possession also of large numbers. Hannibal conducted the
+fight on a boat of seven banks, but when his own ship became entangled
+with a trireme, he feared capture, hastily left the seven banked
+affair, and transferring to another ship effected his escape.</p>
+
+<p>This was the way, then, that the naval battle resulted, and much spoil
+was taken. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>13</sup></span><span class="smcap">the carthaginians
+would have put hannibal to death on account of the defeat, if he had
+not immediately enquired of them whether, granted that the business
+were still untouched, they would bid him risk a sea-fight or not. they
+agreed that he ought to fight, for they prided themselves upon having
+a superior navy. he then added: &quot;i, then, have done no wrong, for i
+went into the engagement with the same hopes as you. it was the
+decision, but not the fortune of the battle that happened to be within
+my power.&quot;</span> So he saved his life, but was deprived of his
+command.&#8212;Duillius after securing a reinforcement of infantry rescued
+the people of Segesta, and Hamilcar would not venture to come into
+close conflict with him. He strengthened the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span> loyalty of the other
+friendly settlements and returned to Rome at the close of autumn. Upon
+his departure Hamilcar took forcible possession of the place called
+Drepanum (it is a convenient roadstead), deposited there the objects
+of greatest value and transferred to it all the people of Eryx. The
+city of the latter, because it was a strong point, he razed to the
+ground to prevent the Romans from seizing it and making it a base of
+operations for the war. He captured some cities, too, some by force,
+some by betrayal; and if Gaius Florus who wintered there had not
+restrained him, he would have subjugated Sicily entire.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 259<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 495)</span>Lucius Scipio, his colleague, made a
+campaign against Sardinia and against Corsica. These islands are
+situated in the Tyrrhenian sea only a short distance apart,&#8212;so short
+a distance, in fact, that from a little way off they seem to be one.
+His first landing place was Corsica. There he captured by force
+Valeria, its largest city, and subdued the remainder of the region
+without effort. As he was sailing toward Sardinia he descried a
+Carthaginian fleet and directed his course to it. The enemy fled
+before a battle could be joined and he came to the city of Olbia.
+There the Carthaginians put in an appearance along with their ships,
+and Scipio being frightened (for he had no infantry worthy the
+mention) set sail for home.</p>
+
+<p>These were the days when the Samnites with the co&#246;peration of other
+captives and slaves in the city came to an agreement to form a
+conspiracy against Rome. Numbers of them had been brought there with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span>
+a view to their utilization in the equipment of the fleet. Herius
+Potilius, the leader of the auxiliary force, found it out and
+pretended to be of like mind with them, in order that he might fully
+inform himself in regard to what they had determined. As he was not
+able to give knowledge of the affair,&#8212;for all those about him were
+Samnites,&#8212;he persuaded them to gather in the Forum at a time when a
+senate meeting was being convened and denounce him with declarations
+that they were being wronged in the matter of the grain which they
+were receiving. They did this and he was sent for as being the cause
+of the tumult; and he then laid bare to the Romans the plot. For the
+moment they merely dismissed the protestants (after they had become
+quiet) but by night all of those who held slaves arrested some of
+them. And in this way the entire conspiracy was overthrown.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 253<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 496)</span>The following summer the Romans and
+the Carthaginians fought in Sicily and Sardinia at once. Somewhat
+later Atilius Latinus<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> went to Sicily and finding a city named
+Mytistratus being besieged by Florus he made use of the latter's
+support. He made assaults upon the circuit of the wall which the
+natives with the help of the Carthaginians at first withstood
+vigorously, but when the women and children were moved to tears and
+laments they abandoned resistance. The Carthaginians passed out
+secretly by night and at daybreak the natives voluntarily swung the
+gates wide open. The Romans went in and proceeded to slaughter them
+all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span> till Atilius made proclamation that the remainder of the booty
+and the human beings belonged to him who might take them. Forthwith
+they spared the lives of the remaining captives and after pillaging
+the city burned it to the ground.</p>
+
+<p>VIII, 12.&#8212;Thence they proceeded heedlessly against Camarina and came
+into a region where an ambuscade had already been set. They would have
+perished utterly, had not Marcus Calpurnius, serving as military
+tribune, matched the catastrophe by his cleverness. He saw that one
+and one only of the surrounding hills had by reason of its steepness
+not been occupied and he asked of the consul three hundred heavy-armed
+men and with them he set out for that point. His purpose was to make
+the enemy turn their attention to his detachment so that then the rest
+of the Romans might make their escape. And so it happened; for when
+the adversaries saw his project, they were thunderstruck and left the
+consul and his followers as men already captured in order to make a
+united rush upon Calpurnius. A fierce battle ensued in which many of
+the opposing side and all the three hundred fell. Calpurnius alone
+survived. He had been wounded and lay unnoticed among the heaps of
+slain, being as good as dead by reason of his wounds; afterward he was
+found alive and his life was saved. While the three hundred were
+fighting, the consul got away; and after this escape he reduced
+Camarina and other cities, some by force and some by capitulation.
+Next Atilius set out against Lipara. But Hamilcar at night by stealth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span>
+occupied it in advance and by making a sudden sally killed many
+Romans.</p>
+
+<p>Gaius Sulpicius overran the most of Sardinia and filled with arrogance
+as a result he set out for Libya. The Carthaginians, alarmed for the
+safety of their home population, also set sail with Hannibal,
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>14</sup></span><span class="smcap">but as a contrary wind was
+encountered both leaders turned back. subsequently atilius<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> brought
+about hannibal's defeat through some false deserters</span> who
+pretended that Atilius<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> was going to sail to Libya again. Hannibal
+weighed anchor and came out with speed, whereupon Sulpicius sailed to
+meet him and sank the majority of his vessels, which, because of a
+mist, did not know for a long time what was taking place and were
+thrown into confusion; all that made their escape to land he seized,
+though minus their crews, for Hannibal who saw that the harbor was
+unsafe abandoned them and retired to the city of Sulci. There the
+Carthaginians engaged in mutiny against their leader and he came forth
+before them alone and was slain. The Romans in consequence overran the
+country with greater ease, but were defeated by Hanno. This is what
+took place that year. Also stones in great quantities at once, and in
+appearance something like hail, fell from heaven upon Rome
+continually. It likewise came to pass that stones descended upon
+Albanum and elsewhere.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 257<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 497)</span>The consuls on coming to Sicily made
+a campaign against Lipara. Perceiving the Carthaginians lying in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span> the
+harbor below the height called Tyndaris they divided their expedition
+in two. One of the consuls with half the fleet surrounded the
+promontory, and Hamilcar thinking them an isolated force set sail.
+When the rest came up, he turned to flight and lost most of his fleet.
+The Romans were elated, and feeling that Sicily was already theirs
+they left it and ventured to make an attempt on Libya and Carthage.
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>16</sup></span><span class="smcap">their leaders were marcus regulus
+and lucius manlius, preferred before others for their excellence</span>.
+<span class="sidenote">B.C. 256<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 498)</span>These two sailed to Sicily, settled
+affairs there, and made ready for the voyage to Libya: the
+Carthaginians did not wait for their hostile voyage to begin, but
+after due preparation hastened toward Sicily. Off Heracleotis the
+opposing forces met. The contest was for a long time evenly balanced
+but in the end the Romans got the best of it. Hamilcar did not dare to
+withstand their progress, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>17</sup></span><span class="smcap">but
+sent hanno to them pretendedly in behalf of peace, whereas he really
+wished to use up time; he was in hopes that an army would be sent to
+him from home. when some clamored for hanno's arrest, because the
+carthaginians had also treacherously arrested cornelius</span>, the
+envoy said: &quot;If you do this, you will be no longer any better than
+Libyans.&quot; He, therefore, by flattering them most opportunely escaped
+any kind of molestation: the Romans, however, again took up the war.
+And the consuls sailed from Messana, while Hamilcar and Hanno
+separated and studied how to enclose them from both sides. Hanno,
+however, would not stand before them when they approached, but sailed
+away betimes to the harbor of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> Carthage and kept constant guard of the
+city. Hamilcar, apprised of this, stayed where he was. The Romans
+disembarked on land and marched against the city Aspis, whose
+inhabitants, seeing them approaching, slipped out quietly and in good
+season. The Romans thus occupied it without striking a blow and made
+it a base in the war. From it they ravaged the country and acquired
+cities, some of their own free will and others by intimidation. They
+also kept securing great booty, receiving vast numbers of deserters,
+and getting back many of their own men who had been captured in the
+previous wars.</p>
+
+<p>VIII, 13.&#8212;Winter came on and Manlius sailed back to Rome with the
+booty, whereas Regulus remained behind in Libya. The Carthaginians
+found themselves in the depths of woe, since their country was being
+pillaged and their vassals alienated; but cooped up in their
+fortifications they remained inactive. <span class="sidenote">(<span class="smcap">Frag.</span>
+43<sup>18</sup>?)</span><span class="smcap">while regulus was beside the bagradas river a serpent of
+huge bulk appeared to him, the length of which is said to have been
+one hundred and twenty feet. its slough was carried to rome for
+exhibition purposes. and the rest of its body corresponded in
+size.</span> It destroyed many of the soldiers that approached it and
+some also who were drinking from the river. Regulus overcame it by a
+crowd of soldiers and hurling-engines. After thus destroying it he
+gave battle by night to Hamilcar, who was encamped upon a high, woody
+spot; and he slew many in their beds as well as many who had just
+risen. Any who escaped fell in with Romans guarding the roads, who
+despatched them. In this way a large<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span> division of Carthaginians was
+blotted out and numerous cities went over to the Romans. <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>19</sup></span><span class="smcap">those in the town being in fear of capture
+sent heralds to the consul to the end that having by some satisfactory
+arrangement induced him to go away they might avoid the danger of the
+moment and so escape. but when many unreasonable demands were made of
+them, they decided that the truce would mean their utter subjugation
+and prepared rather to fight.</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 255<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 499)</span>Regulus, however, who up to that
+time was fortunate, became filled with boastfulness and conceit, so
+much so that he even wrote to Rome that he had sealed up the gates of
+Carthage with fear. His followers and the people of Rome thought the
+same way, and this caused their undoing. Allies of various sorts came
+to the Carthaginians, among them Xanthippus from Sparta. He assumed
+the general superintendence of the Carthaginians, for the populace was
+eager to entrust matters to his charge and Hamilcar together with the
+other officials stepped aside voluntarily. The new leader, then,
+disposed things excellently in every way, and particularly he brought
+the Carthaginians down from the heights, where they were staying
+through fear, into the level country, where their horses and elephants
+were sure to develop greatest power. For some time he remained
+inactive until at length he found the Romans encamped in a way that
+betokened their contempt. They were very haughty over their victorious
+progress and looked down upon Xanthippus as a &quot;Gr&#230;cus&quot; (this is a name
+they give to Hellenes and they use this epithet as a reproach to them
+for their mean birth);<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span> <span class="sidenote">B.C. 255<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 499)</span>consequently
+they had constructed their camp in a heedless fashion. While the
+Romans were in this situation, Xanthippus assailed them, routed their
+cavalry with his elephants, cut down many and captured many alive,
+among them Regulus himself. This put the Carthaginians in high
+spirits. They saved the lives of the captives in order that their own
+citizens previously taken captive by the Romans might not be killed.
+All the Roman prisoners were treated with consideration except
+Regulus, whom they kept in a state of utter misery; they offered him
+only just food enough to maintain existence and they would repeatedly
+lead an elephant close up to him to frighten him, so that he might
+have peace in neither body nor mind. After afflicting him in this way
+for a good while they placed him in prison.</p>
+
+<p>The manner in which the Carthaginians dealt with their allies forms a
+chapter of great ruthlessness in this story. They were not supplied
+with sufficient wealth to pay them what they had originally promised,
+and dismissed them with the understanding that they would pay them
+their wages before very long. To the men who escorted the allies,
+however, they issued orders to put them ashore on a desert island and
+quietly sail away. As to Xanthippus, one story is that they drowned
+him, attacking him in boats after his boat had departed: the other is
+that they gave him an old ship which was in no wise seaworthy but had
+been newly covered over with pitch outside, that it might sink quite
+of itself; and that he, aware of the fact, got aboard a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span> different
+ship and so was saved. Their reason for doing this was to avoid
+seeming to have been preserved by his ability; for they thought that
+once he had perished the renown of his deeds would also perish.</p>
+
+<p>VIII, 14.&#8212;The people of Rome were grieved at the turn of events and
+more especially because they were looking for the Carthaginians to
+sail against Rome itself. For this reason they carefully guarded Italy
+and hastily sent to the Romans in Sicily and Libya the consuls Marcus
+&#198;milius and Fulvius P&#230;tinus.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> They after sailing to Sicily and
+garrisoning the positions there started for Libya, but were overtaken
+by a storm and carried to Cossura. They ravaged the island and put it
+in charge of a garrison, then sailed onward again. Meanwhile a fierce
+naval battle with the Carthaginians had taken place. The latter were
+struggling to eject the Romans entirely from their native land, and
+the Romans to save the remnants of their soldiers who had been left in
+hostile territory. In the midst of a close battle the Romans in Aspis
+suddenly attacked the Carthaginians in ships from the rear, and by
+getting them between two forces overcame them. Later the Romans also
+won an infantry engagement and took many prisoners, whose lives they
+saved because of Regulus and those captured with him. They made
+several raids and then sailed to Sicily. After encountering a storm,
+however, and losing many of their number, they sailed for home with
+the ships that remained.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 254<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 500)</span>The Carthaginians took Cossura and
+crossed over to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span> Sicily; and had they not learned that Collatinus<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>
+and Gn&#230;us Cornelius were approaching with a large fleet, they would
+have subjugated the whole of it. The Romans had quickly fitted out a
+first-class fleet, had made levies of their best men, and had become
+so strong that in the third month they returned to Sicily. It was the
+five hundredth year from the founding of Rome. The lower city of
+Panhormus they took without trouble, but in the siege of the citadel
+they fared badly until food failed those in it. Then they came to
+terms with the consuls. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>20</sup></span><span class="smcap">the
+carthaginians kept watch for their ships homeward bound and captured
+several that were full of money.</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 253<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 501)</span>The next event was that Servilius
+C&#230;pio and Gaius Sempronius, consuls, made an attempt upon Lilyb&#230;um
+(from which they were repulsed) and crossing over to Libya ravaged the
+coast districts. As they were returning homeward they encountered a
+storm and incurred damage. Hence the people, thinking that the damage
+was due to their inexperience in naval affairs, voted that they should
+keep away from the sea in general but with a few ships should guard
+Italy.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 252<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 502)</span>In the succeeding year Publius
+Gaius<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> and Aurelius Servilius<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> came to Sicily and subdued Himera
+besides some other places. However, they did not get possession of any
+of its inhabitants, for the Carthaginians conveyed them away by night.
+After this Aurelius secured some ships from Hiero and adding to his
+con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span>tingent all the Romans that were there he sailed to Lipara. Here
+he left the tribune Quintus Cassius,<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> who was to keep a lookout but
+avoid a battle, and set sail for home. Quintus, disregarding orders,
+made an attack upon the city and lost many men. Aurelius, however,
+subsequently took the place, killed all the inhabitants, and deposed
+Cassius from his command.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 251<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 503)</span>The Carthaginians learned what the
+Romans had determined regarding the fleet and sent an expedition to
+Sicily hoping now to bring it entirely under their control. As long as
+both consuls, C&#230;cilius Metellus and Gaius Furius, were on the ground,
+they remained quiet; but when Furius set out for Rome, they conceived
+a contempt for Metellus and proceeded to Panhormus. Metellus
+ascertained that spies had come from the enemy, and assembling all the
+people of the city he began a talk with them, in the midst of which he
+suddenly ordered them to lay hold of one another. He was thus enabled
+to investigate who each one was and what was his business and so
+detected the enemy.&#8212;The Carthaginians now set themselves in battle
+array and Metellus pretended to be afraid. As he continued this
+pretence for several days the Carthaginians became filled with
+presumption and attacked him rather recklessly. Then Metellus raised
+the signal for the Romans. Forthwith they made an unexpected rush
+through all the gates, easily overcame resistance, and enclosed the
+enemy in a narrow place through which they could now no longer
+retreat. Being many in number and with many ele<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span>phants along they were
+huddled together and thrown into confusion. Meanwhile the Libyan fleet
+approached the coast and became the prime cause of their destruction.
+The fugitives seeing the ships rushed toward them and made desperate
+exertions to climb aboard; some fell into the sea and perished, other
+were killed by the elephants, which got close to one another and to
+the human beings, still others were slain by the Romans; many also
+were captured alive, men as well as elephants. For since the beasts,
+bereft of the men to whom they were used, became furious, Metellus
+made a proclamation to the prisoners, offering preservation and
+forgiveness to such as would check them: accordingly, some keepers
+approached the gentlest of the animals, controlling them by the
+influence of their accustomed presence, and then won over the
+remainder. These, one hundred and twenty in number, were conveyed to
+Rome, and they were ferried across the strait in the following way. A
+number of huge jars, separated by pieces of wood, were fastened
+together in such a way that they were neither detached nor yet did
+they touch; then this framework was spanned by beams and on the top of
+all earth and brush were placed and the surface was fenced in round
+about so that it resembled a courtyard. The beasts were put on board
+this and were ferried across without knowing that they were moving on
+the water. Thus did Metellus win a victory: Hasdrubal, the
+Carthaginian leader, though he got away safe on this occasion was
+later summoned to trial by the Carthaginians at home and suffered
+impalement.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>21</sup></span>VIII, 15.&#8212;<span class="smcap">the carthaginians now
+began negotiations with the romans on account of the great number of
+the captives (among other causes); and with the envoys they also sent
+regulus himself, thinking that through him their object had
+practically been already gained because of the reputation and valor of
+the main: and they bound him by oaths to return without fail. and he
+acted in all respects like one of the carthaginians; for he did not
+even grant his wife leave to confer with him nor did he enter the city
+although repeatedly invited to do so; instead, when the senate was
+assembled outside the walls, as they were accustomed to do in treating
+with envoys of the enemy</span>, and he was introduced into the
+gathering, he said: &quot;We, Conscript Fathers, have been sent to you by
+the Carthaginians. They it was who despatched me on this journey,
+since by the law of war I have become their slave. They ask, if
+possible, to conclude the war upon terms pleasing to both parties or,
+if not, to effect an exchange of prisoners.&quot; At the end of these words
+he withdrew with the envoys that the Romans might deliberate in
+private. When the consuls urged him to take part in their discussion,
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 43<sup>22</sup></span><span class="smcap">he paid no heed until permission
+was granted by the carthaginians</span>. For a time he was silent. Then,
+as the senators bade him state his opinion, he spoke:</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 12, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p>&quot;I am one of you, Conscript Fathers, though I be captured times
+without number. My body is a Carthaginian chattel, but my spirit is
+yours. The former has been alienated from you, but the latter nobody
+has the power to make anything else than Roman. As captive I belong to
+the Carthaginians, yet, as I met with misfortune not from cowardice
+but from zeal, I am not only a Roman, but my heart is in your cause.
+Not in a single respect do I think reconciliation advantageous to
+you.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>After these words Regulus stated also the reasons for which he favored
+rejecting the proposals, and added: &quot;I know, to be sure, that manifest
+destruction confronts me, for it is impossible to keep them from
+learning the advice I have given; but even so I esteem the public
+advantage above my own safety. If any one shall say: 'Why do you not
+run away, or stay here?' he shall be told that I have sworn to them to
+return and I would not transgress my oaths, not even when they have
+been given to enemies. There are various explanations for this, but
+the principal one is that if I abide by my oath I alone shall suffer
+disaster, but if I break it, the whole city will be involved.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>But the senate out of consideration for his safety showed a
+disposition to make peace and to restore the captives. When he was
+made aware of this, he pretended, in order that he might not be the
+cause of their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span> letting slip their advantage, that he had swallowed
+deadly poison and was destined certainly to die from its effects.
+Hence no agreement and no exchange of prisoners was made. As he was
+departing in company with the envoys, his wife and children and others
+clung to him, and the consuls declared they would not surrender him,
+if he chose to stay, nor yet would they detain him if he was for
+departing. Consequently, since he preferred not to transgress the
+oaths, he was carried back. He died of outrages, so the legend
+reports, perpetrated by his captors. They cut off his eyelids and for
+a time shut him in darkness, then they threw him into some kind of
+specially constructed receptacle bristling with spikes; and they made
+him face the sun; so that through suffering and sleeplessness,&#8212;for
+the spikes kept him from reclining in any fashion,&#8212;he perished. When
+the Romans found it out, they delivered the foremost captives that
+they held to his children to outrage and put to death in revenge.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 250<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 504)</span>They voted that the consuls, Atilius
+Gaius, brother of Regulus, and Lucius Manlius, should make a campaign
+into Libya. On coming to Sicily they attacked Lilyb&#230;um and undertook
+to fill up a portion of the ditch to facilitate bringing up the
+engines. The Carthaginians dug below the mound and undermined it. As
+they found this to be a losing game because of the numbers of the
+opposing workmen, they built another wall, crescent-shaped, inside.
+The Romans ran tunnels under the circle, in order that when the wall
+settled they might rush in through the breach thus made. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span>
+Carthaginians then built counter-tunnels and came upon many workers
+who were unaware of what the other side was doing. These they killed,
+and also destroyed many by hurling blazing firewood into the diggings.
+Some of the allies now, burdened by the strain of the siege and
+displeased because their superiors did not come down with their full
+wages, made propositions to the Romans to betray the place. Hamilcar
+discovered their plot but did not disclose it, for fear of driving
+them into open hostility. However, he supplied their leaders with
+money and in addition promised other supplies of it to the mass of
+them. In this way he won their favor, and they did not even deny their
+treachery but drove away the last envoys who returned. The latter then
+deserted to the consuls and received from them land in Sicily and
+other gifts.</p>
+
+<p>The Carthaginians at home, hearing this, sent Adherbal with a very
+large number of ships carrying grain and money to Lilyb&#230;um. The leader
+waited for a time of storm and sailed in. Thereupon many others
+likewise ventured to attempt a landing, and some made it, others were
+destroyed.</p>
+
+<p>As long as both the consuls were present, the conflicts were even.
+Pestilence and famine, however, came to harass them and these caused
+one of them with the soldiers of his division to return home. Hamilcar
+then took courage and made sorties in which he would set fire to the
+engines and slay the men defending them; his cavalry, starting from
+Drepanum, prevented the Romans from getting provisions and overran the
+territory<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span> of their allies; and Adherbal ravaged the shores now of
+Sicily, now of Italy, so that the Romans fell into perplexity.
+<span class="sidenote">B.C. 249<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 505)</span>Meantime, however, Lucius Junius was
+making ready a fleet, and Claudius Pulcher made haste to reach
+Lilyb&#230;um, where he manned ships of war. With these he overhauled Hanno
+the Carthaginian as he was leaving harbor on a five-banked ship. The
+prize craft served the Romans as a model in shipbuilding.</p>
+
+<p>The interests of their fleet were so frequently endangered that the
+Romans were disheartened by the constant destruction of their ships.
+In these they lost numbers of men and vast sums of money. Yet they
+would not give up; nay, they even executed a man who in the senate
+opened his mouth about reconciliation with the Carthaginians, and they
+voted that a dictator should be named. Collatinus<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> was therefore
+named dictator and Metellus became master of the horse, but they
+accomplished nothing worthy of remembrance. While Collatinus<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> was
+being named dictator, Junius had won over Eryx, and Carthalo had
+occupied &#198;githallus and taken Junius alive.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 248<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 506)</span>VIII, 16.&#8212;The next year Gaius
+Aurelius and Publius Servilius took office and spent their time in
+harrying Lilyb&#230;um and Drepanum, in keeping the Carthaginians off the
+land, and in devastating the region that was in alliance with them.
+Carthalo undertook many different kinds of enterprises against them,
+but, as he accomplished nothing, he started for Italy with the object
+of thus attracting the consuls to that country or,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span> in any case, of
+injuring the district and capturing cities. Yet he made no headway
+even there and on learning that the pr&#230;tor urbanus was approaching
+sailed back to Sicily. His mercenaries now rebelled about a question
+of pay, whereupon he put numbers ashore on desert islands and left
+them there, and sent many more off to Carthage. When the rest heard
+this, they became indignant and were on the point of an uprising.
+Hamilcar, Carthalo's successor, cut down numbers of them one night and
+had numerous others drowned. In the meantime the Romans had concluded
+a perpetual friendship with Hiero and they furthermore remitted all
+the dues which they were accustomed to receive from him annually.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 247<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 507)</span>Next year the Romans officially
+refrained from naval warfare because of their misfortunes and
+expenses, but some private individuals asked for ships on condition of
+restoring the vessels but appropriating any booty gained; and among
+other injuries that they inflicted upon the enemy they sailed to
+Hippo, a Libyan city, and there burned to ashes all the boats and many
+of the buildings. The natives put chains across the mouth of their
+harbor and the invaders found themselves encompassed but saved
+themselves by cleverness and good fortune. They made a quick dash at
+the chains, and just as the beaks of the ships were about to catch in
+them the members of the crew went back to the stern, and so the prows
+being lightened cleared the chains: and again, by their making a rush
+into the prows, the sterns of the vessels were lifted high<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span> enough in
+the air. Thus they effected their escape, and later near Panhormus
+they conquered the Carthaginians with these ships.</p>
+
+<p>Of the consuls Metellus C&#230;cilius was in the vicinity of Lilyb&#230;um, and
+Numerius Fabius was investing Drepanum, with additional designs upon
+the islet of Pelias. As this had been seized earlier by the
+Carthaginians, he sent soldiers by night who killed the garrison and
+took possession of the island. Learning this Hamilcar at dawn attacked
+the party that had crossed to it. Fabius not being able to ward them
+off led an assault upon Drepanum that he might either capture the city
+while deserted or bring back Hamilcar from the island. One of these
+objects was accomplished, for Hamilcar in fear retired within the
+fortifications. So Fabius occupied Pelias, and by filling in the
+strait (which happened to be shallow) between it and the mainland he
+made a clear stretch of solid ground and thus conducted with greater
+facility his hostile operations against the wall, which was rather
+weak at that point. Incidentally the Carthaginians caused the Romans
+excessive annoyance by undertaking circuitous voyages to Sicily and
+making trips across into Italy.&#8212;They exchanged each other's captives
+man for man; those left over (since the numbers were not equal) the
+Carthaginians got back for money.</p>
+
+<p>In the subsequent period various persons became consuls but effected
+nothing worthy of record. The Romans owed the majority of their
+reverses to the fact that they kept sending out from year to year
+different<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span> and ever different leaders, and took away their office from
+them when they were just learning the art of generalship. It looked as
+if they were choosing them for practice and not for service.</p>
+
+<p>The Gauls, who were acting in alliance with the Carthaginians and
+hated them because their masters treated them ill, abandoned to the
+Romans for money a position with the guarding of which they had been
+entrusted. The Romans secured for mercenary service the Gauls and
+other of the Carthaginian allies who had revolted from their service;
+never before had they supported foreigners in their army. Elated at
+this accession and furthermore by the ravaging of Libya on the part of
+the private citizens who were managing the ships, they were no longer
+willing to neglect the sea, and they again got together a fleet.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 241<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 513)</span>VIII, 17.&#8212;And Lutatius Catulus was
+chosen consul and with him was sent out Quintus Valerius Flaccus as
+pr&#230;tor urbanus. On coming to Sicily they assailed Drepanum both by
+land and by sea and demolished a section of the wall. They would have
+captured the town but for the fact that the consul was wounded and the
+soldiers were wholly engrossed in caring for him. During the delay
+which ensued they learned that a body of the enemy had come from home
+with a huge fleet commanded by Hanno, and they turned their attention
+to these new arrivals. When the forces had been marshaled in hostile
+array, a meteor like a star appeared above the Romans and after rising
+high to the left of the Carthaginians plunged into their ranks. The
+naval<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span> combat was a vigorous one on the part of both nations, and for
+several reasons; especially were the Carthaginians anxious to drive
+the Romans into complete despair of naval success, and the Romans to
+retrieve their former disasters. In spite of everything the Romans
+carried off the victory, for the Carthaginian vessels were impeded by
+the fact that they carried freight,&#8212;grain and money and other things.</p>
+
+<p>Hanno escaped and hastened at once to Carthage. The Carthaginians,
+seized with wrath and fear, crucified him and sent envoys to Catulus
+regarding peace. And he was disposed to end the war since his office
+was soon to expire and he could not hope to destroy Carthage in so
+short a time; nor, again, did he care to leave his successors the
+glory of his own efforts. Consequently they effected an armistice by
+giving him money, grain, and hostages; these preliminaries secured
+them the right of sending envoys to Rome and proposing as conditions
+that they retire from Sicily entire, yielding it to the Romans, as
+well as abandon all the surrounding islands, that they carry on no war
+with Hiero, and pay an indemnity, a part at the time of making the
+treaty and a part later, and that they return the Roman deserters and
+captives free of cost, but ransom their own.</p>
+
+<p>Such were the terms agreed upon. Hamilcar succeeded only in having the
+disgrace of going under the yoke left out. After settling these
+conditions he led his soldiers out of the fortifications and sailed
+for home before the oaths were imposed. The people of Rome<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span> soon
+learned of the victory and were greatly elated, feeling that their
+superiority was indisputable. Upon the arrival of envoys they could no
+longer restrain themselves and hoped to possess all of Libya.
+Therefore they would not abide by the terms of the consul: instead,
+they exacted from them a very much larger sum of money than had been
+promised. They forbade them also to sail past Italy or allied
+territory abroad in ships of war, or to employ mercenaries from such
+districts.</p>
+
+<p>The first war between the Carthaginians and the Romans, then, ended
+this way in the twenty-fourth year. Catulus celebrated a triumph over
+its conclusion. Quintus Lutatius became consul and departed for
+Sicily, where with his brother Catulus he enforced order in all
+communities; and he deprived the islanders of arms. Thus Sicily, with
+the exception of Hiero's domain, was made a slave of Rome, and from
+this time its people were on a friendly footing with the
+Carthaginians.</p>
+
+<p>Both soon were again involved in other wars outside. At Carthage the
+remnant of their mercenary force and the slave population in the city
+and a large proportion of their hostages (influenced by the disasters
+of the State) joined in an attack upon it. The Romans did not heed the
+invitations to aid the party that had assumed the offensive, but sent
+envoys in turn for discussion; and when they found themselves unable
+to reconcile the combatants, they released free of cost all the
+Carthaginian captives they were holding, sent grain to the city and
+permitted it to gather mercenaries from Ro<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span>man allied territory. By
+this action they were seeking to gain a reputation for fairness rather
+than displaying a real interest in their own advantage, and this later
+caused them trouble. For the great Hamilcar Barca, after he had
+conquered his adversaries, did not dare to make a campaign against the
+Romans, much as he hated them; but he started for Spain contrary to
+the wishes of the magistrates at home.</p>
+
+<p>VIII, 18.&#8212;This, however, took place later. At the time under
+discussion the Romans entered upon war with the Falisci, and Manlius
+Torquatus ravaged their country. In a battle with them his heavy
+infantry was worsted but his cavalry conquered. In a second engagement
+with them he was victorious and took possession of their arms, their
+cavalry, their furniture, their slaves, and half their country. Later
+on the original city, which was set upon a steep mountain, was torn
+down and another one was built, easily reached by road. After this the
+Romans again waged wars upon the Boii and upon the Gauls that were
+neighbors of the latter, and upon some Ligurians. The Ligurians were
+conquered in battle and otherwise injured by Sempronius Gracchus:
+Publius Valerius in a conflict with the Gauls was at first defeated,
+but soon, learning that troops had come from Rome to his assistance,
+he renewed the struggle with the Gauls, determined either<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span> to conquer
+by his own exertions or to die&#8212;he preferred that rather than to live
+and bear the stigma of disgrace; and by some fortune or other he
+managed to win the day.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 238<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 516)</span>At this time these events befell the
+Romans as described. They also secured Sardinia from the Carthaginians
+and a new supply of money by charging them with harming Roman
+shipping. The Carthaginians, not having yet recovered strength, feared
+their threats.&#8212;Next year Lucius Lentulus and Quintus Flaccus made a
+campaign against the Gauls; and as long as they remained together,
+they were invincible, <span class="sidenote">B.C. 237<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 517)</span>but when they
+began to pillage districts separately with the idea of getting greater
+booty, the army of Flaccus fell into danger, being surrounded by
+night. Temporarily the barbarians were beaten back, but having gained
+accessions of allies they proceeded anew with a huge force against the
+Romans. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 236<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 518)</span>When confronted by Publius
+Lentulus and Licinius Varus, they hoped to overcome them by their
+numbers and prevail without a battle. So they sent and demanded the
+land surrounding Ariminum and commanded the Romans to remove from the
+city since it belonged to them. The consuls on account of their small
+numbers did not dare to risk a battle nor would they take the
+responsibility of releasing any territory, and accordingly they
+arranged a truce to confer with Rome. Gallic emissaries came before
+the senate with the aforementioned representations. As none of their
+demands was granted, the envoys returned to camp. There they found
+their cause was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span> ruined. Some of their allies had repented and
+regarding the Romans with fear had turned upon the Boii, and many had
+been killed on both sides. Then the remainder had gone home and the
+Boii had obtained peace only at the price of a large portion of their
+land.</p>
+
+<p>The Gallic wars having now ceased, Lentulus conducted a campaign
+against the Ligurians. He drove off the attacking parties and gained
+possession of several fortresses.&#8212;Varus took Corsica as his objective
+point, and inasmuch as he lacked the necessary ships to carry him
+over, he sent a certain Claudius Clineas in advance with troops. The
+latter terrified the Corsicans, held a conference with them, and made
+peace as though he had full authority to do so. But Varus, paying no
+attention to the covenant, fought against the Corsicans until he had
+subjugated them. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 44<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">the romans to
+divert the blame for breaking the compact from themselves sent to the
+people offering to give claudius up. when he was not received, they
+drove him into exile</span>. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 45<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">they
+were on the point of leading an expedition against the carthaginians
+alleging that the latter were committing outrages upon the merchants;
+but instead of doing this they exacted money and renewed the
+truce.</span> Yet the agreements were not destined even so to be of long
+standing.&#8212;The case of the Carthaginians was accordingly postponed and
+they made an expedition against the Sardinians, who would not yield
+obedience, and conquered them. Subsequently the Carthaginians
+persuaded the Sardinians to plan a secret uprising against the Romans.
+Besides these the Corsicans also revolted and the Ligurians did not
+remain at rest.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 234<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 520)</span>The following year the Romans
+divided their forces into three parts in order that all the rebels,
+finding war waged upon them at once, might not render assistance to
+one another; and they sent Postumius Albinus into Liguria, Spurius
+Carvilius against the Corsicans, and Publius Cornelius, the pr&#230;tor
+urbanus, into Sardinia. And the consuls not without trouble, yet with
+some speed, accomplished their missions. The Sardinians, animated by
+an immoderate amount of spirit, were vanquished by Carvilius in a
+fierce battle, for Cornelius and many of his soldiers had been
+destroyed by disease. When the Romans left their country, the
+Sardinians and the Ligurians revolted again. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 233<br />
+(<i>a.u.</i> 521)</span>Quintus Fabius Maximus was accordingly sent to Ligurian
+territory and Pomponius Manius into Sardinia. The Carthaginians, as
+the cause of the wars, were adjudged enemies, and they sent to them
+and demanded money and ordained that they should remove their ships
+from all the islands, since these ports were hostile to them. In
+making known their attitude the Romans despatched to their rivals a
+spear and a herald's staff, bidding them choose one, whichever they
+pleased. But the Carthaginians without shrinking made a rather rough
+answer and declared that they chose neither of the articles sent them,
+but were ready to accept either that the challengers might leave
+there. Henceforth the two nations hated each other but hesitated to
+begin war.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 232<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 522)</span>As there was again a hostile
+movement of the Sardinians against the Romans, both the consuls took
+the field, Marcus Malleolus and Marcus &#198;milius. And they secured rich
+spoils, which, however, were taken<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span> away from them by the Corsicans
+when they touched at their island. Hence the Romans next turned their
+attention to both. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 231<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 523)</span>Marcus Pomponius
+harried Sardinia, but could not find most of the inhabitants, who, as
+he learned, had slipped into caves of the forest, difficult to locate;
+therefore he sent for keen-scented dogs from Italy and with their aid
+he discovered the trail of both men and cattle and cut off many such
+parties. Gaius Papirius drove the Corsicans from the plains, but in
+attempting to force his way to the mountains he lost numerous men
+through ambush and would have suffered loss of still more through lack
+of water, had not water after a great while been found; then he
+persuaded the Corsicans to come to terms.</p>
+
+<p>VIII, 19.&#8212;About this time also Hamilcar the Carthaginian general was
+defeated by the Spaniards and lost his life. For, on the occasion of
+his being arrayed in battle against them, they led out in front of the
+Carthaginian army wagons full of pine wood and pitch and as they drew
+near they set fire to these vehicles, then hurried on with goads the
+animals that were drawing them. Forthwith their opponents were thrown
+into confusion, were disorganized and turned to flight, and the
+Spaniards pursuing killed Hamilcar and a very great number of others.
+He having reached the very highest pinnacle of fame thus met his end,
+and at his death his brother-in-law Hasdrubal succeeded him. The
+latter acquired a large portion of Spain and founded a city called
+Carthage, after his native town.</p>
+
+<p>As the Boii and the rest of the Gauls were continually offering for
+sale many articles and an especially large<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span> number of captives, the
+Romans became afraid that they might some day use the money against
+them, and accordingly forbade everybody to give to a Gaul either
+silver or gold coin.&#8212;<span class="sidenote">B.C. 230<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 524)</span>Soon after the
+Carthaginians,<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> learning that the consuls Marcus &#198;milius and Marcus
+Junius had started for Liguria, made preparations to march upon Rome.
+The consuls became aware of this and proceeded toward them in force,
+whereupon the Carthaginians became frightened and met them with all
+appearances of friendliness. The consuls likewise feigned that they
+had not set out against them but were going through their country into
+the Ligurian territory.</p>
+
+<p>Now the Romans crossed the Ionian Gulf and laid hands upon the Greek
+mainland. They found an excuse for the voyage in the following
+circumstances. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 47<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">issa is an island
+situated in the ionian gulf. its dwellers, known as iss&#230;ans, had of
+their own free will surrendered themselves to the romans</span> because
+they were angry with their ruler Agro, king of the Ardi&#230;ans and of
+Illyrian stock. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 47<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">to him the consuls
+sent envoys</span>. But he had died, leaving a son as his successor who
+was still a mere child, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 47<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">and his
+wife, the boy's stepmother, was administering the domain of the
+ardi&#230;ans. her dealings with the ambassadors were characterized by a
+lack of moderation, and when they spoke frankly she cast some of them
+into prison and killed others. immediately the romans voted for war
+against her, however, she was panic-stricken, promised to restore the
+ambassadors that were left alive, and declared</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span> <span class="smcap">that the dead had been
+slain by robbers. when the romans demanded the surrender of the
+murderers, she declared that she would not give them up and despatched
+an army against issa. then she again grew fearful and sent a certain
+demetrius to the consuls, assuring them of her readiness to heed them
+in every detail. a truce was made with her emissary upon the latter's
+agreeing to give them corcyra. yet when the consuls had crossed over
+to the island, she, possessing woman-like a light and fickle
+disposition, felt imbued with new courage, and sent out an army to
+epidamnus and apollonia. at the news that the romans had rescued the
+cities, that they had detained ships of hers laden with treasure which
+were sailing home from the peloponnesus, that they had devastated the
+coast regions, that demetrius as a result of her capriciousness had
+transferred his allegiance to the romans besides persuading some
+others to desert, she became utterly terrified and withdrew from her
+sovereignty.</span> Demetrius as destined guardian of the child was
+given charge of the ex-queen also. The Romans were thanked by the
+Corinthians for this action and took part in the Isthmian contest,
+Plautus winning the stadium race in it. Moreover they formed a
+friendship with the Athenians and took part in their government and in
+the Mysteries.</p>
+
+<p>The name Illyricum was anciently applied to various regions, but later
+it was transferred to the upper mainland, that above Macedonia and
+Thrace, located this side of H&#230;mus and toward Rhodope: it lies between
+these mountains and the Alps, also between the river<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span> &#198;nus and the
+Ister, extending as far as the Euxine Sea,&#8212;indeed, its boundaries at
+some points extend beyond the Ister.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">(<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 48?)</span><span class="smcap">as an oracle had once come to the
+romans that greeks and gauls should occupy the city, two gauls and a
+couple of greeks, male and female, were buried alive in the
+forum</span>, that in this way destiny might seem to have fulfilled
+itself and they be properly regarded, since buried alive, as
+possessing a part of the city.</p>
+
+<p>After this the Sardinians, deeming it a calamity that a Roman pr&#230;tor
+was forever set over them, made an uprising. They were again enslaved,
+however.</p>
+
+<p>VIII, 20.&#8212;The Insubres, a Gallic tribe, having gained allies among
+their kinsmen beyond the Alps turned their arms against the Romans,
+and the latter accordingly made counter-preparations. The barbarians
+plundered some towns, but at last a great storm occurred in the night
+and they began to suspect that Heaven was against them. Consequently
+they lost heart and falling into a panic attempted to entrust their
+safety to flight. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 225<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 529)</span>Regulus pursued
+them and brought on an engagement with the rear guards in which he was
+defeated and lost his life. &#198;milius occupied a hill and remained
+quiet. The Gauls in turn occupied another one and for several days
+were inactive; then the Romans through anger at what had taken place
+and the barbarians from arrogance born of the victory charged down
+from the heights and came to blows. For a long time the battle was
+evenly con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span>tested, but finally the Romans surrounded them with their
+horse, cut them down, seized their camp, and got back the spoils.
+After this &#198;milius wrought havoc among the possessions of the Boii and
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 49<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">celebrated a triumph, in which he
+conveyed the foremost captives clad in armor up to the capitol, making
+jests at their expense for having sworn not to remove their
+breastplates before they had mounted the capitol</span>. The Romans now
+secured control of the entire territory of the Boii and for the first
+time crossed the Po to take the offensive against the Insubres; and
+they continued to ravage their country.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile portents had occurred which threw the people of Rome into
+great fear. A river in Picenum ran the color of blood, in Etruria a
+good part of the heavens seemed to be on fire, at Ariminum a light
+like daylight blazed out at night, in many portions of Italy the
+shapes of three moons became visible in the night time, and in the
+Forum a vulture roosted for several days. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 223<br />(<i>a.u.</i>
+531)</span>Because of these portents and inasmuch as some declared that the
+consuls had been illegally chosen, they summoned them home. The
+consuls received the letter but did not open it immediately, since
+they were just entering upon war: instead, they joined battle first
+and came out victorious. After the battle the letter was read, and
+Furius was for obeying without discussion; but Flaminius was elated
+over the victory and pointed out that it had proved their choice to be
+correct, and he went on with vehement assertions that it was because
+they were jealous of him that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span> influential men were even
+falsifying heavenly warnings. Consequently he refused to depart until
+he had settled the whole business in hand, and he said he would teach
+the people at home, too, not to be deceived by relying on birds or any
+other such thing. So he was anxious to remain on the ground and made
+repeated attempts to detain his colleague, but Furius would not heed
+him. But since the men who were going to be left behind with Flaminius
+dreaded lest in their isolation they might suffer some disaster at the
+hands of their opponents and begged him to stay by them for a few
+days, he yielded to their entreaties but did not take part in any
+action. Flaminius traveled about laying waste the country, subjugated
+a few forts, and bestowed all the spoils upon the soldiers as a means
+of winning their favor. At length the leaders returned home and were
+put on trial by the senate for their disobedience (on account of their
+anger towards Flaminius they subjected Furius also to disgrace); but
+the populace was against the senate and showed emulation in
+Flaminius's behalf, so that it voted them a triumph. After celebrating
+it they laid down their office.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 222<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 532)</span>Other consuls, Claudius Marcellus
+and Gn&#230;us Scipio, chosen in their stead, made an expedition against
+the Insubres, for the Romans had not complied with the latter's
+requests by voting for peace. Together at first they carried on the
+war and were in most cases victorious. Soon, learning that the allied
+territory was being plundered, they severed their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span> forces. Marcellus
+made a quick march against those plundering the land of the allies,
+but did not find them on the scene; he then pursued them as they fled
+and when they made a stand overcame them. Scipio remained where he was
+and proceeded to besiege Acerr&#230;; he took it and made it a base for the
+war, since it was favorably located and well walled. Starting from
+that point they subdued Mediolanum and another village-town. After
+these had been captured the rest of the Insubres also made terms with
+them, giving them money and a section of the land.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 221<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 533)<br />B.C. 220<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 534)<br /><span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 51</span>Thereafter Publius Cornelius and
+Marcus Minucius made a campaign to the Ister regions and brought into
+subjection many of the nations there, some by war and some on terms
+agreed upon. Lucius Veturius and
+Gaius Lutatius went as far as the Alps and without any fighting
+established Roman sovereignty over many people. The prince of the
+Ardi&#230;ans, however, <span class="smcap">demetrius, was,
+as has been stated above, hateful to the natives and injured the
+property of neighboring tribes; and it appeared that it was by
+misusing the friendship of the romans that he was able to wrong those
+peoples</span>. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 219<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 535)</span><span class="smcap">as soon as the
+consuls, &#230;milius paulus and marcus livius, heard of this they summoned
+him before them. when he refused compliance and actually assailed
+their allies, they made a campaign against issa, where he was.</span>
+And having received advance information that he was lying secretly at
+anchor somewhere in the vicinity of the landing-places they sent a
+portion of their ships to the other side of the island to bring on an
+engagement.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span> When the Illyrians accordingly fell upon the
+reconnoitering party, thinking them alone, the main body approached at
+leisure in their ships and after pitching camp in a suitable place
+repulsed the natives, who, angry at the trick, lost no time in
+attacking them. Demetrius made his escape to Pharos, another island,
+but they sailed to that, overcame resistance, and captured the city by
+betrayal, only to find Demetrius fled. He at this time reached
+Macedonia with large amounts of money and went to Philip, the king of
+the country. He was not surrendered by him, but on returning to the
+Illyrians was arrested by the Romans and was executed.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 13, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 218<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 536)</span>VIII, 21.&#8212;In the succeeding year
+the Romans became openly hostile to the Carthaginians, and the war,
+though of far shorter duration than the previous one, proved to be
+both greater and more baneful in its exploits and effects. It was
+brought on chiefly by Hannibal, general of the Carthaginians. This
+Hannibal was a child of Hamilcar Barca, and from his earliest boyhood
+had been trained to fight against the Romans. Hamilcar said he was
+raising all his sons like so many whelps to fight against them, but as
+he saw that this one's nature was far superior to that of the rest, he
+made him take an oath that he would wage war upon them, and for this
+reason he instructed the boy in warfare above all else when only
+fifteen years old. On account of this youthfulness Hannibal was not
+able, when his father died, to succeed to the generalship. But when
+Hasdrubal was dead, he delayed no longer, being now twenty-six years
+of age, but at once took possession of the army in Spain and after
+being acclaimed as leader by the soldiers brought it about that his
+right to lead was confirmed also by those in authority at home. After
+effecting this he needed a plausible excuse for his enterprise against
+the Romans, and this he found in the Saguntines of Spain. These
+people, dwelling not far from the river Iber and a short distance
+above the sea, were dependents of the Romans, and the latter held them
+in honor and in the treaty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span> with the Carthaginians had made an
+exception of them. For these reasons, then, Hannibal began a war with
+them, knowing that the Romans would either assist the Saguntines or
+avenge them if they suffered injury. Hence for these reasons as well
+as because he knew that they possessed great wealth, which he
+particularly needed, and for various other causes that promised him
+advantages against the Romans he made an attack upon the Saguntines.</p>
+
+<p>Spain, in which the Saguntines dwell, and all the adjoining land is in
+the western part of Europe. It extends for a considerable distance
+along the inner sea, beside the Pillars of Hercules, and along the
+ocean; furthermore it occupies the upper part of the mainland for a
+very great distance, as far as the Pyrenees. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span>
+53</span><span class="smcap">this range, beginning at the sea called anciently the sea of
+the bebryces but later the sea of the narbonenses, reaches to the
+great outer sea, and confines many diverse nationalities; it also
+separates spain from the neighboring land of gaul.</span> The tribes did
+not employ the same language nor carry on a common government. This
+resulted in their not having a single name. The Romans called them
+Hispanii, but the Greeks Iberians, from the river Iber.</p>
+
+<p>These Saguntines, then, being besieged sent to those near them and to
+the Romans asking for aid. But Hannibal checked any local movement,
+and the Romans sent ambassadors to him bidding him not come near the
+Saguntines, and threatening in case he should not obey to sail to
+Carthage at once and lay accusations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span> against him. When the envoys
+were now close at hand, Hannibal sent some of the natives who were to
+pretend that they were kindly disposed to them and were instructed to
+say that the general was not there but had gone some distance away
+into parts unknown; they advised the enemy, therefore (they were to
+say), to depart as quickly as possible and before their presence
+should be reported lest in the disorder prevailing because of the
+absence of the general they should lose their lives. The envoys
+accordingly believed them and set off for Carthage. An assembly being
+called some of the Carthaginians counseled maintaining peace with the
+Romans, but the party attached to Hannibal affirmed that the
+Saguntines were guilty of wrongdoing and the Romans were meddling with
+what did not concern them. Finally those who urged them to make war
+won the day.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile Hannibal in the course of his siege was conducting vigorous
+assaults. Many kept falling and many more were being wounded on
+Hannibal's side. One day the Carthaginians succeeded in shaking down a
+portion of the outer circuit and had been daring enough to enter
+through the breach, when the Saguntines made a sortie and scared them
+away. This gave the besieged strength and the Carthaginians fell back
+in dejection. They did not leave the spot, however, till they had
+captured the city, though the siege dragged on to the eighth month.
+Many unusual events happened in that time, one of which was Hannibal's
+being dangerously wounded. The place was taken in this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span> manner. They
+brought to bear against the wall an engine much higher than the
+fortification and carrying heavy-armed soldiers, some visible, some
+concealed. While the Saguntines, therefore, were quite strenuously
+fighting against the men they saw, thinking them the only ones, those
+hidden had dug through the wall from below and found their way inside.
+The Saguntines overwhelmed by the unexpectedness of the event ran up
+to the citadel and held a conference to see whether by any reasonable
+concessions they might be preserved. But as Hannibal held out no
+moderate terms and no assistance came to them from the Romans, they
+begged for a cessation of the assaults until they should deliberate a
+little about their position. During this respite they gathered
+together the most highly prized of their treasures and cast them into
+the fire; then such as were incapable of fighting committed suicide,
+and those who were in their prime advanced in a body against their
+opponents and in a desperate struggle were cut down.</p>
+
+<p>VIII, 22.&#8212;For their sakes the Romans and the Carthaginians embarked
+upon war. Hannibal after gaining numerous allies was hastening toward
+Italy. The Romans on ascertaining this assembled in their senate-hall,
+and many speeches were delivered. Lucius Cornelius Lentulus addressed
+the people and said they must not delay but vote for war against the
+Carthaginians and separate consuls and armies into two detachments,
+and send the one to Spain and the other to Libya, in order that at one
+and the same time the land<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span> of the enemy might be desolated and his
+allies injured; thus neither would he be able to assist Spain nor
+could he himself receive assistance from there. To this Quintus Fabius
+Maximus rejoined that it was not so absolutely and inevitably
+necessary to vote for war, but they could first employ an embassy, and
+then if the Carthaginians persuaded them that they were guilty of no
+wrong, they should remain quiet, but if the same people were convicted
+of wrongdoing, they might thereupon wage war against them, &quot;in order,&quot;
+he said, &quot;that we may cast the responsibility for the war upon them.&quot;
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 54<sup>9</sup></span><span class="smcap">the opinions of the two men were
+substantially these. the senate decided to make preparations, to be
+sure, for conflict, but to despatch envoys to carthage and denounce
+hannibal; and if the carthaginians refrained from approving the
+exploits, they would arbitrate the matter, or if all responsibility
+were laid upon his shoulders, they would demand his extradition, and
+if he were not given up, they would declare war upon the nation.</span></p>
+
+<p>The envoys set out and the Carthaginians considered what must be done.
+And a certain Hasdrubal, one of those who had been primed by Hannibal,
+counseled them that they ought to get back their ancient freedom and
+shake off by means of money and troops and allies, all welded
+together, the slavery imposed by peace, adding: &quot;If you only permit
+Hannibal to act as he wishes, the proper thing will be done and you
+will have no trouble.&quot; After such words on his part the great Hanno,
+opposing Hasdrubal's argument, gave it as his opinion that they ought
+not to draw war upon them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span>selves lightly nor for small complaints
+concerning foreigners, when it was in their power to settle a part of
+the difficulty and divert the rest of it upon the heads of those who
+had been active in the matter. With these remarks he ceased, and the
+elder Carthaginians who remembered the former war sided with him, but
+those in robust manhood and especially all the partisans of Hannibal
+violently gainsaid him. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 54<sup>10</sup></span><span class="smcap">inasmuch,
+then, as they made no definite answer and showed contempt for the
+envoys, marcus fabius thrusting his hands beneath his toga and holding
+them with palms upward said: &quot;here i bring to you, carthaginians, both
+war and peace: do you choose whichever of them you wish.&quot; upon their
+replying that they chose neither, but would readily accept either that
+the romans should leave, he immediately declared war upon them.</span></p>
+
+<p>In this way, then, and for these reasons the Romans and the
+Carthaginians became involved in war for the second time. And the
+Divinity beforehand indicated what was to come to pass. For in Rome an
+ox talked with a human voice, and another at the Ludi Romani threw
+himself out of a house into the Tiber and was lost, many thunderbolts
+fell, and blood in one case was seen coming from sacred statues
+whereas in another it dripped from the shield of a soldier, and the
+sword of another soldier was snatched by a wolf from the very midst of
+the camp. Many unknown wild beasts went before Hannibal leading the
+way, as he was crossing the Iber, and a vision appeared to him in a
+dream. He thought that the gods once, sitting in assembly, sent for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span>
+him and bade him march with all speed into Italy and receive from them
+a guide for the way, and that by this guide he was commanded to follow
+without turning around. He did turn around, however, and saw a great
+tempest moving and an immense serpent accompanying it. In surprise he
+asked his conductor what these creatures were; and the guide said:
+&quot;Hannibal, they are on their way to help you in the sack of Italy.&quot;</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 14, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p>VIII, 23.&#8212;These things inspired Hannibal with a firm hope, but threw
+the Romans into a state of profound terror. The Romans divided their
+forces into two parts and sent out the consuls,&#8212;Sempronius Longus to
+Sicily and Publius Scipio to Spain. Hannibal, desiring to invade Italy
+with all possible speed, marched on hurriedly and traversed without
+fighting the whole of Gaul lying between the Pyrenees and the Rhone.
+As far as the Rhone river no one came to oppose him, but at that point
+Scipio showed himself although he had no troops with him. Nevertheless
+with the help of the natives and their nearest neighbors he had
+already destroyed the boats in the river and had posted guards over
+the stream. Hannibal therefore used up some time in building rafts and
+skiffs, some of them out of a single log of wood, but still with the
+help of a large corps of workers had everything in readiness that was
+needful for crossing before Scipio's own army could arrive. He sent
+his brother Mago accompanied by the horsemen and a few light troops to
+cross at a point where the river is scattered over considerable
+breadth, with branches separated by islands; he himself, of course,
+proceeded by way of the natural ford, his object being that the Gauls
+should be deceived and array themselves against him only, while they
+set their guards with less care at other points along the river. This
+object was accomplished. Mago had already got<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span> across the river when
+Hannibal and his followers were crossing by the ford. On reaching the
+middle of the stream they raised a war cry and the trumpeters joined
+with the blare of their instruments, and Mago fell upon their
+antagonists from the rear. In this way the elephants and all the rest
+were ferried safely over. They had just finished crossing when
+Scipio's own force arrived. Both sides, then, sent horsemen to
+reconnoitre, after which they entered upon a cavalry battle with the
+same results as attended the war as a whole. The Romans, that is,
+after first seeming to get the worst of it and losing a number of men
+were victorious.</p>
+
+<p>Then Hannibal, in haste to set out for Italy but suspicious of the
+more direct roads, turned aside from them and followed another, on
+which he underwent bitter hardships. The mountains there are
+exceedingly precipitous and the snow falling in great quantities was
+driven by the winds and filled the chasms, and the ice was frozen to a
+great thickness. These things conspired to cause them fearful
+suffering, and many of his soldiers perished through the winter cold
+and lack of food; many also returned home. There is a story to the
+effect that he himself would also have turned back but for the fact
+that the road already traversed was longer and more difficult than the
+portion left before him. For this reason he did not retrace his steps,
+but suddenly appearing south of the Alps spread astonishment and
+terror among the Romans.</p>
+
+<p>So he advanced taking possession of whatever lay before him. Scipio
+sent his brother Gaius<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> Scipio, who was serving as a lieutenant
+under him, into Spain to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span> either seize and hold it or bring Hannibal
+back, but he himself marched against Hannibal. They waited a few days;
+then both moved into action. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">before beginning operations, hannibal called together the soldiers
+and brought in the captives whom he had taken by the way: he asked the
+latter whether they chose to undergo imprisonment and to endure a
+grievous slavery, or to fight in single combat with one another on
+condition that the victors should be released without ransom. when
+they accepted the second alternative, he set them to fighting. and at
+the end of the conflict he addressed</span> his own soldiers,
+encouraging them and whetting their eagerness for war. Scipio also did
+this on the Roman side. Then the contest began and looked at the
+outset as if it would involve the entire armies: but Scipio in a
+preliminary cavalry skirmish was defeated, lost many men, was wounded
+and would have been killed, had not his son Scipio, though only
+seventeen years old, come to his aid; he was consequently alarmed lest
+his infantry should similarly meet with a reverse, and he at once fell
+back and that night withdrew from the field.</p>
+
+<p>VIII, 24.&#8212;Hannibal did not learn of his withdrawal till daybreak and
+then went to the Po, and finding there neither rafts nor boats,&#8212;for
+they had been burned by Scipio,&#8212;he ordered his brother Mago to swim
+across with the cavalry and pursue the Romans, whereas he himself
+marched up toward the sources of the river and commanded that the
+elephants cross where the tributary streams converged. In this manner,
+while the water was temporarily dammed and torn piecemeal by the
+animals' bulk, he effected a crossing more easily below<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span> them. Scipio
+overtaken stood his ground and would have offered battle but for the
+fact that by night the Gauls in his army deserted. Embarrassed by this
+occurrence and still suffering from his wound he once more broke up at
+night and located his entrenchments on high ground. He was not
+pursued, but subsequently the Carthaginians came up and encamped, with
+the river between the two forces.</p>
+
+<p>Scipio on account of his wound and because of what had taken place was
+inclined to wait and send for reinforcements; and Hannibal after many
+attempts to provoke him to battle, finding that he could not do this
+and that he was short of food, attacked a fort where a large supply
+for the Romans was stored. As he made no headway he employed money to
+bribe the commander of the garrison, which thus came into his
+possession by betrayal. He hoped also to attain his other objects,
+partly by arms and partly by gold. Meanwhile Longus had entrusted
+Sicily to his lieutenant and had come in response to Scipio's call.
+Not much later influenced by ambition on the one hand and also by the
+fact of a victory over some marauders he presented himself in battle
+array. He lost the day by falling into an ambuscade, and when Hannibal
+appeared upon the scene with his infantry and elephants the followers
+of the Roman leader turned to flight and many were put to the sword,
+many also heedless of the river fell in and were choked. Only a few
+saved themselves with Longus. However, Hannibal though victorious was
+not happy, because he had lost many soldiers and all of his elephants,
+except one, as a result of the winter and from wounds.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Accordingly, they arranged an armistice without any desire for peace
+implied and both sides retired to the territory of their allies and
+passed the winter in the cities there. Plenty of provisions kept
+coming to the Romans, but Hannibal, not satisfied with the
+contributions of the allies, made frequent raids upon the Roman
+villages and cities and sometimes would conquer, sometimes be
+repulsed. Once he was beaten by Longus with the cavalry and received a
+wound. Some of the Roman settlers encouraged by this came out by
+themselves to oppose him when he assailed them. These would-be
+warriors he destroyed and received the capitulation of the place,
+which he razed to the ground. Of the captives taken he killed the
+Romans but released the rest. This he did also in the case of all
+those taken alive, hoping to conciliate the cities by their influence.
+And, indeed, many of the Gauls as well as Ligurians and Etruscans
+either murdered the Romans dwelling within their borders or
+surrendered them and then transferred their allegiance.</p>
+
+<p>As Hannibal was advancing toward Etruria Longus attacked him in the
+midst of a great storm. Many fell on both sides and Hannibal entered
+Ligurian territory and delayed some time. He was suspicious of even
+his own men and was free to trust no one, but made frequent changes of
+costume, wore false hair, spoke different languages at different times
+(for he knew a number, including Latin) and both night and day he
+would frequently make the rounds of his camp. He was always listening
+to some conversations in the guise of an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span> entirely different person
+from Hannibal and occasionally he talked thus in character.</p>
+
+<p>VIII, 25.&#8212;While this was going on in Italy the other Scipio, Gaius,
+had sailed along the coast to Spain, and had won over, partly by force
+and partly without opposition, all the districts to the Iber that
+border on the sea and considerable of the upper peninsula. He had also
+defeated Banno in battle and had taken him prisoner. Hasdrubal, the
+brother of Hannibal, on learning this crossed the Iber and reduced
+some of the rebels, but at Scipio's approach he fell back.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 217<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 537)</span>The people of Rome again chose
+Flaminius and Geminus consuls. Just after the advent of spring
+Hannibal was apprised that Flaminius together with Servilius Geminus
+would march against him with a large force, and he devoted his
+attention to deceiving them. He pretended that he was going to spend
+his time and meet the issue where he was, and when the Romans,
+thinking that he was permanently located, began to show carelessness
+in their line of march, he started just after nightfall, leaving his
+cavalry behind at camp, noiselessly traversed the passes and hastened
+on toward Aretium; and the cavalry, after he had got far ahead, set
+out to follow him. When the consuls found out that they had been
+tricked, Geminus stayed behind to harass the revolted districts and
+prevent them from assisting the Carthaginians, and Flaminius alone
+pursued, eager that his alone should be the credit of the expected
+victory. He succeeded in occupying Aretium beforehand, for Hannibal in
+taking a shorter road had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span> encountered difficult marching, and had
+lost numerous men, many pack animals, and one of his eyes. It was
+late, then, before he reached Aretium and found there Flaminius, whom
+he regarded with contempt. He did not give battle, for the situation
+was unsuitable, but by way of testing his enemy's disposition he laid
+waste the country. At this the Romans made a sally and he retired, to
+give them the idea that he was afraid. During the night he broke up
+and found a satisfactory spot for battle, where he remained. He
+arranged that most of the infantry should form an ambush along the
+mountain sides and ordered all the cavalry to lie in wait concealed
+from view outside the pass; he himself encamped with a few followers
+on the hilltop. Flaminius was in good spirits and when he saw him with
+but a few men on the high ground he believed that the rest of the army
+must have been sent to some distant point and hoped to take him easily
+thus isolated. So he carelessly entered the mouth of the pass and
+there (for it was late) pitched camp. About midnight, when they were
+sleeping unguarded through scorn of their enemies, the Carthaginians
+surrounded them on every side at once and by using from a distance
+javelins, slings, and arrows they killed some still in their beds,
+others just seizing their arms, without receiving any serious harm in
+return. The Romans, having no tangible adversaries and with darkness
+and mist prevailing, found no chance to employ their valor. So great
+was the uproar and of such a nature the disordered alarm that seized
+them, that they were not even aware of earthquakes then<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span> prevailing,
+although many buildings fell in ruins and many mountains either were
+cleft asunder or collapsed so that they blocked up ravines, and rivers
+shut off from their ancient outlet sought another. Such were the
+earthquakes which overwhelmed Etruria, yet the combatants were not
+conscious of them. Flaminius himself and a vast number of others fell,
+though not a few managed to climb a hill. When it became day, they
+started to flee and being overtaken surrendered themselves and their
+arms on promise of free pardon. Hannibal, however, recking little of
+his oaths, imprisoned and kept under guard the Romans themselves, but
+released their subjects and allies among all the captives he had in
+his army. After this success he hastened toward Rome and proceeded as
+far as Narnia devastating the country and winning over the cities,
+save Spoletium; there he surrounded and slew the pr&#230;tor Gaius
+Centenius who was in ambush. He made an attack upon Spoletium, but was
+repulsed, and as he saw that the bridge over the Nar had been torn
+down and ascertained that this had been done also in the case of the
+other rivers which he was obliged to cross, he ceased his headlong
+rush upon Rome. Instead, he turned aside into Campania, for he heard
+that the land was excellent and that Capua was a great city, and
+thought that if he should first occupy these he might acquire the rest
+of Italy in a short time.</p>
+
+<p>The people of Rome when informed of the defeat were grieved and
+lamented both for themselves and for the lost. They were in sore
+straits and tore down the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span> bridges over the Tiber, save one, and
+proceeded hurriedly to repair their walls, which were weak in many
+places. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>9</sup></span><span class="smcap">wishing to have a dictator
+ready, they had proclaimed one in assembly. satisfied if they
+themselves only should be saved, they had despatched no aid to the
+allies. but now, learning that hannibal had set out into campania,
+they determined to assist the allies also.</span> To Hannibal they
+opposed the dictator Fabius and the master of horse Marcus Minucius.
+These leaders set out in his direction but did not come into close
+quarters with him. They followed and kept him in view in the hope that
+a favorable opportunity for battle might possibly befall. Fabius was
+unwilling to risk a conflict with cowed and beaten soldiers against a
+greater number who had been victorious. Furthermore he hoped that the
+more his foes should injure the country, the sooner would they be in
+want of food. Calculating in this way he did not defend Campania nor
+any other district. For these reasons he confined hostilities entirely
+within Campania; unknown to the enemy he had surrounded them on every
+side and now kept guard over them. He himself secured an abundance of
+provisions both from the sea and from the territory of allies, but the
+invaders, he knew, had only the products of the land which they were
+devastating to depend upon. Therefore he waited and did not mind the
+delay. Hence also he was blamed by his fellow-citizens and was even
+given the name of The Delayer.</p>
+
+<p>VIII, 26.&#8212;When it came to be nearly winter and Hannibal could not
+pass that season where he was owing to a lack of the necessities of
+life and had been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span> checked in many attempts to get out of Campania, he
+devised a plan of this kind. He first slew all the captives, that no
+one of them might escape and acquaint the Romans with what was being
+done. Then he gathered the cattle which were in camp, affixed torches
+to their horns, and went at nightfall to the mountains forming the
+boundary of Samnium, where he lighted the torches and threw the cattle
+into a fright. They, maddened by the fire and the driving, set fire to
+the forest in many places and consequently rendered it easy for
+Hannibal to cross the mountains. The Romans in the plain as well as
+those on the heights dreaded an ambuscade and would not budge. Thus
+Hannibal got across and made his way into Samnium.</p>
+
+<p>Fabius, ascertaining the next day what had been done, gave chase and
+routed those left behind on the road to hinder his men's progress,
+afterward defeating also troops that came to the assistance of the
+first party. He then encamped not far from the enemy, yet would not
+come into conflict with them. However, he prevented them from
+scattering and foraging, so that Hannibal in perplexity at first
+started for Rome. As Fabius would not fight, but quietly accompanied
+him, he again turned back into Samnium. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span>
+56<sup>10</sup></span><span class="smcap">and fabius following on continued to besiege him from a
+safe distance, being anxious not to lose any of his own troops</span>,
+especially since he could obtain necessities in abundance, whereas he
+saw that his foe actually possessed nothing outside of his weapons and
+that no assistance was sent to him from home. <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>11</sup></span><span class="smcap">for the cartha</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span><span class="smcap">ginians were disposed to make
+sport of him in that he wrote of his splendid progress and his many
+successes and in the same breath asked soldiers of them and money.
+they said that his requests were not in accord with his successes:
+conquerors ought to find their army sufficient, and to forward money
+to their homes instead of demanding more.</span></p>
+
+<p>As long as Fabius was in the field, no disaster happened to the
+Romans, but when he started for Rome on some public business, they met
+with a setback. Rufus, his master of horse, was only a young man and
+therefore full of empty conceit; he was not observant of the errors of
+warfare and was wearied by the delays of Fabius: hence, when he once
+held the leadership of the army alone, he disregarded the injunctions
+of the dictator and hastened to bring on a set battle, in which at
+first he seemed to be victorious, but was soon defeated. Indeed, he
+would have been utterly destroyed, had not some Samnites arrived by
+chance to aid the Romans and impressed the Carthaginians with the idea
+that Fabius was approaching. When for this reason they retired he
+thought that he had vanquished them and sent messages to Rome
+magnifying his exploit and also slandering the dictator; he called
+Fabius timorous and hesitating and a sympathizer with the enemy.</p>
+
+<p>The people of Rome believed that Rufus had really conquered, and in
+view of this unexpected encouragement they commended and honored him.
+They were suspicious of Fabius both because of the outcome and because
+he had not ravaged his own land in Campania, and it would have taken
+but little to make them depose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span> him from his command. However, as they
+believed him useful, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>14</sup></span><span class="smcap">they did not
+depose him but they assigned equal power to his master of horse so
+that both held command on an equal footing. when this had been
+decreed, fabius harbored no wrath against either the citizens or
+rufus; but rufus, who had not shown the right spirit in the first
+place, was now especially puffed up and could not contain himself. he
+kept asking for the right to hold sole sway a day at a time, or for
+several days alternately. fabius, possessed with dread that he might
+work some harm if he should get possession of the undivided power,
+would not consent to either plan of his, but divided the army in such
+a way that they each, the same as the consuls, had a separate force.
+and immediately rufus encamped apart, in order to illustrate the fact
+that he was holding sway in his own right and not subject to the
+dictator.</span> Hannibal, accordingly, perceiving this came up as if to
+seize a position, and drew him into battle. He then encompassed him
+about by means of an ambuscade and plunged him into danger, to such an
+extent, indeed, that he would have annihilated his entire army, if
+Fabius had not assailed Hannibal in the rear and prevented it.</p>
+
+<p>After this experience <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>16</sup></span><span class="smcap">rufus
+altered his attitude, led the remnant of the army immediately into
+fabius's quarters and laid down his command. he did not wait for the
+people to revoke it, but voluntarily gave up the leadership which he,
+a mere master of the horse, had obtained from his superior. and for
+this all praised him. and fabius at once, nothing doubting, accepted
+entire control and the people</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span> <span class="smcap">sanctioned it</span>. <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>17</sup></span><span class="smcap">thereafter as head of the army he afforded
+greatest security, and when about to retire from office sent for the
+consuls, surrendered the army to them, and advised them very fully
+regarding all the details of what must be done. and they were not
+unduly bold, but acted entirely on the suggestion of fabius</span>,
+notwithstanding that Geminus had had some previous success. He had
+seen the Carthaginian fleet at anchor off Italy but not venturing to
+display any hostility because of the Roman ability to meet it, and he
+had started on a retaliatory voyage, first making sure the good
+conduct of the Corsicans and Sardinians by a cruise past their coasts;
+he had then landed in Libya and plundered the shore district. In spite
+of this achievement he was not so puffed up by it as to risk a
+decisive engagement with Hannibal, but was willing to abide by the
+injunctions of Fabius. One consequence was that the cities were no
+longer found siding with the Carthaginians, as they had done; for they
+feared that Hannibal would be driven out of Italy and they themselves
+suffer some calamity at the hands of the Romans since they were their
+kinsmen. The majority were engaged in trying to read the future, but a
+few again espoused the Roman cause, and some sent them offerings. And
+though Hiero often sent grain (and also sent a statue of Victory), the
+Romans accepted it only once. Yet they were in such hard straits for
+money that the silver coinage which was previously unalloyed and pure
+was now mixed with copper.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 1.&#8212;All this is what took place in Italy at that period. Some
+slaves also formed a conspiracy against Rome, but were apprehended in
+advance. And a spy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span> caught in the city had his hands cut off and was
+released that he might tell the Carthaginians his experience with his
+own lips.&#8212;In Spain in a sea-fight near the mouth of the Iber Scipio
+was victorious; for when the struggle proved to be too even, the sails
+were cut down in order that the men being placed in a desperate
+position might struggle more zealously. He also ravaged the country,
+got possession of numerous fortresses and through his brother Publius
+Scipio gained control of some Spanish cities. A Spaniard named Habelux
+affecting loyalty to the Carthaginians but in reality in the Roman
+service persuaded the Carthaginian guardian of the Spanish hostages to
+send them to their homes, in order that they might use their influence
+to bring their cities into friendly relations. Habelux naturally took
+charge of them, inasmuch as he had been the one to suggest the idea,
+but first sent to the Scipios and held a discussion about what he
+desired; then, while he was secretly taking the hostages away by
+night, he of course got captured. In this way it was the Romans who
+obtained possession of these men and acquired control of their native
+states by returning them to their homes.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 15, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 216<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 538)</span>Though in these matters they were
+fortunate, they encountered elsewhere a fearful disaster, than which
+they never suffered one more terrible either earlier or subsequently.
+It was preceded by certain portents and the solemn verses of the Sibyl
+which had prophesied the disaster to them so many years before.
+Remarkable was also the prediction of Marcius. He also was a
+soothsayer and it was his rede that, inasmuch as they were Trojans of
+old, they should be overthrown in the Plain of Diomed. This was in
+Daunian Apulia and took its name from the settlement of Diomed, which
+he made there in the course of his wanderings. In that plain is also
+Cann&#230;, where the present misfortune occurred, close to the Ionian Gulf
+and near the mouths of the Aufidus. The Sibyl had urged them to beware
+of the spot, yet said it would avail them naught, even if they should
+keep it under strictest guard.</p>
+
+<p>Such were the oracular utterances: now what befell the Romans was
+this. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>21</sup></span><span class="smcap">the commanders were &#230;milius
+paulus and terentius varro, men not of similar temperament. for the
+one was a patrician, possessed of the graces of education, and
+esteemed safety before haste: but terentius had been brought up among
+the rabble, was practiced in vulgar bravado, and so displayed lack of
+prudence in nearly all respects, thinking, for instance, that he alone
+should have the leadership in view of the quiet behavior of his
+colleague. now they both reached the camp at a</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span> <span class="smcap">most opportune time:
+hannibal had no longer any provender; spain was in turmoil; the
+affection of the allies was being alienated from him; and if they had
+waited for even the briefest possible period, they would have
+conquered. as matters went, however, the recklessness of terentius and
+the submissiveness of paulus compassed their defeat.</span> Hannibal
+attempted to lead them into a conflict at once, and with a few
+followers drew near their stronghold: then, when a sortie was made, he
+purposely fell back to create the impression of being afraid and so
+drew them the more surely into a set battle. But, as Paulus restrained
+his own soldiers from pursuit, Hannibal simulated terror and that
+night packed up as if to depart; and he left behind him numerous
+articles lying within the palisade and ordered the rest of the baggage
+to be escorted with a considerable show of carelessness so as to make
+the Romans devote their attention to plundering it and give him
+thereby a chance to attack them. He would have translated his wish
+into fact, if Paulus had not held back his soldiers, in spite of their
+reluctance, and held back Terentius as well.</p>
+
+<p>So Hannibal, having failed in this essay also, came by night to Cann&#230;,
+and since he knew the place as one fit for ambuscades and for a
+pitched battle, he encamped there. And first he ploughed the whole
+site over, because it had a sandy subsoil and his object was to have a
+cloud of dust raised in the conflict; the wind generally springs up
+there in summer toward noon, and he contrived to get it behind his
+back. The consuls seeing at dawn that his stockade was empty of men at
+first waited, apprehending ambush, but later in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span> the broad daylight
+came to Cann&#230;. Each of the Roman leaders bivouacked apart beside the
+river, for since they were not congenial they avoided association
+together. Paulus remained quiet, but Terentius was anxious to force
+the issue; when he saw, however, that the soldiers were rather
+listless, he gave up the idea. But Hannibal, who was determined to
+goad them into battle even against their will, shut them off from
+their sources of water, prevented their scattering into small parties,
+and threw the bodies of the slain into the stream above their
+intrenchments and in plain sight, in order to disgust them with the
+drinking supply. Then the Romans started to array themselves for
+battle. Hannibal anticipating this movement had planted ambuscades at
+the foot of the hills but held the remainder of his army drawn up. He
+also ordered some men at a given signal to simulate desertion; they
+were to throw away their shields and spears and larger swords but
+secretly to retain their daggers, so that after his antagonists had
+received them as unarmed, they might attack them unexpectedly.</p>
+
+<p>The Romans having had in view since early morning the troops arrayed
+about Hannibal were now arming themselves and taking their places. The
+trumpets incited both parties, the signals were raised, and then
+ensued the clash of battle and a contest which assumed a variety of
+aspects. Until noon the advantage had not fallen distinctly to either
+side. Then the wind came up and the false deserters were received as
+men destitute of arms and got behind the Romans, alleging the very
+natural reason that they wanted to be out of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span> way of the
+Carthaginian attack. At this moment the men rose from ambush on both
+sides, Hannibal with his cavalry charged the front ranks, the enemy
+confused the Romans on every hand, the wind and the dust cloud
+assailed their faces violently, causing perplexity, and interfered
+with their breathing, which was already growing quick and labored from
+exertion, so that deprived of sight, deprived of voice, they perished
+in a wild m&#234;l&#233;e, preserving no semblance of order. So great a
+multitude fell that Hannibal did not even try to find out the number
+of the common people, and in regard to the number of the knights and
+members of the senate he did not write to the Carthaginians at home
+but indicated it by the finger-rings; these he measured off by the
+quart and sent away. Only the senators and the knights wore
+finger-rings. Yet after all a number made good their escape even on
+this occasion, among them Terentius; Paulus was killed. Hannibal did
+not pursue nor did he hasten to Rome. He might have set out at once
+for Rome with either his entire army or at least a portion of it and
+have quickly ended the war; yet he did not do so, although Maharbal
+urged him to do so. Hence he was censured as being able to win
+victories but not understanding how to use them. Since they had
+delayed this time, they could never again have an opportunity to make
+haste. Therefore Hannibal regretted it, feeling that he had committed
+a blunder, and was ever crying out: &quot;Oh Cann&#230;, Cann&#230;!&quot;</p>
+
+<p>IX, 2.&#8212;The Romans, who had been in such imminent danger of being
+destroyed, won back their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span> superiority through Scipio. He was a son of
+the Publius Scipio in Spain, and had saved the life of his father when
+the latter was wounded: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>24</sup></span><span class="smcap">he was at
+this time serving in the army, had fled to canusium, and later
+achieved renown. by common consent of the fugitives assembled at
+canusium he received the leadership, set in order affairs at that
+place, sent garrisons to the regions in proximity, and both planned
+and executed all measures well.</span></p>
+
+<p>The people of Rome heard of the defeat but did not believe it. When
+they at last came to believe it, they were filled with sorrow and met
+in the senate-house, but were ready to break up without accomplishing
+anything, when finally Fabius proposed that they send scouts to bring
+a report of what had really happened and what Hannibal was doing. He
+advised them not to lament but to go about in silence that the
+necessary measures might be taken, and furthermore to collect as large
+a force as they might and to call upon adjoining settlements for aid.
+After this, upon learning that Hannibal was in Apulia and receiving a
+letter from Terentius stating that he was alive and what he was doing,
+they recovered a little of their courage. Marcus Junius was named
+dictator and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus master of the horse.
+Immediately they enrolled not only those of the citizens who were in
+their prime but also those even who were past the fighting age; they
+added to their forces prisoners on promise of pardon and slaves on
+promise of freedom and a brigand here and there; moreover they called
+on their allies to help, reminding them of any kindness ever shown
+them and promising in addition to give to some<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span> of them grain, to
+others money, as they had never done before; they also sent emissaries
+to Greece to either persuade or hire men to serve as their allies.</p>
+
+<p>Hannibal, learning that the Romans had united their troops and were
+engaged in preparations, still delayed at Cann&#230; despairing of a
+capture by assault. Of the captives he released the allied contingent
+without ransom as before, but the Romans he kept, hoping to dispose of
+them by sale, since this would make him better off but the Romans
+worse off. When no one came from Rome in quest of the captives, he
+ordered them to send some of their number home after ransom, provided
+they had first taken oath to return. When even then the Romans refused
+to ransom them, he shipped those who were of any value to Carthage,
+and of the rest he put some to death after maltreating them and forced
+the others to fight as gladiators, pitting friends and relatives
+against each other. Those who were sent for ransom returned in order
+to be true to their oaths, but later fled. They were disfranchised by
+the censors and committed suicide.</p>
+
+<p>Hannibal sent his brother Mago to report the victory to the
+Carthaginians and to ask them for money and troops. He on his arrival
+counted over the rings and described the success naturally in even
+more glowing terms than it deserved; everything that he asked was
+voted and they would not listen to Hanno who opposed it and advised
+them to end the war while they seemed to have the upper hand. However,
+they never put their vote into effect, but delayed. Hannibal
+mean<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span>while had advanced into Campania, had seized a Samnite fortress,
+and marched upon Neapolis. He sent before him a few soldiers with the
+booty and when the people of the city, thinking them alone, rushed out
+upon them, he unexpectedly appeared in person and slew a large number.
+He did not capture the city, nor did he lay siege to it for long. The
+reason will presently be plain. Of the Campanian inhabitants of Capua
+a part clung to Roman friendship, but others favored Hannibal. After
+his success at Cann&#230; and when some of their men taken captive had been
+released the populace was clamorous to revolt to Hannibal, but the men
+of rank waited for some time. Finally the crowd made a rush upon them
+as they were assembled in the senate-house and would have made away
+with them all but for the action of some one of the crowd who saw how
+great a misfortune this would be. This person denounced the senators
+as by all means deserving to perish, but said that they ought first to
+choose others to fill their places, for the State could not endure
+without some men to concert measures for them. Having gained the
+assent of the Capuan people he ejected each one of them from the
+senate-house, asking the populace, as he did so, whom they chose in
+his place. Thus, as they found themselves unable to choose others on
+short notice, they let all the old senators go unharmed, because they
+appeared to be necessary. Later they became reconciled with one
+another and made peace with Hannibal. This is why he quickly retired
+from Neapolis and came to Capua. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span> held a conference with the people
+and made many attractive offers, among other things promising to give
+them the supreme direction of Italy; for he was anxious that they
+should be animated by hope and, feeling that they would be working for
+themselves, develop greater zeal in the struggle.</p>
+
+<p>At the revolt of Capua the rest of Campania also became restive, and
+the news of the town's secession troubled the Romans. As for Hannibal,
+he started on a campaign against the Nucerini. Under stress of siege
+and owing to lack of food they thrust out that portion of the
+population which was not available for fighting. Hannibal would not
+receive them, however, and gave them assurance of safety only in case
+they should go back to the city. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>25</sup></span><span class="smcap">therefore the rest also agreed to leave the city carrying one
+change of clothing. as soon, however, as hannibal was master of the
+situation, he shut the senators into bath-houses and suffocated them,
+and in the case of the others, although he had told them to go away
+where they pleased, he cut down on the road many even of them. a
+number of them saved their lives only by taking refuge in the woods.
+thereupon the rest became afraid and would no longer come to terms
+with him, but resisted while they were able.</span> The people of Nola
+were planning to range themselves under his banner, but when they saw
+what had been done to their countrymen, they quietly let Marcellus in
+and later repulsed Hannibal when he assaulted their city. Repelled
+from Nola he captured the people of Acerr&#230; by starving them out.
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>29</sup></span><span class="smcap">he made the same</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span> <span class="smcap">terms with them
+as with the dwellers in nuceria and also accorded them the same
+treatment.</span> After that he directed his forces against Casilinum in
+which Romans and about a thousand of the allies had taken refuge.
+These put to death the native citizens who were meditating how to
+betray them, repulsed Hannibal several times and held out nobly
+against hunger. When food was failing them they sent a man across the
+river on an inflated skin to inform the dictator. The latter put jars
+filled with wheat into the river at night and bade them keep their
+eyes on the current in the darkness. For a while he thus supplied them
+with nutriment without being discovered, but eventually a jar was
+dashed against some obstacle and shattered; then the Carthaginians
+became aware of what was going on and put chains across the river.
+After a number had perished of hunger and of their wounds, they
+abandoned one half of the city, cut down the bridge, and held out in
+the other half. They now threw turnip seed from the wall upon a spot
+outside, doing this in order to alarm the enemy and make them believe
+that they were likely to endure for a long time. Hannibal, indeed,
+thinking that they must have plenty of food and astonished at their
+endurance invited them to capitulate and released them for money. The
+Romans outside were glad to ransom them, and more than that they
+showed them honor.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 3.&#8212;While these events took place the messengers returned from
+Delphi saying that the Pythia admonished them to shake off sloth and
+devote them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span>selves to the war. Then they were filled with new
+strength. They overtook Hannibal and encamped near him so as to watch
+his movements. Junius the dictator ordered the Romans to do exactly as
+the Carthaginians were commanded to do. So they took their food and
+sleep at the same time, visited the sentries in the same manner, and
+were doing everything else in similar fashion. When Hannibal
+understood the situation, he waited for a stormy night and announced
+to some of his soldiers a skirmish for after nightfall. Junius did the
+same thing. Thereupon Hannibal ordered different detachments to attack
+him in succession at different times in order that his opponent might
+be involved in constant labor as a result of sleeplessness and the
+storm. He himself rested with the troops not in action. When day was
+about to break, he recalled the army, as was expected, and the Romans
+put away their weapons and retired to rest; then all of a sudden he
+attacked them, with the result that he killed a number and captured
+the entrenchments, which were deserted.</p>
+
+<p>Conditions in Sicily and Sardinia grew unsettled but did not receive
+any consideration at the hands of the Romans. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 215<br />
+(<i>a.u.</i> 539)</span>The consuls chosen were Gracchus, previously master of
+the horse, and Postumius Albinus. Albinus was ambuscaded and destroyed
+with his entire army by the Boii as he was traversing a wooded
+mountain. The barbarians cut off his head, scooped out the interior
+and after gilding it used it for a bowl in their sacred
+ceremonials.&#8212;Portents occurred at this time.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span> A cow brought forth a
+horse and fire shone out at sea. The consuls Gracchus and Fabius
+encamped and kept watch of Hannibal while he stayed in Capua, to see
+what he did. They spent their time in sending scouts in every
+direction, defending the allies, trying to win back the revolted and
+injuring their adversaries' interests. Hannibal, so long as he
+obtained a barely sufficient supply of food at the cost of
+encountering dangers, led a temperate life, as did his army; but after
+they had taken Capua and wintered there in idleness with ample
+provisions, they began to lose their physical strength by not laboring
+and their intellectual force by tranquillity, and in changing their
+ancestral habits they learned an accomplishment new to them,&#8212;that of
+being defeated in battle.&#8212;When the work of war finally became
+pressing, Hannibal transferred his quarters to the mountains and gave
+the army exercise. But they could not get strong in a short space of
+time. He was encouraged by the arrival of reinforcements from home,
+especially in the matter of elephants. He now set out against Nola
+intending to capture it or else to draw Marcellus, who was ravaging
+Samnium, away from that region. As he could accomplish nothing, he
+withdrew from the city and laid waste the country, until he suffered a
+decisive defeat in battle,&#8212;an event which grieved him. Many Spaniards
+and even many Libyans now forsook him and deserted to the Romans,&#8212;a
+new experience for him. Consequently, despairing of his own and the
+soldiers' prospects he abandoned that entire region and retired to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span>
+Capua. Afterward he left there also to take up a different position.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 217<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 537)</span>The Scipios had crossed the river
+Iber and were ravaging the country; they had secured control of
+various cities and when Hasdrubal for this reason hastened to oppose
+them, they had conquered him in battle. The Carthaginians learning
+this thought that Hasdrubal needed more assistance than did Hannibal,
+and fearing that the Scipios might attempt to cross into Libya also
+they sent only a small body of troops to Hannibal, but despatched the
+largest detachment with Mago to Spain with the utmost speed; and they
+bade him after the reduction of Spain to remain to guard their
+interests there, whereas Hasdrubal was to be sent with a body of
+troops against Italy. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 216<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 538)</span>The Scipios,
+made aware of the plan, no longer gave battle for fear that Hasdrubal
+perhaps might win a victory and then hasten to Italy. However, as the
+Carthaginians went on injuring the part of the country that was
+friendly to the Romans, Publius engaged in a struggle with such of his
+opponents as attacked him and won a victory; Gn&#230;us intercepted the
+enemy who were retiring from this battle and annihilated them. As a
+result of this disaster and because numerous cities were transferring
+their allegiance to the Romans and some of the Libyans had gone over
+to their side, Hasdrubal remained there longer than he was intending.
+The Scipios sent their accessions at once to Italy, and they
+themselves continued to adjust affairs in Spain. They captured the
+subjects of Saguntum who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span> had caused them the war and their reverses,
+and they tore down the hostile settlement and sold the men. After this
+they took possession of Saguntum and restored it to its original
+inhabitants. They were so scrupulous in regard to the plunder that
+they sent nothing home. They allowed the partners of their campaign to
+do so, but for themselves they sent only some jackstones to their
+children. Hence the senate upon the request of Gn&#230;us for leave of
+absence that he might go home and borrow a dowry for his daughter, who
+was of age to be married, voted that a dowry be given her from the
+public funds.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 4.&#8212;In the course of the same period both Sicily and Sardinia had
+become openly hostile. But the disturbance in these regions soon
+subsided. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 215<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 539)</span>Hasdrubal, who was aiding
+them, was captured and Manlius Torquatus recovered almost the entire
+island. For the time being affairs in Sicily were quiet, but afterward
+disturbance reigned anew. King Philip of Macedonia showed himself a
+most open partisan of the Carthaginians. In his desire to add Greece
+to his possessions he made an agreement with Hannibal that they should
+conduct the war in common, and that the Carthaginians should get Italy
+but he should have Greece and Epirus together with the islands. The
+agreement was made on this basis, but through the capture of the
+herald who had been sent to Hannibal by Philip the Romans learned what
+was taking place and forthwith despatched the pr&#230;tor Marcus Valerius
+L&#230;vinus<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span> against him. They intended to make him anxious about
+internal affairs, so that he should stay at home. The plan worked.
+<span class="sidenote">B.C. 214<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 540)</span>Philip had progressed as far as
+Corcyca with the intention of sailing to Italy, but on learning that
+L&#230;vinus was already at Brundusium he returned home. When L&#230;vinus had
+sailed as far as Corcyca, Philip set out against the Roman allies; he
+had captured Oricum and was besieging Apollonia. L&#230;vinus made an
+expedition against him anew, recovered Oricum and rescued Apollonia.
+Then Philip after burning the ships which he had used retired
+homewards overland.</p>
+
+<p>The people of Rome chose Fabius and Marcellus consuls. Hannibal was
+then traveling about in what is called Calabria and in adjacent
+regions, and they assigned the care of him to Gracchus, who had held
+office before them. The latter routed Hanno (who had come from
+Bruttium and confronted him near Beneventum), and then going on he
+watched Hannibal closely, kept ravaging the possessions of rebels and
+won some cities safely back. The consuls themselves turned their steps
+toward Campania, for they were anxious to subdue it and so leave no
+element of hostility behind their backs when they should march against
+Hannibal. They then divided forces. Fabius overran the districts of
+Campania and Samnium. Marcellus crossed into Sicily and proceeded to
+besiege Syracuse. The town had submitted to him, but then had revolted
+again through the treachery of some men by the use of a false message.
+He would have subdued<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span> it very speedily,&#8212;for he assaulted the wall by
+both land and sea at once,&#8212;had not Archimedes with his inventions
+enabled the citizens to resist an extremely long time. By his devices
+he suspended stones and heavy-armed soldiers in the air whom he would
+let down suddenly and soon draw up again. Even ships that carried
+towers he would dash one upon another; he would pull them up and
+<span class="sidenote">(<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>31</sup>?)</span><span class="smcap">lifting them high would let go
+all in a mass</span> so that when they fell into the water they were
+sunk by the impact. At last in an incredible manner he destroyed the
+whole Roman fleet by conflagration. By tilting a kind of mirror toward
+the sun he concentrated the sun's beams on it; and as the thickness
+and smoothness of the mirror co&#246;perated to ignite the air from these
+beams he kindled a great flame, all of which he directed upon the
+ships that lay at anchor in the path of the fire, and he consumed them
+all. Marcellus, therefore, despairing of capturing the city on account
+of the inventiveness of Archimedes thought to take it by famine after
+a regular investment. This duty he assigned to Pulcher while he
+himself turned his attention to those who had participated in the
+revolt of Syracuse. Any who yielded were granted pardon, but those who
+resisted he treated harshly, and he captured a number of the cities by
+force, some also by betrayal. In the meantime Himilco had come from
+Carthage with an army, had occupied Agrigentum and Heraclea and had
+reached Syracuse. There he was first defeated, then was in turn
+victorious, and finally was beaten by a sudden assault on the part of
+Marcellus.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>IX, 5.&#8212;Thereafter Marcellus was still investing Syracuse. Hannibal
+was passing his time in Calabria. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 212<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 542)</span>The Romans, moreover, had again experienced many and disagreeable
+reverses. The consuls had received a setback near Capua, Gracchus had
+died in Lucania, Tarentum and other cities had revolted, Hannibal,
+previously cowed, remained in Italy and had marched upon Rome, and
+both the Scipios had perished. Elated by these events Hannibal
+undertook to render assistance to Capua. He went as far as Beneventum,
+then, ascertaining that Claudius had returned from Samnium into
+Lucania on account of the death of Gracchus, he became afraid that the
+Romans might secure control of parts of it, and he advanced no farther
+but turned to meet Claudius.&#8212;Upon the death of the Scipios the whole
+of Spain was thrown into disorder. Some towns voluntarily went over to
+the Carthaginians and others under compulsion, even if they did later
+swing back to the Roman side.</p>
+
+<p>Marcellus, finding that he was accomplishing naught by assault on
+Syracuse, thought of the following scheme. There was a vulnerable spot
+in the Syracusans' wall, which they called Galeagra; it had never
+before been recognized as such, but the fact was at this time
+discovered. He waited till the whole town of Syracuse celebrated an
+all night festival to Artemis and then bade some soldiers scale the
+wall at that point. After that some gates were opened by them and, as
+soon as a few others had gone in, all, both inside and outside, at a
+given signal raised a shout and struck their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span> spears upon their
+shields, and the trumpeters blew a blast, with the result that utter
+panic overwhelmed the Syracusans, who were anyway somewhat the worse
+for drink, and the city was captured with the exception of Achradina
+and what is called the &quot;island.&quot; Marcellus plundered the captured town
+and attacked the portions not yet taken, and with time and labor but
+after all successfully he conquered the remainder of Syracuse. The
+Romans when they became masters of these districts killed many
+persons, among them Archimedes. He was constructing a geometrical
+figure and hearing that the enemy were at hand he said: <span class="sidenote">
+(<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>32</sup>?)</span>&quot;Let them come at my head, but keep their
+distance from my figure!&quot; He was little perturbed when a hostile
+warrior confronted him, and by his words, &quot;Fellow, stand away from my
+figure,&quot; he irritated the man and was cut down.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 211<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 543)<br />cp.
+<a href="#Frag_32-6"> <span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 32<sup>6</sup></a></span>Marcellus for his capture of
+Syracuse and his conciliation of most of the rest of Sicily received
+high praise and was appointed consul. They had nominated Torquatus,
+who once had put his son to death. He declined, however, saying:
+&quot;I could not endure your blunders,
+nor you my punctiliousness,&quot; whereupon they elected Marcellus and
+Valerius L&#230;vinus.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 6.&#8212;After Marcellus left Sicily, Hannibal sent a troop of cavalry
+there and the Carthaginians despatched another. They won several
+battles and acquired some cities. And if the pr&#230;tor Cornelius
+Dolabella had not come upon the scene, they would have subjugated all
+Sicily.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Capua was at this time taken by the Romans. It availed nothing that
+Hannibal marched upon Rome in order to draw away from Capua the forces
+besieging it, although he traversed Latium, came to the Tiber, and
+laid waste the suburbs of the city. The people of Rome were
+frightened, but still they voted that one of the consuls<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> should
+remain at Capua while the other defended them. It was Claudius who
+remained at Capua, for he had been wounded: Flaccus hastened to Rome.</p>
+
+<p>Hannibal kept making raids all the time before their eyes and doing a
+great amount of harm, but for some time they were satisfied to
+preserve their possessions within the walls. When, however, he reached
+the point of assaulting the city and their armies at once, they risked
+the proverbial cast of the die and made a sortie. They were already
+engaged in skirmishing when <span class="sidenote">(<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>33</sup>?)</span><span class="smcap">an
+extraordinary storm accompanied by an inconceivably strong wind as
+well as thunder, hail, and lightning, broke from a clear sky</span>, so
+that both were glad enough to flee as if by mutual consent back to the
+place from which they had set out. They were just laying aside their
+arms when the sky became clear. Although Hannibal concluded that the
+event mentioned, coming as it did precisely at the moment of conflict,
+had not occurred without divine ordering, yet he did not desist from
+his siege operations and even attempted again on a subsequent occasion
+to force the issue. But when the same phenomena were met for the
+second time, he became<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span> terrified. What added to his alarm was that
+the enemy though in so great danger did not withdraw from Capua and
+were getting ready to send both soldiers and a pr&#230;tor into Spain, and
+that being in need of funds they sold the spot where he was encamped,
+which was a piece of public property. In despair he retired, often
+crying aloud, &quot;Oh, Cann&#230;, Cann&#230;!&quot; And he no longer showed a
+disposition to render aid to Capua.</p>
+
+<p>The people of that city although in extremities were nevertheless
+desperate, believing that they could not obtain pardon from the
+Romans, and they therefore held out and sent a letter to Hannibal
+begging him to assist them. The bearers of the letter were seized by
+Flaccus (Claudius had before this time died of his wound) and had
+their hands cut off. Seeing them the Campanians were terribly dismayed
+and took counsel as to what they should do. After considerable talk a
+certain Vibius Virius, one of the foremost men and most responsible
+for the revolt, spoke, saying: &quot;Our only refuge and freedom lies in
+death. Escort me home. I have a poison made ready.&quot; So he took with
+him those who were willing to accept his advice and with them
+voluntarily gave up his life. The rest opened the gates to the Romans.
+Flaccus took possession of all their arms and money, killed some of
+the head men and sent others to Rome. The only ones that he left
+unmolested were the survivors of the common people, and he spared them
+only on condition that they receive a Roman governor, maintain no
+senate, and hold no assembly.</p>
+
+<p>Later they subjected themselves to other disabilities<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span> by daring to
+accuse Flaccus. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>34</sup></span><span class="smcap">the campanians
+undertook to accuse flaccus and the syracusans marcellus</span>, when
+the latter was already consul. And Marcellus made a defence, refusing
+to perform any of the duties of his office until he had defended
+himself. The Syracusans when given a hearing were rather sparing of
+their remarks and devoted themselves not to accusing Marcellus but to
+supplication and defence, showing that they had not of their own free
+will revolted from the Romans and begging that pardon be granted them.
+While uttering these words they fell upon the ground and bewailed
+their lot. When a decision was rendered, it was to the effect that
+Marcellus was not guilty; that the Syracusans, however, were deserving
+of a certain degree of kind treatment not for their acts but for their
+words and supplications. As Marcellus asked to be excused from
+returning to Sicily, they sent L&#230;vinus. The Syracusans in this way
+obtained some consideration: the Campanians, however, were led by
+stupidity to deliver their accusation with too much audacity and were
+rebuked. Flaccus was not present, but one of his ex-lieutenants
+conducted his defence for him.</p>
+
+<p>After the capture of Capua the other strongholds in the vicinity went
+over to the Romans, with the exception of Atellan&#230;. The dwellers in
+this town abandoned their city and went in a body to Hannibal. Also
+the rest of Italy that favored the Carthaginian cause was being
+gradually estranged and the consuls in their tours of the country were
+taking possession of it. The Tarentini did not as yet openly avow
+their allegiance to the Romans, but secretly they were getting tired
+of the Carthaginians.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 16, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>35</sup></span><span class="smcap">the romans made propositions to
+hannibal that both sides should return their prisoners. they did not
+effect the exchange because they would not receive carthalo, as being
+an enemy, inside of their walls. and he refused to hold any
+conversation with them, but immediately turned back in a rage.</span></p>
+
+<p>At this time, moreover, L&#230;vinus made friends with the &#198;tolians, who
+were allies of Philip; and when Philip had advanced as far as Corcyra
+he scared him away again so that the king returned to Macedonia with
+speed.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 210<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 544)</span>IX, 7.&#8212;The people of Rome sent
+Gaius Claudius Nero with soldiers into Spain. He followed the line of
+the coast with his fleet as far as the Iber, where he found the
+remainder of the Roman forces and confronted Hasdrubal before his
+presence had been made known. He enclosed the Carthaginians securely
+but was then cheated out of the advantage gained. Hasdrubal, seeing
+that he was cut off, sent heralds to Nero proposing to give up the
+whole of Spain and leave the country. Nero gladly accepted the offer
+and his opponent postponed the settlement of the terms to the
+following day. That night Hasdrubal quietly sent out a number of his
+men to various parts of the mountains, and they got safely away
+because the Romans, in expectation of a truce, were not keeping any
+guard. The next day he held a conference with Nero but used up the
+whole time without fixing upon anything definitely. That night he sent
+off other men in like manner. This<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</a></span> he did similarly on several other
+days while disputing about some points in the treaty. When the entire
+infantry had gone in advance, he himself at last with the cavalry and
+elephants silently slipped away. He reached a place of safety and
+managed to make himself a source of anxiety to Nero subsequently.</p>
+
+<p>On learning this the people of Rome condemned Nero and voted to
+entrust the leadership to somebody else. And they were at a loss whom
+to send, for the situation required no ordinary man and many were
+breaking away from allegiance on account of the untimely fate of the
+Scipios. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>37</sup></span><span class="smcap">thereupon the famous
+publius scipio, who saved his wounded father, offered himself
+voluntarily for the work of the campaign. he surpassed in excellence
+and was also renowned for his education.</span> He was chosen forthwith,
+but his supporters not long after regretted their action because of
+his youth (he was in his twenty-fourth year) and because his house was
+in mourning for the loss of his father and uncle. Accordingly he made
+a second public appearance and delivered a speech; and his words put
+the senators to shame, so that they did not, to be sure, release him
+from his command, but sent Marcus Junius, an elderly man, to accompany
+him.</p>
+
+<p>After these events matters progressed without catastrophes for the
+Romans and gradually grew better. Marcellus after his acquittal before
+the court had set out against Hannibal and was making nearly
+everything safe, though he was afraid to risk an engagement with men
+driven to desperation. At any time that he was forced into a combat he
+came out victorious as the result of prudence mingled with daring.
+Hannibal now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span> undertook to inflict injury upon those regions which he
+was unable to occupy, being influenced by the reasons aforementioned
+as also by the fact that the cities in his alliance had either
+abandoned him or were intending to do so, and by some other causes. He
+hurt a great many and several towns deserted to the Romans for this
+reason.</p>
+
+<p>In the case of the city of Salapia the following incident occurred.
+Two men managed affairs there and were hostile to each other.
+Alinius<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> favored the Carthaginian cause, and Plautius<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> the
+Roman; and the latter talked with Alinius about betraying the place to
+the Romans. Alinius at once informed Hannibal of the fact and Plautius
+was brought to trial. While Hannibal was deliberating with the
+councilors as to how to punish him, Plautius dared in his presence to
+speak again to Alinius, who stood near, about betrayal. The latter
+cried out: &quot;There, there, he's talking to me about this very matter
+now.&quot; Hannibal distrusted him on account of the improbability of the
+case and acquitted Plautius as a victim of blackmail. After his
+release the two men became harmonious and brought in soldiers obtained
+from Marcellus, with whose aid they cut down the Carthaginian garrison
+and delivered the city to the Romans.</p>
+
+<p>This was the state of Carthaginian interests in Italy. Not even Sicily
+retained its friendliness for them, but submitted to the consul
+L&#230;vinus. The leader of the Carthaginians in Sicily was Hanno, and
+Muttines was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span> a member of his staff. The latter had been with Hannibal
+formerly and owing to the latter's jealousy of his great deeds of
+valor had been sent into Sicily. When there also he made a brilliant
+record as commander of the cavalry, he incurred the jealousy of Hanno
+as well, and as a consequence was deprived of his command. Deeply
+grieved at this he joined the Romans. First he accomplished the
+betrayal of Agrigentum for them and then he helped them in reducing
+other places, so that the whole of Sicily came again under their sway
+without any great labor.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 209<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 545)</span>IX, 8.&#8212;Fabius and Flaccus subdued
+among other cities Tarentum, which Hannibal was holding. They gave
+orders to a body of men to overrun Bruttium in order that Hannibal
+might leave Tarentum and come to its assistance. When this had
+happened, Flaccus kept watch of Hannibal while Fabius by night
+assailed Tarentum with ships and infantry at once and captured the
+city by means of his assault aided by betrayal. Hannibal, enraged at
+the trick, was eager to find some scheme for paying Fabius back. So he
+sent him a letter, purporting to be from the dwellers in Metapontum,
+looking to a betrayal of the city; for he hoped that Fabius would
+advance carelessly in that direction and that he might set a trap for
+him on the way. But the Roman leader suspected the truth of the case
+and by comparing the writing with the letter which Hannibal had once
+written to the Tarentini, he detected the plot from the similarity of
+the two.</p>
+
+<p>Scipio for the first part of the time, however much he may have longed
+to avenge his father and uncle and however much he yearned for glory
+in the war, never<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span>theless showed no haste on account of the multitude
+of his opponents. But after he ascertained that they were passing the
+winter at a considerable distance, he disregarded them and marched
+upon Carthage,&#8212;the Spanish town. Moreover no one gained the slightest
+knowledge of his march till he had come close to Carthage itself. And
+by much exertion he took the city.</p>
+
+<p>Following the capture of Carthage a very great <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>39</sup></span><span class="smcap">mutiny of the soldiers</span> came very near
+<span class="smcap">taking place</span>. Scipio had promised to give a crown to the
+first one that set foot on the wall, and two men, the one a Roman, the
+other belonging to the allies, quarreled over it. Their continued
+dispute promoted a disturbance among the rest as well and they became
+inflamed to the utmost degree and were ready to commit some fearful
+outrage when Scipio settled the trouble by crowning both men.
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>39</sup></span><span class="smcap">and he distributed many gifts to
+the soldiers, assigning many also to public uses; and all the hostages
+who were being detained there he gave back freely to their relatives.
+as a result many towns and many princes espoused his cause, the
+celtiberian race among the best. he had taken among the captives a
+maiden distinguished for her beauty and it was thought that he would
+fall in love with her; but when he learned that she was betrothed to
+one of the celtiberian magistrates, he sent for him and delivered the
+young girl to him, bestowing upon him furthermore the ransom which her
+kinsfolk had brought for her. by this procedure he attached to his
+cause both them and the remainder of the nation.</span></p>
+
+<p>Next he learned that Hasdrubal the brother of Hannibal was approaching
+rapidly, still ignorant of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span> capture of the city and expecting to
+meet no hostile force on his march. Scipio therefore confronted and
+defeated him, and afterward bivouacked in his camp and got control of
+many places in the vicinity. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>40</sup></span><span class="smcap">for
+he was clever in strategy, agreeable in society, terrifying to
+opponents, and thoroughly humane to such as yielded. and especially
+the recollection that he had made a prediction, saying beforehand that
+he would encamp in the enemy's country, caused all to honor him. the
+spaniards actually named him &quot;great king.&quot;</span></p>
+
+<p>Hasdrubal, giving up all hope, was anxious to leave Spain for Italy.
+<span class="sidenote">B.C. 208<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 546)</span>So after packing everything for the
+march he started in winter. His fellow commanders held their ground
+and kept Scipio busy so that he could not pursue Hasdrubal nor lighten
+the burden of war for the Romans in Italy by going there, nor sail to
+Carthage. But, although Scipio did not pursue Hasdrubal, he sent
+runners through whom he apprised the people of Rome of his approach,
+and he himself gave attention to his own immediate concerns. As he saw
+that his opponents were spread over a goodly portion of the country,
+he dreaded that whenever he should begin an engagement with them, he
+should be the cause of their gathering in one place through a
+necessity of aiding one another. Accordingly, he conducted in person a
+campaign against Hasdrubal, son of Gisco, and sent Silanus into
+Celtiberia against Mago, and also Lucius Scipio his brother into
+Bastitania. Lucius occupied the district after hard fighting,
+conquered Mago, kept close at his heels as he fled to Hasdrubal, and
+came to Scipio before the latter had accomplished anything as yet.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Now that Mago had joined Hasdrubal and Lucius his brother Scipio, at
+first they would make descents into the plain and fight strenuously
+with their cavalry, and later they would array their whole army in
+line of battle but did not do any fighting. This went on for several
+days. When the clash finally came, the Carthaginians themselves and
+their allies were defeated, their stronghold was taken by the Romans,
+and the Romans made use of the provisions in it. This Scipio had
+prophesied, as the story goes, three days before. For when materials
+for food had failed them he predicted&#8212;by what prompting is unknown&#8212;:
+&quot;On such and such a day we shall make use of the enemy's
+store.&quot;&#8212;After this he left Silanus to take care of the surviving
+opponents and himself took his departure to the other cities, many of
+which he won over. When he had brought order into the newly acquired
+territory he took up his winter abode there. His brother Lucius he
+despatched to Rome to report the progress made, to convey the captives
+thither, and to investigate how the people of Rome felt toward him.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 9.&#8212;The dwellers in Italy had suffered from disease and had
+encountered hardships in battles, for some of the Etruscans had
+rebelled. But what grieved them more than all else was the fact that
+they had lost Marcellus. They had been making a campaign against
+Hannibal, who chanced to be at Locri, and both the consuls had been
+surrounded by an ambuscade, Marcellus perishing instantly and
+Crispinus dying from a wound not long after. Hannibal found the body
+of Marcellus and taking his ring with which Marcellus was accustomed
+to seal his documents he would forward letters<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span> to the cities
+purporting to come from him. He was accomplishing whatever he pleased
+until Crispinus became aware of it and sent them a warning to be on
+their guard. As a result of this the tables were turned upon Hannibal.
+He had sent a message to the citizens of Salapia through a fictitious
+deserter, and approached the walls in the guise of Marcellus, using
+the Latin language in company with other men who understood it, in
+order to be taken for Romans. The Salapini, informed of his artifice,
+were artful enough in turn to pretend that they believed Marcellus was
+really approaching. Then drawing up the portcullis they admitted as
+many as it seemed to them they could conveniently dispose of and
+killed them all. Hannibal withdrew at once on learning that Locri was
+being besieged by the Romans, who had sailed against it from Sicily.</p>
+
+<p>Publius Sulpicius assisted by &#198;tolians and other allies devastated a
+large part of Ach&#230;a. But as soon as Philip the Macedonian formed an
+alliance with the Ach&#230;ans, the Romans would have been driven out of
+Greece completely but for the fact that the helmet of Philip fell off
+and the &#198;tolians got possession of it. For in this way a report
+reached Macedonia that he was dead and a factional uprising took
+place; Philip, consequently, fearing that he should be deprived of his
+kingdom, hastened to Macedonia. Then the Romans stuck to their places
+in Greece and conquered a few cities.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 207<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 547)</span>The following year upon announcement
+of Hasdrubal's approach the people of Rome gathered their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span> forces,
+summoned their allies, and chose Claudius Nero and Marcus Livius
+consuls. Nero they sent against Hannibal, Livius against Hasdrubal.
+The latter met him near the city of Sena but did not immediately open
+engagement with him. For many days he remained stationary, and
+Hasdrubal was in no hurry for battle, either, but remained at rest
+awaiting his brother. Nero and Hannibal entered Lucania to encamp and
+neither hastened to array his forces for battle, but in other ways
+they had some conflicts. Hannibal kept constantly changing position
+and Nero kept careful watch of him. As he constantly had the advantage
+of him and ere long captured the letter sent to him by Hasdrubal, he
+began to despise Hannibal, but fearing that Hasdrubal might overwhelm
+Livius through mere numbers he ventured upon a hazardous exploit. He
+left on the spot a portion of his force sufficient to check Hannibal
+in case the latter should make any movement, and he gave the men
+injunctions to do everything to create the impression that he was also
+there. He selected the flower of his army and started out apparently
+to attack some neighboring city, nor did any one know his true
+intentions. He hastened on, then, against Hasdrubal, reached his
+colleague at night, and took up his quarters in the latter's
+entrenchments. Both made ready for a sudden attack upon the invader.
+The situation did not go concealed, but Hasdrubal inferred what had
+happened from the fact that the word of command was given twice; for
+each consul issued orders to his own troops separately. Suspecting
+therefore that Hannibal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span> had been defeated and had perished,&#8212;for he
+calculated that if his brother were alive, Nero would never have
+marched against <i>him</i>,&#8212;he determined to retire among the Gauls and
+there find out definitely about his brother and so carry on the war at
+his convenience.</p>
+
+<p>So after giving orders to the army to break up he started out that
+night, and the consuls from the noise suspected what was going on, yet
+they did not move immediately because of the darkness. At dawn,
+however, they sent the cavalry ahead to pursue the enemy and they
+themselves followed. Hasdrubal made a stand against the cavalry,
+deeming them an isolated troop, but the consuls came up and routed him
+and followed after the fugitives, of whom they slaughtered many. Even
+the elephants were of no help to the Carthaginians. Inasmuch as some
+of them that had been wounded did more harm to those in charge of them
+than had been done by the enemy, Hasdrubal gave orders to those seated
+upon them to slay the beasts as fast as they got wounded. And they
+killed them very easily by piercing them with an iron instrument under
+the ear. So they were destroyed by the Carthaginians, but the men by
+the Romans. So many fell that the Romans became surfeited with
+slaughter and did not wish to pursue the rest. They had destroyed
+Hasdrubal along with many others, they had secured huge quantities of
+spoil, they had found Roman captives to the number of four thousand in
+the camp, and thought they had sufficiently retrieved the disaster of
+Cann&#230;.</p>
+
+<p>At the conclusion of these operations Livius stayed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span> where he was, but
+Nero returned to Apulia, reaching it on the sixth day; his absence up
+to that time had not been detected. Some of the prisoners he sent into
+Hannibal's camp to explain what had happened, and he fixed Hasdrubal's
+head on a pole nearby. Hannibal, learning that his brother was
+vanquished and dead, and that Nero had conquered and returned,
+lamented bitterly, often crying out upon Fortune and Cann&#230;. And he
+retired into Bruttium where he remained inactive.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 206<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 548)</span>IX, 10.&#8212;Scipio was detailed to
+superintend Roman interests in Spain till what time he should reach a
+satisfactory adjustment of them all. First he sailed to Libya with two
+quinqueremes, and it so happened that Hasdrubal son of Gisco landed
+there at the same time as he did. Syphax, who was king of a portion of
+Libya and had enjoyed friendly relations with the Carthaginians,
+entertained them both and endeavored to reconcile them. But Scipio
+said that he had no private enmity and he could not on his own
+responsibility arrange terms for his country.</p>
+
+<p>Accordingly he went back again and began a war against the
+Iliturgitani because they had handed over to the Carthaginians the
+Romans who took refuge with them after the death of the Scipios. He
+did not make himself master of their city until he dared to scale the
+wall in person and got wounded. Then the soldiers, put to shame and
+fearing for his life, made a very vigorous assault. Having mastered
+the situation they killed the whole population and burned down the
+entire<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span> city. As a result of the fear thus inspired many voluntarily
+ranged themselves on his side, whereas many others had to be subdued
+by force. Some when subjected to siege burned their cities and slew
+their kinsmen and finally themselves.</p>
+
+<p>After subjugating the greater part of the country Scipio shifted his
+position to Carthage and there instituted funeral combats in full
+armor in honor of his father and his uncle. When many others had
+contended, there came also two brothers who continued at variance
+about a kingdom, though Scipio had made efforts to reconcile them. And
+the elder slew the younger in spite of the superior strength of the
+latter.</p>
+
+<p>Subsequently Scipio fell sick, and that was the signal for a rebellion
+of the Spaniards. One of Scipio's legions that was in winter quarters
+near Sucro became restless. It had shown a lack of docility before
+this, but had not ventured upon open rebellion. Now, however,
+perceiving that Scipio was incapacitated and influenced further by the
+fact that their pay had been slow in coming they mutinied outright,
+drove away the tribunes, and elected consuls for themselves. Their
+number was about eight thousand. The Spaniards on ascertaining this
+revolted with greater readiness and proceeded to damage the territory
+belonging to the Roman alliance. Mago, who had intended to abandon
+Gades, consequently did not abandon it, but crossed over to the
+mainland and wrought considerable mischief.</p>
+
+<p>Scipio learning this wrote and sent a letter to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span> apostate legion in
+which he affected to pardon them for revolting on account of the
+scarcity of the necessities of life, and did not seem to think it
+proper to view them with suspicion but conferred praise upon those who
+had accepted their leadership for the purpose of preventing any
+outrage due to lack of government being either suffered or committed.
+When Scipio had written to this effect and the soldiers had learned
+that he was alive and was not angry with them, they made no further
+demonstrations. Even after he recovered his health he did not use
+harsh threats in dealing with them, but sent a promise to supply them
+with food and invited them all to come to him either all together or
+only a part at a time. The soldiers, not daring to go in small squads,
+went in a body. Scipio arranged that they should bivouac outside the
+wall&#8212;for it was nearly evening&#8212;and furnished them provisions in
+abundance. So they encamped, but Scipio brought it about that the
+boldest spirits among them should enter the city, and during the night
+he overpowered and imprisoned them. At daybreak he sent forth all his
+army as if to go on an expedition somewhere. Then he called the recent
+arrivals inside the wall without their weapons in order to join his
+undertaking after they had received their provision-money. As soon as
+they had accordingly entered he signaled the men who had gone forth to
+return just as they were. Thus he surrounded the rebels and heaped
+upon them many reproaches and threats, saying finally: <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>42</sup></span><span class="smcap">&quot;you all deserve to die: however, i shall
+not put you all to death but i shall execute only a few whom i have
+already arrested; the rest i shall release.&quot;</span> With<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span> these words he
+set the prisoners in their midst, fixed them upon crosses, and after
+copious abuse killed them. Some of the soldiers standing by grew
+indignant and raised an outcry, whereupon he punished a number of them
+also. After this he gave the rest their pay and conducted a campaign
+against Indibilis and Mandonius. As they were too timid to offer him
+battle, he attacked and was victorious.</p>
+
+<p>Following their capitulation most of the rest of Spain was again
+enslaved, Mago abandoned Gades, and Masinissa took the Roman side. The
+Carthaginians at news of the death of Hasdrubal, Hannibal's brother,
+had voted to give up Spain but to recover their prestige in Italy. And
+they sent money to Mago that he might gather a force of auxiliaries
+and lead a campaign against that country. He, setting out once more
+for Italy, reached the Gymnasian islands. The larger one escaped his
+grasp; the natives from a distance kept using their slings (in which
+art they were masters) against the ships, so that he could not effect
+a landing: but he anchored off the smaller one and waited there on
+account of the winter. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>44</sup></span><span class="smcap">these
+islands are situated close to the mainland in the vicinity of the
+iber. they are three in number and the greeks and the romans alike
+call them the gymnasian, but the spaniards the baleares or
+hyasous&#230;</span>,<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> or, separately, the first Ebusus, the second the
+&quot;Larger,&quot;<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> and the third the &quot;Smaller,&quot;<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> exceedingly well
+named.&#8212;Gades was occupied by the Romans.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 17, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>45</sup></span>IX, 11.&#8212;<span class="smcap">masinissa ranked among
+the most prominent men: in force and in planning alike he displayed a
+superiority, as it chanced</span>, where warlike deeds were concerned.
+He had left the Carthaginians for the Romans as a result of
+circumstances now to be related. Hasdrubal the son of Gisco was a
+friend of his and had betrothed to him his daughter Sophonis.
+Hasdrubal, however, became acquainted with Syphax and perceiving that
+he favored the Romans did not keep his agreement with Masinissa any
+longer. He was so anxious to add Syphax, who was lord of a very great
+power, to the Carthaginian alliance that when his father about this
+time died he helped him to take possession of his domain, which
+properly belonged to Masinissa, and furthermore gave him Sophonis in
+marriage. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>46</sup></span><span class="smcap">she was conspicuous for
+beauty, had been trained in a liberal literary and musical education,
+was of attractive manners, coy, and so lovable that the mere sight of
+her or even the sound of her voice vanquished even a person quite
+devoid of affection.</span></p>
+
+<p>Syphax for these reasons attached himself to the Carthaginians, and
+Masinissa on the contrary took up with the Romans and from first to
+last proved very useful to them. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>47</sup></span><span class="smcap">scipio after winning over the whole territory south of the
+pyrenees, partly by force, partly by treaty, equipped himself to
+journey to libya. the people of rome, however, through jealousy of his
+successes and through fear that he</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span> <span class="smcap">might become arrogant and play the
+tyrant sent two of the pr&#230;tors to relieve him and called him
+home.</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">thus he was deposed from his command. but sulpicius together with
+attalus occupied oreus by treachery and opus by main force. philip was
+unable to send them speedy aid as the &#230;tolians had seized the passes
+in advance. but at last he did arrive on the scene and forced attalus
+back to his ships. philip, however, wished to conclude a truce with
+the romans. and after some preliminary discussion the peace
+proposition was withdrawn, but he moved the &#230;tolians out of their
+position of alliance with the romans and made them his own friends
+instead.</span></p>
+
+<p>Hannibal for a time kept quiet, satisfied if he might only retain such
+advantages as were already his. And the consuls thinking that his
+power had slowly wasted away without a battle also waited.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 205<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 549)<br /><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>48</sup></span>The succeeding year Publius Scipio
+and <span class="smcap">licinius crassus became
+consuls</span>. And <span class="smcap">the latter stayed in italy</span>, but Scipio had
+received orders to leave there for Sicily and Libya to the end that in
+case he should not capture Carthage he might at least eventually draw
+Hannibal from Italy. He did not succeed in securing an army of any
+real value nor in getting an expenditure for triremes, because the
+honors accorded to his prowess had made him an object of jealousy. The
+people would scarcely supply him with the necessities. While he set
+out with the fleet of the allies and a few volunteers drawn from the
+populace, Mago left the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span> island and after sailing along the Italian
+coast disembarked in Liguria. Crassus was in Bruttium lying in wait
+for Hannibal. Philip, however, had become reconciled with the Romans;
+for on ascertaining that Publius Sempronius had reached Apollonia with
+a large force he was glad to make peace.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">(<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>50</sup>?)</span>Scipio the consul landed in Sicily
+and made ready to sail to Libya, but he could not do so because he did
+not have a complete force at his disposal and what he had was
+undisciplined. Therefore he resided there for the entire winter,
+drilling his followers and enrolling others in addition. As he was on
+the point of making the passage, a message came to him from Rhegium
+that some of the citizens of Locri would betray the city. Having
+denounced the commander of the garrison and obtained no satisfaction
+from Hannibal they were now ready to go over to the Romans.
+Accordingly he sent a detachment there and with the aid of the
+traitors seized a good part of the city during the night. The
+Carthaginians were huddled together in the citadel and sent for
+Hannibal, whereupon Scipio also set sail with speed and by a sudden
+sally repulsed Hannibal when the latter was close to the city. Next he
+captured the acropolis and, after entrusting the entire city to the
+care of the military tribunes, sailed back again. He was unable,
+however, to consummate his voyage to Libya. The Carthaginians so
+dreaded his advance that they despatched money to Philip to induce him
+to make a campaign against Italy, and sent grain and soldiers to
+Hannibal and to Mago ships and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span> money that he might prevent Scipio
+from crossing. The Romans, led by certain portents to expect a
+brilliant victory, entrusted to Scipio the army of Libya and gave him
+permission to enroll as large an additional force as he should please.
+<span class="sidenote">B.C. 204<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 550)</span>Of the consuls they set Marcus
+Cethegus over against Mago and Publius Sempronius against Hannibal.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 12.&#8212;The Carthaginians, fearing that Masinissa would join Scipio,
+persuaded Syphax to restore his domain to him, the giver receiving
+assurance that he would get the tract back again. Masinissa was
+suspicious of the transaction, yet agreed to peace, in order to win
+the confidence of the Carthaginians and so be able to plunge them into
+some great catastrophe. For he was more enraged over Sophonis than
+over the kingdom, and consequently worked for Roman interests while
+affecting to be for the Carthaginians. Syphax, who was a Libyan
+adherent, professed a friendliness for the Romans and sent to Scipio
+warning him against crossing over. Scipio heard this as a piece of
+secret information, and to prevent the knowledge of it from reaching
+the soldiers he sent the herald back post-haste before he had had time
+to meet anybody else. Then he called together the army and hastened
+forward the preparations for crossing; he declared that the
+Carthaginians were unprepared and that first Masinissa and now Syphax
+was calling for them and upbraiding them for lingering. After this
+speech he suffered no further delay but set sail. He brought his ships
+to anchor near the cape called<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span> Apollonium, and <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>51</sup></span><span class="smcap">pitched his camp, devastated the country,
+made assaults upon the cities and captured a few. as the romans were
+harrying the country, hanno the cavalry commander, who was a son of
+hasdrubal son of gisco, was persuaded by masinissa to attack them.
+scipio accordingly sent some horsemen and was plundering some
+districts that were suitable for him to overrun, to the end that his
+men by simulated flight might draw upon them the pursuers. so when
+they turned to flee, according to previous arrangements, and the
+carthaginians followed them up, masinissa with his followers got in
+the rear of the pursuers and attacked them and scipio making an onset
+from his ambush joined battle with them. and many were destroyed, many
+also were captured, among them hanno himself. therefore hasdrubal
+arrested the mother of masinissa, and an exchange of the two captives
+was effected. syphax now renounced even the appearance of friendship
+for the romans and openly attached himself to the carthaginians. and
+the romans both plundered the country and recovered many prisoners
+from italy who had been sent to libya by hannibal and they went into
+winter quarters where they were.</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 203<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 551)</span>After this Gn&#230;us Scipio<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> and
+Gaius Servilius became consuls, and during their year of office the
+Carthaginians, having got the worst of it in the struggle, felt a
+desire to arrange terms of peace and furthermore both Hannibal and
+Mago were driven out of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span> Italy. It was the consuls who made a stand
+against Hannibal and Mago, while Scipio was inflicting damage upon
+Libya and assailing the cities. Meantime <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span>
+56<sup>52</sup></span><span class="smcap">he had captured a carthaginian vessel, but released it when
+they feigned to have been coming on an embassy to him. he knew, to be
+sure, that it was only a pretext, but preferred to avoid the
+possibility of it being said against him that he had detained envoys.
+and in the case of syphax, who was still endeavoring to negotiate a
+reconciliation on the terms that scipio should sail from libya and
+hannibal from italy, he received his proposition not in a trustful
+mood, but to the end that he might ruin him.</span> For on the excuse
+afforded by the postponed truce he sent various bodies of soldiers at
+various times into the Carthaginian camp and into that of Syphax; and
+when they had carefully inspected everything on the side of their
+opponents, he put aside the treaty on a plausible pretext, which was
+the more readily found because Syphax had been detected in a plot
+against Masinissa. And Scipio went by night to where their two camps
+were located, not very far apart, and secretly set fire to Hasdrubal's
+camp at many points at once. It rapidly blazed up&#8212;for their tents had
+been made of corn-stalks and leafy branches&#8212;and the Carthaginians
+fared badly. The followers of Syphax in attempting to aid them
+encountered the Romans, who closed in the place, and were themselves
+destroyed; and their own camp was set on fire in addition, and in it
+many men and horses perished. The Romans escaped injury during the
+rest of the night<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span> following the exploit, but just after daylight
+Spaniards who had lately arrived as an accession to the Carthaginian
+alliance fell upon them unexpectedly and killed a large number.</p>
+
+<p>As a result of all this Hasdrubal straightway retired to Carthage and
+Syphax to his own country. Scipio set Masinissa and Gaius L&#230;lius to
+oppose Syphax while he himself marched against the Carthaginians. The
+Carthaginians for their part sent ships toward the Roman stronghold,
+which the enemy were using as winter quarters and as a storehouse for
+all their goods. In this way they might either capture it or draw
+Scipio away from themselves. Such also was the result. As soon as he
+heard of the man&#339;uvre, he withdrew and hurried to the harbor, which
+he placed under guard. And on the first day the Romans easily repulsed
+their assailants, but on the next they had decidedly the worst of the
+encounter. The Carthaginians even went so far as to take away Roman
+ships by seizing them with grappling irons. They did not venture,
+however, to disembark but finally sailed homewards, after which they
+superseded Hasdrubal and chose a certain Hanno in his place. From this
+time Hanno was the general, but his predecessor privately got hold of
+some slaves and deserters whom he welded together into a fairly strong
+force; he then quietly persuaded some of the Spaniards who were
+serving in Scipio's army to help him and attempted one night to carry
+out a plot against the Roman's camp. Something would have come of it,
+had not the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span> soothsayers, dismayed by the actions of birds, and the
+mother of Masinissa, as a result of divinations, caused an
+investigation of the Spaniards to be made. So their treachery was
+anticipated and punished, and Scipio again made a campaign against
+Carthage; he was engaged in devastating their fields [IX, 13.] while
+Syphax was waging war upon the followers of L&#230;lius. That prince
+offered successful resistance for some time, but eventually the Romans
+prevailed, slaughtered many, took many alive, and captured Syphax.
+They also acquired possession of Cirta, his palace, without a contest
+by displaying to the guardians within their king, now a prisoner.</p>
+
+<p>It was there that Sophonis also was. Masinissa at once rushed toward
+her and embracing her said: &quot;I hold Syphax that snatched thee away. I
+hold thee also. Fear not. Thou hast not become a captive, since thou
+hast me as an ally.&quot; After these words he married her on the spot,
+anticipating any action on the part of the Romans out of fear that he
+might somehow lose her, were she reckoned among the spoil. Then he
+assumed control of the rest of the cities of Syphax also. <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>53</sup></span><span class="smcap">and they brought to scipio along with the
+other property syphax himself. and the commander would not consent to
+see him remain bound in chains, but calling to mind his entertainment
+at the other's court and reflecting on human possibilities he leaped
+from his chair, loosed him, embraced him, and treated him with
+respect.</span> Once he asked him: &quot;What possessed you to go to war with
+us?&quot; Syphax<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span> excused himself skillfully and at the same time made
+himself secure against Masinissa by declaring that Sophonis had been
+responsible for his attitude. To please her father Hasdrubal she had
+ensnared him by witchcraft against his will to espouse the
+Carthaginian cause. &quot;At any rate,&quot; he went on, &quot;I have paid a proper
+penalty for being hoodwinked by a woman, and in the midst of my evils
+have at least one consolation,&#8212;that Masinissa has married her. For
+she will certainly bring about his utter ruin likewise.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>Scipio feeling suspicious about this action of Masinissa called him
+and censured him for having so speedily married a woman taken captive
+from the enemy without the commanding officer's consent, and he bade
+him give her up to the Romans. Masinissa, thoroughly distracted,
+rushed into the tent where Sophonis was and cried out to her: &quot;If I
+might by my own death ensure thee liberty and freedom from outrage, I
+would cheerfully die for thee; but since this is impossible, I send
+thee before me whither I and all shall come.&quot; With these words he held
+out poison to her. And she uttered neither lament nor groan but with
+much nobility made answer: &quot;Husband, if this is thy will, I am
+content. My soul shall after thee know no other lord: for my body, if
+Scipio require it, let him take it with life extinct.&quot; Thus she met
+her death, and Scipio marveled at the deed.</p>
+
+<p>L&#230;lius conducted to Rome Syphax and his son Vermina and some others of
+the foremost men; and the citizens gave Syphax an estate at Alba,
+where at his death<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span> they honored him with a public funeral, and
+confirmed Vermina in the possession of his father's kingdom besides
+bestowing upon him the captured Nomads.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>54</sup></span><span class="smcap">the carthaginians while making
+propositions to scipio through heralds gave him money at once and gave
+back all the prisoners, but in regard to the remaining matters they
+despatched an embassy to rome. however, the romans would not receive
+the envoys at that time, declaring that it was a tradition in the
+state not to admit an embassy from any parties and negotiate with them
+in regard to peace while their armies were still in italy. later, when
+hannibal and mago had embarked, they accorded the envoys an audience
+and voted the peace.</span> But Hannibal and Mago departed from Italy
+not on account of the tentative arrangements but through haste to
+reach the scene of war at home.</p>
+
+<p>The Carthaginians in Libya were not thinking seriously of peace even
+before this and had made propositions about a truce only for the
+purpose of using up time and with a view to securing Hannibal's
+presence. When they heard that Hannibal was really drawing near, they
+took courage <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>55</sup></span><span class="smcap">and attacked scipio
+both by land and by sea. when the latter complained to them about
+this, they returned no proper answer to the envoys and actually
+plotted against them when they sailed back; and had not a wind
+fortunately arisen to help them, they would have perished. hence
+scipio, though at this time the vote regarding peace was brought to
+him, refused any longer to make it.</span> So the Carthaginians sent
+Mago back to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span> Italy, but deposed Hanno from his command and appointed
+Hannibal general with full powers. Hasdrubal they even voted to put to
+death, and finding that he had by poison intentionally compassed his
+own destruction they abused his dead body. Hannibal having secured
+complete leadership invaded the country of Masinissa, where he
+proceeded to do mischief and made ready to fight against the Romans.
+Counter-preparations were made by the followers of Scipio.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 14.&#8212;The people of Rome were regretting that they had not
+prevented the return voyage of Hannibal, and when they learned that he
+was consolidating the opposition in Libya, they were again terrified
+beyond measure. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 202<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 552)</span>Accordingly they
+sent Claudius Nero, one of the consuls, to attend to him, and allotted
+to Marcus Servilius the protection of Italy. Nevertheless Nero was not
+able to reach Libya, being detained in Italy by stormy weather and
+again at Sardinia. After that he progressed no farther than Sicily,
+for he learned that Scipio had proved the victor. Scipio, indeed, was
+afraid that Nero might be so prompt as to appropriate the glory that
+properly was the fruit of his own toils, and so, at the very first
+glimmer of spring, he took up his march against Hannibal; he had
+already received information that the latter had conquered Masinissa.
+Hannibal, upon ascertaining the approach of Scipio, did not wait, but
+went out to meet him. They encamped opposite each other and did not at
+once come to blows, but delayed several days; and each commander
+addressed words to his own army and incited it to battle.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>When it seemed best to Scipio not to delay any further but to involve
+Hannibal in conflict whether he wished it or not, he set out for
+Utica, that by creating an impression of fear and flight he might gain
+a favorable opportunity for attack; and this was what took place.
+Hannibal, thinking that he was in flight and being correspondingly
+encouraged, pursued him with cavalry only. Contrary to his
+expectations Scipio resisted, engaged in battle and came out
+victorious. After routing this body he directed his next attentions
+not to pursuing them but to their equipment train, which chanced to be
+on the march, and he captured it entire. This behavior caused Hannibal
+alarm, an alarm increased by the news that Scipio had done no injury
+to three Carthaginian spies whom he had found in his camp. Hannibal
+had learned this fact from one of them, for the other two had chosen
+to remain with the Romans. Disheartened and confused he no longer felt
+the courage to carry on a decisive engagement with the Romans, but
+determined to make efforts for a truce as quickly as possible, in
+order that if this attempt should not be successful, it might at least
+cause a temporary delay and cessation of hostilities. So he sent to
+Masinissa, and through him as a man of the same stock asked for a
+truce. And he secured a conference with Scipio, but accomplished
+nothing. For Scipio avoided a definite answer as much as he did a
+harsh one, but throughout pursued a middle course, albeit preserving
+an agreeable tone, in order to lead Hannibal into careless behavior by
+pretending a willingness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span> to come to terms. Such was the result.
+Hannibal now gave no thought to battle, but concerned himself with a
+desire to change his camp to a more favorable location. Scipio,
+gaining this information from deserters, broke up beforehand by night
+and occupied the spot which was the goal of Hannibal's striving. And
+when the Carthaginians had reached a depressed part of the road
+unsuited for encampment he suddenly confronted them. Hannibal refused
+to fight and in his efforts to locate a camp there and to dig wells he
+had a hard time of it all night long. Thus Scipio forced the enemy,
+while at a disadvantage from weariness and thirst, to offer battle
+whether pleased or not.</p>
+
+<p>Accordingly, the Romans entered the conflict well marshaled and eager,
+but Hannibal and the Carthaginians listlessly and in dejection, a
+dejection for which a total eclipse of the sun at this time was
+largely accountable. From this combination of circumstances Hannibal
+suspected that this, too, foreboded to them nothing auspicious. In
+this frame of mind they stationed the elephants in front of them as a
+protection. Suddenly the Romans emitted a great, bloodcurdling shout,
+and smiting their spears against their shields advanced with
+determination and on a run against the elephants. Thrown into a panic
+by the onset most of the beasts did not await the enemy's approach,
+but turned to flee and receiving frequent wounds wrought greater
+turmoil among their keepers. Others entered the fray, and then the
+Romans would stand apart and the animals ran through the spaces in
+their ranks, getting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span> struck and wounded from close at hand as they
+passed along. For a time the Carthaginians resisted, but at length,
+when Masinissa and L&#230;lius fell upon them from the rear with horsemen,
+they all fled. The majority of them were destroyed and Hannibal came
+very near losing his life. As he fled, Masinissa pursued him at
+breakneck speed, giving his horse free rein. Hannibal turned and saw
+him in mad career; he swerved aside just slightly, <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>57</sup></span><span class="smcap">and checked his forward course</span>:
+Masinissa rushed by and Hannibal got behind and wounded him. Shortly
+after with a few attendants the Carthaginian leader made good his
+escape.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 201<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 553)<br /><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>62</sup></span>Scipio followed up his victory by a
+rapid advance against Carthage and proceeded to besiege it by land and
+sea at once. The Carthaginians at first set themselves in readiness as
+though to endure the siege, but later, brought to the end of their
+resources, <span class="smcap">they made overtures to
+scipio for peace</span>. Scipio accepted their proposals and discussed
+with them the articles of the compact. <span class="smcap">the terms agreed upon were:
+that the hostages and the captives and the deserters should be given
+up by the carthaginians, that all the elephants and the triremes (save
+ten) should be delivered over, and that in the future they should not
+keep elephants nor more ships of war than ten, nor make war upon any
+one contrary to the advice and consent of the romans</span>, and a few
+other points.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">when an agreement of this nature had been reached, the
+carthaginians despatched ambassadors to rome</span>. <span class="sidenote">
+(<span class="smcap">Frag</span>. 56<sup>63</sup>?)</span><span class="smcap">so they went their way, but the senate
+did not receive the embassy readily; indeed, its members</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span> <span class="smcap">disputed for
+a long time, one party being opposed to another</span>. <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 56<sup>64</sup></span><span class="smcap">the popular assembly, however, unanimously
+voted for peace and accepted the agreement and sent ten men that in
+conjunction with scipio they might settle all the details. and the
+treaty was accepted, the triremes were given up and burned, and of the
+elephants the larger number were carried off to rome, and the rest
+were presented to masinissa. the romans now abandoned libya, and the
+carthaginians italy.</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">the second war, then, with the carthaginians resulted in this way
+at the end of sixteen years. by it scipio had been made illustrious,
+and he was given the title of africanus (africa was the name of that
+part of libya surrounding carthage), and many also called him
+&quot;liberator&quot; because he had brought back many captive citizens. he
+therefore attained great prominence by these deeds, but hannibal was
+accused by his own people of having refused to capture rome when he
+was able to do so, and of having appropriated the plunder in italy. he
+was not, however, convicted, but was shortly after entrusted with the
+highest office in carthage.</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 57<sup>1</sup></span>IX, 15.&#8212;<span class="smcap">the romans now became
+involved in other wars</span>, which were waged against Philip the
+Macedonian and against Antiochus.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 18, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p>As long as the struggle with the Carthaginians was at its height they
+treated Philip with consideration even if his attitude toward them was
+not one of friendliness; for they wished to prevent him from
+consolidating with the Carthaginians or leading an expedition into
+Italy. But when the previous hostilities had come to a standstill,
+they did not wait a moment, but embarked upon open warfare with him,
+which they justified by the presentation of many complaints.
+Accordingly, the Romans sent envoys to him, and when he complied with
+none of their orders, voted for war. They used his descent upon the
+Greeks as a pretext, but their real reason was irritation at his
+general behavior and a determination to anticipate him, so that he
+should not be able to enslave Greece and conduct a campaign against
+Italy after the fashion of Pyrrhus. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 200<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 554)</span>As a consequence of their vote they made effective preparations in all
+departments and they associated with Sulpicius Galba Lucius Apustius
+as legatus in charge of the fleet. Galba after crossing the Ionian
+Gulf was sick for some time; accordingly the aforementioned legatus
+and the sub-lieutenant Claudius Cento assumed charge of his entire
+force. The second of these with the aid of the fleet rescued Athens,
+which was being besieged by the Macedonians, and sacked Chalcis, which
+was occupied by the same enemy. Philip returned just then, having
+finished his campaign against Athens, but Cento drove<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span> him back at his
+first approach and repulsed him again on the occasion of a subsequent
+assault. Apustius, while Philip was busy with Greece, had invaded
+Macedonia, and was plundering the country as well as making garrisons
+and cities subject. For these reasons Philip found himself in a
+quandary, and for a time scurried about hither and thither, defending
+now one place, now another. This he did until Apustius proved himself
+a mighty menace to his country and the Dardanians were injuring the
+part of Macedonia close to their borders <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span>
+57<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">(this people dwell above the illyrians and the
+macedonians)</span> and some Illyrians together with Amynander king of
+the Athamanians, a Thessalian tribe, though they had previously been
+his allies now transferred themselves to the Roman side. In view of
+these events he conceived a suspicion of &#198;tolian loyalty and began to
+fear for his interests at home, and he hastened thither with the
+larger part of his army. Apustius, apprised of his approach, retired,
+for by this time it was winter.</p>
+
+<p>Galba on recovering from his illness made ready a still larger force
+and at the beginning of spring pushed forward into Macedonia. When the
+two leaders drew near each other they <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 57<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">both pitched camp and conducted skirmishes of the horse and
+light-armed troops. when the romans transferred their camp to a
+certain spot from which they could get food more easily, philip
+decided that they had shifted position out of fear of him; therefore
+he attacked them unexpectedly while they were engaged in plundering
+and killed a few of them. and galba on perceiving this</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span> <span class="smcap">made a sortie
+from the camp, attacked him and slew many more in return. philip,
+then, in view of his defeat and the fact that he was wounded, withdrew
+just after nightfall. galba, however, did not follow him up but
+retired to apollonia. apustius with the rhodians and with attalus
+cruised about and subjugated many of the islands.</span></p>
+
+<p>About the same time <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 57<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">hamilcar, a
+carthaginian who had made a campaign with mago in italy and remained
+there unnoticed, after a term of quiet caused the gauls as soon as the
+macedonian war broke out to revolt from the romans; then with the
+rebels he made an expedition against the ligurians and won over some
+of them also. they fought with lucius furius the pr&#230;tor, were
+defeated, and sent envoys about peace. the ligurians obtained
+this</span>, but it was not granted to the others. Instead, Aurelius the
+consul, who was jealous of the pr&#230;tor's victory, led a new campaign
+against them.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 199<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 555)</span>The succeeding year a great deal of
+havoc was wrought by Hamilcar and the Gauls. They conquered the pr&#230;tor
+Gn&#230;us B&#230;bius, overran the territory which was in alliance with the
+Romans, besieged Placentia, and capturing it razed it to the ground.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 16.&#8212;To return to the campaign in Greece and Macedonia&#8212;Publius
+Villius the consul was encamped opposite Philip, who had occupied in
+advance the passes of Epirus through which are the entrances to
+Macedonia. Philip had extended a wall across the entire mountain
+region in between and held a formidable position, <span class="sidenote">B.C. 198<br />
+(<i>a.u.</i> 556)</span>but the consul Titus Flamininus<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> at the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span> conclusion
+of winter got around the circumvallation with a few followers by a
+narrow path. And appearing suddenly on higher ground he terrified
+Philip, who thought that the whole army of Titus had come up through
+the pass. Hence he fell back into Macedonia at once. The consul did
+not pursue him, but assumed control of the cities in Epirus. He also
+went into Thessaly and detached a good part of it from Philip and then
+retired into Phocis and B&#339;otia. While he was besieging Elatea his
+brother Lucius Flamininus in company with Attalus and the Rhodians was
+subduing the islands. Finally, after the capture of Cenchrea, they
+learned that envoys had been sent to the Ach&#230;ans to see about an
+alliance and they despatched some themselves in turn, the Athenians
+associating in the embassy. And at first the opinions of the Ach&#230;ans
+were divided, some wanting to vote their alliance to Philip and some
+to the Romans; eventually, however, they voted assistance to the
+latter. And they joined in an expedition against Corinth, where they
+succeeded in demolishing portions of the wall, but retired after
+losses suffered through sallies of the citizens.</p>
+
+<p>Then Philip, growing afraid that many cities might be taken, made
+overtures to the consul regarding peace. The latter accepted his
+representations and they and their allies met, but nothing was
+accomplished except that permission was granted Philip to send envoys
+to Rome. Nor was anything done there. For, when the Greeks insisted
+that he depart from Corinth and Chalcis and from Demetrias in
+Thessaly, the envoys of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span> Philip said they had received no instructions
+on this point and closed an ineffectual mission.</p>
+
+<p>The people of Rome in voting to Flamininus the supreme direction in
+Greece for another year also committed to his charge the case of
+Philip as well. The Roman leader, since he was to remain at his post,
+prepared for war, and the more so because the Laced&#230;monian tyrant
+Nabis, although a friend of Philip from whom he had received Argos,
+had made a truce with him. The Macedonian monarch being unable to
+administer many districts at once and fearing that the city might be
+seized by the Romans had deposited it with Nabis to be restored again.</p>
+
+<p>In a campaign of the consul &#198;lius P&#230;tus against the Gauls many
+perished on both sides in the stress of conflict and no advantage was
+achieved. And the Carthaginian hostages together with the slaves
+accompanying them and the captives who had been sold to various
+persons had the hardihood to take possession of the several cities in
+which they were living; and after slaughtering many of the native
+population were overthrown by the pr&#230;tor Cornelius Lentulus before
+they had wrought any more mischief. The Gauls, however, elated by
+their successes and aware of the fact that it was only a secondary war
+the Romans were waging against them prepared as if to march upon Rome.
+<span class="sidenote">B.C. 197<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 557)</span>The Romans consequently became
+afraid and sent both the consuls, Cornelius Cethegus and Minucius
+Rufus, against the Gauls. They parted company and individually ravaged
+different tracts of country. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span> enemy accordingly also divided
+forces to meet the consuls. One band under Hamilcar encountered
+Cethegus and was defeated; the rest when made aware of this showed the
+white feather and would no longer face Rufus; consequently the latter
+overran the country at will. Those who had fought against Cethegus
+then made peace; the remainder still continued under arms.</p>
+
+<p>At this time Flamininus in company with Attalus reduced the whole of
+B&#339;otia. Attalus expired of old age in the midst of a speech which
+he was making to the people there. Flamininus went into Thessaly and
+came into collision with Philip. It was only a cavalry skirmish in
+which they engaged, for the ground was not suitable for a battle on a
+vaster scale; hence both withdrew. And having reached a certain hill,
+the top ridge of which is called Dog's Head (Cynoscephale), they
+bivouacked, one on one side, the other on the other. Here also they
+fought with their entire armies, and the outcome would have left both
+with equal honors if the &#198;tolians had not made the Romans superior. So
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 58</span><span class="smcap">philip was defeated</span> and fled,
+and afterward, learning that Larissa and the cities surrounding it had
+chosen to follow the fortunes of the victors, <span class="smcap">he sent heralds to
+flamininus. and he made a truce</span> as soon as Philip had given money
+and hostages, among them his own son Demetrius, and had sent out
+envoys to Rome in regard to peace.</p>
+
+<p>During the period of these transactions Androsthenes also had been
+vanquished by the Ach&#230;ans and had lost Corinth. And Lucius Flamininus
+who was in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</a></span> charge of the fleet, when he could not persuade the
+Acarnanians to refrain from allying themselves with Philip, besieged
+and captured Leucas; later they became aware of Philip's defeat and he
+secured their submission with greater ease.</p>
+
+<p>Thus was the Macedonian war terminated and the people of Rome very
+readily became reconciled with Philip upon the following terms. He
+should restore the captives and deserters; give up the elephants and
+triremes save five (including the flagship, a vessel of sixteen
+banks), pay an indemnity, part at once, the rest in definite
+installments; be king of Macedonia alone; not keep more than five
+thousand soldiers, nor make war with any person outside his own
+country. For the rest of the cities situated in Asia and Europe which
+were previously subservient to him they let go free.</p>
+
+<p>The consuls waged once more with the Gauls a war not unfraught with
+difficulties, yet in spite of all they got the better of this people,
+too.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 195<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 559)</span>IX, 17.&#8212;Porcius Cato being chosen
+consul won back Spain, which had been almost entirely alienated. He
+was a man who surpassed those of his age in every virtue. Now after
+the defeat inflicted upon the Romans at Cann&#230; a law had been passed to
+the effect that women should not wear gold nor be carried in chairs
+nor make use at all of variegated clothing; and the people were
+deliberating as to whether they ought to abolish this law. And on this
+subject Cato delivered a speech in which he made out that the law
+ought to prevail, and finally he added these words: &quot;Let the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span> women,
+then, be adorned not with gold nor precious stones nor with any bright
+and transparent clothing, but with modesty, with love of husband, love
+of children, persuasion, moderation, with the established laws, with
+our arms, our victories, our trophies.&quot;&#8212;Lucius Valerius, a tribune,
+spoke in opposition to Cato, urging that the privilege of the old-time
+ornament be restored to the women. After speaking at length in this
+vein to the people he then directed his discourse to a consideration
+of Cato, and said: &quot;You, Cato, if you are displeased at women's
+ornaments and wish to do something magnificent and befitting a
+philosopher, clip their hair close all around and put on them short
+frocks and tunics with one shoulder; yes, by Jove, you go ahead and
+give them armor and mount them on horses and, if you like, take them
+to Spain; and let's bring them in here, so that they may take part in
+our assemblies.&quot; Valerius said this in jest, but the women hearing him
+(many of them were hanging about near the Forum inquisitive to know
+how the affair would come out) rushed into the assembly denouncing the
+law; and accordingly, as it was speedily repealed, they put on some
+ornaments right there in the assembly and went out dancing.</p>
+
+<p>Cato sailed away and reached Spain. There he learned that all the
+dwellers as far as the Iber had united in order to wage war against
+him in a body. After organizing his army he attacked and defeated them
+and forced them to submit to him. They did so in the fear that
+otherwise they might lose the cities at a single<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span> stroke. At the time
+he did them no harm, but later when some of them incurred his
+suspicion, he deprived them all of arms and made the natives
+themselves tear down their own walls. Letters were sent in every
+direction with orders that they should be delivered to everybody on
+the same day; and in these he commanded the people to raze the circuit
+of their fortifications instanter, threatening the disobedient with
+death. Those occupying official positions when they had read them
+thought in each case that the message had been written to them alone,
+and without taking time for deliberation they all threw down their
+walls.</p>
+
+<p>Cato now crossed the Iber, and though he did not dare to contend with
+the Celtiberian allies of the enemy on account of their number, yet he
+handled them in marvelous fashion, now persuading them by a gift of
+larger pay to change front and join him, now admonishing them to
+return home, sometimes even announcing a battle with them for a stated
+day. The result of it all was that they broke up into separate
+factions and became so fearful that they no longer ventured to fight
+with him.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 19, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p>IX, 18.&#8212;At this time Flamininus, too, made a campaign against Argos,
+for the Romans seeing that Nabis was not loyal to them and was a
+source of terror to the Greeks treated him as an enemy. With an
+accession of allies from Philip Flamininus marched upon Sparta,
+crossed Taygetus without effort and advanced toward the city, meeting
+with no opposition. For Nabis, being afraid of the Romans and
+suspicious of the natives, did not rouse himself to the point of
+meeting Flamininus at a distance; but when the latter came nearer he
+made a hostile excursion from the town, thinking lightly of his
+opponent because of the fatigue of the journey and because Flamininus
+was kept employed by the business of encamping; and he did cause a few
+flurries. The next day he came out to face the Romans when they
+assaulted, but as he lost large numbers he did not come out again. So
+Flamininus, leaving a portion of his army there to prevent a warlike
+demonstration anywhere, with the rest turned his attention to the
+country districts; these he ravaged with the aid of his brother and
+the Rhodians and Eumenes, son of Attalus. Nabis was consequently in
+despair and despatched a herald to Flamininus about peace. The latter
+listened to his proposals but did not immediately cease hostilities.
+For Nabis did not dare to refuse the arrangements which he was asked
+to make, nor yet would he consent to make them. And the populace<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span>
+prevented him from coming to an agreement. So temporarily Nabis did
+not come to terms, but when the Romans attacked again and captured
+almost all of Sparta (it was in part destitute of a wall), he would
+wait no longer, but made a truce with Flamininus and by sending an
+embassy to Rome effected a settlement.</p>
+
+<p>Flamininus hereupon set all the Greeks free; <span class="sidenote">B.C. 194<br />
+(<i>a.u.</i> 560)</span>later he convened them in session and after reminding
+them of the benefits they had received urged them to maintain a kindly
+attitude toward the Romans: he then withdrew all their garrisons and
+departed with his entire army.</p>
+
+<p>Upon the arrival of Flamininus at Rome Nabis rebelled. And straightway
+the whole Greek world, so to speak, was thrown into a turmoil which
+the &#198;tolians did their best to increase. They were making ready for
+war and were sending embassies to Philip and Antiochus. They persuaded
+the latter to assume a position of hostility to the Romans, promising
+him that he should be king of both Greece and Italy. Roman interests
+were so upset that they had no hope of overcoming Antiochus, but were
+satisfied if they could preserve their former conquests. Antiochus was
+regarded as a mighty personage both in the light of his own power,
+through which he had performed distinguished exploits and above all
+had subjugated Media, <span class="sidenote">B.C. 193<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 561)</span>and he loomed
+far mightier still for having attached to his cause Ptolemy, king of
+Egypt, and Ariarathes, monarch of Cappadocia, as a kinsman by
+marriage.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Antiochus being so esteemed, the Romans as long as they were at war
+with Philip were careful to court his favor, keeping up friendly
+relations with him through envoys and sending him gifts. But when they
+had vanquished their other enemy, they despised also this king whom
+they had formerly feared. Antiochus himself crossed over into Thrace
+and gained control of many districts. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 192<br />(<i>a.u.</i>
+562)</span>He helped colonize Lysimachia, which had been depopulated,
+intending to use it as a base. It was Philip and Nabis who had invited
+his assistance. Hannibal, too, had been with him and had caused him to
+hope that he might sail to Carthage and from there to Italy, and
+further that he could subjugate the races along the Ionian Gulf and
+with them set out against Rome. Twice before, indeed, Antiochus had
+crossed into Europe and had reached Greece. This time he learned that
+Ptolemy was dead, and deeming it all important that he should obtain
+the sovereignty of Egypt he left his son Seleucus with a force at
+Lysimachia and himself set out on the march. He found out, however,
+that Ptolemy was alive, and so kept away from Egypt and made an
+attempt to sail to Cyprus. Baffled by a storm he returned home. The
+Romans and he both despatched envoys to each other submitting mutual
+complaints that they might get an excuse for the war and inspect
+conditions on each side betimes.</p>
+
+<p>Hannibal had obtained the most important office at Carthage and in his
+tenure of it had offended the most powerful nobles and incurred their
+hatred. Malicious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span> reports about him were conveyed to the Romans to
+the effect that he was rousing the Carthaginians to revolt and was
+negotiating with Antiochus. Learning that some men from Rome were at
+hand and fearing possible arrest he escaped from Carthage by night. He
+came then to Antiochus and paved the way for his own restoration to
+his native country and for war against the Romans by promising the
+king that he would secure to him the rulership of Greece and Italy.
+All went well until Scipio Africanus joined them. Scipio had been sent
+to Libya as arbitrator between Masinissa and the Carthaginians, who
+were at variance over some land boundaries, and had left their dispute
+still hanging in the air that they might continue to quarrel and
+neither of them be angry at the Romans on account of a definite
+decision. From there he crossed into Asia nominally as an envoy to
+Antiochus but in reality to smite both him and Hannibal with terror by
+his appearance and accomplish what was for the advantage of the
+Romans. After his arrival Antiochus no longer bestowed a similar
+degree of attention upon Hannibal. He suspected him of secret dealings
+with Scipio, and found him burdensome besides, because everybody
+ascribed every plan to Hannibal and all placed in him their hope for
+success in the war. For these reasons, then, he became both jealous
+and afraid of Hannibal, dreading that he might change his demeanor,
+should he get control of any power. So he neither supplied him with an
+army nor sent one to Carthage; and he did not favor him very<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span> much
+with audiences but made it a practice not to sanction any of his
+proposals.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 19.&#8212;The rumors about Antiochus occupied a large share of Rome's
+attention and caused the Romans no small degree of uneasiness. The
+name of Antiochus was in many mouths: some said that he already held
+the whole of Greece, others talked to the effect that he was hastening
+toward Italy. The Romans accordingly despatched envoys to Greece,
+among them Flamininus, who was on intimate terms with the people, in
+order to prevent them and Philip from creating any disturbance; and of
+the pr&#230;tors they sent Marcus B&#230;bius to Apollonia, in case Antiochus
+should undertake to cross over into Italy that way, and Aulus Atilius
+to attend to Nabis. The second of these had no work to do, for Nabis
+had ere this perished, the victim of a plot on the part of the
+&#198;tolians, and Sparta had been captured by the Ach&#230;ans: B&#230;bius and
+Philip confirmed the loyalty of many portions of Thessaly. The
+Macedonian king was true to his agreement with the Romans principally
+for the reason that Antiochus had attached some settlements belonging
+to him in Thrace.</p>
+
+<p>Flamininus went about Greece, and some he persuaded not to revolt,
+others already revolted he won back, except the &#198;tolians and a few
+towns elsewhere. The &#198;tolian league had bound itself to Antiochus and
+was forming a union out of some states that were willing and others
+that were unwilling. Antiochus in spite of the winter time hastened
+forward to fulfill the hopes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span> of the &#198;tolians, and this explains why
+he did not bring along a respectable force. With what he had, however,
+he took Chalcis and gained control of the rest of Eub&#339;a. Finding
+some Romans among the captives he released them all. Then he entered
+Chalcis to spend the winter, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 59<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">with
+the result that he himself and his generals and his soldiers had their
+mental energies ruined beforehand; for by his general indolence and
+his passion for a certain girl he drifted into luxurious living and at
+the same time rendered the best unfit for warfare</span>.</p>
+
+<p>The people of Rome learning that he was in Greece and had captured
+Chalcis took up the war in earnest. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 191<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 563)</span>Of the consuls they retained Scipio Nasica to guard Italy and sent
+Manius Glabrio with a large army into Greece. Nasica conducted a war
+against the Boii, and Glabrio drove Antiochus out of Greece. He also
+went to Thessaly and with the help of B&#230;bius and Philip gained control
+of many of the towns there. He captured Philip of Megalopolis and sent
+him to Rome, and drove Amynander out of his domain, which he then gave
+to the Macedonian ruler.</p>
+
+<p>Antiochus meanwhile was staying at Chalcis and keeping quiet.
+Afterward he entered B&#339;otia and at Thermopyl&#230; withstood the Romans
+who came to meet him. Considering the fewness of his soldiers he
+thought it best to seek an ally in the natural advantages of his
+position. And in order to avoid having himself such an experience as
+the Greeks had met who were arrayed there against the Persian he sent
+a division of the &#198;tolians up to the summit of the moun<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span>tains to keep
+guard there. Glabrio cared little for the location and did not
+postpone a battle: however, he despatched his lieutenants Porcius Cato
+and Valerius Flaccus by night against the &#198;tolians on the summit and
+himself engaged in conflict with Antiochus just about dawn. As long as
+he fought on level ground he had the best of it, but when Antiochus
+fell back to a position higher up, he found himself inferior till Cato
+arrived in the enemy's rear. Cato had come upon the &#198;tolians asleep
+and had killed most of them and scattered the rest; then he hurried
+down and participated in the battle going on below. So they routed
+Antiochus and captured his camp. The king forthwith retired to
+Chalcis, but learning that the consul was approaching went back
+unobserved to Asia.</p>
+
+<p>Glabrio at once occupied B&#339;otia and Eub&#339;a, and proceeded to
+deliver assaults upon Heraclea, since the &#198;tolians were unwilling to
+yield to him. The lower city he captured by means of a siege and
+received the capitulation of those who had fled to the acropolis.
+Among the prisoners taken at this time was found Democritus the
+&#198;tolian general, who had once refused alliance to Flamininus, and when
+the latter asked for a decree that he might send it to Rome, had said:
+&quot;Don't worry. I will carry it there with my army and read it to you
+all on the banks of the Tiber.&quot;&#8212;Philip was engaged in besieging Lamia
+when Glabrio came against it and appropriated both victory and booty.
+Though the remainder of the &#198;tolians wanted to become reconciled,
+still they made no truce because<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span> Antiochus sent them envoys and
+money; and they set themselves in readiness for war. Philip affected
+friendliness toward the Romans, but his heart was with Antiochus.
+Meantime Glabrio was besieging Naupactus which belonged to the
+&#198;tolians, and Flamininus coming to them persuaded the inhabitants to
+make peace, for he was well known to them. They as well as the Epirots
+despatched envoys to Rome. Philip for sending a triumphal crown to
+Capitoline Jupiter received in return among other presents his son
+Demetrius, who was living at Rome a hostage. A truce was not made with
+the &#198;tolians, for they would not submit to any curtailment of
+privilege.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 190<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 564)</span>IX, 20.&#8212;The Romans set against
+Antiochus the Scipios, Africanus and his brother Lucius. They granted
+the &#198;tolians a respite for the purpose of once more conducting an
+embassy to Rome regarding peace, and hurried on against Antiochus. On
+reaching Macedonia they secured allies from Philip and marched on to
+the Hellespont. After crossing into Asia they occupied most of the
+coast districts which had previously been occupied by the Romans who
+had gone there first, as well as by Eumenes and the Rhodians; the
+latter had also conquered Hannibal in the region of Pamphylia, as he
+was taking some ships out from Ph&#339;nicia. Eumenes and his brother
+Attalus proceeded to injure the country of Antiochus, and cities kept
+coming over, some under compulsion, some voluntarily, to the Romans,
+with the ultimate result that Antiochus was obliged to abandon Europe
+en<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span>tirely and to recall his son Seleucus from Lysimachia. When this
+son had accomplished the return journey, he sent him with troops
+against Pergamum. Inasmuch, however, as his investment of the town
+proved ineffectual and the Scipios soon reached his vicinity,
+Antiochus lost no time in concluding a truce with them; for he
+expected to obtain terms since <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 59<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">he
+had got possession of the son of africanus and was according him the
+kindest treatment. and finally, though he failed of securing peace, he
+released him without ransom.</span> The peace project, however, came to
+nothing, because Antiochus would not agree to accede to the Roman
+demands.</p>
+
+<p>Still, for a long time their attitude was marked by inaction. Finally
+they fell to fighting again. The following may serve as a general
+description of the contest. Antiochus put the chariots in front, with
+the elephants next, and behind these the slingers and the archers. But
+the Romans anticipated the charge of the chariots by a charge of their
+own and with a great clamor they rushed straight at them and repulsed
+them, so that most of these vehicles turned in the direction of the
+elephants. In their backward career they threw their own contingent
+into confusion,&#8212;for their erratic course terrified and dispersed the
+men marshaled close to them,&#8212;and a heavy rain which now came up
+rendered weak the detachment of archers and slingers. A heavy,
+all-enveloping mist succeeded, which was of no hindrance to the
+Romans, who had the upper hand and were fighting at close range; but
+in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span> the case of their opponents, who were in dread and employed
+cavalry and archers for the most part, it made it out of the question
+to see which way to shoot their arrows and caused them to stumble over
+one another, like men in the dark. Nevertheless Antiochus developed
+sufficient power, by means of his armored cavalry, to rout the
+antagonists directly confronting him and to advance in pursuit of them
+as far as their camp. Indeed, he would have taken it, had not Marcus
+&#198;milius Lepidus, who was charged with guarding it, killed the first
+Romans that came in after they had refused to heed his exhortations to
+check their flight. As a result the rest of the party turned back and
+the commander himself made a sortie with members of the garrison who
+were free from the prevailing demoralization, and their united efforts
+repulsed Antiochus. While this action was taking place, Zeuxis had
+assailed the ramparts in another quarter, had succeeded in getting
+within them, and continued to pillage until Lepidus became aware of it
+and came to the rescue of his own interests. At the same time Scipio
+captured the camp of Antiochus, wherein he found many human beings,
+many horses, baggage animals, silver and gold coins, elephants, and a
+number of precious objects besides. Antiochus after this defeat at
+once retired into Syria, and the Asiatic Greeks made common cause with
+the Romans.</p>
+
+<p>After this, upon overtures made by Antiochus, an armistice was
+arranged. Africanus was well disposed toward him for his son's sake,
+and the consul, too, did<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span> not want to leave the victory to be grasped
+by his successor, now approaching; consequently they laid upon
+Antiochus conditions no more severe than those they had originally
+set, before the battle. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 189<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 565)</span>Indeed,
+Gn&#230;us Manlius who succeeded them in office was not pleased with the
+agreement reached, and he made additional demands upon the king,
+requiring him besides to give hostages, one of whom should be his son
+Antiochus, and to deliver up all the deserters, among whom was
+Hannibal. Antiochus reluctantly yielded obedience on all points: to
+give up Hannibal, however, was out of his power, since that prince had
+taken seasonable refuge with Prusias, king of Bithynia. On these terms
+Antiochus was able to send envoys to Rome and effect a cessation of
+hostilities. Lucius Scipio received praise for his victory, and it
+gave him the title of Asiaticus in the same way as his brother had
+been called Africanus for conquering Carthage, which had possessed the
+most considerable power in Africa.</p>
+
+<p>These brothers who had proved themselves men of such valor and as a
+result of excellence had attained such a height of reputation were not
+long afterward brought to court and handed over to the populace.
+Lucius was condemned on the suspicion of his having appropriated no
+inconsiderable share of the spoil, and Africanus nominally for having
+made the conditions lighter out of gratitude for kindness shown his
+son; (the true cause of his conviction was jealousy). <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 60</span><span class="smcap">that they could not justly be charged with
+wrongdoing is made plain both by other evidence and most of</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span> <span class="smcap">all by
+the fact that when the property of asiaticus was confiscated it was
+found to consist merely of his original inheritance, and that though
+africanus retired to liternum and abode there to the end, no one ever
+again passed sentence of condemnation upon him.</span></p>
+
+<p>Manlius all this time was engaged in winning over Pisidia, Lycaonia,
+and Pamphylia, and a large district of Galatia in Asia. For there
+exists in that region too a race of Gauls which broke off from the
+European stock. Years ago with their king, Brennus, at their head they
+overran Greece and Thrace, and crossing thence to Bithynia they
+detached certain portions of Phrygia, Paphlagonia, Mysia adjacent to
+Olympus, and Cappadocia, and took up their residence in them; and they
+constitute to-day a separate nation bearing the name of Gauls. This
+people caused Manlius trouble, but he managed to overcome them too,
+capturing their city Ancyra by assault and gaining control of the rest
+of the towns by capitulation. This effected, he set sail for home
+after he had received a large price for peace from Ariarathes, king of
+Cappadocia.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 21.&#8212;The &#198;tolians when they had sent ambassadors to Rome the
+second time in regard to peace themselves raised the standard of
+rebellion. Hence the Romans immediately dismissed the ambassadors and
+referred the conduct of affairs in Greece to Marcus Fulvius. He set
+out first for the large city of Ambracia (it had once been the royal
+residence of Pyrrhus and was now occupied by the &#198;tolians) and
+pro<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span>ceeded to besiege it. So the &#198;tolians held a conference with him
+about peace, but finding him disinclined to a truce they sent a part
+of their army into Ambracia. The Romans undertook to capture the town
+by an underground passage and pushed their mine straight forward,
+temporarily eluding the notice of the besieged party; but the latter
+began to suspect the true state of affairs when the excavated earth
+attained some dimensions. As they were not aware in what direction the
+trench was being dug, they kept applying a bronze shield to the
+surface of the ground all about the circuit of the walls. By means of
+the resonance they found out the place and went to work in their turn
+to dig a tunnel from inside and approached the Romans, with whom they
+battled in obscurity. Finally they devised the following sort of
+defence. They filled a huge jar with feathers and put fire in it. To
+this they attached a bronze cover that had a number of holes bored in
+it. Then, after carrying the jar into the mine and turning the mouth
+of it toward the enemy, they inserted a bellows in the bottom, and by
+blowing this bellows with vigor they caused a tremendous amount of
+unpleasant smoke, such as feathers would naturally create, to pour
+out, so that not one of the Romans could endure it. Hence the Romans
+in despair of succeeding made a truce and raised the siege. When they
+had agreed to treat, the &#198;tolians also changed their course and
+secured an armistice. Subsequently they obtained a peace from the
+People by the gift of considerable money and many hostages.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span> Fulvius
+induced Cephallenia to capitulate and reduced to order the
+Peloponnesus, which was in a state of factional turmoil.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 187<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 567)<br />B.C. 183<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 571)</span>After a little, in the consulship of
+Gaius Flaminius and &#198;milius Lepidus, Antiochus died and his son
+Seleucus succeeded him. Much later, at the demise of Seleucus, the
+Antiochus who spent some time as a hostage in Rome became king.
+And Philip had courage enough to
+revolt because he had been deprived of some towns in Thessaly and of
+&#198;nus and Maronea besides, but he was unable to do so on account of his
+age and what had happened to his sons.&#8212;Some Gauls crossed the Alps
+and desired to found a city to the south of the mountains. Marcus
+Marcellus took away their arms and everything that they had brought:
+the Romans in the capital, however, upon receiving an embassy from
+them restored everything on condition that they should at once retire.</p>
+
+<p>These years also saw the death of Hannibal. Envoys had been sent from
+Rome to Prusias, monarch of Bithynia, and a part of their errand was
+to make him give up Hannibal, who was at his court. The Carthaginian
+had advance information of the facts and being unable to escape
+committed suicide. <span class="sidenote">cp. <span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 64.</span><span class="smcap">an oracle
+had once announced to him that he should die in the land of libyssa,
+and he was expecting to die in libya, his native country, but, as it
+happened, his demise occurred while he chanced to be staying in a
+certain place called libyssa.</span> Scipio Africanus also died at this
+time.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 20, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 179<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 575)</span>IX, 22.&#8212;Philip, king of Macedonia,
+had put to death his son Demetrius and was about to slay his other son
+Perseus, when death overtook him. Because Demetrius had gained the
+affection of the Roman people through his sojourn as hostage and
+because he himself and the rest of the Macedonian people hoped that he
+would secure the kingdom after Philip was done with it, Perseus, who
+was his elder, became jealous of him and falsely reported him to be
+plotting against his father. Thus Demetrius was forced to drink poison
+and perished. Philip not long after ascertained the truth and desired
+to take measures against Perseus; he did not, however, possess
+sufficient strength and death overtook him. Perseus succeeded to the
+kingdom. The Romans confirmed his claims to it and renewed the compact
+of friendship enjoyed by his father.</p>
+
+<p>In the period immediately following some events of importance took
+place, yet they were not of so vital a character that one should deem
+them worthy of record. Still later Perseus put himself in the position
+of an enemy to the Romans, and in order to delay actual warfare until
+he should reach a state of preparation he sent envoys to Rome
+presumably to make a defence on the charges which were being pressed
+against him. These messengers the Romans would not receive within the
+wall, but they transacted business with them in the space before the
+city; and no other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span> answer was vouchsafed them than that they would
+send a consul with whom he might confer on whatever topics he pleased.
+They also caused them to depart the same day, having given them guides
+to prevent their associating with anybody. And Perseus was forbidden
+in the future to set foot on the soil of Italy.</p>
+
+<p>The Romans next sent out Gn&#230;us Sicinius, a pr&#230;tor, with a small force
+(they had not yet made ready their greater armament) and Perseus made
+a tentative invasion of Thessaly in which he won over the greater part
+of that country. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 171<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 583)</span>When spring opened
+they sent Licinius Crassus against him as well as a pr&#230;tor, Gaius
+Lucretius, in charge of the fleet. The latter first encountered
+Perseus near Larissa and was worsted in a cavalry skirmish: later,
+though, he got the best of him and Perseus accordingly retreated into
+Macedonia. As for Crassus, he assailed the Greek cities which were
+held in subjection by Philip and was repulsed from the majority of
+them, although he did get possession of a few. Some he razed to the
+ground and sold the captives. When the inhabitants of Rome learned
+these details, they became indignant and later they imposed a money
+fine on Crassus, liberated the captured cities, and bought back from
+the purchasers such of their inhabitants as had been sold and were
+then found in Italy.</p>
+
+<p>So fared the Romans in these undertakings, but in the war against
+Perseus as a whole they suffered many great reverses and their
+fortunes at many points were at a low ebb. Perseus occupied the
+greater part of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span> Epirus and Thessaly, having gathered a large body of
+troops. As a measure of defence against the Romans' elephants he had
+trained a phalanx of heavy-armed warriors whose shields and helmets he
+had taken care should be studded with sharp iron nails. Also, in order
+to make sure that the beasts should not prove a source of terror to
+the horses he constructed images of elephants that were smeared with
+some kind of ointment to give them a fearful odor and were frightful
+both to see and to hear (for a mechanical device enabled them to emit
+a roar resembling thunder); and he kept continually leading the horses
+up to these representations until they took courage. Perseus, then, as
+a result of all this had acquired great confidence and entertained
+hope that he might surpass Alexander in glory and in the size of his
+domain; the people of Rome <span class="sidenote">B.C. 169<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 585)</span>when they
+learned this sent out with speed Marcius Philippus, who was consul.
+He, on reaching the camp in Thessaly, drilled the Romans and the
+allies so that Perseus, becoming afraid, remained quietly in Dium of
+Macedonia and close to Tempe, and continued to keep watch of the pass.
+Philippus, encouraged by this behavior of his, crossed the mountain
+range in the center and occupied some possessions of Perseus. But as
+he was progressing toward Pydna he fell short of provisions and turned
+back to Thessaly. Perseus gained boldness anew, recovered the places
+that Philippus had occupied, and with his fleet damaged the Romans at
+numerous points. He also secured allies <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span>
+65<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">and hoped to eject the romans from greece altogether, but</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</a></span>
+<span class="smcap">through his excessive and inopportune parsimony and the consequent
+contempt of his allies he became weak once more. so soon as roman
+influence was declining slightly and his own was increasing, he was
+filled with scorn and thought he had no further need of his allies,
+and would not give them the money which he had offered. the zeal of
+some accordingly became blunted and others abandoned him entirely,
+whereupon he was so overwhelmed by despair as actually to sue for
+peace. and he would have obtained it through eumenes but for the
+presence of rhodians also in the embassy. they, by adopting a haughty
+tone with the romans, prevented him from obtaining peace.</span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 168<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 586)</span>IX, 23.&#8212;At this point the war waged
+against him was entrusted to &#198;milius Paulus, now for the second time
+consul. He rapidly traversed the distance separating him from Thessaly
+and having first set the affairs of the soldiers in order forced his
+way through Tempe, which was being guarded by only a few men, and
+marched against Perseus. The latter had ere this erected breastworks
+along the river Elpeus which intervened, had occupied and rendered
+impassable by means of stone walls and palisades and buildings all the
+ground between Olympus and the sea, and was encouraged by the lack of
+water in the place. Yet even so the consul sought to effect a passage
+and found a means of overcoming the prevailing drought. By piercing
+the sand bed at the foot of Olympus he found water that was delicious
+as well as drinkable.&#8212;Meanwhile envoys of the Rhodians reached him
+animated by the same insolence which they had displayed on their
+former em<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span>bassy to Rome. He would make no statement to them beyond
+saying that he would return an answer in a few days, and dismissed
+them.&#8212;Since he could accomplish nothing by direct assault, but
+learned that the mountains were traversable here and there, he sent a
+portion of his army toward that pass across them which was the more
+difficult of approach, to seize opportune points along the route (on
+account of its difficulty of access it had an extremely small guard);
+and he himself with the remainder of his army attacked Perseus that
+the latter might not entertain any suspicion which might lead to his
+guarding the mountains with especial care. After this, when the
+heights had been occupied, he set out by night for the mountains and
+by passing unnoticed at some points and employing force at others he
+crossed them. Perseus on learning it became afraid that his enemy
+might assail him from the rear or even get control of Pydna before he
+could (for the Roman fleet was simultaneously sailing along the
+coast), and he abandoned his fortification near the river and
+hastening to Pydna encamped in front of the town. Paulus, too, came
+there, but instead of immediately beginning an engagement they delayed
+for a number of days. Paulus had found out prior to the event that the
+moon was about to suffer an eclipse, and after collecting his army on
+the evening when the eclipse was due to occur gave the men notice of
+what would happen and warned them not to let it disturb them at all.
+So the Romans on beholding the eclipse looked for no evil to come from
+it, but it made an impression of terror upon the Macedonians and they
+thought that the prodigy had a bearing on the cause<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</a></span> of Perseus. While
+each side was in this frame of mind an entirely accidental occurrence
+the next day threw them into a fierce conflict and put an end to the
+war. One of the Roman pack-animals had fallen into the water from
+which a supply was being drawn, and the Macedonians laid hold of him,
+while the water-carriers in turn tightened their grasp. At first they
+fought by themselves; then the remainder of the forces gradually
+issued from the respective camps to the assistance of their own men
+and everybody on both sides became engaged. A disordered but sharp
+conflict ensued in which the Romans were victorious and pursuing the
+Macedonians as far as the sea slaughtered numbers of them by their own
+efforts and allowed the fleet, which was drawing inshore, to slay
+numbers more. Not one of them would have been left alive but for the
+timely succor of night (for the battle had raged during the late
+afternoon).</p>
+
+<p>Perseus consequently made his escape to Amphipolis, where he intended
+to rally the survivors and reorganize the campaign; but as nobody came
+to him save Cretan mercenaries and he learned that Pydna and other
+cities had espoused the Roman cause, he removed thence, and after
+putting aboard some vessels all the money that he was carrying he
+sailed away by night to Samothrace. Before long he ascertained that
+Octavius was approaching at the head of his fleet and that Paulus was
+in Amphipolis; so he sent him a letter requesting permission to confer
+about terms. Since, however, he described himself in the letter as
+&quot;king&quot;, he did not get any answer. Subsequently he despatched a letter
+without any such appellation con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</a></span>tained in it and was granted a
+conference to consider the question of peace, but the victor declared
+that he would not sanction any conditions that did not include
+Perseus's surrender of his person and all his possessions to the
+Romans' keeping. Hence they failed to come to an agreement. <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 65<sup>3</sup></span><span class="smcap">after this a demand was made upon perseus by
+the romans for the surrender of one evander, a cretan, who had
+assisted him in many schemes against them and was most faithful to
+him. the prince, fearing that he might declare all the intrigues to
+which he had been privy, did not deliver him but secretly slew him and
+had it rumored that the man had perished by his own hand. then the
+associates of perseus, fearing his treachery</span> (for they were not
+ignorant of what had occurred), <span class="smcap">began to desert his standard</span>.
+Perseus, then, being afraid that he should be delivered up to the
+Romans tried one night to escape by flight and might have taken
+himself away unobserved to Cotys, a Thracian potentate, but for the
+fact that the Cretans abandoned him. They placed the money in boats
+and weighed anchor for home. So he remained there for some days with
+Philip, one of his sons, hidden from sight, but on ascertaining that
+the rest of his children and his retinue had fallen into the hands of
+Octavius <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 65<sup>4</sup></span><span class="smcap">he allowed himself to be
+found. upon his being brought to amphipolis paulus did him no injury,
+but both entertained him and had him sit at his table, keeping him,
+likewise, although a prisoner, unconfined, and showing him
+courtesy.</span> After this Paulus returned through Epirus to Italy.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 24.&#8212;About the same time Lucius Anicius, a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</a></span> pr&#230;tor sent to conduct
+operations against Gentius, both conquered those who withstood him and
+pursued Gentius, when he fled, to Scodra (where his palace was
+located) and shut him up there. The place was built on a spur of the
+mountain and had deep ravines containing boiling torrents winding
+about it, besides being girt by a steadfast wall; and so the Roman
+commander's siege of it would have come to naught, if Gentius
+presuming greatly upon his own power had not voluntarily advanced to
+battle. This act gave the control of his entire domain to Anicius, who
+then proceeded, before Paulus could arrive, to Epirus and tamed the
+quarrelsome pride of that district as well.</p>
+
+<p>The Romans of the capital by some vague report heard of the victory of
+Paulus on the fourth day after the battle, but they placed no sure
+confidence in it. Then letters were brought from Paulus regarding his
+success and they were mightily pleased and plumed themselves not
+merely upon having vanquished Perseus and acquired Macedonia but upon
+having beaten the renowned Philip of old time and Alexander himself
+together with all that empire which he had held. When Paulus reached
+Rome many decrees in his honor were passed and the celebration of his
+triumph proved a most brilliant event. He had in his procession all
+the booty which he had captured, and he had also Bithys, the son of
+Cotys, besides Perseus and his wife and three children altogether in
+the garb of captives. Fearing that Heaven might wax envious of the
+Romans on account of their excess of good fortune he prayed, as
+Camillus had done before, that no ill to the State might result from
+it all but rather to him if it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</a></span> should be unavoidable: and, indeed, he
+lost two sons, one a little before the celebration and the other
+during the triumphal festival itself. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 66</span><span class="smcap">he was not only good at generalship, but he looked down upon
+money. of this the following is a proof. though he had at that time
+entered for a second term upon the consulship and had gained
+possession of untold spoils, he continued to live in so great
+indigence that when he died the dowry was with difficulty paid back to
+his wife.</span></p>
+
+<p>Of the captives Bithys was returned to his father without ransom, but
+Perseus with his children and attendants was settled in Alba. There he
+endured so long as he still hoped to recover his sovereignty, but when
+he despaired of doing so he despatched himself. His son Philip and his
+daughter also died shortly after: only the youngest son survived for a
+time and served in the capacity of under-secretary to the magistrates
+of Alba. Thus Perseus, who boasted of tracing his descent through
+twenty kings and often had Philip and still oftener Alexander in his
+mouth, lost his kingdom, became a captive, and marched in the
+procession of triumph wearing chains as well as his diadem.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 67<sup>1</sup></span><span class="smcap">the rhodians, who in their earlier
+dealings with the romans displayed self-esteem, now begged the latter
+not to bear ill-will toward them</span>: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 67<sup>2</sup></span><span class="smcap">and whereas they had previously refused to accept the title of
+roman allies, they were now especially anxious to secure it</span>; and
+they obtained the object of their eagerness, but only after long
+delay. The Romans harbored resentment against the Cretans, too, but in
+response to a number of embassies on the part<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</a></span> of this nation they
+eventually relaxed their anger. Their behavior was similar <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 68</span><span class="smcap">in the case of prusias and eumenes. the former
+came personally to the city and entered the senate-house, covered the
+threshold with kisses, and worshipped the senators; thus he obtained
+pity</span> and was held guiltless: Eumenes through Attalus his brother
+secured himself against any continuation of malice on their part.</p>
+
+<p>At this time, too, the affairs of Cappadocia were settled in the
+following manner. The monarch of that country, Ariarathes, had a
+legitimate son Ariarathes. But since for a long time before she had
+this son his wife had failed to conceive, she had adopted a child whom
+she called Orophernes. When the true son was later born the position
+of the other was detected and he was banished. Naturally after the
+death of Ariarathes he headed an uprising against his brother. Eumenes
+allied himself with Ariarathes, and Demetrius the king of Syria with
+Orophernes. Ariarathes after sustaining a defeat found an asylum with
+the Romans and was appointed by them to share the kingdom with
+Orophernes. But the fact that Ariarathes had been termed &quot;friend and
+ally&quot; by the Romans enabled him subsequently to make the entire domain
+his own. Attalus soon succeeded Eumenes (who died) and drove
+Orophernes and Demetrius out of Cappadocia altogether.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 25.&#8212;Ptolemy, ruler of Egypt, passed away leaving two sons and one
+daughter. When the brothers began to quarrel with each other about the
+supreme office, Antiochus the son of Antiochus the Great sheltered the
+younger, who had been driven out,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</a></span> in order that under the pretext of
+defending him he might interfere in Egyptian politics. In a campaign
+directed against Egypt he conquered the greater part of the country
+and spent some time in besieging Alexandria. As the unsubdued sought
+refuge with the Romans, Popilius was sent to Antiochus and bade him
+keep his hands off Egypt; for the brothers, comprehending the designs
+of Antiochus, had become reconciled. When the latter was for putting
+off his reply, Popilius drew a circle about him with his staff and
+demanded that he deliberate and answer standing where he was.
+Antiochus then in fear raised the siege. The Ptolemies (such was the
+name of both princes) on being relieved of foreign dread fell into
+renewed disputing. Then they were reconciled again by the Romans on
+the condition that the elder should have Egypt and Cyprus, and the
+other one the country about Cyrene, which was likewise part of Egypt
+at that time. The younger one was vexed at having the inferior portion
+and came to Rome where he secured from the government a grant of
+Cyprus in addition. Then the elder once more effected an arrangement
+with the younger son by giving him some cities in exchange for Cyprus
+and being rated to contribute money and grain.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 164<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 590)</span>Antiochus subsequently died, leaving
+the kingdom to a child of the same name whom the Romans confirmed in
+possession of it and sent three men (with sufficient show of reason,
+for he was a minor) to act as his guardians. They on finding elephants
+and triremes contrary to the compact ordered the elephants all to be
+slain and administered everything else in the in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</a></span>terest of Rome.
+Therefore Lysias, who had been entrusted with the surveillance of the
+king, incited the populace to cast out the Romans and also kill
+Gaius<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> Octavius. When these plans had been carried out Lysias
+straightway despatched envoys to Rome to offer a defence for what had
+been done. Demetrius the son of Seleucus son of Antiochus, who was
+staying in Rome as a hostage at the time of his father's death and had
+been deprived of the kingdom by his uncle Antiochus, asked for his
+ancestral domain when he learned of the death of Antiochus, but the
+Romans would neither help him to get it nor permit him to set out from
+Rome. In spite of his dissatisfaction he remained quiet. But when the
+affair of Lysias came up, he no longer delayed but escaped by flight
+and sent a message to the senate from Lycia saying that his objective
+was not his <i>cousin</i> Antiochus (the children of brothers were so
+termed by the ancients) but Lysias, and his purpose was to avenge
+Octavius. Hastening to Tripolis in Syria he won over this town also,
+pretending that he had been sent out by the Romans to take charge of
+the kingdom. No one at this time had any idea of his secret flight,
+and so after conquering Apamea and gathering a body of troops he
+marched to Antioch. There he destroyed Lysias and the boy, who came to
+meet him in the guise of friends (through fear of the Romans they had
+offered no opposition), <span class="sidenote">B.C. 162<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 592)</span>and he
+recovered the kingdom, whereupon he for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</a></span>warded to Rome a crown and the
+assassins of Octavius. The citizens, being enraged at him, would
+accept neither the one nor the other.</p>
+
+<p>Next the Romans made a campaign against the Dalmatians. This race
+consists of Illyrians who dwell along the Ionian Gulf, some of whom
+the Greeks used to call Taulantii, and part of them are close to
+Dyrrachium. The cause of the war was that they had been abusing some
+of their neighbors who were in a league of friendship with the Romans,
+and when the Romans joined an embassy in their behalf the Dalmatians
+returned an answer that was not respectful, and even arrested and
+killed the envoys of the other nations. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 155<br />(<i>a.u.</i>
+599)</span>Scipio Nasica subdued this race in a campaign against them. He
+captured their towns and several times sold the captives.&#8212;Other
+events, too, took place in those days,&#8212;not, however, of a kind to
+deserve mention or historical record.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 21, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 153<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 601)</span>IX, 26.&#8212;The rattling of dice in the
+box of Circumstance now announced the final cast in the struggle with
+Carthage,&#8212;the third of the series. The Carthaginians could not endure
+their subordinate position, but contrary to the treaty were setting
+their fleet in readiness and making alliances as measures of
+preparation for war with the Nomads: <span class="sidenote">B.C. 152<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 602)</span>and the Romans, having settled other questions to their own
+satisfaction, did not remain at rest, but by the mouth of Scipio
+Nasica their commissioner they charged their rivals with this breach
+of faith and ordered them to disband their armament. The Carthaginians
+found fault with Masinissa and on account of the war with him declined
+to obey the command. The Romans then arranged terms for them with
+Masinissa and prevailed upon him to retire from some territory in
+their favor. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 150<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 604)</span>Since they showed
+themselves no more tractable than before, the Romans waited a bit, and
+as soon as information was received that the Carthaginians had been
+worsted in a great battle by Masinissa they voted for war against
+them. The Carthaginians, who were feeling the effects of their defeat,
+became frightened on learning this and sent envoys to Rome to secure
+an alliance; for other neighboring tribes were also beginning to
+attack them. They feigned a readiness to yield to the Romans on all
+points, and their very intention of not remaining true to their
+agreements rendered them all the more ready to promise anything.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 149<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 605)</span>When the senate called a meeting to
+consider the matter, Scipio Nasica advised receiving the Carthaginian
+embassy and making a truce with them, but Marcus Cato declared that no
+truce ought to be arranged nor the decree of war rescinded. The
+senators accepted the supplication of the envoys, promised to grant
+them a truce, and asked for hostages as an earnest of these
+conditions. These hostages were sent to Sicily and Lucius Marcius and
+Marcus Manilius went there, took charge of them, and sent them on to
+Rome. They themselves made haste to occupy Africa. After encamping
+they summoned the magistrates of Carthage to appear before them. When
+these officials arrived they did not unmask all their demands at once,
+for they feared that if the Carthaginians understood them in season
+they would plunge into war with resources unimpaired. So first they
+asked for and received grain, next the triremes, and after that the
+engines; and then they demanded the arms besides. They secured the
+entire visible supply (but the Carthaginians had a great deal of other
+equipment safely hidden) and at length ordered them to raze their city
+and to build in its place an unwalled town inland, eighty stades
+distant from the sea. At that the Carthaginians were dissolved in
+tears, acknowledged that they were trapped, and bewailed their fate,
+begging the consuls not to compel them to act as the assassins of
+their country. They soon found that they could accomplish nothing and
+had to face the repeated command either to execute the order or to
+cast the die of war. Many of the people then remained there on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</a></span>
+Roman side, tacitly admitting their success: the remainder withdrew,
+and after killing some of their rulers for not having chosen war in
+the first place and after murdering such Romans as were discovered
+within the fortification they turned their attention to war. Under
+these circumstances they liberated all the slaves, restored the
+exiles, chose Hasdrubal once more as leader, and made ready arms,
+engines, and triremes. With war at their doors and the danger of
+slavery confronting them they prepared in the briefest possible time
+everything that they needed. They spared nothing, but melted down the
+statues for the sake of the bronze in them and used the hair of their
+women for ropes. The consuls at first, thinking them unarmed, expected
+to overcome them speedily and merely prepared ladders, with which they
+expected to scale the wall at once. As the assault showed their
+enemies to be armed and they saw that they possessed means for a
+siege, the Romans, before approaching close to the city again, devoted
+themselves to the manufacture of engines. The construction of these
+machines was fraught with danger, since Hasdrubal set ambuscades for
+those who were gathering the wood and annoyed them considerably, but
+in time they were able to assail the town. Now Manilius in his assault
+from the land side could not injure the Carthaginians at all, but
+Marcius, while delivering an attack from marshy ground on the side
+where the sea was, managed to shake down a part of the wall, though he
+could not get inside. The Carthaginians repulsed those who attempted
+to force their way in, and at night issued<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</a></span> through the ruins to slay
+numerous men and burn up a very large number of engines. Hasdrubal and
+the cavalry, however, did not allow them to scatter over any
+considerable territory and Masinissa lent them no aid. He had not been
+invited at the opening of the war, and, though he had promised
+Hasdrubal that he would fight now, they gave him no opportunity of
+doing so.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 27.&#8212;The consuls in view of the outcome of their attempts and
+because their fleet had been damaged by its stay in the lake raised
+the siege. Marcius endeavored to achieve some advantage by sea or at
+least to injure the coast districts, but not accomplishing anything he
+sailed for home, then turned back and subdued &#198;gimurus: and Manilius
+started for the interior, but upon sustaining injuries at the hands of
+Himilco, commander of the Carthaginian cavalry, whom they called also
+Phameas, he returned to Carthage. There, while the outside forces of
+Hasdrubal troubled him, the people in the city harassed him by
+excursions both night and day. In fact, the Carthaginians came to
+despise him and advanced as far as the Roman camp, but being for the
+most part unarmed they lost a number of men and shut themselves up in
+their fortifications again. Manilius was particularly anxious to get
+into close quarters with Hasdrubal, thinking that, if he could
+vanquish him, he should find it easier to wage war upon the remainder.
+His wish to get into close quarters with him was eventually realized.
+He followed Hasdrubal to a small fort whither the latter was retiring,
+and before he knew<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span> it got into a narrow passage over rough ground and
+there suffered a tremendous reverse. He would have been utterly
+destroyed, had he not found a most valuable helper in the person of
+Scipio the descendant of Africanus, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 69</span><span class="smcap">who excelled in apprehending and devising beforehand the most
+advantageous movements, but excelled also in executing them. in bodily
+frame he was strong; he was amiable, too, and moderate; and for these
+reasons he escaped envy. he chose to make himself like to his
+inferiors, not better than his equals</span> (he served as military
+tribune), <span class="smcap">and weaker than greater men</span>. Manilius both reported
+what Scipio had done and sent a letter to the people of Rome
+concealing nothing, but including among other matters an account of
+the proceedings of Masinissa and Phameas. These were as follows.</p>
+
+<p>Masinissa on his death-bed was at a loss to know how he should dispose
+of his kingdom, his dilemma being due to the number of his sons and
+the variety of their family ties on their mothers' side. Therefore he
+sent for Scipio to advise him, and the consul let Scipio go. But the
+demise of Masinissa occurred before Scipio arrived, and he gave his
+ring to his son Micipsa and delivered and committed all the other
+interests pertaining to his kingdom to Scipio, so soon as the latter
+should arrive. Scipio being aware of the preferences of Masinissa's
+sons assigned the kingdom to no one of them singly; but whereas there
+were three most distinguished, the eldest Micipsa, the youngest
+Gulussa, and intermediate in age Mastanabal, he appointed these to
+have charge of affairs, though separately. To the eldest, who was
+versed in business and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</a></span> fond of wealth, he entrusted the fiscal
+administration, to the second son, who possessed the critical faculty,
+he granted the right to decide disputes, and to Gulussa, who chanced
+to be of a warlike temperament, he delivered the troops. They had also
+numerous brothers on whom he bestowed certain cities and districts. He
+took Gulussa along with him and introduced him to the consul.</p>
+
+<p>Now at the beginning of spring they made a campaign against the allies
+of the Carthaginians and brought many of them to terms forcibly while
+inducing many others to capitulate. Scipio was especially active in
+the work. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 70</span><span class="smcap">when phameas, despairing
+of carthaginian success</span>, went over to the Romans and held a
+conference with Scipio, then they all set out against Hasdrubal. For
+several days they assailed his fortress, but as necessaries failed
+them they retired in good order. During the siege Phameas had attacked
+them and made a show of fighting, and in the progress of the action he
+had deserted together with some of the cavalry. Then Manilius went to
+Utica and remained quiet, while Scipio took Phameas back to Rome,
+where he himself received commendation and Phameas was honored to the
+extent of being allowed to sit with the senate in the senate-house.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 28.&#8212;It was at this time, too, that the episode occurred in which
+Prusias figured. The latter being old and of an irritable disposition
+became possessed by a fear that the Bithynians would expel him from
+his kingdom, choosing in his stead his son Nicomedes. So on some
+pretext he sent his son to Rome, with orders to make that his home.
+But since he plotted against<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[Pg 316]</a></span> the younger man even during the sojourn
+in Rome and labored to kill him, some Bithynians made visits to Rome,
+took Nicomedes away secretly and conveyed him to Bithynia, and after
+slaying the old man designated him king. This act vexed the Romans,
+but did not incense them to the point of war.</p>
+
+<p>A certain Andriscus, who was a native of Atramyttium and resembled
+Perseus in appearance, caused a wide area of Macedonia to revolt by
+pretending to be his son and calling himself Philip. First he went to
+Macedonia and tried to upheave the country, but as no one would yield
+him allegiance he took his way to Demetrius in Syria to obtain from
+him the aid which relationship might afford. Demetrius arrested him
+and sent him to Rome, where he met with general contempt, both because
+he stood convicted of not being the son of Perseus and because he had
+no other qualities that were worthy of attention. On being released he
+gathered a band of revolutionists, drew after him a number of cities,
+and finally, assuming the kingly garb and mustering an army, he
+reached Thrace. There he added to his army numbers of the independent
+lands as well as numbers of princes who disliked the Romans, invaded
+Macedonia (which he occupied), and setting out for Thessaly made not a
+little of that territory his own.</p>
+
+<p>The Romans at first scorned Andriscus and then they sent Scipio Nasica
+to effect some peaceful settlement in those parts. On reaching Greece
+and ascertaining what had occurred he despatched a letter to the
+Romans explaining the case; then after collecting troops from allies
+there he gave attention to the busi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</a></span>ness in hand and advanced as far
+as Macedonia. The people of Rome when informed of the doings of
+Andriscus sent an army and Publius Juventius, a pr&#230;tor. Juventius had
+just reached the vicinity of Macedonia, when Andriscus gave battle,
+killed the pr&#230;tor, and would have annihilated his entire force but for
+its withdrawal by night. Next he invaded Thessaly, damaged a very
+great extent of it, and ranged Thracian interests on his side.
+Consequently the people of Rome once more despatched a pr&#230;tor, Quintus
+C&#230;cilius Metellus, with a strong body of troops: he proceeded to
+Macedonia and enjoyed the assistance of the fleet of Attalus. The
+fleet inspired Andriscus with some alarm for the coast districts so
+that he did not venture to advance farther but moved up to a point
+slightly beyond Pydna. There he had the best of it in a cavalry
+encounter but out of fear of the infantry turned back. His elation was
+such that he divided his army into two sections, and with one remained
+on the watch where he was, while he sent the other to ravage Thessaly.
+Metellus in derision of the forces confronting him joined battle, and
+by overpowering those with whom he first came into conflict he got
+control of the remainder with greater ease; for they made terms with
+him readily, inasmuch as they had erred. Andriscus fled to Thrace and
+after assembling a body of fighters gave battle to Metellus as the
+latter was advancing on his track. His vanguard, however, was routed
+first; then his contingent of allies was scattered; and Andriscus
+himself was betrayed by Byzes, a Thracian prince, and executed.</p>
+
+<p>One Alexander, that also declared himself to be a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</a></span> son of Perseus and
+collected a band of warriors, had occupied the country round about the
+river which is called the Mestus:<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> but he now took to flight, and
+Metellus chased him as far as Dardania.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 148<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 606)</span>IX, 29.&#8212;The Romans put Piso the
+consul in the field against the Carthaginians. Piso did not try
+conclusions with Carthage and Hasdrubal, but devoted himself to the
+coast cities. He was repulsed from Aspis, captured and razed Neapolis,
+and in his expedition against the town of Hippo merely used up time
+without accomplishing anything. The Carthaginians took heart both for
+the reasons indicated and because some allies had joined their cause.
+Learning this the Romans in army and city alike had recourse to Scipio
+and created him consul in spite of the fact that his age would not
+properly let him hold the office. <span class="sidenote">Cp. <span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 71</span> own deeds and the excellence of his father Paulus and of his
+grandfather Africanus implanted in the breasts of all a firm hope that
+through him they should vanquish their enemies and utterly root out
+Carthage.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 147<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 607)</span>While Scipio was en route to Libya,
+Mancinus was sailing along the coast of Carthage. He noticed a point
+called Megalia which was inside the city wall and was located on a
+cliff having a sheer descent into the sea. This point was a long
+distance away from the rest of the town and had but few guards because
+of the natural strength of its position. Suddenly Mancinus applied
+ladders to it from the ships and ascended. Not till he was safely up
+did some of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</a></span> Carthaginians hastily gather, but even so they were
+unable to repulse him from his vantage ground. He then sent to Piso an
+account of his exploit and a request for assistance. Piso, however,
+being far in the interior, proved of no aid to Mancinus, but Scipio
+happened along at nightfall just after the receipt of the news and
+immediately sent him help. The Carthaginians would have either
+captured or destroyed Mancinus, if they had not seen Scipio's vessels
+skirting the shore: then they grew discouraged, but would not fall
+back. So Scipio sent them some captives to tell them that he was at
+hand, upon receipt of which information they no longer stood their
+ground, but retired to send for Hasdrubal and fortify with trenches
+and palisades the cross-wall in front of the residences. Scipio now
+left Mancinus to guard Megalia and himself set out to join Piso and
+the troops so as to have their support in his conduct of operations.
+He made a rapid return journey with the lightest equipped portion of
+the army and found that Hasdrubal had entered Carthage and was
+attacking Mancinus fiercely. The arrival of Scipio put an end to the
+attack. When Piso too had come there, Scipio bade him take up his
+position outside the wall opposite certain gates, and he sent other
+soldiers around to a little gate a long distance away from the main
+force, with orders as to what they must do. He himself about midnight
+took the strongest portion of the army, got inside the circuit (using
+deserters as guides) and moving quietly to a point inside the little
+gate he hacked the bar in two, let in the men who were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</a></span> on the watch
+outside and destroyed the guards. Then he hastened to the gate
+opposite which Piso had his station, routing the intervening guards
+(who were only a few in each place), so that Hasdrubal by the time he
+found out what had happened could see that nearly the entire body of
+Roman troops was inside. For a while the Carthaginians withstood them:
+then they abandoned the city, all but the Cotho and Byrsa, in which
+they took refuge. Next Hasdrubal killed all the Roman captives in
+order that his people in despair of pardon might show the greater
+fortitude in resistance. He also made away with many of the natives on
+the charge that they wanted to betray their own cause. And Scipio
+encircled them with trench and palisade and intercepted them by a
+wall, yet it was some time before he took them captive. The walls were
+strong and the men within being many in number and confined in a small
+space fought with vehemence. They were well off for food, too, for
+Bithias from the mainland opposite the city sent merchantmen, amid
+wind and wave into the harbor to them so often as there was a heavy
+gale blowing. To overcome this obstacle Scipio conceived and executed
+a startling operation, namely, the damming of the narrow entrance to
+the harbor. The work was difficult and toilsome, for the Carthaginians
+undertook to check them, yet he accomplished it by the number of
+laborers at his disposal. Many battles took place in the meantime, but
+the enemy were unable to prevent the filling of the channel.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 30.&#8212;So when the mouth of the harbor had been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</a></span> filled up, the
+Carthaginians were terribly oppressed by the scarcity of food; some of
+them deserted, others endured it and died, and still others ate the
+dead bodies. Hasdrubal, accordingly, in dejection sent envoys to
+Scipio with regard to truce, and would have obtained immunity, had he
+not desired to secure both preservation and freedom for all the rest
+as well. After he had failed for this reason to accomplish his purpose
+he confined his wife in the acropolis because she had made
+propositions to Scipio for the safety of herself and her children, and
+behaved in other ways more boldly on account of his despair. He,
+therefore, and some others, mastered by frenzy, fought both night and
+day; and sometimes they would be defeated and sometimes gain
+advantage; and they devised machinery to oppose the Roman engines.
+Bithias, who held a high-perched fortress and scoured wide stretches
+of the mainland, did what he could to help the Carthaginians and
+damage the Romans. Hence Scipio also divided his army, assigning one
+half of it to invest Carthage while he sent the other half against
+Bithias, placing at the head of it his lieutenant Gaius L&#230;lius. He
+himself spent his time in passing from one division to the other for
+inspection. Then the fortress was taken, and the siege of Carthage was
+once more conducted by an undivided force.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 146<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 608)</span>The Carthaginians despairing
+consequently of being any longer able to save both walls betook
+themselves to the enclosure of the Byrsa, since it was higher up, at
+the same time transferring thither all the objects<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</a></span> that they could.
+By night they burned the dockyard and most of the other structures in
+order to deprive the enemy of any benefit from them. When the Romans
+became aware of their action, they occupied the harbor and advanced
+against Byrsa. Occupying the houses on each side of it some of the
+besiegers walked straight along on top of the roofs by successively
+stepping to those immediately adjacent, and others by digging through
+the walls pushed onward below until they reached the very citadel.
+When they had got so far, the Carthaginians offered no further
+opposition, but all except Hasdrubal sued for clemency. He together
+with the deserters (for Scipio would not grant them a truce) was
+crowded into the temple of &#198;sculapius, as were also his wife and
+children, and there he defended himself against assailants until the
+deserters set fire to the temple and climbed to the roof to await the
+last extremity of the flames. Then, beaten, he came to Scipio holding
+the suppliant branch. His wife, who witnessed his entreaty, after
+calling him by name and reproaching him for securing safety for
+himself when he had not allowed her to obtain terms threw her children
+into the fire and likewise cast herself in.</p>
+
+<p>Thus did Scipio take Carthage, and he forwarded to the senate a letter
+in these terms: &quot;Carthage is taken. What are your orders?&quot; This being
+read they held a session to consider what should be done. Cato
+advanced the opinion that they ought to raze the city and blot out the
+Carthaginians, whereas Scipio Nasica still<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</a></span> advised sparing the
+Carthaginians. From this beginning the senate became involved in great
+dispute and contention until some one said that if for no other reason
+it must be considered necessary to spare them for the Romans' own
+sake. With this nation for antagonists they would be sure to practice
+excellence and not turn aside to pleasures and luxury; for if those
+who were able to compel them to practice warlike pursuits should be
+removed from the scene, they might become inferior from want of
+practice, for a lack of worthy competitors. As a result of these words
+all became unanimous in favor of demolishing Carthage, since they felt
+sure that that people would never remain entirely at peace. The whole
+town was therefore overthrown from pinnacle to foundation and it was
+decreed that for any person to settle upon its site should be an
+accursed act. The majority of the population captured were thrown into
+prison and there perished, and some few (still excepting the very
+foremost men) were sold. These leaders and the hostages and Hasdrubal
+and Bithias lived to the end of their lives in different parts of
+Italy as prisoners, yet free from bonds. Scipio secured both glory and
+honor and was called Africanus not after his grandfather but from his
+own achievements.</p>
+
+<p>IX, 31.&#8212;This year likewise saw the ruin of Corinth. The head men of
+the Greeks had been deported to Italy by &#198;milius Paulus, whereupon
+their countrymen at first through embassies kept requesting the return
+of the men, and when their prayers were not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</a></span> granted some of the
+exiles in despair of ever effecting a return to their homes committed
+suicide. The Greeks took this situation with a very bad grace and made
+it a matter of public lamentation, besides evincing anger at any
+persons dwelling among them that favored the Roman cause; yet they
+displayed no open symptoms of hostility until they got back the
+remnants of those hostages. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 149<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 605)<br /><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> 72</span>Then
+those that had been wronged and those that had obtained a hold upon
+the goods of others fell into strife and began a real warfare.
+<span class="smcap">the quarrel began by the action of
+the ach&#230;ans in bringing charges against the laced&#230;monians as being
+responsible for what had happened to them. the mediators whom the
+romans despatched to them they would not heed</span>: they rather set
+their faces toward war, acting under the supervision of Critolaus.
+Metellus was consequently afraid that they might lay hands on
+Macedonia,&#8212;<span class="sidenote">B.C. 148<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 606)</span>they had already
+appeared in Thessaly,&#8212;and so he went to meet them and routed them.</p>
+
+<p>At the fall of Critolaus the Greek world was split asunder. Some of
+them had embraced peace and laid down their weapons, whereas others
+had committed their interests to the care of Di&#230;us and were still
+involved in factional turmoil. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 146<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 608)</span>On learning this the people of Rome sent Mummius against them. He got rid
+of Metellus and gave his personal attention to the war. Part of his
+army sustained a slight reverse through an ambuscade and Di&#230;us pursued
+the fugitives up to their own camp, but Mummius made a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</a></span> sortie, routed
+him, and followed to the Ach&#230;an entrenchments. Di&#230;us now gathered a
+larger force and undertook to give battle to them, but, as the Romans
+would make no hostile demonstration, he conceived a contempt for them
+and advanced to a depressed piece of ground lying between the camps.
+Mummius seeing this secretly sent horsemen to assail them on the
+flank. After these had attacked and thrown the enemy into confusion,
+he brought up the phalanx in front and caused considerable slaughter.
+As a consequence Di&#230;us in despair killed himself, and of the survivors
+of the battle the Corinthians were scattered over the country, while
+the rest fled to their homes. Hence the Corinthians within the wall
+believing that all their citizens had been lost abandoned the city,
+and it was empty of men when Mummius took it. After that he won over
+without trouble both that nation and the rest of the Greeks. He now
+took possession of their arms, all the offerings that were consecrated
+in their temples, the statues, paintings, and whatever other kind of
+ornament they had; and as soon as he could send his father and some
+other men to arrange terms for the vanquished he caused the walls of
+some of the cities to be taken down and declared them all to be free
+and independent except the Corinthians. The dwellers in Corinth he
+sold, and confiscated their land and demolished their walls and all
+their houses besides, out of fear that some states might again unite
+with them, since they constituted the greatest state. To prevent any
+of them from remaining hidden and any of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</a></span> other Greeks from being
+sold as Corinthians he assembled everybody present before he had
+disclosed his determination, and after having his soldiers surround
+them in such a way as not to attract notice he proclaimed the
+enslavement of the Corinthians and the liberation of the remainder.
+Then he instructed them all to take hold of any Corinthians standing
+beside them. In this way he arrived at an accurate distinction.</p>
+
+<p>Thus was Corinth overthrown. The rest of the Greek world suffered
+temporarily from murders and levies of money, but afterward came to
+enjoy such immunity and prosperity that it used to be said: &quot;If they
+had not been taken captive as early as they were, they could not have
+been preserved.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>So this end simultaneously befell Carthage and Corinth, famous,
+ancient cities: but at a much later date they received colonies of
+Romans, became again flourishing, and regained their original
+position.</p>
+
+<p>The exploits of the Romans up to this point, found by me in ancient
+books that record these matters, written by men of old time, I have
+drawn thence in a condensed form and have embodied in the present
+history. As for what comes next in order,&#8212;the transactions of the
+consuls and dictators, so long as the government of Rome was still
+conducted by these officials,&#8212;let no one censure me as having passed
+this by through contempt or indolence or antipathy and having left the
+history as it were incomplete. The gap has not been overlooked by me
+through sloth, nor have I of my own<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</a></span> free will left my task half
+finished, but through lack of books to describe the events. I have
+frequently instituted a search for them, yet I have not found them,
+and I do not know whether the cause is that the passage of time has
+destroyed them, and so they are not preserved, or whether the persons
+to whom I entrusted the errand perhaps did not search for them with
+sufficient diligence; for I was living abroad and passing my life on
+an islet far from the city. And because it has not been my lot to gain
+access to these books in this instance, my history turns out to be
+only half complete for the acts of the consuls and even for those of
+the dictators. Hence, passing over them, though reluctantly, I will
+record the deeds of the emperors, with some brief introductory remarks
+to make clear to those who shall read my history by what steps the
+Romans passed from aristocracy (or democracy) to the rule of one man,
+and to impart, in addition, coherence to the narrative.</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 45%;" />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap"><a name="NOTE">note</a>.&#8212;no summary exists of the missing books twenty-two to
+thirty-five inclusive, and we are driven to rely on scattered and
+inconsequential fragments (that have somehow escaped the wreck of
+seasons) as the basis for whatever mental image we may choose to form
+of the lost narrative. these bits possess the same value for dio's
+history as do the unrelated pieces of marble and clay from excavations
+in enabling us to gain a wider understanding of antique sculpture and
+pottery. for an account of the sources of these fragments see the
+introduction, under the caption entitled</span> <a href="#A_THE_WRITING">THE WRITING</a>.</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 45%;" />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h3><i>(BOOK 22, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXIII">LXXIII</a></span>&#182;Viriathus was a Lusitanian, of very
+obscure origin, as some think, who enjoyed great renown through his
+deeds, for from a shepherd he became a robber and later on also a
+general. He was naturally adapted and had trained himself to be very
+quick in pursuing and fleeing, and of great force in a stationary
+conflict. He was glad to get any food that came to hand and whatever
+drink fell to his lot; he lived most of his life under the open sky
+and was satisfied with nature's bedding. Consequently he was superior
+to any heat or any cold, and neither was he ever troubled by hunger
+nor did he suffer from any other disagreeable condition; since he
+found all his wants met quite sufficiently by whatever he had at hand,
+which seemed to him unexcelled. While he possessed such a physical
+constitution, as the result of nature and training, he surpassed still
+more in spiritual endowment. He was swift to perceive and do whatever
+was requisite,&#8212;he could tell what must be done and at the same time
+he understood the proper occasion for it,&#8212;and he was clever at
+pretending not to know the most evident facts and to know the most
+hidden secrets. Furthermore he was not only general but his own
+assistant in every business equally, and was seen to be neither humble
+nor pompous, but in him obscurity of family and reputation for
+strength were so mingled that he seemed to be neither inferior nor
+superior to any one. And, in fine, he carried on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</a></span> war not for the
+sake of personal gain or power nor through anger, but because of the
+opportunity for action; therefore he was regarded as most thoroughly a
+lover of war and a successful warrior. (Valesius, p. 614.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXIV">LXXIV</a><br />B.C. 143<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 611)</span> 1.
+&#182;Claudius, the colleague of Metellus, impelled by pride of birth and
+jealousy of Metellus, when he had had Italy allotted to his command
+and found no sign of war, was eager to secure by any means some
+pretext for a triumph; hence without taking the trouble to lodge any
+formal complaint he set the Salassi, a Gallic tribe, at war with the
+Romans. He had been sent to reconcile them, because they were
+disputing with their neighbors about the water necessary for the gold
+mines, and he overran their entire country ... the Romans sent him two
+of the ten priests. (Valesius, p. 617.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;Claudius, even if he understood thoroughly that he had not
+conquered, nevertheless even then displayed such arrogance as not to
+say a word in either the senate or the popular assembly about the
+triumph; but acting as if the right were indisputably his, even if no
+one should vote to that effect, he asked for the requisite
+expenditures. (Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXV">LXXV</a><br />B.C. 142<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 612)</span>&#182;As
+regards character Mummius and Africanus differed vastly from each
+other in every respect. The latter ruled with a view to the greatest
+uprightness and with exactitude, not esteeming one influence above
+another; he called to account many of the senators and many of the
+knights, as well as other individuals. Mummius, on the other hand, was
+more urbane and humane in his behavior; he imputed no dishonor to any<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</a></span>
+one, and abolished many of the regulations framed by Africanus, so far
+as was possible. To such an extent of amiability did his nature lead
+him, that he lent some statues to Lucullus for the consecration of the
+temple of Felicitas (material for which he had gathered in the Spanish
+war), and then, when that general was unwilling to return them on the
+ground that they had been made sacred by the dedication, he showed no
+anger, but permitted his own spoils to lie there offered up in
+another's name. (Valesius, p. 618.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXVI">LXXVI</a><br />B.C. 140<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 614)</span>
+&#182;Pompeius<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> received many setbacks and incurred great disgrace.
+There was a river flowing through the country of the Numantini that he
+wished to turn aside from its ancient channel and let in upon their
+fields; and after tremendous exertions he did accomplish this. But he
+lost many soldiers, and no advantage from turning it aside came to the
+Romans, nor harm to the enemy.... (Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXVII">LXXVII</a></span>&#182;C&#230;pio<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> effected nothing worthy
+of mention against the foe, but brought much serious harm to his own
+men, so that he ran the risk of being killed by them. He treated them
+all, but especially the cavalry, with such harshness and cruelty that
+a vast number of most unseemly jokes and stories passed current about
+him during the nights; and the more he grew vexed at it, the more
+jests did they make and endeavor to infuriate him. When what was going
+on became known and no one could be found guilty&#8212;though he suspected
+it was the doing of the cavalry&#8212;as he could fix the responsibility
+upon no one single man he became angry<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</a></span> at all of them, and commanded
+them, six hundred in number, accompanied only by their grooms, to
+cross the river by which they were encamped and bring wood from the
+mountain on which Viriathus was bivouacking. The danger was manifest
+to all, and the tribunes and lieutenants begged him not to destroy
+them. The cavalry waited for a little to see if he would listen to the
+others, and when he would not yield, they deemed it unworthy to
+supplicate him, as he was most eager for them to do, but choosing
+rather to perish utterly than to speak a respectful word to him, they
+started on the mission assigned. The horsemen of the allies and other
+volunteers accompanied them. They crossed the river, cut the wood, and
+threw it in all around the general's quarters, intending to burn them
+down. And he would have perished in the flames, if he had not fled
+away in time. (Valesius, p. 618.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXVIII">LXXVIII</a><br />B.C. 139<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 615)</span>
+&#182;Popilius so terrified Viriathus that the latter sent to him about
+peace immediately and before they had tried any battle at all, killed
+some of the leaders of the rebels whose surrender had been demanded by
+the Romans&#8212;among these his father-in-law, though commanding his own
+force, was slaughtered&#8212;and delivered up the rest, all of whose hands
+the consul cut off. And he would have agreed to a complete truce, if
+their weapons had not been demanded in addition: with this condition
+neither he nor the rest of the throng would comply.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> (Ursinus, p.
+383.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 23, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXIX">LXXIX</a><br />B.C. 136<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 618)</span>
+&#182;The Romans received the Numantine ambassadors on their arrival
+outside the walls, to the end that their reception might not seem to
+imply a ratification of the truce. However, they sent gifts of
+friendship notwithstanding, not wishing to deprive them of the hope of
+possibly coming to terms. Mancinus and his followers told of the
+necessity of the compact made and the number of the saved, and stated
+that they still held all of their former possessions in Spain. They
+besought their countrymen to consider the question not in the light of
+their present immunity, but with reference to the danger that then
+encompassed the soldiers, and to think not what ought to have been
+done, but what might have been the outcome. The Numantini brought
+forward many statements about their previous good-will toward the
+Romans and considerable about the latter's subsequent injustice, by
+reason of which they had been forced into the war, and the perjury of
+Pompeius: and they asked for considerate treatment in return for the
+preservation of Mancinus and the rest. But the Romans both dissolved
+the truce and decided that Mancinus should be given up to the
+Numantini. (Ursinus, p. 383.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXX">LXXX</a></span>&#182;Claudius<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> through his harshness
+would have committed many outrageous acts, had he not been re<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</a></span>strained
+by his colleague Quintus.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> The latter, who was amiable and
+possessed exactly the opposite temperament, did not oppose him with
+anger in any matter and, indeed, occasionally yielded to him, and by
+gentle behavior so manipulated him that he found very few
+opportunities for irritation. (Valesius, p. 621.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXI">LXXXI</a></span>&#182;Furius<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> led out among his
+lieutenants both Pompeius and Metellus though they were hostile both
+to him and to each other; for, expecting to achieve some great
+success, he wished to have in them sure witnesses to his deeds and to
+receive the evidence of his prowess from their unwilling lips.
+(Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 24, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXII">LXXXII</a></span>1. &#182;Tiberius Gracchus caused an
+upheaval of the Roman state,&#8212;and this in spite of the fact that he
+belonged to one of the foremost families (his grandfather being
+Africanus), that he possessed a natural endowment worthy of the
+latter, that he had gone through a most thorough course of education,
+and had a high spirit. In proportion to these great gifts of his was
+the allurement that they offered to follow his ambitions: and when
+once he had turned aside from what was best he drifted even
+involuntarily into what was worst. It began with his being refused a
+triumph over the Numantini: he had hoped for this honor because he had
+previously had the management of the business, but so far from
+obtaining anything of the kind he incurred the danger of being
+delivered up; then he decided that deeds were estimated not on the
+basis of goodness or truth but according to mere chance. And this road
+to fame he abandoned as not safe, but since he desired by all means to
+become prominent in some way and expected that he could accomplish
+this better through the popular than through the senatorial party, he
+attached himself to the former. (Valesius, p. 621.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;Marcus Octavius on account of an hereditary feud with Gracchus
+willingly made himself his opponent. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 133<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 621)</span>Thereafter there was no semblance of moderation: striving and
+quarreling as they were, each to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</a></span> survive the other rather than to
+benefit the community, they committed many acts of violence as if they
+were in a principality instead of a democracy, and suffered many
+unusual calamities proper for war but not for peace. In addition to
+their individual conflicts, there were many who, banded together,
+instituted grievous abuses and battles in the senate-house itself and
+the popular assembly as well as throughout the rest of the city: they
+pretended to be executing the law, but were in reality making in all
+things every effort not to be surpassed by each other. The result was
+that the authorities could not carry on their accustomed tasks, courts
+came to a stop, no contract was entered into, and other sorts of
+confusion and disorder were rife everywhere. The place bore the name
+of city, but was no whit different from a camp. (Valesius, p. 622.)</p>
+
+<p>3. &#182;Gracchus proposed certain laws for the benefit of those of the
+people who served in the army, and transferred the courts from the
+senate to the knights, bedeviling and disturbing all established
+customs in order that he might be enabled to lay hold on safety in
+some wise. And after he found not even this of advantage to him, but
+his term of office was drawing to a close, when he would be
+immediately exposed to the attacks of his enemies, he attempted to
+secure the tribuneship also for the following year (in company with
+his brother) and to appoint his father-in-law consul: to obtain this
+end he would make any statement or promise anything what<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</a></span>ever to
+anybody. Often, too, he put on a mourning garb and brought his mother
+and children, tied hand and foot, into the presence of the populace.
+(Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXIII">LXXXIII</a><br />B.C. 129<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 625)</span>
+&#182;Scipio Africanus had more ambition in his makeup than was suitable
+for or compatible with his general excellence. And in reality none of
+his rivals took pleasure in his death, but although they thought him a
+great obstacle in their way even they missed him. They saw that he was
+valuable to the State and never expected that he would cause them any
+serious trouble. When he was suddenly taken away all the possessions
+of the powerful class were again diminished, so that the promoters of
+agrarian legislation ravaged at will practically all of Italy. And
+this seems to me to have been most strongly indicated by the mass of
+stones that poured down from heaven, falling upon some of the temples
+and killing men, and by the tears of Apollo. <span class="sidenote">B.C. 131<br />
+(<i>a.u.</i> 623)</span>For the god wept copiously<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> for three days, so that
+the Romans on the advice of the soothsayers voted to cut down the
+statue and to sink it in the deep. (Valesius, p. 625.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 25, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXIV">LXXXIV</a></span>&#182;Gracchus had a disposition like his
+brother; only the latter drifted from excellence into ambition and
+then to baseness whereas this man was naturally intractable and played
+the rogue voluntarily and far surpassed the other in his gift of
+language. For these reasons his designs were more mischievous, his
+daring more spontaneous, and his self-will greater in all junctures
+alike. He was the first to walk up and down in the assemblies while he
+harangued and the first to bare his arm; hence neither of these
+practices has been thought improper, since he did it. And because his
+speaking was characterized by great condensation of thought and
+forcefulness of words and he consequently was unable to restrain
+himself easily but was often led to say what he did not wish, he used
+to bring in a flute-player, and from him, playing a low accompaniment,
+he would take his rhythm and time, or if even so he in some way fell
+out of measure, he would stop. This was the sort of man that attacked
+the government, and, by assuming no speech or act to be forbidden, in
+the briefest time became a great power among the populace and the
+knights. All the nobility and the senatorial party if he had lived
+longer<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> ... <span class="sidenote">B.C. 121<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 633)</span>but as it was his
+great authority made him envied even by the members of his faction,
+and he was ruined by his own devices. (Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 26, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXV">LXXXV</a><br />B.C. 114<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 640)</span>  1.
+&#182;The priestesses for the most part incurred destruction and shame
+themselves, and proved the source of great evils to numerous others as
+well, while the entire city because of them was thrown into an uproar.
+For the people, in view of the fact that what was immaculate by law
+and sacred by the dictates of religion and decent through fear of
+vengeance had been polluted, were ready to believe that anything most
+shameful and unholy might be done. For this reason they visited
+punishment not only on the convicted, but also on all the rest who had
+been accused, to show their hatred of what had occurred. Hence the
+whole episode in which the women were concerned seemed now to be due
+not so much to their feminine incontinence<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> as to a kind of madness
+inspired by supernatural powers. (Valesius, p. 626.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;Three altogether had had intercourse with men; and of them Marcia
+had acted individually, granting her favors to one single knight<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>
+and would never have been discovered, had not the investigation into
+the cases of the others spread and overtaken her besides. &#198;milia and
+Licinia had a multitude of lovers and carried on their wanton behavior
+with each other's help. At first they surrendered themselves to some
+few privately and secretly, telling each man that he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</a></span> was the only one
+admitted. Later they themselves bound every one who could suspect and
+inform against them to certain silence in advance by the price of
+intercourse with them, and those who had previously enjoyed their
+conversation, though they saw this, yet endured it in order not to be
+detected by a show of vexation. So after holding commerce with many,
+now singly, now in groups, now privately, now publicly, Licinia
+enjoyed the society of the brother of &#198;milia, and &#198;milia that of
+Licinia's brother. These doings were hidden for a great period of
+time, and though many men and many women, both free and slaves, were
+in the secret, it was hidden for a very long period, until one
+Manius,<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> who seems to have been the first to assist and co&#246;perate
+in the whole evil, gave information of the matter because he had not
+obtained freedom nor any of the other objects of his hope. He was,
+indeed, very skillful not only at leading women into prostitution, but
+also in slandering and ruining some of them. (Valesius, p. 626.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXVI">LXXXVI</a><br />B.C. 112<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 642)</span>
+&#182;This was calculated to bring him [sc. Marcus Drusus] glory first of
+itself and second in the light of Cato's disaster; and because he had
+shown great amiability toward the soldiers and seemed to have made
+success of more importance than truth, he also secured a renown
+greater than his deeds deserved. (Valesius, p. 629.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXVII">LXXXVII</a><br />B.C. 108<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 646)</span>
+1. &#182;When Jugurtha sent to Metellus about peace the latter made
+separate demands upon him as if each<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</a></span> were to be the last, and in this
+way got from him hostages, arms, the elephants, the captives, and the
+deserters. All of these last he killed but did not grant a truce
+because Jugurtha, fearing to be arrested, refused to come to him and
+because Marius and Gn&#230;us<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> prevented. (Ursinus, p. 385.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;For he [sc. Marius] was in general seditious and turbulent, wholly
+friendly to the rabble from which he had sprung and wholly ready to
+overthrow the nobility. He risked with perfect readiness any
+statement, promise, lie, or false oath in any matter where he hoped to
+gain a benefit. Blackmailing one of the foremost citizens or
+commending some rascal he thought child's play. And let no one be
+surprised that such a man could conceal his villanies for a very long
+time: for, as a result of his exceeding cunning and the good fortune
+which he enjoyed all through his early life, he actually acquired a
+reputation for virtue. (Valesius, p. 629.)</p>
+
+<p>3. &#182;Marius was the more easily able to calumniate Metellus for the
+reason that the latter was numbered among the nobles and was managing
+military concerns excellently, whereas he himself was just beginning
+to come forward from a very obscure and doubtful origin into public
+notice:&#8212;the populace was readily inclined to overthrow Metellus
+through envy, and favored Marius increasingly for his promises:&#8212;of
+great assistance, too, was the report that Metellus had said to Marius
+(who was just then coming forward<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[Pg 344]</a></span> for election): &quot;You ought to be
+satisfied if you get to be consul along with my son&quot; (who was a mere
+lad). (Valesius, p. 630.)</p>
+
+<p>4. &#182;Gaudas was angry at Metellus because in spite of requests he had
+received from him neither the deserters nor a garrison of Roman
+soldiers, or else because he could not sit near him,&#8212;a privilege
+ordinarily vouchsafed by the consuls to princes and potentates.
+(Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 107<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 647)</span>5. &#182;When Cirta was captured by
+capitulation Bocchus sent a herald to Marius and first demanded the
+empire of Jugurtha as the price for his defection, but later, as he
+did not obtain it, simply asked him to make terms. So he sent envoys
+to Rome, but Jugurtha while this was taking place retired to the most
+desolate portions of his own territory. (Ursinus, p. 385.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 106<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 648)</span>6. &#182;Marius entertained the envoys of
+Bocchus but said he would make no compact with him unless he should
+receive Jugurtha's prisoners from his hands; and this was done.
+(Ursinus, p. 386.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[Pg 345]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 27, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXVIII">LXXXVIII</a></span>&#182;Tolosa, which was formerly at
+peace with the Romans but had revolted, under the influence of hope in
+the Cimbri, to the extent of imprisoning the garrison, was occupied by
+them at night: they were admitted unexpectedly by friends and
+plundered the temples, obtaining much other money besides, for the
+place had been wealthy from of old, containing among other offerings
+those of which the Gauls under the leadership of Brennus had once
+despoiled Delphi. Nothing of importance, however, reached the Romans
+in the capital, but the victors themselves confiscated the most of it.
+For this a number were called to account. (Valesius, p. 630.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="LXXXIX">LXXXIX</a><br />B.C. 105<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 649)</span>1.
+&#182;Servilius by reason of his jealousy of his colleague<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> became the
+cause of many evils to the army; for, though he had in general equal
+powers, his repute was naturally diminished by the fact that the other
+was also consul. And ... after the death of Scaurus<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> he [Manlius?]
+sent for Servilius: but the latter replied that each of them ought to
+keep his position. Then, apprehending that Manlius might gain some
+success by his own resources, he grew jealous of him, fearing that he
+might secure individual glory, and went to him: yet he did not bivouac
+on the same ground nor make him the partaker of any plan, but took up
+a dis<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[Pg 346]</a></span>tinct position with the evident intention of joining battle with
+the Cimbri before him and winning all the glory of the war. At the
+outset they still inspired the enemy with dread, as long as their
+quarrel was concealed, so much so as to lead the foe to desire peace,
+but when the Cimbri sent a herald to Manlius as consul Servilius
+became indignant that they had not directed their embassy to him,
+refused to agree to any reconciliation, and came near slaying the
+envoys. (Valesius, p. 630.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;The soldiers forced Servilius to go to Manlius and consult with
+him about the emergency. But so far from coming into accord they
+became as a result of the meeting even more hostile than before: they
+fell into strife and abuse and parted in a disgraceful fashion.
+(Valesius, p. 633.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XC">XC</a><br />B.C. 104<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 650)</span>&#182;After
+Gn&#230;us Domitius obtained leave to bring suit against Scaurus, one of
+the slaves then came forward and offered to bring any damaging charges
+against his master: but he refused to become involved in such
+despicable business, and arresting the fellow delivered him over to
+Scaurus. (Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCI">XCI</a></span>1. &#182;Publius Licinius Nerva, who was
+pr&#230;tor in the island, on learning that the slaves were not being
+justly treated in some respects, or else because he sought an occasion
+of profit (for he was not inaccessible to bribes), circulated the
+announcement that all who had any charges to bring against their
+masters should come to him, for he would assist them. Accordingly,
+many of them banded together, and some de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[Pg 347]</a></span>clared they were being
+wronged and others made known some other grievances against their
+masters, thinking they had secured an opportunity for accomplishing
+without bloodshedding all that they wished. The freeborn, after
+consultation, resisted them and would not yield to them on any point.
+Therefore Licinius, inspired with fear by the united front of both
+sides and dreading that some great mischief might be done by the
+defeated party, would not admit any of the slaves but sent them away
+thinking that they would suffer no harm or that at any rate they would
+be scattered and so could cause no more disturbance. But they, fearing
+their masters because they had dared to raise their voices at all
+against them, organized a force and by common consent turned to
+robbery. (Valesius, p. 633.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 103<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 651)</span>2. &#182;The Messenians, believing that
+they would suffer no abuse, had deposited in that place for safe
+keeping all their most valuable and highly prized possessions.
+Athenio, who as a Cilician held the chief command of the robbers, on
+learning this attacked them while they were celebrating a public
+festival in the suburbs, killed many of them as they were scattered
+about, and almost took the city by storm. After building a wall to
+fortify Macella,<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> a strong position, he did serious injury to the
+country. (Valesius, p. 634.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCII">XCII</a><br />B.C. 102<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 652)</span>1.
+&#182;After the defeat of the barbarians though many had fallen in battle
+some few were saved. Whereupon Marius attempted to console these
+sur<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[Pg 348]</a></span>vivors and to make amends by restoring to them all the plunder at
+a nominal price, to prevent its being thought that he had bestowed
+favors gratuitously upon any one. By this act Marius, who previously
+had been the darling of the populace alone because sprung from that
+class and raised to power by it, now won over even the nobles by whom
+he was hated, and was praised equally by all. He received from a
+willing and harmonious people a re&#235;lection for the following year, to
+enable him to subdue his remaining foes. (Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;The Cimbri when they had once halted lost much of their spirit and
+consequently grew duller and weaker in both soul and body. The reason
+was that in place of their former outdoor life they rested in houses,
+instead of their former cold plunges they used warm baths, whereas
+they were wont to eat raw meat they now filled themselves with richly
+spiced dishes and relishes of the country, and they saturated
+themselves, contrary to their custom, with wine and strong drink.
+These practices extinguished all their fiery spirit and enervated
+their bodies, so that they could no longer bear toils or hardships or
+heat or cold or sleeplessness. (Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[Pg 349]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 28, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag</span>. <a name="XCIII">XCIII</a><br />B.C. 99<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 655)</span>1.
+&#182;The son of Metellus besought everybody to such an extent both in
+private and in public to let his father return from exile that he
+received the appellation <i>Pius</i>, i.e. dutiful. (Valesius, p. 638.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;Furius had such enmity toward Metellus that when he was censor he
+took his horse away. (Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p>3. Publius Furius,<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> indicted for his deeds committed in the
+tribuneship, was slain by the Romans in the Comitia itself. He richly
+deserved to die, for he was a seditious person and after first joining
+Saturninus and Glaucia he veered about, deserted to the opposing
+faction, and joined its members; it was not proper, however, for him
+to perish in just this way. And this action seemed to be on the whole
+justifiable. (Valesius, p. 637.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCIV">XCIV</a></span>1. For there were other factional
+leaders, but the greatest authority was possessed by Marcius<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> over
+one group, and by Quintus<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> over the other: these men were eager for
+power, of insatiable ambition, and consequently greatly inclined
+toward strife. Those qualities they possessed in common; but Drusus
+had the advantage of birth, and of wealth, which he lavishly expended
+upon those who at any time made demands upon him, while the other
+greatly surpassed him in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[Pg 350]</a></span> audacity, daring, the anticipation of plots,
+and malignity suitable to the occasion. Hence not unnaturally, since
+they supplemented each other partly by their likeness and partly by
+their differences, they created an extremely strong factional feeling
+which remained even after the death of both. (Valesius, p. 638.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;Drusus and C&#230;pio, formerly great friends and united by mutual ties
+of marriage, became privately at enmity with each other and carried
+their feud even into politics. (Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCV">XCV</a><br />B.C. 92<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 662)</span>1.
+&#182;Rutilius, an upright man, was most unjustly condemned. He was brought
+to court by a preconcerted plan of the knights on a charge of having
+been bribed while serving in Asia as lieutenant under Quintus
+Mucius,<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> and they imposed a fine upon him. The reason for this act
+was their rage at his having ended many of their irregularities in
+connection with the collecting of taxes. (Valesius, p. 637.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;Rutilius made a very able defence, and there was no one of his
+words which would not be the natural utterance of an upright man who
+was being blackmailed and grieved far more for the conditions of the
+State than for his own possessions: he was convicted, however, and
+immediately stripped of his property. This process more than any other
+revealed the fact that he had in no wise deserved the sentence passed
+upon him. He was found to possess much less than<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[Pg 351]</a></span> the accusers had
+charged him with having confiscated from Asia, and he could trace all
+of his goods back to just and lawful sources of acquisition. Such was
+his unworthy treatment, and Marius was not free from responsibility
+for his conviction; a man so excellent and of such good repute had
+been an annoyance to him. Wherefore Rutilius, indignant at the conduct
+of affairs in the city, and disdaining to live longer in the company
+of such a creature, withdrew, though under no compulsion, and went
+even as far as Asia. There for a time he dwelt in Mitylene; then after
+that place had received injury in the Mithridatic war he transferred
+his residence to Smyrna and there lived to the end of his life nor
+wished ever to return home. And in all this he suffered not a whit in
+reputation or plenty. He received many gifts from Mucius and a vast
+number from all the peoples and kings as well who had become
+acquainted with him, till he possessed far more than his original
+property. (Valesius, p. 637.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[Pg 352]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(BOOK 29, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCVI">XCVI</a><br />B.C. 90<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 664)</span>1.
+&#182;Lupus,<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> suspecting that the patricians making the campaign with
+him were revealing his plans to the enemy, sent word about them to the
+senate before he had any definite information,<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> and, as a
+consequence, although they were in no case well disposed<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> toward
+each other through factional differences, he set them still more at
+variance. There would have been even greater disturbance, had not some
+of the Marsi been detected mixing with the foraging parties of the
+Romans and entering the ramparts under the guise of allies, where they
+took cognizance of speeches and actions in the camp and reported them
+to their own men. In consequence of this discovery they ceased to be
+angry with the patricians. (Valesius, p. 641.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;Marius suspected Lupus, although a relative, and through jealousy
+and hope of being appointed consul even a seventh time as the only man
+who could bring success out of the existing situation, bade him delay:
+their men, he said, would have provisions, whereas the other side
+would not be able to hold out for any considerable time when the war
+was in their country. (Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p>3. &#182;The Picentes subdued those who would not join their rebellion and
+abused these men in the presence of their friends and from the heads
+of their wives they tore out the hair along with the skin. (Valesius,
+ib.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[Pg 353]</a></span></p>
+<h3><i>(REMAINS OF BOOKS 30-35, BOISSEVAIN.)</i></h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCVII">XCVII</a></span>1. &#182;Mithridates, when the Roman
+envoys<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> arrived, did not make the slightest move, but after
+bringing some counter-charges and also exhibiting to the envoys the
+amount of his wealth, some of which he had at that time spent on
+various objects public and private, he remained quiet. But Nicomedes,
+elated by their alliance and being in need of money, invaded his
+territory. (Ursinus, p. 386.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;Mithridates despatched envoys to Rome requesting them if they
+deemed Nicomedes a friend to persuade him or compel him to act justly
+toward him, or if not, to allow him (Mithridates) to take measures
+against his foe. They, so far from doing what he wished, even
+threatened him with punishment if he should not give back Cappadocia
+to Ariobarzanes and remain at peace with Nicomedes. His envoys they
+sent away the very day and furthermore ordered him never to send
+another one unless he should render them obedience. (Ursinus, ib.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCVIII">XCVIII</a><br />B.C. 89<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 665)</span>
+&#182;Cato,<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> the greater part of whose army was effeminate and
+superannuated, found his power diminished in every direction: and
+once, when he had ventured to rebuke them because they were unwilling
+to work hard or obey orders readily, he came near being overwhelmed
+with a shower of missiles from them. He would certainly have been
+killed, if they had had plenty of stones; but since the site where
+they were as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[Pg 354]</a></span>sembled was given over to agriculture and happened to be
+very wet, he received no hurt from the clods of earth. The man who
+began the mutiny, Gaius Titius,<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> was arrested: he was a low fellow
+who made his living in the courts and was excessively and shamelessly
+outspoken; he was sent to the city to the tribunes, but escaped
+punishment. (Valesius, p. 641.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="XCIX">XCIX</a><br />B.C. 88<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 666)</span>1.
+&#182;All the Asiatics, at the bidding of Mithridates, massacred the
+Romans; only the people of Tralles did not personally kill any one,
+but hired a certain Theophilus, a Paphlagonian (as if the victims were
+more likely thus to escape destruction, or as if it made any
+difference to them by whom they should be slaughtered). (Valesius, p.
+642.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;The Thracians, persuaded by Mithridates, overran Epirus and the
+rest of the country as far as Dodona, going even to the point of
+plundering the temple of Zeus. (Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="C">C</a><br />B.C. 87<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 667)</span>1.
+&#182;Cinna, as soon as he took possession of the office, was anxious upon
+no one point so much as to drive Sulla out of Italy. He made
+Mithridates his excuse, but in reality wanted this leader to remove
+himself that he might not, by lurking close at hand, prove a hindrance
+to the objects that Cinna had in mind. He fairly distinguished himself
+by his zeal for Sulla and would refuse to promise nothing that pleased
+him. For Sulla, who saw the urgency of the war and was eager for its
+glory, before starting had arranged everything at home for his own
+best interests. He ap<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[Pg 355]</a></span>pointed Cinna and one Gn&#230;us Octavius to be his
+successors, hoping in this way to retain considerable power even while
+absent. The second of the two he understood was generally approved for
+his excellence and good nature, and he thought he would cause no
+trouble: the other he well knew was an unprincipled person, but he did
+not wish to antagonize him, because the man had some influence and was
+ready, as he had said and declared on oath, to assist him in every way
+possible. Sulla himself, though an adept at discovering the minds of
+men and inferring correctly in regard to the nature of things, made a
+thorough mistake in this matter and bequeathed a great war to the
+State. (Valesius, p. 642.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;Octavius was naturally dull in politics. (Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p>3. &#182;The Romans, when civil war set in, sent for Metellus, urging him
+to help them. (Ursinus, p. 386.)</p>
+
+<p>4. &#182;The Romans, at odds with one another, sent for Metellus and bade
+him come to terms with the Samnites, as he best might: for at this
+time they alone were still damaging Campania and the district beyond
+it. He, however, concluded no truce with them. They demanded
+citizenship to be given not to themselves alone but also to those who
+had deserted to their side, refused to give up any of the booty which
+they had, but demanded back all the captives and deserters from their
+own ranks, so that even the senators no longer chose to make peace
+with them on these terms. (Ursinus, p. 385.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[Pg 356]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>5. &#182;When Cinna had put in force again the law regarding the return of
+exiles, Marius and the rest of his followers who had been expelled
+leaped into the city with the army left to them by all the gates at
+once; these they shut, so that no one could make his escape, and
+despatched every man they met, making no distinction, but treating
+them all alike as enemies. They took special pains to destroy any
+persons who had possessions, because they coveted such property, and
+outraged their children and wives as if they had enslaved some foreign
+city. The heads of the most eminent citizens they fastened to the
+rostra. That sight was no less cruel than their ruin; for the thought
+might occur to the spectators that what their ancestors had adorned
+with the beaks of the enemy was now being deformed by the heads of the
+citizens.</p>
+
+<p>For, in fine, so great a desire and greed for slaughter possessed
+Marius, that when he had killed most of his enemies and no one because
+of the great confusion prevailing occurred to him whom he wished to
+destroy, he gave the word to the soldiers to stab all in succession of
+the passers-by to whom he should not extend his hand. For Roman
+affairs had come to this, that a man had to die not only without a
+trial and without having incurred enmity, but by reason of Marius's
+hand not being stretched out. Now naturally in so great a throng and
+uproar it was not only no object to Marius to make the gesture, but it
+was not even possible, no matter how much he wished it, to use his
+hand as he pleased. Hence many died for naught who ought<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[Pg 357]</a></span> certainly on
+every account not to have been slain. The entire number of the
+murdered is beyond finding out; for the slaughter went on five whole
+days and an equal number of nights. (Valesius, p. 642.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 86<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 668)</span>6. &#182;While the Romans were offering
+the New Year's sacrifice at the opening of the season and making their
+vows<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> for their magistrate according to ancestral rites, the son of
+Marius killed a tribune with his own hands, sending his head to the
+consuls, and hurled another from the Capitol,&#8212;a fate which had never
+befallen such an official,&#8212;and debarred two pr&#230;tors from both fire
+and water. (Valesius, p. 645.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CI">CI</a></span>1. &#182;The lieutenant of Flaccus, Fimbria,
+when his chief had reached Byzantium revolted against him. He was in
+all matters very bold and reckless, passionately fond of any notoriety
+whatsoever and contemptuous of all that was superior. This led him at
+that time, after his departure from Rome, to pretend an
+incorruptibility in respect to money and an interest in the soldiers,
+which bound them to him and set them at variance with Flaccus. He was
+the more able to do this because Flaccus was insatiable in regard to
+money, not being content to appropriate what was ordinarily left over,
+but enriching himself even from the soldiers' allowance for food and
+from the booty, which he invariably maintained belonged to him.
+(Valesius, p. 650.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;When Flaccus and Fimbria had arrived at Byzantium and Flaccus
+after commanding them to bivouac outside the wall had gone into the
+city, Fim<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[Pg 358]</a></span>bria seized the occasion to accuse him of having taken
+money, and denounced him, saying that he was living in luxury within,
+whereas they were enduring hardships under the shelter of tents, in
+storm and cold. The soldiers then angrily rushed into the city, killed
+some of those that fell upon them and scattered to the various houses.
+(Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p>3. &#182;On the occasion of some dispute between Fimbria and the qu&#230;stor
+Flaccus threatened to send him back to Rome whether he liked it or
+not, and when the other consequently made some abusive reply deprived
+him of his command. Fimbria set out upon his return with the worst
+possible will and on reaching the soldiers at Byzantium greeted them
+as if he were upon the point of departure, asked for a letter, and
+lamented his fate, pretending to have suffered undeservedly. He
+advised them to remember the help he had given them and to be on their
+guard; and his words contained a hidden reference to Flaccus, implying
+that he had designs upon them. Finding that they accepted his story
+and were well disposed toward him and suspicious of the general, he
+went on still further and incited them to anger by accusing Flaccus of
+various faults, finally stating that he would betray them for money;
+hence the soldiers drove away Thermus, who had been assigned to take
+charge of them. (Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p>4. &#182;Fimbria destroyed many men not to serve the best ends of justice
+nor to secure the greatest benefit to Rome but through bad temper and
+lust of slaughter.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[Pg 359]</a></span> A proof is that he once ordered many crosses to be
+made, to which he was wont to bind them and wear out their lives by
+cruel treatment, and then when these were found to be many more than
+those who were to be put to death he commanded some of the bystanders
+to be arrested and affixed to the crosses that were in excess, that
+they might not seem to have been made in vain. (Valesius, p. 653.)</p>
+
+<p>5. &#182;The same man on capturing Ilium despatched as many persons as he
+could, sparing none, and all but burned the whole city to the ground.
+He took the place not by storm but by guile. After bestowing some
+praise on them for the embassy sent to Sulla and saying that it made
+no difference with which one of the two they ratified a truce (for he
+and Sulla were both Romans) he thereupon went in among them as among
+friends and performed these deeds. (Valesius, ib.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CII">CII</a><br />B.C. 85<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 669)</span>1.
+&#182;Metellus after being defeated by Cinna went to Sulla and was of the
+greatest assistance to him. For in view of his reputation for justice
+and piety not a few who were opposed to Sulla's policy decided that it
+was not without reason that Metellus had joined him but that he chose
+what was really juster and more advantageous for the country, and
+hence they went over to their side. (Valesius, p. 653.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;A thunderbolt fell upon the Capitol, causing the destruction of
+the Sibylline books and of many other things. (Mai, p. 551.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CIII">CIII</a><br />B.C. 83<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 671)</span>
+&#182;Pompey was a son of Strabo, and has been compared by Plutarch with
+Agesilaus the Laced&#230;monian.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[Pg 360]</a></span> Indignant at those who held the city he
+proceeded absolutely alone to Picenum before he had quite yet come to
+man's estate: from the inhabitants on account of his father's position
+of command he collected a small band and set up an individual
+sovereignty, thinking to perform some famous exploit by himself; then
+he joined the party of Sulla. Beginning in this way he became no less
+a man than his chief, but, as his title indicates, grew to be &quot;Great.&quot;
+(Valesius, p. 653.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CIV">CIV</a><br />B.C. 82<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 672)</span>&#182;Sulla
+delivered the army to a man<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> who was in no wise distinguished<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>
+nor generally commended, in spite of the fact that he had many who had
+been with him from the beginning superior in both experience and
+action, whom up to that time he had employed in all emergencies and
+treated as most faithful. Before he became victor he was accustomed to
+make requests of them and use their assistance to the fullest extent.
+But as he drew near his dream of absolute dominion, he made no account
+of them any longer but reposed his trust rather in the basest men who
+were not conspicuous for family or possessed of a reputation for
+uprightness. The reason was that he saw that such persons were ready
+to assist him in all his projects, even the vilest; and he thought
+they would be most grateful to him if they should obtain even very
+small favors, would never show contempt nor lay claim to either his
+deeds or his plans. The virtuous element, on the other hand, would not
+be willing to help him in his evil-doing but would even rebuke him;
+they would de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[Pg 361]</a></span>mand rewards for benefits conferred, according to merit,
+would feel no gratitude for them but take them as something due, and
+would claim his actions and counsels as their own. (Valesius, p. 654.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CV">CV</a></span>1. &#182;Sulla up to that day that he
+conquered the Samnites had been a conspicuous figure, possessing a
+renown from his leadership and plans, and was believed to be most
+devoted to humaneness and piety, so that all thought that he had
+Fortune as an ally because of his excellence. After this event he
+changed so much that one would not say his earlier and his later deeds
+were those of the same person. This probably shows that he could not
+endure good fortune. Acts that he censured in other persons while he
+was still weak, and others, far more outrageous even, he committed: it
+had presumably always been his wish to do so, but he had been hindered
+by lack of opportunity. This fact produced a strong conviction in the
+minds of some that bad luck has not a little to do with creating a
+reputation for virtue.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> As soon as Sulla had vanquished the
+Samnites and thought he had put an end to the war (the rest of it he
+held of no account) he changed his tactics and, as it were, left his
+former personality behind outside the wall and in the battle, and
+proceeded to surpass Cinna and Marius and all their associates
+combined. Treatment that he had given to no one of the foreign peoples
+that had opposed him he bestowed upon his native land, as if he had
+subdued that as well. In the first place he sent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[Pg 362]</a></span> forthwith the heads
+of Damasippus and the members of his party stuck on poles to Pr&#230;neste,
+and many of those who voluntarily surrendered he killed as if he had
+caught them without their consent. The next day he ordered the
+senators to assemble at the temple of Bellona, giving them the idea
+that he would make some defence of his conduct, and ordered those
+captured alive to meet at the so-called &quot;public&quot; field,<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> pretending
+that he would enroll them in the lists. This last class he had other
+men slay, and many persons from the city, mixed in among them,
+likewise perished: to the senators he himself at the same time
+addressed a most bitter speech. (Valesius, p. 654.)</p>
+
+<p>2. &#182;The massacre of the captured persons was going on even under
+Sulla's direction with unabated fury, and as they were being killed
+near the temple the great uproar and lamentation that they made, their
+shrieks and wails, invaded the senate-house, so that the senate was
+terrified for two reasons. The second of the two was that they were
+not far from expecting that they themselves, also, might yet suffer
+some terrible injury, so unholy were both his words and his actions:
+therefore many, cut to the heart with grief at the thought of reality
+and possibility, wished that they themselves belonged to the number of
+men already dead outside, and so might secure a respite at last from
+fear. Their cases, however, were postponed, while the rest were
+slaughtered and thrown into the river, so that the savagery of
+Mithridates, deemed so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[Pg 363]</a></span> terrible, in slaughtering all the Romans in
+Asia in one day, was now held to be of slight importance in comparison
+with the number massacred and their manner of death. Nor did the
+terror stop here, but the slaughters which began at this point as if
+by a kind of signal occurred in the country district and all the
+cities of Italy. Toward many Sulla himself showed hatred and toward
+many others his companions did the same, some truthfully and some in
+pretence, in order that displaying by the similarity of their deeds a
+character similar to his and establishing him as their friend they
+might not, by any dissimilarity, incur suspicion, seem to be reproving
+him at all, and so endanger themselves. They murdered all whom they
+saw to surpass them either in wealth or in any other respect, some
+through envy and others on account of their possessions. For under
+such conditions many neutral persons even, though they might have
+taken neither side, became subject to some private complaint, as
+surpassing some one in excellence or wealth and family. No safety was
+visible for any one against those in power who wished to commit an
+injustice in any case. (Valesius, p. 657.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">B.C. 81<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 673)</span>3. &#182;Such calamities held Rome
+encompassed. Who could narrate the insults to the living, many of
+which were offered to women, and many to the noblest and most
+prominent children, as if they were captives in war? Yet those acts,
+though most distressing, yet at least in their similarity to others
+that had previously taken place seemed endurable to such persons as
+were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[Pg 364]</a></span> away from them. But Sulla was not satisfied, nor was he content
+to do the same as others: a certain longing came over him to far excel
+all in the variety of his slaughters, as if there were some virtue in
+being second to none even in bloodguiltiness, and so he exposed to
+view a new device, a whitened tablet, on which he inscribed the names.
+Notwithstanding this all previous atrocities continued undiminished,
+and not even those whose names were not inscribed on the tablets were
+in safety. For many, some living and others actually dead, had their
+names subsequently inscribed at the pleasure of the slayers, so that
+in this aspect the phenomenon exhibited no novelties, and equally by
+its terror and its absurdity distressed absolutely every one. The
+tablets were exposed like some register of senators or list of
+soldiers approved, and all those passing by at one time or another ran
+eagerly to it in crowds, with the idea that it contained some
+favorable announcement: then many found relatives' names and some,
+indeed, their own inscribed for death, whereupon their condition,
+overwhelmed by such a sudden disaster, was a terrible one; many of
+them, making themselves known by their behavior, perished. There was
+no particle of safety for any one outside of Sulla's company. For
+whether a man approached the tablets, he incurred censure for meddling
+with matters not concerning him, or if he did not approach he was
+regarded as a malcontent. The man who read the list through or asked
+any question about anything inscribed became suspected of enquiring
+about himself<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[Pg 365]</a></span> or his companions, and the one who did not read or
+enquire was suspected of being displeased at it and for that reason
+incurred hatred. Tears or laughter proved fatal on the instant: hence
+many were destroyed not because they had said or done anything
+forbidden, but because they either drew a long face or smiled. Their
+attitudes were so carefully observed as this, and it was possible for
+no one either to mourn or to exult over an enemy, but even the latter
+class were slaughtered on the ground that they were jeering at
+something. Furthermore many found trouble in their very names, for
+some who were unacquainted with the proscribed applied their names to
+whomsoever they pleased, and thus many perished in the place of
+others. This resulted in great confusion, some naming any man they met
+just as ever they pleased, and the others denying that they were so
+called. Some were slaughtered while still ignorant of the fact that
+they were to die, and others, who had been previously informed,
+anywhere that they happened to be; and there was no place for them
+either holy or sacred, no safe retreat, no refuge. Some, to be sure,
+by perishing suddenly before learning of the catastrophe hanging over
+them, and some at the moment they received the news, were fortunately
+relieved of the terrors preceding death: those who were warned in
+advance and hid themselves found it a very difficult matter to escape.
+They did not dare to withdraw, for fear of being detected, nor could
+they endure to remain where they were for fear of betrayal. Very many
+of them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[Pg 366]</a></span> were betrayed by their associates and those dearest to them,
+and so perished. Consequently not those whose names were inscribed
+merely, but the rest, as well, suffered in anticipation. (Valesius,
+pp. 658-662.)</p>
+
+<p>4. &#182;The heads of all those slaughtered in any place were brought to
+the Roman Forum and exposed on the rostra, so that as often as
+proscriptions were issued, so often did the heads appear. (Valesius,
+ib.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CVI">CVI</a><br />B.C. 74<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 680)</span>
+Lucullus said that he would rather have rescued one Roman from danger
+than have captured at one stroke all the forces of the enemy. (Mai, p.
+551.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CVII">CVII</a></span>1. For titles do not change the
+characters of men, but one makes titles take on new meanings according
+to one's management of affairs. Many monarchs are the source of
+blessings to their subjects,&#8212;wherefore such a state is called a
+kingdom,&#8212;whereas many who live under a democracy work innumerable
+evils to themselves. (Mai, p. 556. Cp. Frag. XII.)</p>
+
+<p>2. For nothing leads on an army or anything else requiring some
+control to better or worse like the character and habits of the person
+presiding over it. The disposition and character of their leaders the
+majority imitate, and they do whatever they see them doing, some from
+real inclination, and others as a mere pretence. (Mai, p. 556.)</p>
+
+<p>3. The subservient element is wont ever to shape itself according to
+the disposition of its rulers. (Mai, p. 560, from Antonius Melissa, p.
+78, ed. Tigur.)</p>
+
+<p>4. For who would not prefer to be upright and at his death to lie in
+the bosom of the State, rather than to behold her devastated? (Mai, p.
+557.)</p>
+
+<p>5. If any one were building a house for you where<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[Pg 367]</a></span> you were not going
+to remain, you would think the undertaking a loss: do you now wish to
+grow rich in that place from which you must depart repeatedly before
+evening? (Mai, ib.)</p>
+
+<p>6. Do you not know that we tarry in others' domains just like
+strangers and sojourners? Do you not know that it is the lot of
+sojourners to be driven out when they are not expecting or looking for
+it? That is our case. (Mai, ib.)</p>
+
+<p>7. Who would not choose to die from one blow, and that with no pain or
+very little, instead of after sickness? Who would not pray to depart
+from a sound body with sound spirits rather than to rot with some
+decay or dropsy, or wither away in hunger? (Mai, ib.)</p>
+
+<p>8. Things hoped for that fail of realization are wont to grieve some
+persons more than the loss of things never expected at all. They
+regard the latter as far from them and so pursue them less, as if they
+belonged to others, whereas the former they approach closely, and
+grieve for them as if deprived of rightful possessions. (Mai, p. 558.)</p>
+
+<p>9. Expectation of danger, without danger, puts the person expecting in
+the position of having made things secure beforehand through imagining
+some coming unpleasantness. (Mai, p. 560, from Antonius Melissa.)</p>
+
+<p>10. To be elated by good fortune is like running the stadium race on a
+slippery course. (Mai, ib., also from Antonius.)</p>
+
+<p>11. The same author [i.e., Dio the Roman] said: &quot;Is it not an outrage
+to trouble the gods, when we ourselves are not willing to do what the
+gods deem to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[Pg 368]</a></span> in our power?&quot; (Mai, p. 561, from the Anthology of
+Arsenius.)</p>
+
+<p>12. The same said: &quot;It is much better to win some success and be
+envied than to fail and be pitied.&quot; (Mai, ib., from Arsenius.)</p>
+
+<p>13. The same said: &quot;It is impossible for any one who acts contrary to
+right principles to derive any benefit from them.&quot; (Mai, p. 562.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap">Frag.</span> <a name="CVIII">CVIII</a><br />B.C. 70<br />(<i>a.u.</i> 684)</span>The
+Cretans sent an embassy to the Romans, hoping to renew the old truce
+and furthermore to obtain some kindness for their preservation of the
+qu&#230;stor and his fellow soldiers. But they, rather imbued with anger at
+their failure to overcome the Cretans than grateful to the enemy for
+not having destroyed them, made no reasonable answer and demanded back
+from them all the captives and deserters. They demanded hostages and
+large sums of money, required the largest ships and the chief men to
+be given up, and would not wait for an answer from the envoys' country
+but sent out one of the consuls immediately to take possession of
+those things and make war upon them if they failed to give,&#8212;as proved
+to be the case. For the men who at the outset, before any such demand
+was made and before they had conquered, had refused to make terms
+would naturally not endure after their victory the imposition of
+exorbitant demands of such a character. The Romans knowing this
+clearly and suspecting further that the envoys would try to corrupt
+some persons with money, so as to hinder the expedition, voted in the
+senate that no one should lend them anything. (Ursinus, p. 388.)</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>FOOTNOTES</h2>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Iahni Annales, vol. 141, p. 290 sqq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Mommsen (Hermes VI, pp. 82-89); Haupt (Hermes XIV, pp.
+36-64, and XV, p. 160); Boissevain (Program, Rotterdam, 1884).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This would give Dio a considerably longer life than is
+commonly allowed him.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> See
+  <a href="#Page_22">p. 22</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> The first alternative agrees with Plutarch, who, at the
+end of his life of Numa (chapter 22), says that this death by
+lightning of Tullus Hostilius caused many among the population at
+large to revere that religion which their king had for so long a time
+neglected.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Zonaras spells <i>Acillius</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Zonaras spells it <i>Veturina</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> This was probably one of the Manlii Cincinnati.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> The second &quot;Manlius&quot; is evidently an error of Zonaras.
+The name should be <i>Fabius</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Zonaras spells <i>Cicinatus</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> The town is called <i>Corbio</i> by Livy (II, 39, 4).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Zonaras spells <i>Icillius</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Near the end of
+  <a href="#VII_17">VII, 17</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> In Greek, <i>Birdless</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> In Roman records these persons are known respectively as
+L. Postumius <span class="smcap">L. f. L. n.</span> Megellus and Q. Mamilius <span class="smcap">Q. f.
+M. n.</span> Vitulus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> This name should in both cases be Gn&#230;us.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> [See previous footnote.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> A. Atilius Calatinus is meant.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Apparently a mistake for <i>Sulpicius</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> [See previous footnote.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Zonaras spells <i>Pl&#230;tinus</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> This is A. Atilius Calatinus again.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> A mistake for Gaius Aurelius and Publius Servilius, as
+at the beginning of Chapter 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> [See previous footnote.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> But Valerius Maximus (II, 7, 4) calls him P. Aurelius
+Pecuniola.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> <i>A. Atilius Calatinus</i> once more.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> [See previous footnote.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> This is a mistake, due to the carelessness of Zonaras.
+Some Gallic tribe is evidently meant.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Gn&#230;us Scipio is meant whenever Zonaras writes this
+form.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Zonaras consistently spells this name <i>Lavinius</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Possibly an error on the part of Zonaras for
+<i>proconsuls</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> By comparing other authors the names Alinius and
+Plautius are found to be the corruptions of some copyists for Dasius
+and Blattius.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> [See previous footnote.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> A corruption for Pityus&#230;.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Or, in other words, Balearis Major and Balearis Minor.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> [See previous footnote.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Dio probably wrote <i>C&#230;pio</i> here.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Zonaras consistently spells <i>Flaminius</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> This name is erroneously written by Zonaras for Gn&#230;us.
+(Cp. Polybius 28, 3, 2; 31, 12 (also 13, 19, and 20); 32, 4 to 7.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Presumably an error for the <i>Nestus</i>, a well-known
+stream.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> This is Q. Pompeius A. <span class="smcap">f.</span> Nepos (consul B.C.
+141).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> <i>Q. Servilius C&#230;pio</i> (consul B.C. 140).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Adopting Reiske's conjecture <span lang="el" title="Greek: hypomeinai epsêsen">'&#965;&#960;&#959;&#956;&#949;&#953;&#957;&#945;&#953; &#949;&#968;&#951;&#963;&#949;&#957;</span>
+in place of the MS. <span lang="el" title="Greek: hypomeinai epoiêses">'&#965;&#960;&#959;&#956;&#949;&#953;&#957;&#945;&#953; &#949;&#960;&#959;&#953;&#951;&#963;&#949;&#962;</span>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> These are the censors for the year B.C. 136, Ap.
+Claudius Pulcher and Q. Fulvius Nobilior.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> See note,
+  <a href="#Page_335">page 335</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> P. Furius Philus (consul B.C. 136).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> In the original the word &quot;wept&quot; is repeated. Van
+Herwerden thinks that the second one should be deleted, but Schenkl
+prefers to substitute an adverb in place of the first. In the
+translation I have used an adverb giving nearly the same force as the
+repetition of the verb.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> One may supply here, as Reiske suggests, &quot;would have
+been overthrown&quot;, &quot;would have been humbled&quot;, or &quot;would have been
+brought low&quot;.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Reading <span lang="el" title="Greek: eti aselgeias">&#949;&#964;&#953; &#945;&#963;&#949;&#955;&#947;&#949;&#953;&#945;&#962;</span> (Boissevain's emendation)
+in place of the unintelligible <span lang="el" title="Greek: aitias algein">&#945;&#953;&#964;&#953;&#945;&#962; &#945;&#955;&#947;&#949;&#953;&#957;</span> of the MS.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Namely, L. Betutius Barrus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> A slave of the aforesaid Barrus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Possibly an error for <i>Gaudas</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> <i>Cn. Manlius Maximus</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> <i>M. Aurelius Scaurus</i> (consul suffectus B.C. 108).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Possibly the modern <i>Macellaro</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> He was tribune of the plebs, B.C. 99.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> <i>M. Livius Drusus.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> <i>Q. Servilius C&#230;pio.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> The clause as found in the MS. gives no sense. The
+translation here is on the basis of an emendation suggested by
+Boissevain.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> <i>P. Rutilius Lupus</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> There are two gaps in the MS. here. &quot;Had ...
+information&quot; is a conjecture of Tafel and Gros; and &quot;well disposed
+toward each other&quot; of Reiske, who compares Book Fifty, chapter 16, of
+Dio.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> [See previous footnote.]</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Their leader was M.' Aquilius.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> <i>L. Porcius Cato</i> (consul B.C. 89).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Properly <i>C. Titinius Sisenna</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Reading <span lang="el" title="Greek: euchas">&#949;&#965;&#967;&#945;&#962;</span> (Reiske, Boissevain) in place of
+<span lang="el" title="Greek: archas">&#945;&#961;&#967;&#945;&#962;</span>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> <i>Q. Lucretius Ofella.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Supplying <span lang="el" title="Greek: mêt' epiphanei">&#956;&#951;&#964;' &#949;&#960;&#953;&#966;&#945;&#957;&#949;&#953;</span>, with Reiske.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Adopting Reiske's suggestion for filling out a lacuna in
+the sense.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> The <i>villa publica</i>.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr class="full" />
+<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIO'S ROME, VOLUME 1 (OF 6)***</p>
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+</pre>
+</body>
+</html>
diff --git a/18047.txt b/18047.txt
new file mode 100644
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--- /dev/null
+++ b/18047.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,9843 @@
+The Project Gutenberg eBook, Dio's Rome, Volume 1 (of 6), by Cassius Dio,
+Translated by Herbert Baldwin Foster
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+
+
+
+Title: Dio's Rome, Volume 1 (of 6)
+       An Historical Narrative Originally Composed in Greek during the Reigns of Septimius Severus, Geta and Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and Alexander Severus: and Now Presented in English Form
+
+
+Author: Cassius Dio
+
+
+
+Release Date: March 24, 2006  [eBook #18047]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII)
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIO'S ROME, VOLUME 1 (OF 6)***
+
+
+E-text prepared by Ted Garvin, Linda Cantoni, and the Project Gutenberg
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net/)
+
+
+
+DIO'S ROME
+
+An
+Historical Narrative Originally Composed in Greek During the Reigns of
+Septimius Severus, Geta and Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and
+Alexander Severus:
+And
+Now Presented in English Form
+
+by
+
+HERBERT BALDWIN FOSTER,
+
+A.B. (Harvard), Ph.D. (Johns Hopkins),
+Acting Professor of Greek in Lehigh University
+
+FIRST VOLUME
+
+_Gleanings from the Lost Books_
+
+I. The Epitome of Books 1-21 arranged by Ioannes Zonaras, Soldier and
+Secretary, in the Monastery of Mt. Athos, about 1130 A.D.
+
+II. Fragments of Books 22-35.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Troy New York
+Pafraets Book Company
+1905
+Copyright 1905
+Pafraets Book Company
+Troy New York
+
+
+
+
+_To
+
+My Friend Teacher and Inspirer
+
+Mr. Gildersleeve of Baltimore
+
+Who Has Won to the Age of Greek Lore even as to the Youth of Greek
+Life
+
+I Offer a Redundant Tribute_
+
+
+
+
+VOLUME CONTENTS
+
+
+                                                              PAGE
+
+Concerning the Translation                                     vii
+
+Concerning the Original                                          1
+
+  (a) The Writing                                                3
+
+  (b) The Writer                                                33
+
+A Select List of Dissertations on Dio                           43
+
+Magazine Articles and Notes on Dio (1884-1904)                  49
+
+Plan of the Entire Work (as Conjectured by A. von Gutschmid)    61
+
+An Epitome of the Lost Books 1-21 (by Ioannes Zonaras)          67
+
+Fragments of Books 22-35 (from various sources)                329
+
+Fragment LXXIII                                                331
+
+Fragment LXXIV                                                 332
+
+Fragment LXXV                                                  332
+
+Fragment LXXVI                                                 333
+
+Fragment LXXVII                                                333
+
+Fragment LXXVIII                                               334
+
+Fragment LXXIX                                                 335
+
+Fragment LXXX                                                  335
+
+Fragment LXXXI                                                 336
+
+Fragment LXXXII                                                337
+
+Fragment LXXXIII                                               339
+
+Fragment LXXXIV                                                340
+
+Fragment LXXXV                                                 341
+
+Fragment LXXXVI                                                342
+
+Fragment LXXXVII                                               342
+
+Fragment LXXXVIII                                              345
+
+Fragment LXXXIX                                                345
+
+Fragment XC                                                    346
+
+Fragment XCI                                                   346
+
+Fragment XCII                                                  347
+
+Fragment XCIII                                                 349
+
+Fragment XCIV                                                  349
+
+Fragment XCV                                                   350
+
+Fragment XCVI                                                  352
+
+Fragment XCVII                                                 353
+
+Fragment XCVIII                                                353
+
+Fragment XCIX                                                  354
+
+Fragment C                                                     354
+
+Fragment CI                                                    357
+
+Fragment CII                                                   359
+
+Fragment CIII                                                  359
+
+Fragment CIV                                                   360
+
+Fragment CV                                                    361
+
+Fragment CVI                                                   366
+
+Fragment CVII                                                  366
+
+Fragment CVIII                                                 368
+
+
+
+
+CONCERNING THE TRANSLATION
+
+
+Cassius Dio, one of the three original sources for Roman history to be
+found in Greek literature, has been accessible these many years to the
+reader of German, of French, and even of Italian, but never before has
+he been clothed complete in English dress. In the Harvard College
+Library is deposited the fruit of a slight effort in that direction, a
+diminutive volume dated two centuries back, the title page of which
+(agog with queer italics) reads as follows:
+
+
+THE
+
+HISTORY
+
+OF
+
+DION CASSIUS
+
+ABBRIDG'D BY XIPHILIN
+
+CONTAINING
+
+The most considerable Passages under the _Roman_ emperors from the
+time of _Pompey_ the Great, to the Reign of _Alexander Severus_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In Two Volumes
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Done from the _Greek_, by Mr. Manning
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Tametsi haudquaquam par gloria sequatur Scriptorem, & Authorem rerum,
+tamen in primis arduum videtur res gestas scribere. Salust.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_London_: Printed for _A._ and _J. Churchill_, in _Paternoster Row_,
+1704.
+
+
+Four hundred and seven small pages, over and above the Epistle
+Dedicatory, are contained in Volume One. Really, however, this is not
+the true Dio at all, but merely his shadow, seized and distorted to
+satisfy the ideas of his epitomizer, the monk Xiphilinus, who was
+separated from him by a thousand years in the flesh and another
+thousand in the spirit. Of the little specimens here and there
+translated for this man's or that man's convenience no mention need
+here be made. Hence, practically speaking, Dio now for the first time
+emerges in his impressive stature before the English-speaking public
+after there has elapsed since his own day a period twice as long as
+then constituted the extent of that history which was his theme.
+
+The present version, begun while I was serving as Acting Professor of
+Greek at St. Stephen's College, Annandale, N.Y., has been carried
+forward during such intervals of leisure as I could snatch from an
+overflowing schedule at the University of South Dakota. It has been my
+companion on many journeys and six states have witnessed its progress
+toward completion. In spite of the time consumed it seems in
+retrospect not far short of presumptuous to have tried in three or
+four years to put into acceptable English what Dio spent twelve in
+writing down. Yet the task was not quite the same, for half of this
+historian's books have been caught up and whirled away in the cyclone
+of time; and who knows whether they still possess any resting-place
+above or beneath the earth?
+
+The text originally chosen as the basis for the translation was that
+of Melber, the idea of the translator being that the Teubner edition
+would be the most convenient and readily obtainable standard of
+reference for any one who wished to compare the Greek and the English.
+Hence the numbering of the Fragments is that of Melber (subdivisions
+are distinguished by a notation simpler than that of the original
+"sections"). Since no Teubner volumes beyond the second proved to be
+forthcoming, the rest of the work followed the stereotyped Tauchnitz
+edition, which also enjoys a large circulation. This text, however,
+contained so many cases of corruption and clumsiness that it seemed
+best to work over carefully nearly all of the latter portion of the
+English and to embody as many as possible of the improvements of
+Boissevain. Incidentally Boissevain's interior arrangement of all the
+later books was adopted, though it was deemed preferable (for mere
+readiness of reference) to adhere to the old external division of
+books established by Leunclavius. (Boissevain's changes are, however,
+indicated.) The Tauchnitz text with all its inaccuracies endeavors to
+present a coherent and readable narrative, and this is something which
+the exactitude of Boissevain does not at all times permit. In the
+translation I have striven to follow a conservative course, and at
+some points a straightforward narrative interlarded with brackets will
+give evidence of its origin in Tauchnitz, whereas at others loose,
+disjointed paragraphs betray the hand of Boissevain who would not
+willingly let Xiphilinus and Dio ride in the same compartment. My main
+desire through it all has been not so much to attain a logical unity
+of form as to present a history which shall look well and read well in
+English. For this reason also I have banished most of the Fragments
+(which must have only a comparatively limited interest) to the last
+volume and have replaced them in my first by portions of Zonaras
+(taken from Melber) which have their origin in Dio and are at the same
+time clear, comprehensible, and connected.
+
+Should any person object that even so my text does not offer eye and
+ear a pellucid field for smooth advance, I must reply that the
+original is likewise very far from being a serene and joyous highway;
+and it has not appeared to me necessary or desirable to improve upon
+the form of Dio's record further than the difference in the genius of
+the two languages demanded. I am reminded here of what Francisque
+Reynard says regarding the difficulties of Boccaccio, and because of a
+similarity in the situation I venture to quote from the preface of his
+(French) version of the Decameron:
+
+"Dans son admiration exclusive des anciens, Boccace a pris pour modele
+Ciceron et sa longue periode academique, dans laquelle les incidences
+se greffent sur les incidences, poursuivant l'idee jusqu'au bout, et
+ne la laissant que lorsqu'elle est epuisee, comme le souffle ou
+l'attention de celui qui lit.... Aussi le plus souvent sa phraseologie
+est-elle fort complexe, et pour suivre le fil de l'idee premiere,
+faut-il apporter une attention soutenue. Ce qui est deja une
+difficulte de lecture dans le texte italien, devient un obstacle
+tres serieux quand on a a traduire ces interminables phrases en
+francais moderne, prototype de precision, de clarte, de logique
+grammaticale.... Je sais bien qu'il y a un moyen commode de
+l'eluder...: c'est de couper les phrases et d'en faire, d'une seule,
+deux, trois, quatre, autant qu'il est besoin. Mais a ce jeu on change
+notablement la physionomie de l'original, et c'est ce que je ne puis
+admettre."
+
+As is Boccaccio to Cicero, so is Cassius Dio, _mutatis mutandis_, to
+Thukydides; and of course the imitator improves upon the model.
+Imagine a man who out-Paters Pater when Pater shall be but a memory,
+and you begin to secure a vision of the style of this Roman senator,
+who accentuates every peculiarity of the tragic historian's packed
+periods; and whereas his great predecessor made sentences so long as
+to cause mediaeval scholars heartily to wish him in the Barathron,
+books and all, comes forward six hundred years later marshaling phrase
+upon phrase, clause upon clause, till a modern is forced to exclaim:
+"What, will the line stretch out to the crack of doom?" Now I have
+dealt with these complexes in different ways; and sometimes I have
+cleft and hacked and wrenched them out of all semblance of their
+original shape, and sometimes I have hauled them almost entire, like a
+cable, tangled with particles, out of the sea-bed of departed days.
+
+This principle of inconsistency which I have pursued in varying the
+rendering of long sentences, periodic or loose, according to external
+modifying conditions, may be observed also in certain other features
+of the book. For I have felt obliged to allow inconsistency of letter
+in the hope of approaching a consistency of spirit. I suppose that the
+ideal plan to follow in a translation would be to let a given English
+word represent a given Greek word, so that "beautiful" should occur as
+many times in the English version as [Greek: kalos] in the original,
+and "strength" as many times as [Greek: rhome]. Such a scheme,
+however, is not feasible in a passage of any length, and its
+impossibility simply goes to show what a makeshift translation is and
+always has been, after all. Therefore single Greek words will be found
+reproduced by various English terms, but with that color which seems
+best adapted to the context.
+
+Again, in spelling I have chosen a method not unknown to recent
+historians, which consists in anglicising familiar proper names that
+are household words, like Antony, Catiline, etc., but keeping the
+classical Latin form for persons less well known, as Antonius the
+grandfather of Mark Antony. To the names of gods I have given a Latin
+dress unless a particular god happened to be named by a Greek on Greek
+soil. Similarly in geographical or topographical designations the
+translator of Dio must needs confront a more difficult situation than
+did Dio himself. Greek reduces _all_ names to its own basis. In
+English one must often select from the Latin form, Greek form, Native
+form, or Anglicised form. Since Dio lived in Italy and was to all
+intents and purposes a Roman I decided to make the Latin form the
+standard, and admit rarely the Anglicised form, less often the Greek,
+and least often the Native. As to the minutiae of spelling I need
+scarcely say that I have been tremendously aided by Boissevain's
+exhaustive studies, briefly summarized in his notes. This painstaking
+care, for which he feels almost obliged to apologize, will lend a
+permanent lustre to his invaluable work.
+
+That many errors must have crept into an undertaking of this magnitude
+I have only too vivid forebodings, and this in spite of no
+inconsiderable efforts of mine to avoid them: herein I can but beg the
+clemency of my readers and judges and hope that such faults may be
+found to be mostly of a minor character. And perhaps I can do no
+better than to make common cause at once with Mr. Francis Manning
+whose book I recently mentioned; for, in his Epistle Dedicatory "To
+The | Right Honourable | CHARLES | Earl of Orrery", he voices as well
+as possible the feelings with which I write on the dedication page the
+name of Professor Gildersleeve:
+
+"Your Lordship will forgive me for detaining you thus long with
+relation to the Work I have made bold to present you with in our own
+Tongue. How well it is perform'd, I must leave entirely to my Readers.
+I assume nothing to myself but an endeavour to make my Author speak
+intelligible _English_. I shall only add what my Subject leads me to,
+and what for my Reader's sake I ought to mention: That as there are
+but few Authors that can present any Book to your Lordship in most
+other Languages, and on most of the Learned Subjects, but might wish
+they had been assisted by your Lordship's Skill and Knowledge therein,
+as well as Patronage and Protection; so the Translator of this _Greek_
+Historian in particular must lament, that notwithstanding all his
+Industry and Pains, he is faln infinitely short of that great
+Judgment, Nicety and Criticism in the _Greek_ Language, which your
+Lordship has in your Writings made appear to the World."
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Dio has long served as a source to writers treating topics of greater
+or less length in Roman history. He is now presented entire to the
+casual reader: his veracious narrative must ever continue to interest
+the historical student, who may correct him by others or others by
+him, the ecclesiastic, to whom is here offered so graphic a picture of
+the conditions surrounding early Christianity, and the literary man,
+who finds the limpid stream of Hellenic diction far from its source
+grow turbid and turgid in turning the mill wheels for this dealer in
+[Greek: onkos]. Dio's faults are patent, but his excellencies,
+fortunately, are patent, too; and the world may rejoice that in an age
+of lust and bloodshed this serious-minded magistrate bethought him to
+record with religious exactness what he believed to be the truth
+respecting the Kingdom, the Republic, and the Empire of Rome even to
+his own day.
+
+I desire in conclusion to express especial gratitude and appreciation
+for assistance and suggestions to Professor C.W.E. Miller of Johns
+Hopkins University, Professors J.H. Wright and A.A. Howard of Harvard
+University, and to Mr. A.T. Robinson of the Massachusetts Institute of
+Technology. Likewise I must acknowledge my obligations, in the
+elucidation of particularly vexed and corrupt passages, to the
+illuminative comments of Sturz, or Wagner, or Gros, or Boissee, or all
+combined. Additional thanks are due to many others who have helped or
+shall yet help to make Dio in English a success.
+
+HERBERT BALDWIN FOSTER.
+
+BETHLEHEM, PENNSYLVANIA,
+     June, 1905.
+
+
+
+
+CONCERNING THE ORIGINAL.
+
+
+
+
+A.--THE WRITING.
+
+
+Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Roman senator and praetor, when about forty
+years of age delivered himself of a pamphlet describing the dreams and
+omens that had led the general Septimius Severus to hope for the
+imperial office which he actually secured. One evening there came to
+the author a note of thanks from the prince; and the temporary
+satisfaction of the recipient was continued in his dreams, wherein his
+guiding angel seemed to urge him to write a detailed account of the
+reign of the unworthy Commodus (Book Seventy-two), just ended. Once
+again did Dio glow beneath the imperial felicitations and those of the
+public. Inoculated with the bacillus of publication and animated by a
+strong desire for immortality,--a wish happily realized,--he undertook
+the prodigious task of giving to the world a complete account of Roman
+events from the beginning to so late a date as Fortune might
+vouchsafe. Forthwith he began the accumulation of materials, a task in
+which ten active years (A.D. 200 to 210) were utilized. The actual
+labor of composition, continued for twelve years more at intervals of
+respite from duties of state, brought him in his narrative to the
+inception of the reign of his original patron, the first Severus.--All
+the foregoing facts are given us as Dio's own statement, in what is at
+present the twenty-third chapter of the seventy-second book, by that
+painter in miniature, Ioannes Xiphilinus.
+
+It was now the year A.D. 223, Dio was either consul for the first time
+(as some assert) or had the consular office behind him, the world was
+richer by the loss of Elagabalus, and Alexander Severus reigned in his
+stead. Under this emperor the remaining books (Seventy-three to
+Eighty, inclusive) must have been composed, for Dio puts the finishing
+touches on his history in 229. Since by that time he was nearly eighty
+years of age and since he has written of no reign subsequent to
+Alexander's, we may conclude that he did not survive his master, who
+died in 235. The sum total of his efforts, then, as he left it,
+consisted of eighty books, covering a period from 1064 B.C. to 229
+A.D. At present there are extant of that number complete only Books
+Thirty-six to Sixty inclusive, treating the events of the years 68
+B.C. to 47 A.D. The last twenty books, Sixty-one to Eighty, appear in
+fairly reliable excerpts and epitomes, but for the first thirty-five
+books we are dependent upon the merest scraps and fragments. How and
+by what steps this great work disintegrated, and in what form it has
+been preserved to modern times, this it is to be our next business to
+trace.
+
+It seems that Dio's work had no immediate influence, but "Time brings
+roses", and in the Byzantine age we find that he had come to be
+regarded as the canonical example of the way in which Roman History
+should be written. Before this desirable result, however, had been
+brought to pass, Books Twenty-two to Thirty-five inclusive had
+disappeared. These gave the events of the years from the destruction
+of Carthage and Corinth (in the middle of the second century B.C.) to
+the activity of Lucullus in 69. A like fate befell Books Seventy and
+Seventy-one at an early date. The first twenty-one books and the last
+forty-five (save the two above noted) seem to have been extant in
+their original forms at least as late as the twelfth century. Which
+end of the already syncopated composition was the first to go the way
+of all flesh (and parchment, too,) it would not be an easy matter to
+determine. It is regarded by most scholars as certain that Ioannes
+Zonaras, who lived in the twelfth century, had the first twenty-one
+and the last forty-five for his epitomes. Hultsch, to be sure,
+advances the opinion[1] that Books One to Twenty-one had by that time
+fallen into a condensed form, the only one accessible; but the
+majority of scholars are against him. After Zonaras's day both One to
+Twenty-one and Sixty-one to Eighty suffer the corruption of moth and
+of worm.
+
+[Footnote 1: Iahni Annales, vol. 141, p. 290 sqq.]
+
+The world has, then, in this twentieth century, those entire books of
+Dio which have already been mentioned,--Thirty-six to Sixty,--and
+something more. Let us first consider, accordingly, the condition in
+which this intact remnant has come down to the immediate present, and
+afterward the sources on which we have to depend for a knowledge of
+the lost portion.
+
+There are eleven manuscripts for this torso of Roman History, taking
+their names from the library of final deposit, but they are not all,
+by any means, of equal value. First come Mediceus A (referred to in
+this book as Ma), Vaticanus A, Parisinus A, and Venetus A (Va) of the
+first class; then Mediceus B of the second class; finally, Parisinus
+B, Escorialensis, Turinensis, Vaticanus B, and Venetus B, with the
+mongrel Vesontinus, which occupies a position in this group best
+designated, perhaps, as 2-1/2.
+
+Vaticanus A has been copied from Mediceus A, and Parisinus A from
+Vaticanus A, so that they are practically one with their archetype.
+Venetus A is of equal age and authority with Mediceus A. One can not
+now get back of these two codices. There is none of remoter date for
+Dio save the parchment Cod. Vat. 1288, containing most of Books
+Seventy-eight and Seventy-nine,--a portion of the work for the moment
+not under discussion. Coming to the second class, Mediceus B is a
+joint product of copying from the two principal MSS. just mentioned.
+In the third class, Parisinus B is a copy of Mediceus B with a little
+at the opening taken from Mediceus A. This was the version selected as
+a guide by Robert Estienne in the first important edition of Dio ever
+published (A.D. 1548). All the rest, Escorialensis, Turinensis,
+Vaticanus B, and Venetus B are mere offshoots of Parisinus B. The
+Vesontinus codex is derived partly from Venetus A and partly from some
+manuscript of the third class.
+
+The parchment manuscript to which allusion was made above is only some
+three centuries later than the time of Dio himself. It covers the
+ground from Book 78, 2, 2, to 79, 8, 3 inclusive (ordinary division).
+It belonged to Orsini, and after his death (A.D. 1600) became the
+property of the Vatican Library. It is square in shape and consists of
+thirteen leaves, each containing three columns of uncials. In spite
+of its age it is fairly overflowing with errors of every sort, many of
+which have been emended by an unknown corrector who also wrote in
+uncials; this same corrector would appear to have added the last leaf.
+And there are a few additions in minuscules by a still later hand. The
+leaves are very thin and in some places the ink has completely faded,
+showing only the impression of the pen. For specimen illustrations of
+this codex see Silvestre (Paleographie Universelle II, plate 7),
+Tischendorf (cod. Sinait. plate 20) and Boissevain's Cassius Dio (Vol.
+III).
+
+The dates of these codices (centuries indicated by Arabic numerals)
+are about as follows:
+
+         I. Mediceus A-Ma-          (11)
+         I. Venetus A-Va-           (11)
+         I. Vaticanus A             (15)
+         I. Parisinus A             (17)
+        II. Mediceus B              (15)
+       III. Parisinus B             (15)
+       III. Venetus B               (15)
+       III. Vaticanus B             (15)
+I. and III. Vesontinus              (15)
+       III. Turinensis              (16)
+       III. Escorialensis            (?)
+I. Codex Vaticanus graecus No. 1288 (5-6).
+
+Mediceus A contains practically Books Thirty-six to Fifty-four, and
+Venetus A Books Forty-one to Sixty (two "decades"). As they are both
+the oldest copies extant and the sources of all the others, modern
+editors would confine themselves to them exclusively but for the fact
+that in each some gaps are found. In Mediceus A, for instance, two
+quaternions (sixteen leaves) are lacking at the start, Leaf 7 is gone
+from the third quaternion, Leaves 1 and 8 from the fourth; from the
+thirty-first (now Quaternion 29) Leaf 1 has been cut, from the
+thirty-third and last Leaf 5 has disappeared. Likewise in Venetus A
+there are some gaps, especially near the end, in Book Sixty, where
+three leaves are missing. Hence (without stopping to take up gaps and
+breaks in detail) it may be said that the general plan pursued at the
+present day is to adopt a reading drawn for each book from the
+following sources respectively:
+
+Book 36.          Mediceus A, with lacuna of chapters
+                  3-19 incl., supplied by the
+                  mutual corrections of Vaticanus
+                  A and Parisinus B.
+
+Books 37 to 49.   Mediceus A.
+
+Books 50 to 54.   Vaticanus A (vice Mediceus A).
+
+Books 55 to 59.   Venetus A.
+
+Book 60.          Venetus A, except chapter 17, sections
+                  7 to 20, and chapter 22,
+                  section 3, to chapter 26, section
+                  2,--two passages supplied by
+                  Mediceus B.
+
+What knowledge has the world of the first thirty-five books of Dio's
+Roman History? To such a question answer must be made that of this
+whole section the merest glimpse can be had. It is here that we
+encounter the name of Zonaras, concerning whom some information will
+now be in order. Ioannes Zonaras was an official of the Byzantine
+Court who came into prominence under Alexis I. Comnenus in the early
+part of the twelfth century. For a time he acted as both commander of
+the body-guard and first private secretary to Alexis, but in the
+succeeding reign,--that of Calo-Ioannes,--he retired to the monastery
+of Mt. Athos, where he devoted himself to literary labors until his
+death, which is said to have occurred at the advanced age of
+eighty-eight. He was the author of numerous works, such as a Lexicon
+of Words Old and New, an Exposition of the Apostolic and Patristic
+Canons, an Argument Directed Against the Marriage of Two Nephews to
+the Same Woman, etc.; but our special interest lies in his [Greek:
+Chronikon] (Chronicon), a history of the world in eighteen books, from
+the creation to 1118 A.D.,--this last being the date of the demise of
+Alexis. The earlier portions of this work are drawn from Josephus; for
+Roman History he uses largely Cassius Dio; Plutarch, Eusebius, Appian
+also figure. But it has already been stated that Books Twenty-two to
+Thirty-five perished at an indefinitely early date; hence it follows
+that Zonaras has only Books One to Twenty-one at hand to use for his
+account of _early_ Rome; besides these he has later employed Books
+Forty-four to Eighty. Consequently it is possible to get many of the
+facts related to Dio, and in some cases his exact words, by reading
+Books VII to XII of this [Greek: Chronikon] or [Greek: Epitome
+Historion] by Zonaras. It is Books VII, VIII, and IX especially which
+follow Books One to Twenty-one of Dio.
+
+Parallel with this account of Zonaras and extending beyond it, even to
+the extent of throwing a wire of communication across the yawning
+time-chasm represented by Books Twenty-two to Thirty-five, are certain
+excerpts and epitomes found in various odd corners and strangely
+preserved to the present moment. These are: Excerpts Concerning
+Virtues and Vices; Excerpts Concerning Judgments; Excerpts Concerning
+Embassies. The so-called "Planudean Excerpts" which used to be
+admitted to editions are rejected on good authority[2] by Melber, whom
+I have followed. I shall attempt only a brief mention of those
+excerpts, to show their pertinence.
+
+[Footnote 2: Mommsen (Hermes VI, pp. 82-89); Haupt (Hermes XIV, pp.
+36-64, and XV, p. 160); Boissevain (Program, Rotterdam, 1884).]
+
+The _Excerpts Concerning Virtues and Vices_ exist in a manuscript of
+the tenth century at the library of Tours, originally brought from the
+island of Cyprus and sold to Nicolas Claude Fabre de Peiresc, who
+lived from 1580 to 1637. Apparently it is a collection made at the
+order of Constantine VII. Porphyrogenitus. It was first published at
+Paris by Henri de Valois in 1634. The collection consists of
+quotations from Polybius, Diodorus Siculus, Nicolas Damascenus,
+Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Appian, Dio, John of Antioch, and others.
+
+The _Excerpts Concerning Judgments_ are found in a Vatican manuscript
+known as Codex Vaticanus Rescriptus Graecus, N. 73. Angelo Mai first
+published the collection at Rome in 1826. They consist of many
+narrative fragments extending over the field of Roman History from
+early to late times, but fall into two parts: between these two parts
+there is a gap of six or more pages. That the former set of fragments
+is taken directly from Dio all scholars are ready to allow. In regard
+to the latter set there have been, and perhaps still are, diverse
+opinions. The trouble is that on the one hand these passages do not
+end with the reign of Alexander Severus, where Dio manifestly ended
+his history, but continue down to Constantine and (since the
+manuscript has lost some sheets at the close) possibly much farther:
+and on the other hand the style and diction differ considerably from
+Dio's own. It was once the fashion to say that as many of the
+fragments as come before the reign of Valerian (A.D. 253)[3] came from
+Dio's composition, but that the remainder were written by an unknown
+author. Now, however, it is generally agreed that all the excerpts of
+the second set were the work of one man, whether John of Antioch, or
+Peter Patricius, or some third individual. Still, though not direct
+quotations from Dio, they are regarded as of value in filling out both
+his account and that of Xiphilinus. The words are different, but the
+facts remain undoubtedly true.
+
+[Footnote 3: This would give Dio a considerably longer life than is
+commonly allowed him.]
+
+The _Excerpts Concerning Embassies_ are contained in somewhat less
+than a dozen manuscripts, all of which prove to have sprung from a
+Spanish archetype (since destroyed by fire) that Juan Paez de Castro
+owned in the sixteenth century. Many of the copies were made by
+Andreas Darmarius. The first publisher of these selections was Fulvio
+Orsini (= Ursinus), who brought them out at Antwerp in 1582. As their
+name indicates, they are accounts of embassies sent either by the
+Romans to foreign tribes or by foreign tribes to the Romans. Some of
+them are taken from Cassius Dio; hence their importance here.
+
+Now it was the custom of the earlier editors to arrange the (early)
+fragments of Dio according to the groups from which they were taken:
+(1) the so-called Fragmenta Valesia (pickings from grammarians,
+lexicographers, scholiasts), edited by the same Henri de Valois above
+mentioned; (2) the Fragmenta Peiresciana (= Excerpts Concerning
+Virtues and Vices); (3) the Fragmenta Ursina (= Excerpts Concerning
+Embassies); and finally, in the edition of Sturz[4] (4) Excerpta
+Vaticana (= Excerpts Concerning Judgments and the now rejected
+"Planudean Excerpts"). The above grouping has been abandoned and a
+strictly chronological order followed in all the later editions,
+including Bekker, Dindorf, Melber, Boissevain.
+
+[Footnote 4: See p. 22.]
+
+The body of Fragments preceding Book Thirty-six cites, in addition to
+the collections mentioned, the following works or authors:
+
+Anecdota Graeca of Immanuel Bekker (1785-1871), a scholar of vast
+attainments and profound learning in classical literature. These
+Anecdota are excerpts made from various Greek manuscripts found in the
+course of travels extending through France, Italy, England, and
+Germany. There were three volumes, appearing from 1814 to 1821.
+
+Antonio Melissa.--A Greek monk living between 700 and 1100 A.D. He
+collected two books of quotations from early Christian Fathers (one
+hundred and seventy-six titles) on the general subject of Virtues and
+Vices.
+
+Arsenius.--Archbishop of Monembasia: age of the Revival of Learning.
+
+Cedrenus.--A Greek monk of the eleventh century who compiled a
+historical work ([Greek: Synopsis historion]) the scope of which
+extended from the creation to 1057 A.D. He gives no evidence of
+historical knowledge or the critical sense, but rather of great
+credulity and a fondness for legends. His treatise is, moreover,
+largely plagiarized from the _Annals_ of Ioannes Scylitzes
+Curopalates.
+
+Cramer, J.A.--An Oxford scholar who published two collections of
+excerpts (similar to those of Bekker) between 1835 and 1841. The
+collection referred to in our text had its source in manuscripts of
+the Royal Library in Paris. It was in three octavo volumes.
+
+Etymologicum Magnum.--A lexicon of uncertain date, after Photius (886
+A.D.) and before Eustathius. This dictionary contains many valuable
+citations from lost Greek works. First edition, Venice, 1499.
+
+Eustathius.--Archbishop of Thessalonica and the most learned man of
+his age (latter half of the twelfth century). His most important
+composition is his _Commentary on Homer's Iliad and Odyssey_ in which
+he quotes vast numbers of authors unknown to us now except by name.
+First edition, Rome, 1542-1550.
+
+Glossary of C. Labbaeus, the editor of Ancient Glosses of Law Terms,
+published in Paris, 1606.
+
+John of Antioch.--Author of a work called "Chronological History from
+Adam" quoted in the _Excerpts Concerning Virtues and Vices_ (vid.
+supra). Internal evidence indicates that the book was written after
+610 and before 900 A.D.
+
+John of Damascus.--A voluminous ecclesiastical writer belonging to the
+reigns of Leo Isauricus and Constantine VII. (approximately from 700
+to 750 A.D.). He was an opponent of the iconoclastic movement. The
+best edition of his works was published at Paris in 1712. The passage
+cited in our Fragments is from [Greek: peri Drakonton], a mutilated
+essay on dragons standing between a "Dialogue Between a Saracen and a
+Christian" and a "Discussion of the Holy Trinity."
+
+John Laurentius Lydus.--A Byzantine writer, born at Philadelphia (the
+city of Revelation, III, 7), in 490 A.D. Although he was famed during
+his lifetime as a poet, all his verses have perished. The work cited
+in our Fragments,--"Concerning the Offices of the Roman Republic, in
+Three Books,"--had a curious history. For centuries it was regarded as
+lost, but about 1785 nine tenths of it was discovered by De Villoison
+in a MS. in the suburbs of Constantinople. It was published in Paris,
+1811.--Laurentius in the course of his career held important political
+posts and received two important literary appointments from the
+Emperor Justinian I.
+
+Suidas.--A lexicographer of the tenth century, composer of the most
+comprehensive Greek dictionary of early times. It is a manual at once
+of language and of antiquities. Inestimable as its value is, the
+workmanship is careless and uneven. The arrangement is alphabetical.
+
+John Tzetzes.--A Greek grammarian of the twelfth century. His learning
+was great but scarcely equaled his self-conceit, as repeatedly
+displayed in passages of his works. Many of his writings are still
+extant. One of these is called _Chiliades_ (or _Thousands_), a name
+bestowed by its first editor, who divided the work into sections of
+one thousand lines each. The subject-matter consists of the most
+miscellaneous historical or mythological narratives or anecdotes,
+absolutely without connection. Tzetzes copied these accounts from
+upward of four hundred writers,--one of them being Cassius Dio. The
+_Chiliades_ is written in the so-called _Versus politicus_, or
+"political verse," which is really not verse at all, but a kind of
+decadent doggerel.--A minor treatise by the same author is the
+_Exegesis of the Iliad of Homer_, published by Hermann (Leipzig,
+1812).
+
+Isaac Tzetzes, who has attracted less attention than his brother John,
+is best known as the author of a commentary on the _Cassandra_ of
+Lycophron (a poem of 1474 iambic verses by a post-classical tragedian,
+about 285 B.C., embodying the warnings of the royal prophetess and
+couched in appropriately incomprehensible expressions). It was hardly
+worth all the care that Tzetzes lavished upon it. From manuscript
+evidence and various claims of John Tzetzes it seems that John worked
+over, improved, and enlarged the commentary of his brother. Isaac's
+name, however, still remains associated with this particular
+exposition.
+
+We are now at length placed in a position to consider the condition
+of the ultimate portion of the work, i.e., the last twenty books,
+Sixty-one to Eighty inclusive. In general it may be said that for this
+section of the history we are thrown back upon an epitome of Ioannes
+Xiphilinus, who lived about fifty years earlier than the Ioannes
+Zonaras recently under discussion. To this general statement there are
+two important exceptions. First, even as early as Xiphilinus wrote
+(eleventh century) nearly two books of this last portion had perished.
+Book Seventy, containing the reign of Antoninus Pius, was entirely
+gone save a few miserable chapters, and Book Seventy-one had suffered
+the same fate in its beginning, so that our account of the renowned
+Marcus Aurelius begins practically with the year 172 instead of 161.
+The gap thus created has been partially filled by extracts of every
+conceivable quality and merit, from Suidas, from John of Antioch, even
+from Asinius Quadratus. This on the side of loss: on the side of gain
+there are numerous little excerpts (just as in the case of the early
+books) that may serve to fill crevices or cover scars, and above all
+there exists a parchment manuscript, known as Vaticanus 1288, older
+than Mediceus A, older than Venetus A, and containing Books
+Seventy-eight and Seventy-nine probably very much as Dio wrote them,
+save that the account is mutilated at beginning and end.
+
+Boissevain concludes (by comparing the Table of Contents found with a
+remark of Photius) that this particular piece of salvage was
+originally Books Seventy-nine and Eighty (instead of Seventy-eight and
+Seventy-nine), that Book Eighty of Dio was really what is now
+commonly called Seventy-nine _and_ Eighty, and that the so-called Book
+Eighty (of only five chapters) was but a kind of epilogue to the whole
+work. Whatever we may decide respecting the merits of his argument,
+the important fact is that here for a short distance we have Dio's
+original narrative, as in Books Thirty-six to Sixty, and are no longer
+obliged to depend upon epitomes.
+
+A word of explanation about Xiphilinus must come next. This Xiphilinus
+was a native of Trapezos (Trebizond) and became a monk at
+Constantinople. Here, at the behest of Michael VII. Ducas (1071-1078)
+he made an abridgment of Books Thirty-six to Eighty of Dio; thus it is
+his version of the lost books Sixty-one to Eighty on which we are
+compelled to rely. His task was accomplished with an even greater
+degree of carelessness than is customary in such compositions, and it
+may be said that his ability or, at least, his good will is not nearly
+so great as that of Zonaras. Yet he is largely a _pis aller_ for the
+would-be reader of Cassius Dio.
+
+Whereas the original was divided arbitrarily into books, Xiphilinus
+divided his condensation into "sections," each containing the life of
+one emperor. Readers must further note that the present division of
+Books Seventy-one to Eighty dates only from Leunclavius (1592, first
+edition) and is not necessarily correct. Improvements in arrangement
+by Boissevain (latest editor of Dio entire) are indicated in the
+present translation, though for convenience of reference the old
+headlines are still retained.
+
+Before speaking of the editions through which Dio's _Roman History_
+has passed it seems desirable to summarize briefly the condition of
+the whole as explained in the preceding pages. Here is a bird's-eye
+view of the whole situation.
+
+Books  1-21 exist in Zonaras and various fragments.
+  "   22-35 exist in fragments only.
+  "   36-54 exist in Dio's own words, and are
+              found in universally approved MSS.
+  "   54-60 exist in generally approved MSS.
+  "   60-69 exist in Xiphilinus and excerpts.
+Book     70 exists in fragments only.
+Books 71-77 exist in Xiphilinus and excerpts.
+  "  78, 79 exist in Dio's own words (oldest MS).
+Book     80 exists in Xiphilinus.
+
+
+EDITIONS.
+
+A brief list of important editions of this author is appended; the
+order is chronological.
+
+1. N. Leonicenus.--Italian translation of Books 35 to 60. Venice,
+1533. Free, and with many errors.
+
+2. R. Stephanus.--Greek text of Books 35 to 60. Paris, 1548. Work well
+done, but based on a poor MS.
+
+3. Xylander.--Latin translation of Books 35 to 60, with a brief Latin
+index. Basle, 1557. This version was made from No. 2.
+
+4. Baldelli.--Italian translation of Books 35 to 60. Venice, 1562.
+
+5. H. Stephanus.--A second edition of No. 2 with Latin translation of
+No. 2 added. A few corrections have been made and the Latin index is a
+little fuller. Paris, 1591.
+
+6. Leunclavius.--A second edition of No. 3, somewhat emended, _and
+with Books 61 to 80 (Xiphilinus) added_; also containing _Orsini's
+Excerpts Concerning Embassies_ (in Greek and Latin), notes of
+Leunclavius, and a still fuller Latin index. Frankfurt, 1592.
+
+7. Leunclavius.--Posthumous edition. Text of Dio and of Xiphilinus
+(the latter from Nero to Alexander Severus). Corrections of R.
+Stephanus in Dio proper, and of Xylander in both Dio and Xiphilinus,
+notes of Leunclavius on Dio, and notes of Orsini on _Excerpts
+Concerning Embassies_. Same Latin index as in No. 6. Hanover, 1606.
+
+8. REIMAR. (Important. All previous editions are taken from codex
+Parisinus B. Reimar, assisted by Gronovius (father and son) and by
+Quirinus, employed Mediceus A (the standard codex) together with
+Vaticanus A and Vaticanus B.) Text of Dio and Xiphilinus (Books 36 to
+80), the Xylander-Leunclavius Latin version, the _Excerpts Concerning
+Virtues and Vices_, and fragments collected from various sources by
+Henri de Valois. Reimar used not only the three MSS. mentioned above,
+but three copies of previous editions,--one of No. 2 (with notes of
+Turnebus and others), one of No. 5 (with, notes of Oddey), and one of
+No. 7 (with notes of an unknown individual of much learning, cited by
+Reimar and in this edition as _N_). Finally he gathered all possible
+emendations from as many as fourteen scholars who had suggested
+improvements in the text. Hamburg, 1750.
+
+9. J.A. Wagner.--German translation in five volumes. Frankfurt, 1783.
+
+10. Penzel.--German translation with notes. Four volumes. Leipzig,
+1786-1818.
+
+11. Morellius.--Fragments of Dio, with new readings of the same.
+Emphasizes the importance of codex Venetus A and has some remarks on
+Venetus B. Published in 1793.
+
+12. Sturz.--New edition of Dio based on No. 8, improved by a new
+collation of the Medicean manuscripts and with collation of the codex
+Turinensis, besides emendations gathered from many new sources. Eight
+volumes. Leipzig, 1824-5. (Volume IX in 1843, containing Mai's
+_Excerpts Concerning Judgments_.)
+
+13. Tauchnitz text.--Stereotyped edition, four volumes, Leipzig, 1829.
+New impression, Leipzig, 1870-77. (Originally used as a basis for the
+present translation after Book Fifty: later, wholesale revisions were
+undertaken to make the English for the most part conform to the text
+of Boissevain.)
+
+14. Tafel.--German translation, three volumes. Stuttgart, 1831-1844.
+
+15. J. Bekker.--Dio entire. (With new collation of the old MS.
+containing most of Books Seventy-eight and Seventy-nine, and with many
+new and brilliant conjectural emendations by the editor.) Two volumes.
+Leipzig, 1849.
+
+16. Gros-Boissee.--French translation together with the Greek text and
+copious notes. (With new collation of the Vatican, Medicean, and
+Venetian codices, besides use of Parisinus A and Vesontinus;
+manuscripts of the Fragments, especially the Tours manuscript
+(concerning Virtues and Vices) have been carefully gone over.) Ten
+volumes. Gros edited the first four; Boissee the last six. Paris,
+1845-1870.
+
+17. Dindorf.--Teubner text. Dindorf was the first to perceive the
+relation of the manuscripts and their respective values. He used
+Herwerden's new collation of the Vatican palimpsest containing
+_Excerpts Concerning Judgments_. From making fuller notes and
+emendations he was prevented by untimely death. Five volumes. Leipzig,
+1863-1865.
+
+18. Melber.--Teubner text, being a new recension of Dindorf, with
+numerous additions. To consist of five volumes. Leipzig, from 1890.
+The first two volumes, all that were available, have been used for
+this translation.
+
+19. Boissevain.--The most modern, accurate, and artistic edition of
+Dio. The editor is very conservative in the matter of manuscript
+tradition. He personally read in Italy many of the MSS., and had the
+aid of numerous friends at home and abroad in collating MSS., besides
+the help of a few in the suggestion of new readings. In the later
+portion of the text he makes a new division of books, and essays also
+to assign the early fragments to their respective books. Three
+volumes. Berlin, 1895, 1898, 1901. Vol. I, pp. 359 + cxxvi; Vol. II,
+pp. 690 + xxxi; Vol. III, pp. 800 + xviii. The second volume contains
+two phototype facsimiles of pages of the Laurentian and Marcian MSS.,
+and the third volume three similar specimens of the Codex Vaticanus.
+In the appendix of the last volume are found, in the order named, the
+following aids to the study of Dio.
+
+     1. The _entire_ epitome of Xiphilinus (Books 36-80).
+
+     2. Vatican Excerpts of Peter Patricius (Nos. 1-38), compared
+     with Dio's wording.
+
+     3. Vatican Excerpts of Peter Patricius (Nos. 156-191),
+     containing that portion of the Historia Augusta which is
+     subsequent to Dio's narrative.
+
+     4. Excerpts by John of Antioch, taken from Dio.
+
+     5. The "Salmasian Excerpts."
+
+     6. Some "Constantinian Excerpts," compared with Dio.
+
+     7. The account of Dio given by Photius and by Suidas.
+
+     8. Table of Fragments.
+
+Boissevain's invaluable emendations and interpretations have been
+liberally used by the present translator, and some of his changes of
+arrangement have been accepted outright, others only indicated.
+
+
+CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NARRATIVE.
+
+The atmosphere of Dio's Roman History is serious to a degree. Its
+author never loses sight of the fact that by his labor he is
+conferring a substantial benefit upon mankind, and he follows,
+moreover, a particular historical theory, popular at the time, which
+allows little chance for sportiveness or wit. Just as the early French
+drama could concern itself only with personages of noble or royal
+rank, so Dio's ideal compels him for the most part to restrict himself
+to the large transactions of governments or rulers and to diminish the
+consideration that idiosyncrasies of private life or points of
+antiquarian interest might otherwise seem to claim. The name of this
+ideal is "Dignity" ([Greek: onkos] is the Greek), a principle of
+construction which is opposed to a narration adorned with details.
+However much it may have been overworked at times, its influence was
+certainly healthful, for it demanded that the material be handled in
+organic masses to prevent the reader from being lost in a confused
+mass of minutiae. Racy gossip and old wives' tales are to be replaced
+by philosophic reflection and pictures of temperament. Instead of mere
+lists of anecdotes there must be a careful survey of political
+relations. Names, numbers, and exact dates may often be dispensed
+with. Still, amid all this, there is enough humor of situation in the
+gigantic tale and enough latitude of speech on the part of the acting
+personages to prevent monotony and to render intellectual
+scintillations of the compiler comparatively unnecessary.
+Occasionally, for the sake of sharper focus on the portrait of some
+leader, Dio will introduce this or that trivial incident and may
+perhaps feel called upon immediately, under the strictness of his
+self-imposed regime, to apologize or justify himself.
+
+The style of the original is rendered somewhat difficult by a
+conscious imitation of the involved sentence-unit found in Thukydides
+(though reminiscences of Herodotos and Demosthenes also abound) but
+gives an effect of solidity that is symmetrical with both the method
+and the man. Moreover, one may assert of it what Matthew Arnold
+declared could _not_ be said regarding Homer's style, that it rises
+and falls with the matter it treats, so that at every climax we may be
+sure of finding the charm of vividness and at many intermediate points
+the merit of grace. It is a long course that our historian, pressed by
+official cares, has to cover, and he accomplishes his difficult task
+with creditable zeal: finally, when his Thousand Years of Rome is
+done, he compares himself to a warrior helped by a protecting deity
+from the scene of conflict. Surely it must have been one of the major
+battles of his energetic life to wrest from the formless void this
+orderly record of actions and events embroidered with discussion of
+the motives for those actions and the causes of such events.
+
+Dio has apparently equipped himself extremely well for his
+undertaking. A fragment edited by Mai (see Fragment I) seems to make
+him say that he has read every available book upon the subject; and,
+like Thukydides, he is critical, he is eclectic, and often supports
+his statements by the citation or introduction of documentary
+testimony. His superstition is debasing and repellent, but works harm
+only in limited spheres, and it is counterbalanced by the fact that he
+had been a part of many events recounted and had held high
+governmental offices, enjoying a career which furnished him with
+standards by which to judge the likelihood of allegations regarding
+earlier periods of Rome,--that, in a word, he was no mere
+carpet-knight of History. He is honestly conscientious in his use of
+language, attempting to give the preference to standard phrases and
+words of classical Greek over corrupt idioms and expressions of a
+decadent tongue; it is this very conscientiousness, of course, which
+leads him to adopt so much elaborate syntax from bygone masters of
+style. Finally,--the point in which, I think, Dio has come nearest to
+the gloomy Athenian,--something of the matter-of-fact directness of
+Thukydides is perceptible in this Roman History. The operator unrolls
+before us the long panorama of wars and plots and bribes and murders:
+his pictures speak, but he himself seldom interjects a word. Sometimes
+the lack of comment seems almost brutal, but what need to darken the
+torture-chamber in the House of Hades?
+
+There are two ways of writing history. One is to observe a strictly
+chronological order, describing together only such events as took
+place in a single year or reign; and the other, to give all in one
+place and in one narration the story of a single great movement,
+though it should cover several years and a fraction,--or, again, to
+sketch the condition of affairs in one province, or valley, or
+peninsula for so long a time as the story of such a region seems to
+possess unity of development. The first kind of writing takes the year
+or the reign as its standard, whereas the second uses the matter under
+discussion or some part of the earth in the same way: and they may
+accordingly be called, one, the chronological method, and the other,
+the pragmato-geographical. The difference between the two is well
+illustrated by the varying ways in which modern works on Greek history
+treat the affairs of Sicily.
+
+The first plan is that which Dio follows, and his work would have been
+called by the Romans _annales_ rather than _historiae_. The method has
+its advantages, one of which is, or should be, that the reader knows
+just how far he has progressed; he can compare the relative
+significance of events happening at the same time in widely separated
+lands: he is, as it were, _living_ in the past, and receives from week
+to week or month to month reports of the world's doings in all
+quarters. On the other hand, this plan lacks dramatic force; there are
+sub-climaces and one grand climax: and the interest is apt to flag
+through being obliged to divide itself among many districts. The same
+results, both good and bad, are observable in Thukydides, whom Dio
+follows in constructive theory as well as style. It has already been
+said that our historian sacrifices sharpness of dates to the Onkos,
+depending, doubtless, on his chronological arrangements to make good
+the loss. Usually it does so, but occasionally confusion arises.
+Whether because he noticed this or not, he begins at the opening of
+the fifty-first book to be accurate in his dates, generally stating
+the exact day. Rarely, Dio lets his interest run away with him and
+mixes the two economies.
+
+If we read the pages closely, we find that by Dio's own statement his
+work falls properly into three parts. The first consists of the first
+fifty-one books, from the landing of AEneas to the establishment of the
+empire by Octavianus. Up to that time, Dio says (in LIII, 19),
+political action had been taken openly, after discussion in the senate
+and before the people. Everybody knew the facts, and in case any
+authors distorted them, the public records were open for any one to
+consult. After that time, however, the rulers commonly kept their acts
+and discussions secret; and their censored accounts, when made public,
+were naturally looked upon by the man in the street with doubt and
+suspicion. Hence, from this point, says the historian, a radical
+difference must inevitably be found in the character of his account.
+
+The second portion, opening with Book Fifty-two, ends at the death of
+Marcus Aurelius (180 B.C.). In LXXI, 36, 4 Dio admits that the old
+splendor ended with Marcus and was not renewed. His history, he says,
+makes here a sheer descent ([Greek: katapiptei]) from the golden to
+the iron age. It fades, as it were, into the light of common day in a
+double sense: for the events succeeding this reign Dio himself was
+able to observe as an intelligent eyewitness.
+
+The third section, then, extends from the beginning of Book
+Seventy-two to the end of the work. Here Dio breaks away oftener than
+before from his servility to the Dignity of History, only to display a
+far more contemptible servility to his imperial masters. According to
+his own account he stood by and passively allowed atrocities to be
+multiplied about him, nor does he venture to express any forceful
+indignation at the performance of such deeds. Had he protested, the
+world's knowledge of Rome's degenerate tyrants would undoubtedly have
+been less complete than it now is; and Dio was quite enough of an
+egotist to believe that his own life and work were of paramount
+importance. If we compare him unfavorably with Epictetus, we must
+remember that the latter was obscure enough to be ignored.
+
+In both the second and the third parts, that is to say throughout the
+entire imperial period, Dio is conceded to have committed an error in
+his point of view by making the relations of the emperor to the senate
+the leading idea in his narrative and subordinating other events to
+that relation. Senator as he was, he naturally magnified its
+importance, and in an impartial estimate of his account one must allow
+for personal bias.
+
+Our historian's sources for the earlier part of his work are not
+positively known. He has been credited with the use of Livy, of
+Coelius, of Appian, and of Dionysios of Halicarnassos, but the
+traces are not definite enough to warrant any dogmatic assertion.
+Perhaps he knew Tacitus and perhaps Suetonius: the portrait of
+Tiberius is especially good and was probably obtained from an author
+of merit. But there were in existence a great multitude of books
+inferior or now forgotten besides the works of the authors above
+mentioned; and Dio's History in general shows no greater evidence of
+having been drawn from writers whom we know than from others whom we
+do not know.
+
+We have already noticed Dio's similarity to Thukydides in style,
+arrangement, and emotional attitude. There remains one more bond of
+brotherhood,--the speeches. Just as the sombre story of the
+Peloponnesian conflict has for a prominent feature the pleas and
+counterpleas of contending parties, together with a few independent
+orations, so this Roman History is filled with public utterances of
+famous men, either singly or in pairs. Dio evinces considerable
+fondness for these wordy combats ([Greek: hamillai logon]). About one
+speech to the book is the average in the earlier portion of the work.
+The author probably adapted them from rhetorical [Greek: meletai], or
+essays, then in existence. He was himself a finished product of the
+rhetorical schools and was inclined to give their output the greatest
+publicity. The most interesting of these efforts,--some go so far as
+to say the only one of real interest,--is the speech of Maecenas in
+favor of the establishment of monarchy by Augustus: this argument
+undoubtedly sets forth Dio's own views on government. Like the rival
+deliverance of Agrippa it shows traces of having undergone a revision
+of the first draught, and it is more than probable that the two did
+not assume their present shape until the time of Alexander Severus.
+
+
+
+
+B.--THE WRITER.
+
+
+Suidas, the lexicographer of the tenth century, who is profitable for
+so many things, has this entry under "Dio":
+
+     Dio--called Cassius, surnamed Cocceius (others
+     "Cocceianus"), of Nicaea, historian, born in the times of
+     Alexander son of Mammaea, wrote a Roman History in 80 books
+     (they are divided by decades), a "Persia", "The Getae",
+     "Journey-signs", "In Trajan's Day", "Life of Arrian the
+     Philosopher".
+
+Photius, an influential Patriarch of Constantinople and belonging to
+the ninth century, has in his "Bibliotheca" a much longer notice,
+which, however, contains almost nothing that a reader will not find in
+Dio's own record. This is about the extent of the information afforded
+us by antiquity, and modern biographers usually fall back upon the
+author's own remarks regarding himself, as found scattered through his
+Roman History. Such personal references were for the first time
+carefully collected, systematically arranged, and discussed in the
+edition of Reimar; subsequently the same matter was reprinted in the
+fifth volume of the Dindorf Teubner text.
+
+Just a word first in regard to the lost works with which Suidas
+credits Dio. He probably never wrote the "Persia": perhaps it belonged
+to Dio of Colophon, or possibly Suidas has confused _Dion_ with
+_Deinon_. It is certain that he did not write "The Getae": this
+composition was by his maternal grandfather, Dio of Prusa, and was the
+fruit of exile. "Journey-signs" or "Itineraries" is an enigmatic
+title, and the more cautious scholars forbear to venture an opinion
+upon its significance. Bernhardy, editor of Suidas, says "Intelligo
+_Librum de Signis_" and translates the title "De Ominibus inter
+congrediendum." Leonhard Schmitz (in the rather antiquated _Smith_)
+thinks it means "Itineraries" and that Dio Chrysostom very likely
+wrote it, because he traveled considerably. Concerning "In Trajan's
+Day" two opinions may be mentioned,--one, that the attribution of such
+a title to Dio is a mistake (for, if true, he would have mentioned it
+in his larger work): the other, that its substance was incorporated
+in the larger work, and that it thereby lost its identity and
+importance. The "Life of Arrian" is probably a fact. Arrian was a
+fellow-countryman of Dio's and had a somewhat similar character and
+career. It may be true, as Christ surmises, that this biography was a
+youthful task or an essay of leisure, hastily thrown off in the midst
+of other enterprises.
+
+Coming to Dio's personality we have at the outset to decide how his
+name shall be written. We must make sure of his proper designation
+before we presume to talk about him. The choice lies between Dio
+Cassius and Cassius Dio, and the former is the popular form of the
+name, if it be permissible to speak of Dio at all as a "popular"
+writer. The facts in the case, however, are simple. The Greek
+arrangement is [Greek: Dion ho Kassios]. Now the regular Greek custom
+is to place the gentile name, or even the praenomen, _after_ the
+cognomen: but the regular Latin custom (and after all Dio has more of
+the Roman in his makeup than of the Greek) is to observe the order
+_praenomen_, _nomen_, _cognomen_. It is objected, first, that the
+Greeks _sometimes_ followed the regular Latin order, and, second, that
+the Romans _sometimes_ followed the regular Greek order (e.g., Cicero,
+in his _Letters_). But the Greek exception cannot here make Dio the
+_nomen_ and Cassius the _cognomen_: we _know_ that the historian
+belonged to the gens Cassia (his father was Cassius Apronianus) and
+that he took Dio as cognomen from his grandfather, Dio Chrysostom. And
+the Latin exception simply offers us the alternative of following a
+common usage or an uncommon usage. The real question is whether Dio
+should be regarded rather as Greek or as Roman. To be logical, we must
+say either Dion Kassios or Cassius Dio. Considering the historian's
+times and his _habitat_, not merely his birthplace and literary
+dialect, I must prefer Cassius Dio as his official appellation. Yet,
+because the opposite arrangement has the sanction of usage, I deem it
+desirable to employ as often as possible the unvexed single name
+_Dio_.
+
+Dio's praenomen is unknown, but he had still another cognomen,
+Cocceianus, which he derived along with the _Dio_ from his maternal
+grandfather. The latter, known as Dio of Prusa from his birthplace in
+Bithynia, is renowned for his speeches, which contain perhaps more
+philosophy than oratory and won for him from posterity the title of
+Chrysostom,--"Golden Mouth." Dio of Prusa was exiled by the tyrant
+Domitian, but recalled and showered with favors by the emperor
+Cocceius Nerva (96-98 A.D.); from this patron he took the cognomen
+mentioned, Cocceianus, which he handed down to his illustrious
+grandson.
+
+Besides this distinguished ancestor on his mother's side Dio the
+historian had a father, Cassius Apronianus, of no mean importance. He
+was a Roman senator and had been governor of Dalmatia and Cilicia; to
+the latter post Dio bore his father company (Books 49, 36; 69, 1; 72,
+7). The date of the historian's birth is determined approximately as
+somewhere from 150 to 162 A.D., that is, during the last part of the
+reign of Antoninus Pius or at the beginning of the reign of Marcus
+Aurelius. The town where he first saw the light was Nicaea in Bithynia.
+
+The careful education which the youth must have had is evident, of
+course, in his work. After the trip to Cilicia already referred to Dio
+came to Rome, probably not for the first time, arriving there early in
+the reign of Commodus (Book 72, 4). This monster was overthrown in 192
+A.D.; before his death Dio was a senator (Book 72, 16): in other
+words, he was by that time above the minimum age, twenty-five years,
+required for admission to full senatorial standing; and thus we gain
+some scanty light respecting the date of his birth. Under Commodus he
+had held no higher offices than those of quaestor and aedile: Pertinax
+now, in the year 193, made him praetor (Book 73, 12). Directly came the
+death of Pertinax, as likewise of his successor Julianus, and the
+accession of him whom Dio proudly hailed as the "Second
+Augustus,"--Septimius Severus. The new emperor exerted a great
+influence upon Dio's political views. He pretended that the gods had
+brought him forward, as they had Augustus, especially for his work.
+The proofs of Heaven's graciousness to this latest sovereign were
+probably by him delivered to Dio, who undertook to compile them into a
+little book and appears to have believed them all; Severus, indeed,
+had been remarkably successful at the outset. Before long Dio had
+begun his great work, which he doubtless intended to bring to a
+triumphant conclusion amid the golden years of the new prince of
+peace.
+
+Unfortunately the _entente cordiale_ between ruler and historian did
+not long endure. Severus grew disappointing to Dio through his
+severity, visited first upon Niger and later upon Caesar Clodius
+Albinus: and Dio came to be _persona non grata_ to Severus for this
+reason among others, that the emperor changed his mind completely
+about Commodus, and since he had begun to revere, if not to imitate
+him, what Dio had written concerning his predecessor could be no
+longer palatable. The estrangement seems to be marked by the fact that
+until Severus's death Dio went abroad on no important military or
+diplomatic mission, but remained constantly in Italy. He was sometimes
+in Rome, but more commonly resided at his country-seat in Capua (Book
+76, 2). In a very vague Passage in Book 76, 16 Dio speaks of finding
+"when I was consul" three thousand indictments for adultery inscribed
+on the records. This leads most scholars to assume that he was consul
+_before_ the death of Severus. Reimar thought differently, and
+produces arguments to support his view. I do not deem many of the
+passages which he cites entirely apposite, and yet some of the points
+urged are important. I can only say that the impression left in my
+mind by a rapid reading of the Greek is that Dio was consul while
+Severus reigned; if such be the case, he probably held the rank of
+_consul suffectus_ ("honorary" or "substitute"). All who refuse to
+admit that he could have obtained so high an office at that time place
+the date of his first consulship anywhere from 219 to 223 A.D. because
+of his own statement that in 224 he was appointed to the (regularly
+proconsular) governorship of Africa.
+
+The son of Severus, Caracalla or Antoninus, drew Dio from his
+homekeeping and took him with him on an eastern expedition in 216, so
+that our historian passed the winter of 216-217 as a member of
+Caracalla's retinue at Nicomedea (Book 77, 17 and 18) and joined there
+in the annual celebration of the Saturnalia (Book 78, 8). Dio takes
+occasion to deplore the emperor's bestial behavior as well as the
+considerable pecuniary outlay to which he was personally subjected,
+but at the same time he evidently did not allow his convictions to
+become indiscreetly audible. Much farther than Nicomedea Dio cannot
+have accompanied his master; for he did not go to the Parthian war,
+presently undertaken, and he was not present either at Caracalla's
+death (217) or at the overthrow of Macrinus (218). This Macrinus, one
+of the short-time emperors, gave Dio the post of _curator ad
+corrigendum statum civitatium_, with administrative powers over the
+cities of Pergamum and Smyrna (Book 79, 7), and his appointee remained
+in active service during much of the reign of Elagabalus,--possibly,
+indeed, until the accession of Alexander Severus (see Book 78, 18,
+end). Mammaea, the mother of the new sovereign, surrounded her son with
+skilled helpers of proved value, and it was possibly due to her wisdom
+that Dio was first sent to manage the proconsulate of Africa, and, on
+his return, to govern the imperial provinces of Dalmatia and Upper
+Pannonia. Somewhat later, in the year 229, he became consul for the
+second time, _consul ordinarius_, as colleague of Alexander himself.
+But Dio's disciplinary measures in Pannonia had rendered him unpopular
+with the pampered Pretorians, and heeding at once his own safety and
+the emperor's request he remained most of the time outside of Rome.
+This state of affairs was not wholly satisfactory, and it is not
+surprising that after a short time Dio complained of a bad foot and
+asked leave to betake himself to Nicaea, his native place.
+
+Here we must leave him. Whether his death came soon or late after 229
+A.D. is a matter of some uncertainty. It would be difficult to make a
+more complete record out of the available material, save to say that
+from two casual references it is inferred that Dio had a wife and
+children, and that in his career he often, sometimes with imperial
+assistance, tried cases in court.
+
+
+
+
+A LIST OF THE MORE RECENT DISSERTATIONS
+
+ON
+
+CASSIUS DIO.
+
+
+A. Baumgartner.--_Ueber die Quellen des Cassius Dio fuer die aeltere
+roemische Geschichte._ (1880.)
+
+F. Beckurts.--_Zur Quellenkritik des Tacitus, Sueton und Cassius Dio._
+(1880.)
+
+J. Bergmans.--_Die Quellen der Vita Tiberii (Buch 57 der Historia
+Romana) des Cassius Dio._ (1903.)
+
+Breitung.--_Bemerkungen ueber die Quellen des Dio Cassius LXVI-LXIX._
+(1882.)
+
+H. Christensen.--_De fontibus a Cassio Dione in Vita Neronis enarranda
+adhibitis._ (1871.)
+
+A. Deppe.--_Des Dio Cassius Bericht ueber die Varusschlacht verglichen
+mit den uebrigen Geschichtsquellen._ (1880.)
+
+P. Fabia.--_Julius Paelignus, prefet des vigiles et procurateur de
+Cappadoce (Tacite, Ann. XII, 49; Dion Cassius LXI, 6, 6)._ (1898.)
+
+R. Ferwer.--_Die politischen Anschauungen des Cassius Dio._ (1878.)
+
+J.G. Fischer.--_De fontibus et auctoritate Cassii Dionis._ (1870.)
+
+H. Grohs.--_Der Wert des Geschichtswerkes des Cassius Dio als Quelle
+fuer die Geschichte der Jahre 49-44 v. Chr._ (1884.)
+
+G. Heimbach.--_Quid et quantum Cassius Dio in historia conscribenda
+inde a libro XI usque ad librum XLVII e Livio desumpserit._ (1878.)
+
+F.K. Hertlein.--_Conjecturen zu griechischen Prosaikern._ (1873.)
+
+D.G. Ielgersma.--_De fide et auctoritate Dionis Cassii Cocceiani._
+(1879.)
+
+E. Kyhnitzsch.--_De contionibus, quas Cassius Dio historiae suae
+intexuit, cum Thucydideis comparatis._ (1894.)
+
+E. Litsch.--_De Cassio Dione imitatore Thucydidis._ (1893.)
+
+Madvig.--_Adversaria Critica._ (1884.)
+
+J. Maisel.--_Observationes in Cassium Dionem._ (1888.)
+
+J. Melber.--_Der Bericht des Dio Cassius ueber die gallischen Kriege
+Caesars._ (1891.)
+
+J. Melber.--_Dio Cassius ueber die letzten Kaempfe gegen Sext. Pompeius,
+36 v. Chr._ (1891.) In "Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiet der Klassichen
+Alterthumswissenschaft, W. v. Christ zum 60. Geburtstag dargebracht
+von seinen Schuelern."
+
+P. Meyer.--_De Maecenatis oratione a Dione ficta._ (1891.)
+
+M. Posner.--_Quibus auctoribus in bello Hannibalico enarrando usus sit
+Dio Cassius._ (1874.)
+
+E. Schmidt.--_Plutarchs Bericht ueber die Catilinarische Verschwoerung
+in seinem Verhaeltnis zu Sallust, Livius und Dio._ (1885.)
+
+G. Sickel.--_De fontibus a Cassio Dione in conscribendis rebus inde a
+Tiberio usque ad mortem Vitelii gestis adhibitis._ (1876.)
+
+D.R. Stuart.--_The attitude of Dio Cassius towards epigraphic
+sources._ (1904.)--In "Roman Historical Sources," etc., pp. 101-147.
+
+H. van Herwerden.--_Lectiones Rheno-Traiectinae._ (1882.) Pp. 78-95.
+
+A. v. Gutschmid.--See _Kleine Schriften_, V, pp. 547-554. (1894.)
+
+J. Will.--_Quae ratio intercedat inter Dionis Cassii de Caesaris bellis
+gallicis narrationem et commentarios Caesaris de bello gallico._
+(1901.)
+
+
+
+
+A LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL ARTICLES
+
+ON
+
+CASSIUS DIO
+
+Found in Periodicals for the Twenty Years Preceding the Date of the
+Present Translation (1884-1904).
+
+
+1884.
+
+---- A review of _R. Ferwer_. (Die politischen Anschauungen des
+Cassius Dio.) (Bursian, Jhrb.)
+
+H. HAUPT.--Dio Cassius. (Yearly Review, continued.) (Rh. Mus., Book
+4.)
+
+K. SCHENKL.--A general review of the advance made in the study of Dio
+from 1873 to 1884. (Bursian, Jhrb. pp. 277-8; and also pp. 186-194 for
+1883.)
+
+
+1885.
+
+U. PH. BOISSEVAIN.--De Cassii Dionis libris manuscriptis (with
+author's stemma). (Mnemos., Vol. 13, Part 3. Also see Note on p. 456
+of Part 4, same volume.)
+
+H. HAUPT.--A review of _Grohs_ (Der Wert des Geschichtswerkes des
+Cassius Dio als Quelle der Jahre 49-44 V.C.). (Philolog. Anzeiger.)
+
+Id.--Dio Cassius. (Yearly Review, continued.) (Philol., Vol. 44, Book
+1 and Book 3.)
+
+H. SCHILLER.--A review of _Grohs_ (same article). (B.P.W., Feb. 21.)
+
+---- A review of U. Ph. Boissevain. (Program. On the Fragments of
+Cassius Dio.) (Bursian, Jhrb.)
+
+
+1886.
+
+S.A. NABER.--Emendations in Dio XLII, 34, and XXXVI, 49. (Mnemos.,
+N.S. 14, pp. 93 and 94.)
+
+---- Mention of Haupt's Survey in Philol. 44. (See above. Bursian,
+Jhrb.)
+
+---- A review of _Grohs_. (Article cited above. Bursian, Jhrb.)
+
+---- A review of _Grohs_. (Do. do.--Litt. Cbl., Jan. 16.)
+
+
+1887.
+
+---- A review of _C.J. Rockel_ (De allocutionis usu qualis sit apud
+Thucydidem, Xenophontem, oratores Atticos, _Dionem_, Aristidem.).
+(Jhrb. of I. Mueller.)
+
+---- Mention of H. Haupt's Survey in Philol. 44. (Jhrb. of I. Mueller.)
+
+BR. KEIL.--A criticism of _Rockel_. (Article above cited. W. Kl. Ph.,
+May 4.)
+
+W.F. ALLEN.--The Monetary Crisis in Rome, A.D. 33. (Containing
+citations from Dio. Tr. A. Ph. A., Vol. 18.)
+
+E.G. SIHLER.--The Tradition of Caesar's Gallic Wars from Cicero to
+Orosius. (Containing citations from Dio. Tr. A. Ph. A., Vol. 18.)
+
+LIATYSCHEV.--(An article containing citations from Dio that contribute
+to a knowledge of the location of the city of Olbia.--Journal
+Ministerstva Narodnavo Prosveschtscheniia, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4.)
+
+
+1888.
+
+W.F. ALLEN.--Lex Curiata de Imperio. (Containing citations from Dio
+XXXIX, 19 and elsewhere.--Tr. A. Ph. A., Vol. 19.)
+
+S.A. NABER.--Critical observations. (Including Dio XLVI, 15; LI, 14;
+LV, 10; LXIX, 28; LXXVI, 14; LXXVII, 4. Mnemos., Vol. 16, part 1.)
+
+---- A review of _L. Poetsch_. (Program. Bei.--traege zur Kritik der
+Kaiserbiographien _Cassius Dio_, Herodian, und AElius Lampridius auf
+Grund ihrer Berichte ueber den Kaiser Commodus Antoninus.--Z. oest.
+Gymn., 1888, Book 3.)
+
+
+1889.
+
+BREITUNG.--A review of _Maisel_ (Observationes in Cassium Dionem.).
+(W. Kl. Ph., June 19.)
+
+---- A review of _Maisel_. (Do. do.--The Academy, February.)
+
+J. HILBERG.--A review of _Maisel_. (Do. do.--Z. oest. Gymn., 1889,
+Book 3.)
+
+H. KONTOS.--Critical note on Dio, XLIX, 12, 2. ([Greek: ATHENA], Vol.
+1, parts 3-4.)
+
+MELBER.--Contribution to a new order of the Fragments in Cassius Dio.
+(Sitzb. d. philos.-philolog. u. hist. d. k. B. Akademie d. Wiss. zu
+Muenchen, Feb. 9.)
+
+NAUCK.--Analecta Critica. (Proposition to restore six fragments of
+Cassius Dio to Dio Chrysostom.--Hermes, Vol. 24, part 3.)
+
+ALEX RIESE.--Die Sueben (based upon Dio). (Rh. Mus., Vol. 44, part 3.)
+
+SP. VASIS.--Passage of Dio applied to correct conclusions of Willems
+on Cic. ad Att. 5, 4, 2. ([Greek: ATHENA], Vol. 1, parts 3-4.)
+
+---- A review of _E. Cornelius_ (Quomodo Tacitus historiae scriptor in
+hominum memoria versatus sit usque ad renascentes litteras saec. XIV et
+XV.--Dio is indirectly involved.). (Jhrb. d. phil. Ver. zu. Berlin,
+1889.)
+
+---- A review of _C.J. Rockel_. (Title cited under 1887.--Jhrb. of I.
+Mueller.)
+
+
+1890.
+
+U. PH. BOISSEVAIN.--A misplaced fragment of Dio (LXXV, 9, 6). (Hermes,
+Vol. 25, part 3.)
+
+TH. HULTZSCH.--On Dio Cassius (relative to early alteration of the
+text). (N. JB. f. Ph. u. Pae., Vol. 141, book 3.)
+
+KARL JACOBY.--A review of _Maisel_. (Title cited under 1889.--B.P.W.,
+Feb. 15.)
+
+MELBER.--Regarding the chronological relocation of several fragments
+of Dio. (Bl. f. d. Bayer. Gymn., Vol. 26, books 6 and 7.)
+
+---- A citation of the Kontos note (see above) from [Greek: ATHENA].
+(Rev. d. Et. Gr., Vol. 3, N. 9.)
+
+
+1891.
+
+BOISSEVAIN.--A review of _Melber_. (Text edition of Dio, Vol. I.)
+(B.P.W., Jan. 24.)
+
+BREITUNG.--A review of _Melber_. (Do. do.--W. Kl. Ph., June 24.)
+
+B. KUEBLER.--A review of _Melber_. (Do. do.--Deutsche LZ., Nov. 28.)
+
+Id.--Five conjectures in the (earlier portion of) text of Dio. (Rh.
+Mus., Vol. 46, part 2.)
+
+MELBER.--A review of _Maisel_. (Title cited under 1889.--Bl. f. d.
+Bayer. Gymn., Vol. 27, books 6 and 7.)
+
+Id.--A correction in Zonaras, IX, 5. (Bl. f. d. Bayer. Gymn., Vol. 27,
+book 1.)
+
+G.M. RUSHFORTH.--A review of _Melber_ (Dio, Vol. 1). (Cl. Rev., Vol.
+5, Nos. 1 and 2.)
+
+C. WACHSMUTH.--The pentad arrangement in Dio and others. (Rh. Mus.,
+Vol. 46, part 2.)
+
+---- Mention of an article on Dio (Caesar's Gallic Wars) in Festgruss
+des kgl. Max.-Gymn. zu Muenchen. (Phil. Rundsch., Dec. 5.)
+
+
+1892.
+
+U. PH. BOISSEVAIN.--On the spellings Callaeci--Gallaeci, etc. (Mnemos.,
+N.S. Vol. 20, p. 286 ff.)
+
+H. SCHILLER.--A review of _Meyer_ (De Maecenatis oratione a Dione
+ficta). (B.P.W., Sept. 17.)
+
+
+1893.
+
+BUETTNER-WOBST.--An account of Dio in the Cod. Peir. (Berichte der kgl.
+saechs. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch., part 3.)
+
+C.G. COBET.--Emendations. (Mnemos. N.S., Vol. 21, p. 395.)
+
+B. HEISTERBERGK.--An emendation in XLVIII, 12. (Philol., Vol. 50, part
+4.)
+
+J.J.H.--An emendation of LXVII, 12. (Mnemos., Vol. 21, part 4.)
+
+MAISEL.--A review of _Melber_. (Dio, Vol. 1.--Phil. Rundsch., March
+4.)
+
+S.A. NABER.--Four emendations. (Mnemos., Vol. 21, part 4.)
+
+
+1894.
+
+K. BURESCH.--A comment on Dio, LIV, 30, 3. (W. Kl. Ph., Jan. 24.)
+
+
+1895.
+
+AD. BAUER.--Dio's account of the war in Dalmatia and Pannonia
+(6-9 A.D.). (Archaeologisch-Epigraphische Mittheilungen aus
+Oesterreich-Ungarn, 17th year, book 2.)
+
+U. PH. BOISSEVAIN.--A review of _Maisel_ (Beitraege zur Wuerdigung der
+Hdss. des Cassius Dio). (B.P.W., Apr. 13.)
+
+K. JACOBY.--A review of _Maisel_. (Do. do.--W. Kl. Ph., July 3.)
+
+Id.--A review of _Melber_. (Dio, Vol. 2.--Ibid.)
+
+TH. MOMMSEN.--The miracle of the rain on the column of Marcus
+Aurelius. (Dio as a source.) (Hermes, Vol. 30, part 1.)
+
+---- A review of _E. Kyhnitzsch_ (De contionibus quas Cassius Dio
+historiae suae intexuit, cum Thucydideis comparatis). (Litt. Cbl., Oct.
+26.)
+
+
+1896.
+
+U. PH. BOISSEVAIN.--A review of _E. Kyhnitzsch_. (Title just
+above.--B.P.W., Jan. 18.)
+
+P. ERCOLE.--A review of _M.A. Micallela_ (La Fonte di Dione Cassio per
+le guerre galliche di Cesare). (Riv. di. Fil. e d'Istr. Class., 25th
+year, part 1.)
+
+PH. FABIA.--The statement of Dio about Nero and Pappaea shown to be
+parallel with that of Tacitus (Hist. I, 13). (Rev. de Phil., de Litt.,
+et d'Hist. anciennes, Vol. 20, part 1.)
+
+K. KUIPER.--De Cassii Dionis Zonaraeque historiis epistula critica ad
+Ursulum Philippum Boissevain. (Mnemos., N.S. Vol. 24.)
+
+B. NIESE.--Dio's contributions to the history of the war against
+Pyrrhus. (Hermes, Vol. 31, part 4.)
+
+F. VOGEL.--Dio worthless for facts regarding Caesar's second expedition
+into Britain. (N. JB. f. Ph. u. Pae., 1896, books 3 and 4.)
+
+---- Dio LIII, 23, compared with inscription discovered at Philae,
+Egypt. (Philol., Vol. 55, part 1.)
+
+
+1897.
+
+D. DETLEFSEN.--Dio LIV, 32, as a sample of ancient knowledge in regard
+to the North Sea. (Hermes, Vol. 32, part 2.)
+
+PH. FABIA.--_Ofonius_ rather than _Sophonius_ (Dio MSS.) for the
+gentile name of Tigillinus. (Rev. de Phil., de Litt., et d'Hist.
+anciennes, Vol. 21, book 3.)
+
+P. GAROFOLO.--A citation of Dio. (Jhrb. of I. Mueller, 1897.)
+
+B. KUEBLER.--A review of _Melber_. (Dio, Vol. 2.--Deutsche LZ., March
+6.)
+
+Id.--A review of _Boissevain_. (Edition of Dio.--B.P.W., May 15.)
+
+---- A mention of three articles by _Melber_.
+     1.) Der Bericht des Dio Cassius ueber d. gall.
+         Kriege Caesars.
+
+     2.) Des Dio Cassius Bericht ueber d. Seeschlacht
+         d. D. Brutus geg. d. Veneter.
+     3.) Dio Cassius ueber d. letzten Kaempfe geg.
+         S. Pompejus, 36 v. Chr.
+     (Jhrb. of I. Mueller, 1897.)
+
+---- Mention of a rearrangement favored by _Boissevain_ ("Ein
+verschobenes Fragment des Cassius Dio") who holds that a certain
+fragment, old style LXXV, 9, 6, properly belongs to the year 116 A.D.
+and to Trajan's expedition against the Parthians.
+
+
+1898.
+
+BUETTNER-WOBST.--Dio corrected in regard to an episode in the siege of
+Ambracia, 189 B.C. (Philol., Vol. 57, part 3.)
+
+PH. FABIA.--An emendation and a change of order in Dio, LXI, 6, 6.
+(Rev. de Phil., de Litt., et d'Hist. anciennes, 1898, book 2.)
+
+J. KROMAYER.--Studies in the Second Triumvirate (Dio as a source).
+(Hermes, Vol. 33, part 1.)
+
+B. KUEBLER.--A review of _Boissevain_. (Dio, Vol. 2.--B.P.W., Nov. 26
+and Dec. 3.)
+
+J. VAHLEN.--Varia. (Dio LV, 6 and 7, for date of death of Maecenas).
+(Hermes, Vol. 33, part 2.)
+
+
+1899.
+
+WILH. CROENERT.---A study of 34 pp. on the transmission of the text of
+Dio. (Wiener Studien, 1899, book 1.)
+
+K. JACOBY.--A review of _Boissevain_. (Dio, Vol. 1.--W. Kl. Ph., March
+22.)
+
+
+1900.
+
+WILH. CROENERT.--Criticism of Boissevain. (Rev. Crit., July 2.)
+
+C. ROBERT.--On Dio LV, 10. (Hermes, Vol. 25, No. 4.)
+
+---- On Dio XLVII, 17, 1. (Archiv. f. Papyrusforschung u. verw. Geb.,
+vol. 2, book 1.)
+
+---- Observationes. (Philol., Vol. 59, No. 2.)
+
+---- Melanges (including Dio XXXVIII, 50, 4). (Wiener Studien, 22nd
+year, book 2.)
+
+N. VULIC.--A note on Cassius Dio, XXXVIII, 50, 4. (Wiener Studien,
+22nd year, book 2, p. 314.)
+
+
+1901.
+
+C. JULLIAN.--Dio's account of the surrender of Vercingetorix compared
+with others. (Rev. des Et. Anc., Vol. 3, No. 2.)
+
+H. ST. SEDIMAYER.--Apocolocyntosis, i.e. Apotheosis per Satiram (Dio,
+LX, 35). (Wiener Studien, I, pp. 181-192.)
+
+
+1902.
+
+B. KUEBLER.--A review of _Boissevain_. (Dio, Vol. 3.--B.P.W., Dec. 20.)
+
+---- Reference to portraiture in Dio. (Philol., Vol. 61, No. 3.)
+
+---- Record of a new coin bearing the name of L. Munatius Plancus (cp.
+Dio XLVI, 50). (Numismat. Zeitschr., Vol. 34.)
+
+
+1903.
+
+A. BOMER.--An opinion to the effect that [Greek: Elison] (Dio LIV, 33)
+is a corrupt reading for [Greek: Stibarna] = Stever. (N. JB. f. d. kl.
+Alt., Gesch., u. deut. Lit., 6th year, part 3.)
+
+S.B. COUGEAS.--An account of a new MS. of Xiphilinus (No. 812 of the
+Iberian monastery on Mt. Athos. It is incomplete and ends at L, 11, 3
+of Dio). ([Greek: ATHENA], Vol. 15.)
+
+H. PETER.--A review of _G.M. Columba_ (Cassio Dione e del guerre
+galliche di Cesare.--B.P.W., Sept. 5).
+
+
+
+
+THE ORIGINAL ARRANGEMENT
+
+of
+
+DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
+
+as conjectured by A. von Gutschmid (_Kleine Schriften_, V, p. 561).
+
+
+A. Rome under the Kings (Two Books).
+     Book I, B.C. 753-673.
+     Book II, B.C. 672-510.
+
+B. Rome under a Republic (Thirty-nine Books).
+
+     a.) To the End of the Second Punic War (Fifteen Books.)
+
+       1.) To the Beginning of the Second Samnite War (Five Books):
+             Book III, B.C. 509.
+             Book IV, B.C. 508-493.
+             Book V, B.C. 493-449.
+             Book VI, B.C. 449-390.
+             Book VII, B.C. 390-326.
+
+       2.) To the Beginning of the Second Punic War (Five Books):
+             Book VIII, B.C. 326-290.
+             Book IX, B.C. 290-278.
+             Book X, B.C. 277-264.
+             Book XI, B.C. 264-250.
+             Book XII, B.C. 250-219.
+
+       3.) To the End of the Second Punic War (Five Books):
+             Book XIII, B.C. 219-218.
+             Book XIV, B.C. 218-217.
+             Book XV, B.C. 216-211.
+             Book XVI, B.C. 211-206.
+             Book XVII, B.C. 206-201.
+
+     b.) From the End of the Second Punic War (Twenty-four Books).
+
+       1.) To the Death of Gaius Gracchus (Eight Books):
+             Book XVIII, B.C. 200-195.
+             Book XIX, B.C. 195-183.
+             Book XX, B.C. 183-149.
+             Book XXI, B.C. 149-146.
+             Book XXII, B.C. 145-140.
+             Book XXIII, B.C. 139-133.
+             Book XXIV, B.C. 133-124.
+             Book XXV, B.C. 124-121.
+
+       2.) To the Dictatorship of Sulla (Eight Books):
+             Book XXVI, B.C. 120-106.
+             Book XXVII, B.C. 105-101.
+             Book XXVIII, B.C. 100-91.
+             Book XXIX, B.C. 90-89.
+             Book XXX, B.C. 88 (Happenings at Home).
+             Book XXXI, B.C. 88 (Events Abroad) and
+               87 (Happenings at Home).
+             Book XXXII, B.C. 87 (Events Abroad)-84.
+             Book XXXIII, B.C. 84-82.
+
+       3.) To the Battle of Pharsalus (Eight Books):
+             Book XXXIV, B.C. 81-79.
+             Book XXXV, B.C. 78-70.
+             Book XXXVI, B.C. 69-66.
+             Book XXXVII, B.C. 65-60.
+             Book XXXVIII, B.C. 59-58.
+             Book XXXIX, B.C. 57-54 (= a.u. 700) (Happenings at Home).
+             Book XL, B.C. 54 (Events Abroad)-50.
+             Book XLI, B.C. 49-48.
+
+C. Rome under Political Factions and under the Monarchy (Thirty-nine
+   Books).
+
+     a.) To the Death of Augustus (Fifteen Books).
+
+       1.) To the Triumvirate (Five Books):
+             Book XLII, B.C. 48-47.
+             Book XLIII, B.C. 46-44.
+             Book XLIV, B.C. 44.
+             Book XLV, B.C. 44-43.
+             Book XLVI, B.C. 43.
+
+       2.) To the Bestowal of the Imperial Title upon Augustus (Five
+           Books):
+             Book XLVII, B.C. 43-42.
+             Book XLVIII, B.C. 42-37.
+             Book XLIX, B.C. 36-33.
+             Book L, B.C. 32-Sept. 2, B.C. 31.
+             Book LI, Sept. 2, B.C. 31-29 (= a.u. 725) (Events Abroad).
+
+       3.) To the Death of Augustus (Five Books):
+             Book LII, B.C. 29 (Happenings at Home).
+             Book LIII, B.C. 28-23.
+             Book LIV, B.C. 22-10.
+             Book LV, B.C. 9-A.D. 8.
+             Book LVI, A.D. 9-14.
+
+     b.) From the Death of Augustus (Twenty-four Books).
+
+       1.) To Vespasian (Eight Books):
+             Book LVII, A.D. 14-25.
+             Book LVIII, A.D. 26-37.
+             Book LIX, A.D. 37-41.
+             Book LX, A.D. 41-46.
+             Book LXI, A.D. 47 (= a.u. 800)-59.
+             Book LXII, A.D. 59-68.
+             Book LXIII, A.D. 68-69
+             Book LXIV, A.D. 69-70.
+
+       2.) To Commodus (Eight Books):
+             Book LXV, A.D. 70-79.
+             Book LXVI, A.D. 79-81.
+             Book LXVII, A.D. 81-96.
+             Book LXVIII, A.D. 96-117.
+             Book LXIX, A.D. 117-138.
+             Book LXX, A.D. 138-161.
+             Book LXXI, A.D. 161-169.
+             Book LXXII, A.D. 169-180.
+
+       3.) To Dio's Second Consulate (Eight Books).
+             Book LXXIII, A.D. 180-192.
+             Book LXXIV, A.D. 193.
+             Book LXXV, A.D. 193-197.
+             Book LXXVI, A.D. 197-211.
+             Book LXXVII, A.D. 211-217.
+             Book LXXVIII, A.D. 217-218.
+             Book LXXIX, A.D. 218-222.
+             Book LXXX, A.D. 222-229.
+
+
+
+
+AN EPITOME
+
+of
+
+THE LOST BOOKS I-XXI OF DIO
+
+as found in the
+
+CHRONICON
+
+of
+
+IOANNES ZONARAS.
+
+
+_(BOOK 1, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 1] VII, 1.--AEneas after the Trojan war came to the
+Aborigines, who were the former inhabitants of the land wherein Rome
+has been built and at that time had Latinus, the son of Faunus, as
+their sovereign. He came ashore at Laurentum, by the mouth of the
+river Numicius, where in obedience to some oracle he is said to have
+made preparations to dwell.
+
+The ruler of the land, Latinus, interfered with AEneas's settling in
+the land, but after a sharp struggle was defeated. Then in accordance
+with dreams that appeared to both leaders they effected a
+reconciliation and the king beside permitting AEneas to reside there
+gave him his daughter Lavinia in marriage. Thereupon AEneas founded a
+city which he named Lavinium and the country was called Latium and the
+people there were termed Latins. But the Rutuli who occupied adjoining
+territory had been previously hostile to the Latins, and now they set
+out from the city of Ardea with warlike demonstrations. They had the
+support of no less distinguished a man than Turnus, a relative of
+Latinus, who had taken a dislike to Latinus because of Lavinia's
+marriage, for it was to him that the maiden had originally been
+promised. A battle took place, Turnus and Latinus fell, and AEneas
+gained the victory and his father-in-law's kingdom as well. After a
+time, however, the Rutuli secured the Etruscans as allies and marched
+upon AEneas. They won in this war. AEneas vanished, being seen no more
+alive or dead, and was honored as a god by the Latins. Hence he has
+come to be regarded by the Romans as the fountain head of their race
+and they take pride in being called "Sons of AEneas." The Latin domain
+fell in direct succession to his son Ascanius who had accompanied his
+father from home. AEneas had not yet had any child by Lavinia, but left
+her pregnant. Ascanius was enclosed round about by the enemy, but by
+night the Latins attacked them and ended both the siege and the war.
+
+As time went on the Latin nation increased in size, and the majority
+of the people abandoned Lavinium to build another town in a better
+location. To it they gave the name of Alba from its whiteness and from
+its length they called it Longa (or, as Greeks would say, "white" and
+"long").
+
+At the death of Ascanius the Latins gave the preference in the matter
+of royal power to the son borne to AEneas by Lavinia over the son of
+Ascanius, their preference being founded on the fact that Latinus was
+his grandfather. The new king's name was Silvius. Silvius begat AEneas,
+from AEneas sprang Latinus, and Latinus was succeeded by Pastis.
+Tiberinus, who came subsequently to be ruler, lost his life by falling
+into a river called the Albula. This river was renamed _Tiber_ from
+him. It flows through Rome and is of great value to the city and in
+the highest degree useful to the Romans. Amulius, a descendant of
+Tiberinus, displayed an overweening pride and had the audacity to
+deify himself, pretending an ability to answer thunder with thunder by
+mechanical contrivances and to lighten in response to the lightnings
+and to hurl thunderbolts. He met his end by the overflow of the lake
+beside which his palace was set, and both he and the palace were
+submerged in the sudden rush of waters. Aventinus his son perished in
+warfare.
+
+So far the account concerns Lavinium and the people of Alba. At the
+beginning of Roman history we see Numitor and Amulius, who were
+grandsons of Aventinus and descendants of AEneas.
+
+
+_(BOOK 2, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 672 (_a.u._ 82)] VII, 6.--When Numa died leaving no
+successor, Tullus Hostilius was chosen by the people and the senate.
+He followed in the footsteps of Romulus, and both welcomed combats
+himself and encouraged the people to do the same. The Albanians having
+become the victims of a marauding expedition on the part of the the
+Romans, both sides proceeded into battle; before they came into actual
+conflict, however, they effected a reconciliation and both races
+decided to dwell together in one city. [Sidenote: FRAG. 6^2] BUT AS
+EACH CLUNG TO HIS OWN TOWN AND INSISTED THAT THE OTHER RACE SHOULD
+REMOVE TO IT, THEY FAILED OF THEIR OBJECT. NEXT THEY DISPUTED ABOUT
+THE LEADERSHIP. As neither one would yield it to the other, [Sidenote:
+FRAG. 6^2] THEY ARRANGED TO HAVE A CONTEST FOR THE SOVEREIGNTY. They
+did not care to fight with entire armies nor yet to let the decision
+be made by a duel of champions. But there were on both sides brethren
+born three at a birth, the offspring of twin mothers, of like age and
+alike in strength: the Roman brethren were called Publihoratii and the
+Albanian Curiatii. These they set into battle over against one
+another, paying no heed to their relationship. So they, having armed
+themselves and having arrayed themselves in opposing files in the
+vacant space between the camps, called upon the same family gods and
+cast repeated glances upward at the sun. Having joined issue they
+fought now in groups, now in pairs. Finally, when two of the Romans
+had fallen and all of the Albanians had been wounded, the remaining
+Horatius, because he could not withstand the three at once, even were
+he unwounded, gave way in order that in pursuing him they might be
+scattered. And when they had become separated in the pursuit,
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 6^2] ATTACKING EACH ONE he despatched them all. Then
+he was given honors. But because he further killed his sister when she
+lamented on seeing Horatius carrying the spoils of her cousins, he was
+tried for murder; and having taken an appeal to the people he was
+released.
+
+The Albanians now became subjects of the Romans, but later they
+disregarded the compact; and having been summoned, in their capacity
+of subjects, to serve as allies, they attempted at the crisis of the
+battle to desert to the enemy and to join in the attack upon the
+Romans. They were detected, however, and punished: many (including
+their leader, Mettius) were put to death, and the rest suffered
+deportation; their city Alba was razed to the ground, after being
+deemed for five hundred years the mother city of the Romans.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 6^4] NOW AGAINST THE ENEMY TULLUS WAS THOUGHT TO BE
+VERY EFFICIENT, BUT HE NEGLECTED RELIGION. WHEN, HOWEVER, A PESTILENCE
+WAS INCURRED AND HE HIMSELF FELL SICK, HE TURNED ASIDE TO A GODFEARING
+COURSE. He is said to have reached the end of his life by being
+consumed by lightning[5] or else as the result of a plot formed by
+Ancus Marcius, who happened to be (as has been stated) a son of Numa's
+daughter. He was king of the Romans thirty-two years.
+
+[Footnote 5: The first alternative agrees with Plutarch, who, at the
+end of his life of Numa (chapter 22), says that this death by
+lightning of Tullus Hostilius caused many among the population at
+large to revere that religion which their king had for so long a time
+neglected.]
+
+VII, 7.--When Hostilius died, Marcius succeeded to the kingdom,
+receiving it as a voluntary gift from the Romans. And he was not
+perfect in his arm, for he was maimed at the joint (or bend), whence
+he got the title Ancus (bent arm). Though gentle he was compelled to
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 7] CHANGE HIS HABITS and he turned his attention to
+campaigns. For the rest of the Latins, on account of the destruction
+of Alba and in fear that they themselves might suffer some similar
+disaster, were angry at the Romans. As long as Tullus survived, they
+humbled themselves, dreading his reputation for warfare: but thinking
+that Marcius was easy to attack because of his peaceful disposition,
+they assailed his territory and pillaged it. He, [Sidenote: FRAG. 7]
+COMPREHENDING THAT PEACE COULD BE CAUSED BY WAR, attacked the
+attackers, defended his position, and captured their cities, one of
+which he razed to the ground, and treated many of the men taken as
+slaves and transferred many others to Rome. As the Romans grew and
+land was added to their domain, the neighboring peoples were
+displeased and set themselves at odds with the Romans. Hence the
+latter had to overcome the Fidenates by siege, and they damaged the
+Sabines by falling upon them while scattered and seizing their camp,
+and by terrifying others they got them to embrace peace even contrary
+to inclination. After this the life-stint of Marcius was exhausted,
+when he had ruled for twenty-four years, being a man that paid strict
+attention to religion according to the manner of his grandfather Numa.
+
+VII, 8.--The sovereignty was now appropriated by Lucius Tarquinius,
+who was the son of Demaratus a Corinthian, borne to the latter by a
+native woman after he had been exiled and had taken up his abode in
+Tarquinii, an Etruscan city; the boy had been named Lucumo. And though
+he inherited much wealth from his father, yet, because as an immigrant
+he was not deemed worthy of the highest offices by the people of
+Tarquinii, he removed to Rome, changing his appellation along with his
+city; and he changed his name to Lucius Tarquinius,--from the city in
+which he dwelt. It is said that as he was journeying to his new home
+an eagle swooped down and snatched the cap which he had on his head,
+and after soaring aloft and screaming for some time placed it again
+exactly upon his head: wherefore he was inspired to hope for no small
+advancement and eagerly took up his residence in Rome. Hence not long
+after he was numbered among the foremost men. [Sidenote: FRAG. 8] FOR
+BY USING HIS WEALTH QUITE LAVISHLY AND BY WINNING OVER THE NOBLES
+THROUGH HIS INTELLIGENCE AND WIT HE WAS INCLUDED AMONG THE PATRICIANS
+AND IN THE SENATE BY MARCIUS, WAS APPOINTED PRAETOR, AND WAS ENTRUSTED
+WITH THE SUPERVISION OF THE KING'S CHILDREN AND OF THE KINGDOM. HE
+SHOWED HIMSELF AN EXCELLENT MAN, SHARING HIS MONEY WITH THOSE IN NEED
+AND BESTOWING HIS SERVICES READILY IF ANY ONE NEEDED HIM TO HELP. HE
+NEITHER DID NOR SAID ANYTHING MEAN TO ANY ONE. IF HE RECEIVED A
+KINDNESS FROM PERSONS HE MADE MUCH OF THE ATTENTION, WHEREAS IF ANY
+OFFENCE WAS OFFERED HIM, HE EITHER DISREGARDED THE INJURY OR MINIMIZED
+IT AND MADE LIGHT OF IT, AND FAR FROM MAKING REPRISALS UPON THE MAN
+THAT HAD DONE THE INJURY, HE WOULD EVEN BENEFIT HIM. THUS HE CAME TO
+DOMINATE BOTH MARCIUS HIMSELF AND HIS CIRCLE, AND ACQUIRED THE
+REPUTATION OF BEING A SENSIBLE AND UPRIGHT MAN.
+
+But the aforesaid estimate of him did not continue permanently. For at
+the death of Marcius he behaved in a knavish way to the latter's two
+sons and made the kingdom his own. The senate and the people were
+intending to elect the children of Marcius, when Tarquinius made
+advances to the most influential of the senators;--he had first
+sent the fatherless boys to some distant point on a hunting
+expedition:--and by his talk and his efforts he got these men to vote
+him the kingdom on the understanding that he would restore it to the
+children when they had attained manhood. And after assuming control of
+affairs he so disposed the Romans that they should never wish to
+choose the children in preference to him: the lads he accustomed to
+indolence and ruined their souls and bodies by a kind of kindness. As
+he still felt afraid in spite of being so placed, he secured some
+extra strength for himself in the senate. Those of the populace who
+felt friendly towards him he enrolled (to the number of about two
+hundred) among the patricians and the senators, and thus he put both
+the senate and the people within his own control. He altered his
+raiment, likewise, to a more magnificent style. It consisted of toga
+and tunic, purple all over and shot with gold, of a crown of precious
+stones set in gold, and of ivory sceptre and chair, which were later
+used by various officials and especially by those that held sway as
+emperors. He also on the occasion of a triumph paraded with a
+four-horse chariot and kept twelve lictors for life.
+
+He would certainly have introduced still other and more numerous
+innovations, had not Attus Navius prevented him, when he desired to
+rearrange the tribes: this man was an augur whose equal has never been
+seen. Tarquinius, angry at his opposition, took measures to abase him
+and to bring his art into contempt. So, putting into his bosom a
+whetstone and a razor, he went among the populace having in his mind
+that the whetstone should be cut by the razor,--a thing that is
+impossible. He said all that he wished, and when Attus vehemently
+opposed him, he said, still yielding not a particle: "If you are not
+opposing me out of quarrelsomeness, but are speaking the truth, answer
+me in the presence of all these witnesses whether what I have in mind
+to do shall be performed." Attus, having taken an augury on almost the
+very spot, replied immediately: "Verily, O King, what you intend shall
+be fulfilled." "Well, then," said the other, "take this whetstone and
+cut it through with this razor; this is what I have had in mind to
+come to pass." Attus at once took the stone and cut it through.
+Tarquinius, in admiration, heaped various honors upon him, accorded
+him the privilege of a bronze image, and did not again make any change
+in the established constitution, but employed Attus as a counselor on
+all matters.
+
+He fought against the Latins who had revolted, and afterwards against
+the Sabines, who, aided by the Etruscans as allies, had invaded the
+Roman country; and he conquered them all. He discovered that one of
+the priestesses of Vesta, who are required by custom to remain virgins
+all their life, had been seduced by a man, whereupon he arranged a
+kind of underground chamber with a long passage, and after placing in
+it a bed, a light, and a table nearly full of foods, he brought
+thither the unchaste woman escorted by a procession and having
+introduced her alive into the room walled it up. From his institution
+this plan of punishing those of the priestesses that do not keep their
+virginity has continued to prevail. The men that outrage them have
+their necks inserted in cloven pillars in the Forum, and then are
+maltreated naked until they give up the ghost.
+
+However, an attack was made upon Tarquinius by the children of Marcius
+because he would not yield the sovereignty to them, but instead placed
+a certain Tullius, borne to him by a slave woman, at the head of them
+all. This more than anything else displeased the patricians. The young
+men interested some of the latter class in their cause and formed a
+plot against the king. They arrayed two men like rustics, equipped
+with axes and scythes, and made them ready to attack him. So these
+two, when they did not find Tarquinius in the Forum, went to the royal
+court (pretending, of course, to have a dispute with each other) and
+asked for admission to his presence. Their request was granted and
+they began to make opposing arguments, and while Tarquinius was giving
+his attention to one of them pleading his cause, the other slew him.
+
+VII, 9.--Such was the end that befell Tarquinius who had ruled for
+thirty-eight years. By the cooeperation of Tanaquil, wife of
+Tarquinius, Tullius succeeded to the kingdom of Rome. He was the child
+of a certain woman named Ocrisia, the wife of Spurius Tullius, a
+Latin; she had been captured in the war and chosen by Tarquinius: she
+had either become pregnant at home or conceived after her capture;
+both stories are current. When Tullius had reached boyhood he went to
+sleep on a chair once in the daytime and a quantity of fire seemed to
+leap from his head. Tarquinius, seeing it, took an active interest in
+the child and on his arriving at maturity had him enrolled among the
+patricians and in the senate.
+
+The murderers of Tarquinius were arrested and his wife and Tullius
+learned the plan of the plot; but instead of making Tarquinius's death
+known at once, they took him up and tended him (pretending that he was
+still alive), and meantime exchanged mutual pledges that Tullius
+should take the sovereignty but surrender it to Tanaquil's sons when
+they became men. And when the multitude ran together and raised an
+outcry, Tanaquil, leaning out of an upper story, said: "Be not afraid.
+My husband both lives and shall be seen by you shortly. But in order
+that he may regain health at leisure and that no hindrance to business
+may arise from his being incapacitated, he entrusts the management of
+the public weal for the present to Tullius." These were her words and
+the people not unwillingly accepted Tullius: for he was thought to be
+an upright man.
+
+So, having been granted the administration of public affairs, he
+managed them for the most part according to orders supposed to emanate
+from Tarquinius. [Sidenote: FRAG. 9] BUT WHEN HE SAW THE PEOPLE
+OBEYING HIM IN ALL POINTS, he brought the assassins of Tarquinius
+before the senate, though, to be sure, only because of their plot; for
+he was still pretending that the king was still alive. They were
+sentenced and put to death, and the sons of Marcius through fear took
+refuge among the Volsci. Then did Tullius reveal the death of
+Tarquinius and openly take possession of the kingdom. At first he put
+forward the children of Tarquinius as his excuse and caused it to be
+understood that he was the guardian of their royal office, but
+afterward he proceeded to pay court to the people, believing that he
+could secure control of the multitude very much more easily than of
+the patricians. He gave them money, assigned land to each individual,
+and made preparations to free the slaves and adopt them into tribes.
+As the nobles were irritated at this, he gave instructions that those
+liberated should perform some services, in requital, for the men that
+had liberated them. Now since the patricians were disaffected in the
+matter of his aspirations and circulated among other sayings one to
+the effect that no one had chosen him to hold the sovereignty, he
+gathered the people and harangued them. And by the use of many
+alluring statements he so disposed them toward himself that they at
+once voted the kingdom to him outright. He in return bestowed many
+gifts upon them and enrolled some of them in the senate. These
+originally in most matters were at a disadvantage as compared with the
+patricians, but as time went on they shared equally with the
+patricians in everything save the office of interrex and the
+priesthoods, and were distinguished from them in no respect except by
+their shoes. For the shoes of the patricians were made ornate by the
+addition of straps and the imprint of the letter, which were intended
+to signify that they were descended from the original hundred men that
+had been senators. The letter R, they say, either indicates the number
+of the hundred men referred to or else is used as the initial of the
+name of the Romans.
+
+In this way Tullius gained control of the populace, but fearing that
+some rebellion might take place he delivered the greater number and
+the more important of the public positions to the care of the more
+powerful citizens. Thus they became harmonious in their views and
+transacted the public business in the best manner. He also conducted a
+few wars against the Veians and against all the Etruscans, in the
+course of which nothing was done worthy of record. Wishing to
+affiliate the Latins still more closely with the Romans he persuaded
+them to construct in Rome a temple out of common funds. This he
+devoted to Minerva. But differences arose in regard to its
+superintendence. Meantime a Sabine brought to Rome an exceedingly fine
+cow, intending to sacrifice her to Minerva in accordance with an
+oracle. The oracle said that he who should sacrifice her would enlarge
+his country. One of the Romans learning this went to the man and told
+him that it was requisite for the victim first to be purified in the
+river, and by his talk persuaded him. Having persuaded him he took the
+cow under the pretence of keeping her safe and having taken her he
+sacrificed her. When the Sabine made known the oracle the Latins both
+yielded the presidency of the shrine to the Romans and in other ways
+honored them as superior to themselves.
+
+This was the course these matters took. Now Tullius joined his
+daughters in marriage with the Tarquins, and though he announced that
+he was going to restore the kingdom to them he kept putting it off,
+now on one excuse and now on another. And they were not at all
+disposed to be complaisant, but were indignant. The king paid no heed
+to them and urged the Romans to democracy and freedom. Then were the
+Tarquins all the more disquieted. But the younger one, however ill at
+ease he was, still endured it, until in the course of time he thought
+he could bear Tullius no longer. And when he found that his wife did
+not approve his attitude, nor did his brother, he put to death his own
+wife [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^1] AND COMPASSED HIS BROTHER'S DEATH BY
+POISON ADMINISTERED BY THE LATTER'S WIFE. Then, uniting his fortunes
+with his brother's spouse, he plotted with her help against Tullius.
+After persuading many of the senators and patricians whose reputations
+were under a cloud to cooeperate with him against Tullius he
+unexpectedly repaired with them to the senate, his wife Tullia also
+following him. He there spoke many words to remind them of his
+father's worth and uttered many jests at the expense of Tullius. When
+the latter on hearing of it hastily made his appearance and said a
+word or two, the pretender seized him, and thrusting him out cast him
+down the steps in front of the senate-house. So the king, bewildered
+by the audacity of Tarquin and surprised that no one came to his
+assistance, did not say or do anything more. Tarquin at once obtained
+the kingdom from the senate, and sent some men who despatched Tullius
+while he was on his way home. The latter's daughter, after embracing
+her husband in the senate-house and saluting him as king, departed to
+the palace and drove her chariot over the dead body of her father as
+he lay there.
+
+VII, 10.--Thus ruled Tullius and thus he died after a reign of
+forty-four years. Tarquin, who succeeded to the kingdom, stationed
+body-guards around him after the manner of Romulus, and used them both
+night and day, at home and abroad. For, as a result of what he had
+done to his father-in-law, and his wife to her father, they in turn
+were afraid of other people. [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^2] AND WHEN HE HAD
+EQUIPPED HIMSELF TO RULE OVER THEM TYRANNICALLY HE ARRESTED AND PUT TO
+DEATH THE MOST POWERFUL MEMBERS OF THE SENATE AND OF THE REST,
+EXECUTING PUBLICLY THOSE AGAINST WHOM HE WAS ABLE TO BRING A CHARGE,
+AND OTHERS SECRETLY; SOME ALSO HE BANISHED. HE DESTROYED NOT MERELY
+THOSE WHO WERE ATTACHED TO THE PARTY OF TULLIUS, BUT IN ADDITION THOSE
+WHO HAD COOPERATED WITH HIM IN SECURING THE MONARCHY, AND THUS HE MADE
+AWAY WITH THE BEST PART OF THE SENATE AND OF THE KNIGHTS. HE
+UNDERSTOOD THAT HE WAS HATED BY THE ENTIRE POPULACE; HENCE HE DID NOT
+APPOINT ANY PERSONS WHATEVER TO TAKE THE PLACES OF THOSE WHO KEPT
+PERISHING, BUT UNDERTAKING TO ABOLISH THE SENATE ALTOGETHER HE DID NOT
+APPOINT A SINGLE NEW PERSON TO IT AND COMMUNICATED NO NEWS OF
+IMPORTANCE TO THOSE WHO STILL WERE MEMBERS. HE CALLED THE SENATORS
+TOGETHER NOT TO HELP HIM IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF ANY IMPORTANT
+MEASURES, BUT IN ORDER THAT THEIR FEWNESS MIGHT BE MADE EVIDENT TO ALL
+AND THEY BE CONSEQUENTLY DESPISED. MOST OF HIS BUSINESS HE CARRIED ON
+BY HIMSELF OR WITH THE AID OF HIS SONS. IT WAS HARD TO APPROACH AND
+HARD TO ACCOST HIM, AND HE SHOWED GREAT HAUGHTINESS AND BRUTALITY
+TOWARD ALL ALIKE, AND HE AS WELL AS HIS CHILDREN ADOPTED A MORE
+TYRANNICAL BEARING TOWARD ALL PERSONS. Hence he also cast eyes of
+suspicion upon the members of his guard and secured a new body-guard
+from the Latin nation, intermingling the Latins with Romans in the
+ranks. He intended that the Latins by obtaining equal privileges with
+the Romans should owe him gratitude therefor, and that the Romans
+should cause him less terror, since they no longer had a place of
+their own but bore arms only in association with the Latins.
+
+He also joined battle with the people of Gabii and fared ill in the
+conflict, but by treachery overcame them; for he suggested to his son
+Sextus that he desert to their side. Sextus, in order to get some
+plausible pretext for the desertion, [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^3] REVILED
+HIS FATHER PUBLICLY AS A TYRANT AND FORESWORN, and the latter flogged
+his son and took measures of defence. Then, according to arrangement,
+the son made his treacherous desertion to the people of Gabii, taking
+along with him money and companions. The enemy believed the trick on
+account of the cruelty of Tarquin and because at this time the son
+spoke many words of truth in abusing his father and by his conduct
+seemed to have become thoroughly estranged from him. So they were very
+glad to receive him, and in his company made many incursions into
+Roman territory and did it no slight damage. For this reason and
+because he privately furnished some persons with money and spent it
+lavishly for public purposes he was chosen praetor by them and was
+entrusted with the management of the government among them. At that he
+secretly sent a man and acquainted his father with what had occurred,
+asking him for his intentions with regard to the future. The king made
+no answer to the emissary, in order that he might not, being equally
+informed, either willingly or unwillingly reveal something; but
+leading him into a garden where there were poppies he struck off with
+a rod the heads that were prominent and strewed the ground with them;
+hereupon he dismissed the message-bearer. The latter, without
+comprehending the affair, repeated the king's actions to Sextus, and
+he understood the sense of the suggestion. Therefore he destroyed the
+more eminent men of Gabii, some secretly by poison, others by robbers
+(supposedly), and still others he put to death after judicial trial by
+contriving against them false accusations of traitorous dealings with
+his father.
+
+Thus did Sextus visit sorrow upon the men of Gabii and destroyed their
+superior citizens, distributing their money among the crowd. Later,
+when some had already perished and the rest had been cozened and
+thoroughly believed in him, assisted by the Roman captives and the
+deserters (many of whom he had gathered for his projects), he seized
+the city and surrendered it to his father. The king bestowed it upon
+his son, but himself made war upon other nations.
+
+VII, 11.--The oracles of the Sibyl to the Romans he obtained even
+against his will. A woman whom they called Sibyl, gifted with divine
+inspiration, came to Rome bringing [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^4] THREE OR
+NINE books, offered these to Tarquin for purchase, and stated the
+value of the books. As he paid no attention to her, she burned one or
+three of the books. When again Tarquin scorned her, she destroyed part
+of the rest in a similar way. And she was about to burn up also those
+still left when the augurs compelled him to purchase the few that were
+intact. He bought these for the price for which he might have secured
+them all, and delivered them to two senators to keep. As they did not
+entirely understand the contents, they sent to Greece and hired two
+men to come from there to read and interpret these things. The
+dwellers in the vicinity, desiring to learn what was revealed by the
+books, [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^4] MANAGED TO BRIBE MARCUS ACILIUS,[6] ONE
+OF THE CUSTODIANS, AND HAD SOME STATEMENTS COPIED OUT. THE AFFAIR
+BECAME PUBLIC AND MARCUS AFTER BEING THROWN INTO TWO HIDES SEWN
+TOGETHER was drowned (and beginning with him this punishment has ever
+since prevailed in the case of parricides), in order that earth nor
+water nor sun might be defiled by his death.
+
+[Footnote 6: Zonaras spells _Acillius_.]
+
+The temple on the Tarpeian rock he constructed according to the vow of
+his father. And the earth having yawned even to the substructure of
+the foundations there appeared the head of a man freshly slain, still
+with blood in it. Accordingly the Romans sent to a soothsayer of
+Etruria to ask what was signified by the phenomenon. And he, desiring
+to make the portent apply to Etruria, made a diagram upon the ground
+and in it laid out the plan of Rome and the Tarpeian rock. He intended
+to ask the envoys: "Is this Rome? Is this the Rock? Was the head found
+here?" They would suspect nothing and agree in their assent, and so
+the efficacy of the portent would be transferred to the place where it
+had been shown in the diagram. This was his design, but the envoys
+learned from his son what his device was, and when the question was
+put to them, they answered: "The settlement of Rome is not here, but
+in Latium, and the hill is in the country of the Romans, and the head
+was found on that hill." Thus the design of the soothsayer was
+thwarted and they learned the whole truth and reported it to their
+fellow-citizens, to wit, that they should be very powerful and rule
+very many people. So this was another event that imbued them with
+hope. Then the hill was renamed by them "Capitolium": for _capita_ in
+the Roman speech means "the head."
+
+Needing money for the building of the temple Tarquin waged war upon
+the inhabitants of Ardea; but from it he gained no money, and he was
+driven out of the kingdom. Signs also came in his way that indicated
+his expulsion. Out of his garden vultures drove the young of eagles,
+and in the men's hall, where he was having a banquet with his friends,
+a huge serpent appeared and caused him and his companions at table to
+decamp. In consequence of this he sent his sons Titus and Aruns to
+Delphi. But as Apollo declared that he should not be driven from his
+domain till a dog should use human speech, he was elated with hopes
+for the best, thinking that the oracle could never be fulfilled.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 10^5] NOW LUCIUS JUNIUS WAS A SON OF TARQUIN'S
+SISTER; HIS FATHER AND BROTHER TARQUIN HAD KILLED. SO HE, FEARING FOR
+HIS OWN PERSON, FEIGNED MADNESS, EMPLOYING THIS MEANS OF SAFETY AS A
+SCREEN FOR HIS LIFE. HENCE HE WAS DUBBED BRUTUS, FOR THIS IS THE NAME
+BY WHICH THE LATINS ARE ACCUSTOMED TO CALL IDIOTS. WHILE PRETENDING TO
+BE MAD HE WAS TAKEN ALONG AS A PLAYTHING BY THE CHILDREN OF TARQUIN,
+WHEN THEY JOURNEYED TO DELPHI. AND HE SAID THAT HE WAS CARRYING A
+VOTIVE OFFERING TO THE GOD; THIS WAS A STAFF, APPARENTLY POSSESSING NO
+POINT OF EXCELLENCE, so that he became a laughing stock for it all the
+more. It furnished a kind of image of the affliction that he feigned.
+For he had hollowed it out and had secretly poured in gold, indicating
+thereby that the disesteem which he suffered for his madness served to
+conceal a sound and estimable intelligence. [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^7] TO
+THE QUERY OF THE SONS OF TARQUIN AS TO WHO SHOULD SUCCEED TO THEIR
+FATHER'S SOVEREIGNTY THE GOD REPLIED THAT THE FIRST WHO KISSED HIS
+MOTHER SHOULD OBTAIN THE POWER. AND BRUTUS, COMPREHENDING, FELL DOWN
+AS IF ACCIDENTALLY AND COVERED THE EARTH WITH KISSES, RIGHTLY DEEMING
+HER TO BE THE MOTHER OF ALL.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 10^8] THIS BRUTUS OVERTHREW THE TARQUINS, taking as
+his justification the case of Lucretia, though these rulers were even
+without that hated by all for their tyrannous and violent
+characteristics. Lucretia was a daughter of Lucretius Spurius, a man
+that was a member of the senate, and she was wife of the distinguished
+Tarquinius Collatinus and was renowned, as it chanced, for her beauty
+and chastity. [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^8] SEXTUS, THE SON OF TARQUIN, SET
+HIS HEART UPON OUTRAGING HER, NOT SO MUCH BECAUSE HE WAS INSPIRED WITH
+PASSION BY HER BEAUTY AS BECAUSE HE CHOSE TO PLOT AGAINST HER CHASTE
+REPUTATION. SO, HAVING WATCHED FOR COLLATINUS TO BE AWAY FROM HOME, HE
+CAME BY NIGHT TO HER AND LODGED AT HER HOUSE, SINCE SHE WAS THE WIFE
+OF A RELATIVE. AND FIRST HE TRIED BY PERSUASION TO SECURE ILLICIT
+PLEASURE FROM HER AND THEN HE RESORTED TO VIOLENCE. AS HE COULD NOT
+SUCCEED, HE THREATENED TO CUT HER THROAT. BUT INASMUCH AS SHE DESPISED
+DEATH, HE THREATENED FURTHERMORE TO LAY A SLAVE BESIDE HER AND TO KILL
+THEM BOTH AND TO SPREAD THE REPORT THAT HE HAD FOUND THEM SLEEPING
+TOGETHER AND KILLED THEM. THIS RENDERED LUCRETIA DISTRAUGHT, AND IN
+FEAR THAT THIS MIGHT BE BELIEVED TO HAVE SO HAPPENED SHE SURRENDERED.
+AND AFTER THE ACT OF ADULTERY SHE PLACED A DAGGER BENEATH THE PILLOW
+AND SENT FOR HER HUSBAND AND HER FATHER. WHEN THEY CAME, ACCOMPANIED
+BY BRUTUS AND PUBLIUS VALERIUS, SHE SHED MANY TEARS AND WITH MOANS
+RELATED THE ENTIRE TRANSACTION. THEN SHE ADDED: "AND I WILL TREAT MY
+CASE AS BECOMES ME, BUT DO YOU, IF YOU ARE MEN, AVENGE ME, YOURSELVES,
+AND SHOW THE TYRANTS WHAT MANNER OF CREATURES YOU ARE AND WHAT MANNER
+OF WOMAN THEY HAVE OUTRAGED." HAVING SPOKEN TO THIS EFFECT SHE
+IMMEDIATELY DREW THE DAGGER FROM ITS HIDING PLACE AND KILLED HERSELF.
+
+
+_(BOOK 4, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+VII, 13.--The Sabines, however, because of wrath at their treatment,
+did not keep quiet even through the winter, but overran Roman
+territory and damaged the forces of Postumius when he was for the
+second time consul. And they would absolutely have captured him, had
+not Menenius Agrippa, his colleague, come to his aid. And assaulting
+them they killed a number, with the result that the rest withdrew.
+After this Spurius Cassius and Opiter Verginius as consuls made peace
+with the Sabines. And capturing the city of Camerium they executed
+most of the inhabitants; the remnant they took alive and sold, and
+razed the city to the ground.
+
+Postumius Cominius and Titus Larcius arrested and put to death some
+slaves who were hatching a conspiracy to seize the Capitoline. Servius
+Sulpicius and Marcus Tullius in their turn anticipated a second
+conspiracy composed of slaves and some others that had joined them,
+for it was reported to the consuls by certain men privy to the plot.
+They surrounded and overpowered the conspirators and cut them down. To
+the informers citizenship and other rewards were given.
+
+When a new war was stirred up on the part of the Latins against Rome,
+the people, demanding that a cancellation of debts be authorized,
+refused to take up arms. Therefore the nobles then for the first time
+established a new office to have jurisdiction over both classes.
+Dictator was the name given to the person entitled to the position,
+and he possessed all powers as much as had the kings. People hated the
+name of king on account of the Tarquins, but being anxious for the
+benefit to be derived from sole leadership (which seemed to exert a
+potent influence amid conditions of war and revolution), they chose it
+under another name. Hence the dictatorship was, as has been said, so
+far as its authority went, equivalent to kingship, except that the
+dictator might not ride on horseback unless he were about to start on
+a campaign, and was not permitted to make any expenditure from the
+public funds unless the right were specially voted. He might try men
+and put them to death at home and on campaigns, and not merely such as
+belonged to the populace, but also members of the knights and of the
+senate itself. No one had the power to make any complaint against him
+nor to take any action hostile to him,--no, not even the
+tribunes,--and no case could be appealed from him. The office of
+dictator extended for a period of not more than six months, to the end
+that no such official by spending much time in the midst of so much
+power and unhampered authority should become haughty and plunge
+headlong into a passion for sole leadership. This was what happened
+later to Julius Caesar, when contrary to lawful precedent he had been
+approved for the dictatorship.
+
+VII, 14.--At this time, consequently, when Larcius became dictator,
+the populace made no uprising but presented themselves under arms.
+When, however, the Latins came to terms and were now in a quiescent
+state, the lenders proceeded to treat the debtors more harshly and
+the populace for this reason again rebelled and even came running in a
+throng into the senate. And all the senators would there have perished
+at the hands of the inrushing mob, had not some persons at this
+juncture reported that the Volsci had invaded the country. In the face
+of such news the populace became calm, not regarding this action,
+however, in the light of clemency to the senate, for they felt sure
+that that body would almost immediately be destroyed by the enemy.
+Hence they did not take the trouble to man the walls nor render any
+assistance until Servilius released the prisoners held for default of
+payments and decreed a suspension of taxes for as long as the campaign
+lasted and promised to reduce the debts. Then in consequence of these
+concessions they proceeded against the enemy and won the day.
+Inasmuch, however, as they were not relieved of their debts and in
+general could obtain no decent treatment, they again raised a clamor
+and grew full of wrath and made an uprising against both the senate
+and the praetors.
+
+But at the approach of another war the praetors decreed a cancellation
+of debts: others opposed this measure: and so Marcus Valerius was
+named dictator. He was of the kindred of Poplicola and was beloved by
+the people. Then, indeed, so many gathered, animated with such zeal
+(for he had promised them prizes, too), that they overran not only the
+Sabines, but the Volsci and AEqui who were allied with them. As a
+sequel, the populace voted many honors to Valerius, one of which was
+their bestowal of the title Maximus. This name, translated into Greek,
+signifies "greatest." And he, wishing to do the populace some favors,
+made many addresses to the senate but could not get it to follow his
+guidance. Consequently he rushed out of the senatorial assembly in a
+rage, and after making to the populace a long speech against the
+senate resigned his command. [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^4] AND THE POPULACE
+WAS ALL THE MORE PROVOKED TO REVOLT. AS FOR THE MONEY-LENDERS, BY
+INSISTING IN THE CASE OF DEBTS UPON THE VERY LETTER OF THE AGREEMENT
+AND REFUSING TO MAKE ANY CONCESSION TO THOSE WHO OWED THEM THEY BOTH
+FAILED TO SECURE THE EXACT AMOUNT AND WERE DISAPPOINTED IN MANY OTHER
+HOPES. FOR POVERTY AND THE RESULTING DESPERATION IS A HEAVY CURSE, AND
+IS, IF IT SPREADS AMONG A LARGE NUMBER OF PEOPLE, VERY DIFFICULT TO
+COMBAT. NOW THE CAUSE OF MOST OF THE TROUBLES THAT BEFELL THE ROMANS
+LAY IN THE UNYIELDING ATTITUDE ADOPTED AT THIS TIME BY THE MORE
+POWERFUL TOWARD THEIR INFERIORS. For as the military contingent came
+to be hard pressed by dint of campaigns and was baffled out and out in
+frequent hopes frequently entertained, and the debtors were repeatedly
+abused and maltreated by the money-lenders, the people became inflamed
+to such a pitch of fury that many of the destitute abandoned the city,
+withdrew from the camp, [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^5] AND LIKE ENEMIES
+GATHERED THEIR SUBSISTENCE FROM THE COUNTRY.
+
+WHEN THIS SITUATION HAD BEEN BROUGHT ABOUT, SINCE NUMBERS CAME
+FLOCKING TO THE SIDE OF THE REVOLUTIONISTS, THE SENATORS, DREADING
+THAT THE LATTER MIGHT BECOME MORE ESTRANGED AND THE NEIGHBORING TRIBES
+JOIN THEIR REBELLION FOR PURPOSES OF ATTACK, MADE PROPOSITIONS TO THEM
+IN WHICH THEY PROMISED EVERYTHING THAT THE SENATE WAS EMPOWERED TO DO
+FOR THEM. BUT WHEN THEY DISPLAYED THE UTMOST AUDACITY AND WOULD ACCEPT
+NO OFFER, ONE OF THE ENVOYS, AGRIPPA MENENIUS, BEGGED THEM TO HEARKEN
+TO A FABLE. HAVING OBTAINED THEIR CONSENT HE SPOKE AS FOLLOWS. ONCE
+ALL THE MEMBERS OF THE BODY BEGAN A CONTENTION AGAINST THE BELLY. AND
+THE EYES SAID: "WE GIVE THE HANDS THE POWER TO WORK AND THE FEET THE
+POWER TO GO." AND THE TONGUE AND THE LIPS: "THROUGH US THE COUNSELS OF
+THE HEART ARE MADE KNOWN." AND THEN THE EARS: "THROUGH US THE WORDS OF
+OTHERS ARE DESPATCHED TO THE MIND." AND THE HANDS: "WE ARE THE WORKERS
+AND LAY UP STORES OF WEALTH." AND FINALLY THE FEET: "WE TIRE OURSELVES
+OUT CARRYING THE WHOLE BODY IN JOURNEYS AND WHILE WORKING AND WHILE
+STANDING." AND ALL IN A CHORUS: "WHILE WE LABOR SO, THOU ALONE, FREE
+FROM CONTRIBUTION AND LABOR, LIKE A MISTRESS ART SERVED BY US ALL AND
+THE FRUIT OF ALL OUR LABORS THOU THYSELF ALONE DOST ENJOY." THE BELLY
+HERSELF ADMITTED THAT THIS WAS SO, AND SAID SHE: "IF YOU LIKE, LEAVE
+ME UNSUPPLIED AND MAKE ME NO PRESENTS." THIS PROPOSITION SUITED, AND
+THE MEMBERS VOTED NEVER MORE TO SUPPLY THE BELLY BY THEIR COMMON
+EFFORT. WHEN NO FOOD WAS PRESENTED TO HER, THE HANDS WERE NOT NIMBLE
+TO WORK, BEING RELAXED ON ACCOUNT OF THE FAILURE OF THE BELLY, NOR
+WERE THE FEET POSSESSED OF STRENGTH, NOR DID ANY OTHER OF THE LIMBS
+SHOW ITS NORMAL ACTIVITY UNINJURED, BUT ALL WERE INEFFICIENT, SLOW, OR
+COMPLETELY MOTIONLESS. AND THEN THEY COMPREHENDED THAT THE PRESENTS
+MADE TO THE BELLY HAD BEEN SUPPLIED NOT MORE TO HER THAN TO THEMSELVES
+AND THAT EACH ONE OF THEM INCIDENTALLY ENJOYS THE BENEFIT CONFERRED
+UPON HER.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 16^5] THROUGH THESE WORDS THE POPULACE WAS MADE TO
+COMPREHEND THAT THE ABUNDANCE OF THE PROSPEROUS TENDS ALSO TO THE
+ADVANTAGE OF THE POOR, AND THAT EVEN THOUGH THE FORMER BE ADVANTAGED
+BY THEIR LOANS AND SO INCREASE THEIR ABUNDANCE, THE OUTCOME OF THIS IS
+NOT HURTFUL TO THE INTERESTS OF THE MANY; SINCE, IF IT WERE NOT FOR
+THE WEALTHY OWNING PROPERTY, THE POOR WOULD NOT HAVE IN TIMES OF NEED
+PERSONS TO LEND TO THEM AND WOULD PERISH UNDER THE PRESSURE OF WANT.
+ACCORDINGLY THEY BECAME MILDER AND REACHED AN AGREEMENT, THE SENATE
+FOR ITS PART VOTING A REDUCTION IN THEIR DEBTS AND A RELEASE FROM
+SEIZURE OF PROPERTY.
+
+VII, 15.--They feared, however, that when their society had been
+disbanded they might either find the agreements not effectual or might
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 16^6] BE HARMED ON ACCOUNT OF THEIR SEPARATION, ONE
+BEING PUNISHED ON ONE PRETEXT, ANOTHER ON ANOTHER, in constant
+succession. So they formed a compact to lend aid to one another in
+case any one of them should be wronged in any particular; and they
+took oaths to this effect and forthwith elected two representatives
+from their own number (and afterward still more) in order that by such
+a partnership arrangement they might have assistants and avengers. And
+this they did not only once, but the idea now conceived in this form
+kept growing, and they appointed their representatives for a year, as
+to some office. The men were called in the tongue of the Latins
+_tribunes_ (the commanders of thousands are also so named) but are
+styled _demarchoi_ in the Greek language. In order that the titles of
+the tribuni might be kept distinct they added to the name of the one
+class the phrase "of the soldiers" and to that of the other class the
+phrase "of the people." These _tribunes of the people_, then, or
+_demarchoi_ became responsible for great evils that befell Rome. For
+though they did not immediately secure the title of magistrates, they
+gained power beyond all the rest, defending every one that begged
+protection and rescuing every one that called upon them not only from
+private persons, but from the very magistrates, except the dictators.
+If any one ever invoked them when absent, he, too, was released from
+the person holding him prisoner and was either brought before the
+populace by them or was set free. And if ever they saw fit that
+anything should not be done, they prevented it, whether the person
+acting were a private citizen or an official: and if the people or the
+senate were about to do or vote anything and a single tribune opposed
+it, the action or the vote became null and void. As time went on, they
+were allowed or allowed themselves to summon the senate, to punish
+whoever disobeyed them, to practice divination, and to hold court. And
+in case they were refused permission to do anything, they gained their
+point by their incontestable opposition to every project undertaken by
+others. For they introduced laws to the effect that whoever should
+obstruct them by deed or word, be he private citizen or magistrate,
+should be "hallowed" and incur pollution. This being "hallowed" meant
+destruction; for this was the name applied to everything (as, for
+instance, a victim) that was consecrated for slaughter. The tribunes
+themselves were termed by the multitude "sacrosanct", since they
+obtained sacred enclosures for the shelter of such as invoked them.
+For _sacra_ among the Romans means "walls", and _sancta_ "sacred".
+Many of their actions were unwarrantable, for they threw even consuls
+into prison and put men to death without granting them a hearing.
+Nobody ventured to oppose them; or, in case any one did, he became
+himself "hallowed." If, however, persons were condemned not by all the
+tribunes, they would call to their help those who had not concurred in
+the verdict, and so they went duly through the forms of court
+procedure before the tribunes themselves or before some arbiters or
+before the populace, and became the possession of the side that won.
+In the course of time the number of the tribunes was fixed at ten,
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 16^7] AND AS A RESULT OF THIS MOST OF THEIR POWER WAS
+OVERTHROWN. FOR AS THOUGH BY NATURE (BUT REALLY, OF COURSE, BY REASON
+OF JEALOUSY) FELLOW OFFICIALS INVARIABLY QUARREL; AND IT IS DIFFICULT
+FOR A NUMBER OF MEN, ESPECIALLY IN A POSITION OF INFLUENCE, TO ATTAIN
+HARMONY. No sooner did outsiders, planning to wreck their influence,
+raise factional issues to the end that dissension might make them
+weaker, than the tribunes actually attached themselves some to one
+party, some to another. [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^7] IF EVEN ONE OF THEM
+OPPOSED A MEASURE, he rendered the decisions of the rest null and
+void.
+
+Now at first they did not enter the senate-house, but sitting at the
+entrance watched proceedings, and in case aught failed to please them,
+they would show resistance. Next they were invited inside. Later,
+however, the ex-tribunes were numbered with the senators, and finally
+some of the senators actually were permitted to be tribunes, unless a
+man chanced to be a patrician. Patricians the people would not accept:
+having chosen the tribunes to defend them against the patricians, and
+having advanced them to so great power, they dreaded lest one of them
+might turn his strength to contrary purposes and use it against them.
+But if a man abjured the rank given him by birth and changed his
+social standing to that of a common citizen, they received him gladly.
+Many of the patricians whose position was unquestioned renounced their
+nobility through desire for the immense influence possible, and so
+became tribunes.
+
+Such was the growth of the domination of the tribunes. In addition to
+them the people chose two aediles, to be their assistants in the matter
+of documents. They took charge of everything that was submitted in
+writing to the plebs, to the populace, and to the senate, and kept it,
+so that nothing that was done escaped their notice. This and the
+trying of cases were the objects for which they were chosen anciently,
+but later they were charged with the supervision of buying and
+selling, whence they came to be called _agoranomoi_ ("clerks of the
+market") by those who put their name into Greek.
+
+
+_(BOOK 5, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+VII, 16.--The first revolution of the Romans, then, terminated as
+described. Many of the neighboring tribes had found in the revolution
+a hostile incentive, and the Romans with a unified purpose after their
+reconciliation conducted vigorously the wars which the latter waged,
+and conquered in all of them. It was at this time that in the siege of
+Corioli they came within an ace of being driven from their camp, but a
+patrician, Gnaeus Marcius, showed his prowess and repelled the
+assailants. For this he received various tokens of renown and was
+given the title of Coriolanus from the people which he had routed.
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 17^2] FOR THE TIME HE WAS THUS EXALTED BUT NOT LONG
+AFTERWARD HE WAS ANXIOUS TO BE MADE PRAETOR AND FAILED, AND THEREFORE
+GREW VEXED AT THE POPULACE AND EVINCED DISPLEASURE TOWARD THE
+TRIBUNES. HENCE THE TRIBUNES (WHOSE FUNCTIONS HE WAS ESPECIALLY EAGER
+TO ABOLISH) HEAPED UP ACCUSATIONS AGAINST HIM AND FIXED UPON HIM A
+CHARGE OF AIMING AT TYRANNY AND EXPELLED HIM FROM ROME. HAVING BEEN
+EXPELLED HE FORTHWITH BETOOK HIMSELF TO THE VOLSCI. The latter's
+leaders and those in authority over them were delighted at his arrival
+and again made ready for war; Attius Tullius urged this course upon
+them all, but the people showed lack of enthusiasm. So when the nobles
+neither by advice nor by intimidation could prevail upon them to take
+up arms, they concocted the following scheme. The Romans were
+conducting a horse-race, and the Volsci among other neighboring
+peoples had gathered in a large body to behold the spectacle. Tullius,
+as a pretended friend of the Romans, persuaded the Roman praetors that
+they should keep watch on the Volsci, since the latter had made ready
+to attack them unexpectedly in the midst of the horse-race. The
+praetors, after communicating the information to the others, made
+proclamation at once, before the contest, that all the Volsci must
+retire. The Volsci, indignant because they alone of all the spectators
+had been expelled, put themselves in readiness for battle. Setting at
+their head Coriolanus and Tullius, and with numbers swollen by the
+accession of the Latins, they advanced against Rome. The Romans, when
+informed of it, instead of making a vigorous use of arms fell into
+mutual recriminations, the popular party censuring the patricians
+because Coriolanus, who was campaigning against his country, happened
+to belong to their number, and the other party the populace because
+they had been unjust in expelling him and making him an enemy. Because
+of this contention they would have incurred some great injury, had not
+the women come to their aid. For when the senate voted restoration to
+Coriolanus and envoys had been despatched to him to this end, he
+demanded that the land of which the Volsci had been deprived in the
+previous wars be given back to them. But the people would not
+relinquish the land. Consequence: a second embassy. [Sidenote: FRAG.
+17^8] AND HE WAS EXCEEDINGLY ANGRY THAT THEY, WHO WERE IN DANGER OF
+LOSING THEIR OWN COUNTRY, WOULD NOT EVEN UNDER THESE CONDITIONS
+WITHDRAW FROM THE POSSESSIONS OF OTHERS. WHEN THIS SITUATION WAS
+REPORTED TO THE DISPUTANTS, THEY STILL REFUSED TO BUDGE, NOR DID THE
+DANGERS CAUSE THE MEN, AT LEAST, TO DESIST FROM QUARRELING. BUT THE
+WOMEN, VOLUMNIA THE WIFE OF CORIOLANUS AND VETURIA[7] HIS MOTHER,
+GATHERING A COMPANY OF THE REMAINING MOST EMINENT LADIES VISITED HIM
+IN CAMP AND TOOK HIS CHILDREN ALONG WITH THEM. WHILE THE REST WEPT
+WITHOUT SPEAKING VETURIA BEGAN: "WE ARE NOT DESERTERS, MY SON, BUT THE
+COUNTRY HAS SENT US TO YOU TO BE, IF YOU SHOULD YIELD, YOUR MOTHER,
+WIFE AND CHILDREN, BUT OTHERWISE YOUR SPOIL. AND IF EVEN NOW YOU STILL
+ARE ANGRY, KILL US THE FIRST. BE RECONCILED AND HOLD NO LONGER YOUR
+ANGER AGAINST YOUR CITIZENS, FRIENDS, TEMPLES, TOMBS; DO NOT TAKE BY
+STORM YOUR NATIVE LAND IN WHICH YOU WERE BORN, WERE REARED, AND BECAME
+CORIOLANUS, BEARER OF THIS GREAT NAME. SEND ME NOT HENCE WITHOUT
+RESULT, UNLESS YOU WOULD BEHOLD ME DEAD BY MY OWN HAND." THEREUPON SHE
+SIGHED ALOUD AND SHOWED HER BREASTS AND TOUCHED HER ABDOMEN,
+EXCLAIMING: "THIS BROUGHT YOU FORTH, MY CHILD, THESE REARED YOU UP."
+SHE, THEN, SAID THIS, AND HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN AND THE REST OF THE
+WOMEN JOINED IN THE LAMENT, SO THAT HE TOO WAS MOVED TO GRIEF.
+RECOVERING HIMSELF WITH DIFFICULTY HE ENFOLDED HIS MOTHER IN HIS ARMS
+AND AT THE SAME TIME KISSING HER REPLIED: "SEE, MOTHER, I YIELD TO
+YOU. YOURS IS THE VICTORY, AND TO YOU LET ALL ASCRIBE THIS FAVOR. FOR
+I CANNOT ENDURE EVEN TO SEE THEM, WHO AFTER RECEIVING SUCH GREAT
+BENEFITS AT MY HANDS HAVE GIVEN ME SUCH A RECOMPENSE, NOR WILL I ENTER
+THE CITY. DO YOU KEEP THE COUNTRY INSTEAD OF ME, BECAUSE YOU HAVE SO
+WISHED IT, AND I WILL DEPART." HAVING SPOKEN THUS HE WITHDREW. AND HE
+DID NOT ACCEPT THE RESTORATION, BUT RETIRED AMONG THE VOLSCI AND THERE
+AT AN ADVANCED AGE DEPARTED THIS LIFE.
+
+[Footnote 7: Zonaras spells it _Veturina_.]
+
+VII, 17.--Now the tribunes demanded that some land acquired by the
+Romans from the enemy be apportioned among the people, and as a result
+of their action much damage was incurred by the citizens both from the
+enemy and from one another. [Sidenote: FRAG. 19^1] FOR THE NOBLES
+BEING UNABLE TO RESTRAIN THEM IN ANY OTHER WAY STIRRED UP PURPOSELY
+WARS AFTER WARS, IN ORDER THAT BEING BUSIED THEREWITH THEY MIGHT NOT
+DISTURB THEMSELVES ABOUT THE LAND. But after a time some persons began
+to suspect what was going on, and would not permit both of the consuls
+(or praetors) to be appointed by the nobles, but themselves desired to
+choose one of them from the patricians. Upon effecting this they
+selected Spurius Furius, and campaigning with him accomplished with
+enthusiasm all objects for which they had set out. But those who took
+the field with his colleague, Fabius Caeso, not only displayed no
+energy, but abandoned their camp, came to the city, and raised a
+tumult until the Etruscans, learning of the affair, assailed them.
+Even then, moreover, they did not leave the city until some of the
+tribunes came to an agreement with the nobles. Still, they fought
+vigorously and destroyed many of the enemy, and not a few of
+their own number also were killed. One of the consuls likewise
+fell,--Manlius[8]: the populace chose Manlius[9] praetor for the third
+time.
+
+[Footnote 8: This was probably one of the Manlii Cincinnati.]
+
+[Footnote 9: The second "Manlius" is evidently an error of Zonaras.
+The name should be _Fabius_.]
+
+Again was a war waged against them by the Etruscans. And when the
+Romans were in dejection and at a loss to know how they should
+withstand the enemy, the Fabii came to their help. [Sidenote: FRAG.
+20^1] THEY, THREE HUNDRED AND SIX IN NUMBER, WHEN THEY SAW THAT THE
+ROMANS WERE DEJECTED, were not following profitable counsels, and were
+on all points in desperation, took upon themselves the burden of the
+war against the Etruscans, exhibiting readiness to carry on the
+conflict by themselves with their persons and with their wealth. They
+occupied and fortified an advantageous position from which as a base
+they harried the entire hostile domain, since the Etruscans would not
+venture to engage in combat with them, or, if they ever did join
+issue, were decisively defeated. But, upon the accession of allies,
+the Etruscans laid an ambuscade in a wooded spot: the Fabii, being
+masters of the whole field, assailed them without [Sidenote: FRAG.
+20^2] precaution, fell into the snare, were surrounded and all
+massacred. And their race would have entirely disappeared, had not one
+of them because of his youth been left at home, in whose descendants
+the family later attained renewed renown.
+
+After the Fabii had been destroyed as related the Romans received
+rough treatment at the hands of the Etruscans. Subsequently they
+concluded a peace with the enemy, but turning against one another
+committed many deeds of outrage, the populace not even refraining
+from attack upon the praetors. They beat their assistants and shattered
+their fasces and made the praetors themselves submit to investigation
+on every pretext, great and small. They actually planned to throw
+Appius Claudius into prison in the very midst of his term of office,
+inasmuch as he persistently opposed them at every point and had
+decimated the partners of his campaign after their giving way before
+the Volsci in battle. Now decimation was the following sort of
+process. When the soldiers had committed any grave offence the leader
+told them off in groups of ten and taking one man of each ten (who had
+drawn the lot) he would punish him by death. At Claudius's retirement
+from office the popular party straightway brought him to trial; and
+though they failed to condemn him, they forced him, by postponing
+their vote, to commit suicide. And among the measures introduced by
+some of the tribunes to the prejudice of the patrician interests was
+one permitting the populace to convene separately, and without
+interference from the patricians to deliberate upon and transact as
+much business as they pleased. They also ordained that, if any one for
+any cause should have a penalty imposed upon him by the praetors, the
+populace might thereupon have the case appealed to them and decide it.
+And they increased the number of aediles and of tribunes, in order to
+have a large body of persons to act as their representatives.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 21^1] DURING THE PROGRESS OF THESE EVENTS THE
+PATRICIANS OPENLY TOOK SCARCELY ANY RETALIATORY MEASURES, EXCEPT IN A
+FEW CASES, BUT SECRETLY SLAUGHTERED A NUMBER OF THE BOLDEST SPIRITS.
+NEITHER THIS, HOWEVER, NOR THE FACT THAT ON ONE OCCASION NINE TRIBUNES
+WERE DELIVERED TO THE FLAMES BY THE POPULACE SEEMED TO RESTRAIN THE
+REST. NOT ONLY WERE THOSE WHO SUBSEQUENTLY HELD THE TRIBUNESHIP NOT
+CALMED, BUT ACTUALLY THEY WERE THE RATHER EMBOLDENED. [Sidenote: FRAG.
+21^2] THIS WAS THE CONDITION INTO WHICH THE PATRICIANS BROUGHT THE
+POPULACE. AND THEY WOULD NOT OBEY THE SUMMONS TO GO ON A CAMPAIGN,
+THOUGH THE FOE ASSAILED, UNLESS THEY SECURED THE OBJECTS FOR WHICH
+THEY WERE STRIVING, AND IF THEY EVER DID TAKE THE FIELD, THEY FOUGHT
+LISTLESSLY, UNLESS THEY HAD ACCOMPLISHED ALL THAT THEY DESIRED. HENCE
+MANY OF THE TRIBES LIVING CLOSE TO THEM, RELYING ON EITHER THE
+DISSENSION OF THEIR FOES OR THEIR OWN STRENGTH, RAISED THE STANDARD OF
+REVOLT. [Sidenote: FRAG. 22^1] AMONG THESE WERE ALSO THE AEQUI, WHO,
+AFTER CONQUERING AT THIS TIME MARCUS MINUCIUS WHILE HE SERVED AS
+PRAETOR, BECAME PRESUMPTUOUS. [Sidenote: FRAG. 22^2] THOSE AT ROME,
+LEARNING THAT MINUCIUS HAD BEEN DEFEATED, CHOSE AS DICTATOR LUCIUS
+QUINCTIUS, WHO WAS A POOR MAN AND HAD DEVOTED HIS LIFE TO FARMING, BUT
+WAS DISTINGUISHED FOR HIS VALOR AND WISE MODERATION; AND HE LET HIS
+HAIR GROW IN CURLS, WHENCE HE WAS NAMED CINCINNATUS.[10] He, being
+selected as dictator, took the field that very day, used wariness as
+well as speed, and simultaneously with Minucius attacked the AEqui,
+killing very many of them and capturing the rest alive: the latter he
+led under the yoke and then released. This matter of the yoke I shall
+briefly describe. The Romans used to fix in the ground two poles
+(upright wooden beams, of course, with a space between them) and
+across them they would lay another transverse beam; through the frame
+thus formed they led the captives naked. This conferred great
+distinction upon the side that conducted the operation but vast
+dishonor upon the side that endured it, so that some preferred to die
+rather than submit to any such treatment. Cincinnatus also captured a
+city of theirs called Corvinum[11] and returned: he removed Minucius
+from his praetorship because of his defeat, and himself resigned his
+office.
+
+[Footnote 10: Zonaras spells _Cicinatus_.]
+
+[Footnote 11: The town is called _Corbio_ by Livy (II, 39, 4).]
+
+VII, 18.--The Romans, however, now got another war on their hands at
+home, in which their adversaries were composed of slaves and some
+exiles who moved unexpectedly by night and secured possession of the
+Capitol. This time, too, the multitude did not arm themselves for the
+fray till they had wrung some further concessions from the patricians.
+Then they assailed the revolutionists and overcame them, but lost many
+of their own men.
+
+For these reasons, accordingly, and because of certain portents the
+Romans became sobered and dismissed their mutual grievances and voted
+to establish the rights of citizenship on a fairer basis. And they
+sent three men to Greece with an eye to the laws and the customs of
+the people there. Upon the return of the commission they abolished all
+the political offices, including that of the tribunes, and chose
+instead eight of the foremost men, and [Sidenote: B.C. 451 (_a.u._
+303)] designated Appius Claudius and Titus Genucius praetors with
+dictatorial powers for that one year. They empowered them to compile
+laws and further voted that no case could be appealed from them,--a
+latitude granted previously to none of the magistrates save the
+dictators. These men held sway each for a day, assuming by turns the
+dignity of rulership. They compiled laws and exposed the same to view
+in the Forum. These statutes being found pleasing to all were put
+before the people, and after receiving their ratification were
+inscribed on ten tablets; for all records that were deemed worthy of
+safekeeping used to be preserved on tablets.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 450 (_a.u._ 304)] The above mentioned magistrates at
+the expiration of the year surrendered their office, but ten more
+chosen anew (for the overthrow of the State, as it almost seemed) came
+to grief. They all held sway at once on equal terms and chose from
+among the patricians some most brazen youths, through whom, as their
+agents, they committed many acts of violence. At last, toward the end
+of the year, they compiled a few additional statutes written upon two
+tablets, all of which were the product of their own individual
+judgment. From these not harmony, but greater disputes, were destined
+to fall to the lot of the Romans.
+
+The so-called twelve tablets were thus created at that time. But
+besides doing this the lawgivers in question, when their year of
+office had expired, still maintained control of affairs, occupying the
+city by force; and they would not convene the senate nor the people,
+lest, if they came together, they should depose them. And when the
+AEqui and the Sabines now stirred up war against the Romans, these
+officials by arrangement with their adherents gained their object of
+having the conduct of the wars entrusted to them. Of the decemvirate
+Servius Oppius and Appius Claudius remained at home: the other eight
+set out against the enemy.
+
+Absolutely all [Sidenote: FRAG. 22^3] THE INTERESTS, however, OF STATE
+AND CAMP ALIKE WERE THROWN INTO CONFUSION, AND HENCE CONTENTION AGAIN
+AROSE. The leaders of the force had invaded the land of the Sabines
+and sent a certain Lucius Sicius, who was accounted a strong tower in
+warfare and likewise one of the most prominent representatives of the
+populace, with companions, avowedly to seize a certain position; but
+they had the man slain by the party that had been sent out with him.
+The report was brought into camp that the man with others had been
+killed by the foe, and the soldiers went out to gather up the dead
+bodies. They found not one corpse belonging to the enemy but many of
+their own race, whom Sicius had killed in his own defence when they
+attacked him. And when they saw that the dead were lying all around
+him and had their faces turned toward him, they suspected what had
+been done and furthermore raised a tumult.--There was still another
+incident that had a bearing on the situation.
+
+Lucius Virginius, a man of the people, had a daughter of surpassing
+beauty whom he intended to bestow in marriage upon Lucius Icilius,[12]
+a person of similar rank in society. For this maiden Claudius
+conceived a passion, and not otherwise able to attain his ends he
+arranged with certain men to declare her a slave: he was to be the
+arbiter. The father of the girl accordingly came from the camp and
+pled his case. When Claudius had given sentence against her and the
+girl was delivered to those who had declared her a slave and no one
+came to the rescue, her father wild with grief took a cleaver and
+ended his daughter's life and, just as he was, rushed out to the
+soldiers. They, who had been previously far from tractable, were so
+wrought up that they straightway set out in haste against the city to
+find Claudius. And the rest, who had gone on a campaign against the
+Sabines, when they learned this abandoned their intrenchments, and,
+joining with the rest, set at their head twenty men, determined to
+accomplish something of importance. The remainder of the multitude in
+the city likewise espoused their cause and added to the tumult.
+
+[Footnote 12: Zonaras spells _Icillius_.]
+
+Meanwhile Claudius in terror had hidden himself and Oppius convened
+the senate; and sending to the populace he enquired what they wanted.
+They demanded that Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, two of the
+senators who favored their cause, be sent to them, saying that through
+these men they would make their reply. Owing to the fear of the ten
+magistrates (for they were now all on the scene) that the people would
+employ the two as leaders against them they were not sent, whereupon
+the populace grew still more angry. As a consequence the senators were
+inspired with no slight fear and against the will of the magistrates
+they sent Valerius and Horatius to the people. By this means a
+reconciliation was effected: the rioters were granted immunity for
+their acts, and the decemvirate was abolished; the annual
+magistracies, including that of tribunes, were restored with the same
+privileges as they had formerly enjoyed. Virginius was one of the
+magistrates appointed; and they cast into prison Oppius and Claudius
+(who committed suicide before their cases were investigated), and
+indicted, convicted, and banished the remainder of the board.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 449 (_a.u._ 305)] VII, 19.--Now the consuls--it is
+said that this is the first time they were known as consuls, being
+previously called praetors; and they were Valerius and Horatius--both
+then and thereafter showed favor to the populace and strengthened
+their cause rather than that of the patricians. The patricians, though
+subdued, would not readily convene and did not put matters entirely in
+the power of the lower class, but granted the tribunes the right of
+practicing augury in their assemblies: nominally this was an honor and
+dignity for them, since from very ancient times this privilege had
+been accorded the patricians alone, but really it was a hindrance. The
+nobles intended that the tribunes and the populace should not
+accomplish easily everything they pleased, but should sometimes be
+prevented under this plea of augury. The patricians as well as the
+senate were displeased at the consuls, whom they regarded as favorable
+to the popular cause, and so did not vote a triumph to them--though
+each had won a war--and did not assign to each a day as had been the
+custom. The populace, however, both held a festival for two days and
+voted triumphal honors to the consuls.
+
+
+_(BOOK 6, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 448 (_a.u._ 306)] When the Romans thus fell into
+discord their adversaries took courage and came against them. It was
+in the following year, when Marcus Genucius and Gaius Curtius were
+consuls, that they turned against each other. The popular leaders
+desired to be consuls, since the patricians were in the habit of
+becoming tribunes by transference to their order, and the patricians
+clung tenaciously to the consular office. They indulged in many words
+and acts of violence against each other. But in order to prevent the
+populace from proceeding to greater extremities the nobles yielded to
+them the substance of authority though they would not relinquish the
+name; and in place of the consuls they named military tribunes in
+order that the honor of the title might not be sullied by contact with
+the vulgar throng. It was agreed that three military tribunes be
+chosen from each of the classes in place of the two consuls. However,
+the name of consul was not lost entirely, but sometimes consuls were
+appointed and at other times military tribunes. This, at all events,
+is the tradition that has come down of what took place, with the
+additional detail that the consuls nominated dictators, though their
+own powers were far inferior to those appertaining to that office, and
+even that the military tribunes likewise did so sometimes. It is
+further said that none of the military tribunes, though many of them
+won many victories, ever celebrated a triumph.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 447 (_a.u._ 307)] It was in this way, then, that
+military tribunes came to be chosen at that time: censors were
+appointed in the following year, during the consulship of Barbatus and
+Marcus Macrinus. Those chosen were Lucius Papirius and Lucius
+Sempronius. The reason for their election was that the consuls were
+unable, on account of the number of the people, to supervise them all;
+the duties now assigned to the censors had until that time been
+performed by the consuls as a part of their prerogatives. Two was the
+original number of the censors and they were taken from the
+patricians. They held office at first and at the last for five-year
+periods, but during the intervening time for three half-years; and
+they came to be greater than the consuls, though they had taken over
+only a part of their functions. They had the right to let the public
+revenues, to supervise roads and public buildings, to make complete
+records of each man's wealth, and to note and investigate the lives of
+the citizens, enrolling those deserving of praise in the tribes, in
+the equestrian order, or in the senate (as seemed to fit the case of
+each one), and similarly erasing from any class the names of those who
+were not right livers: this power was greater than all those now left
+to the consuls. They made declarations attested by oath, in regard to
+every one of their acts, that no such act was prompted by favor or by
+enmity but that their considerations and performances were both the
+result of an unbiased opinion of what was advantageous for the
+commonwealth. They convened the people when laws were to be introduced
+and for other purposes, and employed all the insignia of the greater
+offices save lictors. Such, at its inception, was the office of the
+censors. If any persons did not register their property and themselves
+in the census lists, the censors sold the property and the consuls the
+men. This arrangement held for a certain time, but later it was
+determined that a man once enrolled in the senate should be a senator
+for life and that his name should not be erased, unless one had been
+disgraced by being tried for the commission of a crime or was
+convicted of leading an evil life: the names of such persons were
+erased and others inscribed in their stead.
+
+In the case of those who gave satisfaction in office principal honors
+were bestowed upon dictators, honors of the second rank upon censors,
+and third place was awarded to masters of horse. This system was
+followed without distinction, whether they were still in office or
+whether they had already laid it down. For if one descended from a
+greater office to an inferior one, he still kept the dignity of his
+former position intact. One particular man, whom they styled
+_principa_ of the senate (he would be called _prokritos_ by the
+Greeks) was preferred before all for the time that he was president (a
+person was not chosen for this position for life) and surpassed the
+rest in dignity, without wielding, however, any power.
+
+VII, 20.--For a time they maintained peace with each other and with
+the adjacent tribes, but then a famine mastered them, so severe that
+some not able to endure the pangs of hunger threw themselves into the
+river, and they fell to quarreling. The one class blamed the
+prosperous as being at fault in the handling of the grain, and the
+other class blamed the poorer men for unwillingness to till the soil.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 439 (_a.u._ 315)] Spurius Maelius, a wealthy knight,
+seeing this attempted to set up a tyranny, and buying corn from the
+neighboring region he lowered the price of it for many and gave it
+free to many others. In this way he won the friendship of a great many
+and procured arms and guardsmen. And he would have gained control of
+the city, had not Minucius Augurinus, a patrician, appointed to have
+charge of the grain distribution and censured for the lack of grain,
+reported the proceeding to the senate. The senate on receiving the
+information nominated at once and at that very meeting Lucius
+Quinctius Cincinnatus, though past his prime (he was eighty years
+old), to be dictator. They spent the whole day sitting there, as if
+engaged in some discussion, to prevent news of their action from
+traveling abroad. By night the dictator had the knights occupy in
+advance the Capitol and the remaining points of vantage, and at dawn
+he sent to Maelius Gaius Servilius, master of the horse, to summon him
+pretendedly on some other errand. But as Maelius had some suspicions
+and delayed, Servilius fearing that he might be rescued by the
+populace--for they were already running together--killed the man
+either on his own responsibility or because ordered to do so by the
+dictator. At this the populace broke into a riot, but Quinctius
+harangued them and by providing them with grain and refraining from
+punishing or accusing any one else he stopped the riot.
+
+Wars with various nations now assailed the Romans, in some of which
+they were victorious within a few days; but with the Etruscans they
+waged a long continued contest. Postumius conquered the AEqui and had
+captured a large city of theirs, but the soldiers neither had had it
+turned over to them for pillage nor were awarded a share of the
+plunder when they requested it. Therefore they surrounded and slew the
+quaestor who was disposing of it, and when Postumius reprimanded them
+for this and strove to find the assassins, they killed him also. And
+they assigned to their own use not only the captive territory but all
+that at the time happened to be found in the public treasury. The
+uprising would have assumed even greater dimensions but for the fact
+that war against the Romans was renewed by the AEqui. Alarmed by this
+situation they became quiet, endured the punishment for the murders,
+which touched only a few, and took the field against their opponents,
+whom they engaged and conquered. For this achievement the nobles
+distributed the plunder among them, and voted pay first to the
+infantry and later also to the cavalry. Up to that time they were used
+to undertaking campaigns without pay and lived at their own expense;
+now for the first time they began to draw pay.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 408 (_a.u._ 346)] A war arising between them and Veii,
+the Romans won frequent victories and reduced the foe to a state of
+siege as long as the latter fought with merely their own contingent:
+but when allies had been added to their force they came out against
+the Romans and defeated them. Meanwhile the lake situated close to the
+Alban Mount, which was shut in by the surrounding ridges and had no
+outlet, overflowed its banks during the siege of Veii to such an
+extent that it actually poured over the crests of the hills and went
+rushing down to the sea. The Romans deeming that something
+supernatural was certainly signified by this event sent to Delphi to
+consult the oracle about the matter. There was also among the
+population of Veii an Etruscan who was a soothsayer. The Pythian
+interpretation coincided with his; and both declared that the city
+would be captured when the overflowing water should not fall into the
+sea but be used up differently. The Romans consequently ordered
+several religious services to be performed. But the Pythian god did
+not specify to which of the divinities nor in what way they should
+offer these, and the Etruscan appeared to have the knowledge but would
+explain nothing. So the Romans who were stationed about the wall from
+which he was wont to issue to consort with them pretended friendliness
+toward him, permitted him to make himself at ease in every way, and
+allowed him to come to visit them without interference. Thus they
+succeeded in seizing him and forced him to give all the requisite
+information. According to the indications he furnished they offered
+sacrifices, tunneled the hill, and conducted the superfluous water by
+a secret canal into the plain, so that all of it was used up there and
+none ran down into the sea.
+
+
+_(BOOK 7, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+VII, 24.--A certain Marcus Fabius, a patrician, who chanced to be the
+father of two daughters, betrothed the elder to a Licinius Stolo, much
+inferior to him in rank, and married the younger to Sulpicius Rufus,
+who belonged to his own class. [Sidenote: FRAG. 27^1] NOW WHILE RUFUS
+WAS MILITARY TRIBUNE, ONCE WHEN HE WAS IN THE FORUM HIS WIFE HAD A
+VISIT FROM HER SISTER. AT THE ARRIVAL OF THE HUSBAND THE LICTOR,
+ACCORDING TO SOME ANCIENT CUSTOM, KNOCKED AT THE DOOR. THE CLATTER
+STARTLED THE WOMAN, WHO WAS NOT FAMILIAR WITH THIS PROCEDURE:
+THEREUPON BOTH HER SISTER AND THE OTHERS PRESENT BURST OUT LAUGHING
+AND SHE WAS MADE FUN OF AS A SIMPLETON. SHE TOOK THE MATTER AS A
+SERIOUS AFFRONT AND ROUSED HER HUSBAND TO CANVASS FOR OFFICE. Stolo,
+accordingly, incited by his wife, confided his intentions to Lucius
+Sextius, one of his peers, and both forced their way into the
+tribuneship; they thus overturned the good order of the State to such
+an extent that for four years the people had no rulers, since these
+men repeatedly obstructed the patrician elections. This state of
+affairs would have continued for a still longer time, had not news
+been brought that the Celtae were again marching upon Rome.
+
+VII, 25.--It is related that after this a disaster befell Rome. The
+level land between the Palatine and the Capitoline is said to have
+become suddenly a yawning gulf, without any preceding earthquake or
+other phenomenon such as usually takes place in nature on the occasion
+of such developments. For a long time the chasm remained _in statu
+quo_, and neither closed up in the slightest degree nor was to be
+filled, albeit the Romans brought and cast into it masses of earth and
+stones and all sorts of other material. In the midst of the Romans'
+uncertainty an oracle was given them to the effect that the aperture
+could in no way be closed except they should throw into the chasm
+their best possession and that which was the chief source of their
+strength: then the thing would cease, and the city should command
+power inextinguishable. Still the uncertainty remained unresolved, for
+the oracle was obscure. But Marcus Curtius, a patrician, young in
+years, of a remarkably beautiful appearance, powerful physique, and
+courageous spirit, conspicuous also for intelligence, comprehended the
+meaning of the oracle. He came forward before them all and addressed
+them, saying: "Why, Romans, convict the revelation of obscurity or
+ourselves of ignorance? We are the thing sought and debated. For
+nothing lifeless may be counted better than what has life, nor shall
+that which has comprehension and prudence and the adornment of speech
+fail of preference before what is uncomprehending, speechless and
+senseless. What should any one deem superior to Man to be cast into
+the earth-fissure, that therewith we might contract it? [Sidenote:
+FRAG. 28^2] THERE IS NO MORTAL CREATURE EITHER BETTER OR STRONGER THAN
+MAN. FOR, IF ONE MAY SPEAK SOMEWHAT BOLDLY, MAN IS NAUGHT ELSE THAN A
+GOD WITH MORTAL BODY, AND A GOD NAUGHT ELSE THAN A MAN WITHOUT BODY
+AND THEREFORE IMMORTAL, and we are not far sundered from divine Power.
+This, to my mind, is the matter and I urge you also to adhere to this
+view. May no one think that I shall have recourse to the lot or bid
+maiden or lad lose a life. I myself willingly bestow myself upon you,
+that you may send me this very day as herald and envoy to the cthonian
+gods, to be your representative and helper forever." At the close of
+these words Curtius proceeded to put on his armor and then mounted his
+horse. The rest grew mad with grief and mad with joy; they came
+flocking with adornments, and some adorned the man himself with them
+as a hero, and others threw some of them into the chasm. Scarcely had
+Curtius sprung into it fully mounted, when the earth-fissure was
+closed and no one ever again beheld either the chasm or Curtius. This
+is the way the story is related by the Romans. Should any person judge
+it fabulous and not to be credited, he has the right to pay no
+attention to it.
+
+And again wars were waged against the Romans both by Gauls and by
+other nations, but they repelled all invaders, voting now for consuls,
+now for dictators. Whereupon somewhat of the following nature took
+place. Lucius Camillus was named dictator, as the Gauls were
+overrunning the environs of Rome. He proceeded against the barbarians
+with the intention of using up time and not risking the issue in
+conflict with men animated by desperation: he expected to exhaust them
+more easily and securely by the failure of provisions. And a Gaul
+challenged the Romans to furnish a champion for a duel. His opponent,
+accordingly, was Marcus Valerius, a military tribune, a grandson of
+the famous Maximus. The course of the battle was brilliant on both
+sides: the Roman excelled in cleverness and an unusual mastery of his
+art, and the Gaul in strength and daring. It was regarded as still
+more marvelous that a crow lighted on the helmet of Valerius and
+cawing all the time made dashes at the barbarian, confusing his sight
+and impeding his onset until he finally received a finishing blow. The
+Gauls, consequently, indignant at being beaten by a bird, in a rage
+closed at once with the Romans and suffered a severe defeat. From the
+incident of the crow's assistance Valerius obtained the further name
+of Corvinus.
+
+Thereafter, as the armies began to grow insubordinate and a civil war
+threatened to break out, the insurgents were brought to terms by the
+enactment of laws that no one's name should be erased from the lists
+against his will, that any person who had served as tribune of the
+soldiers should not be centurion, that both of the consuls might
+belong to and be appointed from the people, and that the same man
+should not hold two offices at the same time nor hold the same office
+twice within ten years.
+
+VII, 26.--Now the Latins, although under treaty with the Romans,
+revolted and provoked a conflict. They were filled with pride for the
+reason that they had an abundance of youthful warriors and were
+practiced in the details of warfare as a result of the constant
+campaigning with the Romans. The other side, understanding the
+situation, chose Torquatus consul for the third time and likewise
+Decius, and came out to meet them. They fought a fierce battle, each
+party thinking that that day was a precise test of their fortune and
+of their valor. A certain event seemed to give the battle added
+distinction. The consuls, seeing that the Latins were equipped and
+spoke like the Romans, feared that some of the soldiers might make
+mistakes through not distinguishing their own and the hostile force
+with entire ease. Therefore they made proclamation to their men to
+observe instructions carefully and in no case to fight an isolated
+combat with any of the antagonists. Most observed this injunction, but
+the son of Torquatus, who was on the field among the cavalry and had
+been sent to reconnoitre the enemy's position, transgressed it not
+through wilfulness but rather through ambition. The leader of the
+Latin horse saw him approaching and challenged him to a championship
+contest; and when the youth would not accept the challenge on account
+of the notice that had been served, the other provoked him, saying:
+"Are you not the son of Torquatus? Do you not give yourself airs with
+your father's collar? Are you strong and courageous against those
+low-lived Gauls but fear us Latins? Where, then, do you find your
+right to rule? Why do you give orders to us as your inferiors?"--The
+Roman became frenzied with rage and readily forgot the injunction: he
+won the combat, and in high spirits conveyed the spoils to his father.
+The latter, after assembling the army, said: "Nobly you have fought,
+my child, and for this I will crown you. But because you did not
+observe the orders issued, though under obligation both as a son and
+as a soldier to yield obedience, [Sidenote: FRAG. 32^2] FOR THIS
+REASON I SHALL EXECUTE YOU, THAT YOU MAY OBTAIN BOTH THE PRIZE FOR
+YOUR PROWESS AND THE PENALTY FOR YOUR DISOBEDIENCE." Having spoken
+these words he at the same moment placed the garland on his head and
+cut off the very head that bore it.
+
+Soon after, a dream that appeared to both consuls the same night, of
+identical import in each case, seemed to tell them that they should
+overcome the enemy, if one of the consuls should devote himself.
+Discussing the dream together in the daytime, they decided that it was
+of divine origin, and agreed that it must be obeyed. And they disputed
+with each other, not as to which should be saved, but as to which of
+them preferably should devote himself: they even presented their
+arguments before the foremost men in camp. Finally they settled it
+that one should station himself on the right wing and the other on the
+left, and that whichever of those two divisions should be defeated,
+the consul stationed there should give up his life. There was so much
+rivalry between them in regard to the self-devotion that each of the
+consuls prayed that he might be defeated, in order to obtain the right
+to devote himself and the consequent glory. After joining battle with
+the Latins they carried on a closely contested fight for a long time,
+but finally Decius's wing gave way before the Latins a little. On
+perceiving this Decius devoted himself. Slipping off his armor he put
+on his purple-bordered clothing. Some say that in this costume he
+sprang upon a horse and rode toward the enemy and met his death at
+their hands, others that he was slain by a fellow-soldier of his own
+race. A short time after Decius had perished a decisive victory fell
+to the lot of the Romans and the Latins were all routed, yet
+certainly not on account of the death of Decius. [Sidenote: FRAG.
+32^4] FOR HOW CAN YOU BELIEVE THAT FROM SUCH A DEATH OF ONE MAN SO
+GREAT A MULTITUDE OF HUMAN BEINGS WAS DESTROYED ON THE ONE SIDE AND ON
+THE OTHER WAS SAVED AND WON A CONSPICUOUS VICTORY? So the Latins in
+this way were defeated, [Sidenote: FRAG. 32^6] AND TORQUATUS, THOUGH
+HE HAD KILLED HIS SON AND THOUGH HIS COLLEAGUE HAD LOST HIS LIFE,
+NEVERTHELESS CELEBRATED A TRIUMPH.
+
+Once again did they subdue these very Latins, who had revolted, and
+they subjugated in battle other nations, employing now consuls and now
+dictators.
+
+
+_(BOOK 8, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+One of the latter was Lucius Papirius, also called Cursor from his
+physical condition (he was a very fleet runner) and on account of his
+practicing running. After this Papirius as dictator with Fabius Rullus
+as master of the horse was sent out against the Samnites and by
+defeating them compelled them to agree to such terms as he wished. But
+when he had resigned his leadership they again arose in arms. They
+were attacked anew by the dictator Aulus Cornelius, [Sidenote: FRAG.
+33^3] AND BEING DEFEATED MADE PROPOSALS OF PEACE TO THE MEN AT ROME.
+THEY SENT THEM ALL THE CAPTIVES THAT THEY HAD, AND ASCRIBED THE
+RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE WAR TO RUTULUS, A MAN OF INFLUENCE AMONG THEM.
+HIS BONES, SINCE HE ANTICIPATED THEM IN COMMITTING SUICIDE, THEY
+SCATTERED ABROAD. YET THEY DID NOT OBTAIN THEIR PEACE, BEING ACCOUNTED
+UNTRUSTWORTHY; BUT THE VICTORS, THOUGH ACCEPTING THE PRISONERS, VOTED
+FOR RELENTLESS WAR AGAINST THEM. [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^4] THE ROMANS,
+THEN, EXPECTING IN THEIR EXTREME ARROGANCE THAT THEY SHOULD CAPTURE
+THEM ALL AT THE FIRST BLOW, SUCCUMBED TO A TERRIBLE DISASTER. THE
+SAMNITES, BEING BADLY FRIGHTENED AND THINKING THE REFUSAL TO MAKE
+PEACE A CALAMITY, FOUGHT WITH DESPERATION; AND BY PLANTING AN
+AMBUSCADE IN A NARROW SPOT RATHER CLOSELY HEMMED IN BY HILLS THEY BOTH
+CAPTURED THE CAMP AND SEIZED ALIVE THE WHOLE FORCE OF THE ROMANS, ALL
+OF WHOM THEY SENT UNDER THE YOKE.--What the operation of the yoke was
+has already been described by me above.[13]--However, they killed not
+a man but took away their arms and horses and everything else they had
+save one garment, and released them thus stripped of possessions under
+an agreement that they should leave Samnite territory and be their
+allies on an equal footing. In order to insure the articles of the
+agreement being ratified also by the senate, they retained six hundred
+of the knights to serve as hostages.
+
+[Footnote 13: Near the end of VII, 17.]
+
+The consuls Spurius Postumius and Tiberius Calvinus with their army
+immediately withdrew, and at night they and the most notable of the
+rest of the force entered Rome, while the remaining soldiers scattered
+through the country districts. [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^9] THE MEN IN THE
+CITY ON HEARING OF THE EVENT DID NOT FIND IT POSSIBLE EITHER TO BE
+PLEASED AT THE SURVIVAL OF THEIR SOLDIERS OR TO BE DISPLEASED. WHEN
+THEY THOUGHT OF THE CALAMITY THEIR GRIEF WAS EXTREME, AND THE FACT
+THAT THEY HAD SUFFERED SUCH A REVERSE AT THE HANDS OF THE SAMNITES
+INCREASED THEIR GRIEF; WHEN THEY STOPPED TO REFLECT, HOWEVER, THAT IF
+IT HAD COME TO PASS THAT ALL HAD PERISHED, ALL THEIR INTERESTS WOULD
+HAVE BEEN ENDANGERED, THEY WERE REALLY PLEASED AT THE SURVIVAL OF
+THEIR OWN MEN. But concealing for a time their pleasure they went into
+mourning and carried on no business in the everyday fashion either at
+once or subsequently, as long as they had control of affairs. The
+consuls they deposed forthwith, chose others in their stead, and took
+counsel about the situation. And they determined not to accept the
+arrangement; but since it was impossible to take this action without
+throwing the responsibility upon the men who had conducted the
+negotiations, they hesitated on the one hand to condemn the consuls
+and the rest who, associated with the latter in their capacity as
+holders of certain offices, had made the peace, and they hesitated on
+the other hand to acquit them, since by so doing they would bring the
+breach of faith home to themselves. Accordingly they made these very
+consuls participate in their deliberations and they asked Postumius
+first of all for his opinion, that he might state separately his
+sentiments touching his own case, and the shame of having disgrace
+attach to all of them be avoided. So he came forward and said that
+their acts ought not to be ratified by the senate and the people,
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 33^11] FOR THEY THEMSELVES HAD NOT ACTED OF THEIR OWN
+FREE WILL, BUT UNDER THE COMPULSION OF A NECESSITY which the enemy had
+brought upon them not through valor but through craft and ambuscade.
+Now men who had practiced deception could not, if they were deceived
+in turn, have any just complaint against those who turned the tables
+on them. When he had finished saying this and considerable more of the
+same nature, the senate found itself at a loss how to act: but as
+Postumius and Calvinus took the burden of responsibility upon their
+own shoulders, it was voted that the agreements should not be ratified
+and that these men should be delivered up.
+
+Both the consuls, therefore, and the remaining officials who had been
+present when oaths were taken were conducted back to Samnium.
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 33^14] THE SAMNITES, HOWEVER, WOULD NOT ACCEPT THEM,
+BUT DEMANDED BACK ALL THE CAPTIVES, AND INVOKED THE GODS AND CONJURED
+THEM BY THE DIVINE POWER, AND FINALLY THEY DISMISSED THE MEN THAT HAD
+BEEN SURRENDERED. The Romans were glad enough to get them back, but
+were angry at the Samnites WHOM THEY ATTACKED IN BATTLE AND
+VANQUISHED, AFTER WHICH THEY ACCORDED THEM A SIMILAR TREATMENT, FOR
+THEY SENT THEM UNDER THE YOKE IN TURN AND RELEASED THEM without
+inflicting any other injury. They also got possession of their own
+knights, who were being held by the Samnites as hostages and were
+unharmed.
+
+VIII, 1.--After a long interval the Romans under the leadership of
+Gaius Junius were again warring with the Samnites, when they met with
+disaster. While Junius was pillaging the hostile territory, the
+Samnites conveyed their possessions into the Avernian[14] woods,
+so-called from the fact that on account of the closeness of the trees
+no bird flies into them. Being there ensconced they set out some herds
+without herdsmen or guards and quietly sent some pretended deserters
+who guided the Romans to the booty apparently lying at their disposal.
+But when the latter had entered the wood, the Samnites surrounded them
+and did not cease from slaughter till they were completely tired out.
+And though the Samnites fought on many other occasions against the
+Romans and were defeated, they would not be quiet, but having acquired
+the Gauls, besides others, as allies, they made preparations to march
+upon Rome itself. The Romans, when they learned of it, fell into
+alarm, for their original inclination to do so was augmented by many
+portents. On the Capitol blood is reported to have issued for three
+days from the altar of Jupiter, together with honey on one day, and
+milk on a second--if anybody can believe it: and in the Forum a
+bronze statue of Victory set upon a stone pedestal was found standing
+upon the ground below, without any one's having moved it; and, as it
+happened, it was facing in that direction from which the Gauls were
+already approaching. This of itself was enough to terrify the
+populace, who were even more dismayed by ill-omened interpretations
+published by the seers. However, a certain Manius, by birth an
+Etruscan, encouraged them by declaring that Victory, even if she had
+descended, had gone forward, and being now settled more firmly on the
+ground indicated to them mastery in the war. Accordingly, many
+sacrifices, too, should be offered to the gods; for their altars, and
+particularly those on the Capitol, where they sacrifice
+thank-offerings for victory, were regularly stained with blood in the
+midst of their successes and not in their disasters. From these
+developments, then, he persuaded them to expect some fortunate
+outcome, but from the honey to expect disease (because invalids crave
+it) and from the milk famine; for they should encounter so great a
+scarcity of provisions as to seek for food of native growth and
+pasturage.
+
+[Footnote 14: In Greek, _Birdless_.]
+
+Manius, then, interpreted the omens in this way, [Sidenote: FRAG.
+33^22] AND AS HIS PROPHECY TURNED OUT TO BE CORRECT, HE GAINED
+THEREAFTER A REPUTATION FOR SKILL AND FOREKNOWLEDGE IN ALL MATTERS.
+Now Volumnius was ordered to make war upon the Samnites; Fabius
+Maximus Rullus and Publius Decius were chosen consuls and were sent to
+withstand the Gauls and the other warriors in the Gallic contingent.
+They, having come with speed to Etruria, saw the camp of Appius, which
+was fortified by a double palisade; and they pulled up the stakes and
+carried them off, instructing the soldiers to place their hope of
+safety in their weapons. So they joined battle with the enemy.
+Meanwhile a wolf in pursuit of a deer had invaded the space between
+the two armies and darting toward the Romans passed through their
+ranks. This encouraged them, for they regarded themselves as having a
+bond of union with him, since, according to tradition, a she-wolf had
+reared Romulus. But the deer ran to the other side and was struck
+down, thus leaving to _them_ fear and the issue of disaster. When the
+armies collided, Maximus quite easily conquered the foes opposed to
+him, but Decius was defeated. And recalling the self-devotion of his
+father, undertaken on account of the dream, he likewise devoted
+himself, though without giving anybody any information about his act.
+Scarcely had he let himself be slain, when the men ranged at his side,
+partly through shame at his deed (feeling that he had perished
+voluntarily for them) and partly in the hopes of certain victory as a
+result of this occurrence, checked their flight and nobly withstood
+their pursuers. At this juncture Maximus, too, assailed the latter in
+the rear and slaughtered vast numbers. The survivors took to their
+heels and were annihilated. Fabius Maximus then burned the corpse of
+Decius together with the spoils and made a truce with such as asked
+for peace.
+
+The following year Atilius Regulus again waged war with the Samnites.
+And for a time they carried on an evenly contested struggle, but
+eventually, after the Samnites had won a victory, the Romans conquered
+them in turn, took them captive, led them beneath the yoke, and so
+released them. [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^23] THE SAMNITES, ENRAGED AT WHAT
+HAD OCCURRED, RESORTED TO DESPERATE MEASURES WITH THE INTENTION OF
+EITHER CONQUERING OR BEING UTTERLY DESTROYED, THREATENING WITH DEATH
+HIM WHO SHOULD REMAIN AT HOME. So these invaded Campania: but the
+consuls ravaged Samnium, since it was destitute of soldiers, and
+captured a few cities. Therefore the Samnites abandoning Campania made
+haste to reach their own land; and having come into hostile collision
+with one of the consuls they were defeated by a trick and in their
+flight met with terrible reverses, losing their camp and in addition
+the fortress to the assistance of which they were advancing. The
+consul celebrated a triumph and devoted to public uses the goods
+gathered from the spoils. The other consul made a campaign against the
+Etruscans and reduced them in short order: he then levied upon them
+contributions of grain and money, of which he distributed a part to
+the soldiers and deposited the rest in the treasuries.
+
+However, there befell a mighty pestilence, and the Samnites and
+Falisci began to bestir themselves; they entertained a contempt for
+the Romans both on account of the disease and because, since no war
+menaced, they had chosen the consuls not on grounds of excellence. The
+Romans, ascertaining the situation, sent out Carvilius along with
+Junius Brutus, and with Quintus Fabius his father Rullus Maximus, as
+subcommanders or lieutenants. Brutus worsted the Falisci and
+plundered their possessions as well as those of the other Etruscans:
+Fabius marched out of Rome before his father and pushed rapidly
+forward when he learned that the Samnites were plundering Campania.
+Falling in with some scouts of theirs and seeing them quickly retire
+he got the impression that all the enemy were at that point and
+believed they were in flight. Accordingly, in his hurry to come to
+blows with them before his father should arrive, in order that the
+success might appear to be his own and not his elder's, he went ahead
+with a careless formation. Thus he encountered a compact body of foes
+and would have been utterly destroyed, had not night intervened. Many
+of his men died also after that with no physician or relative to
+attend them, because they had hastened on far ahead of the baggage
+carriers in the expectation of immediate victory. Of a surety they
+would have perished on the following day but for the fact that the
+Samnites, thinking Fabius's father to be near, felt afraid and
+withdrew.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 33^24] THOSE IN THE CITY ON HEARING THIS BECAME
+TERRIBLY ANGRY, SUMMONED THE CONSUL, AND WANTED TO PUT HIM ON TRIAL.
+BUT THE OLD MAN HIS FATHER BY ENUMERATING HIS OWN AND HIS ANCESTORS'
+BRAVE DEEDS, BY PROMISING THAT HIS SON SHOULD MAKE NO RECORD THAT WAS
+UNWORTHY OF THEM, AND BY URGING HIS SON'S YOUTH TO ACCOUNT FOR THE
+MISFORTUNE, IMMEDIATELY ABATED THEIR WRATH. JOINING HIM IN THE
+CAMPAIGN HE CONQUERED THE SAMNITES IN BATTLE, CAPTURED THEIR CAMP,
+RAVAGED THEIR COUNTRY, AND DROVE AWAY GREAT BOOTY. A PART OF IT HE
+DEVOTED TO PUBLIC USES AND A PART HE ACCORDED TO THE SOLDIERS. FOR
+THESE REASONS THE ROMANS EXTOLLED HIM AND ORDERED THAT HIS SON ALSO
+SHOULD COMMAND FOR THE FUTURE WITH CONSULAR POWERS AND STILL EMPLOY
+HIS FATHER AS LIEUTENANT. THE LATTER MANAGED AND ARRANGED EVERYTHING
+FOR HIM, SPARING HIS OLD AGE NOT A WHIT, YET HE DID NOT LET IT BE SEEN
+THAT HE WAS EXECUTING THE BUSINESS ON HIS OWN RESPONSIBILITY, BUT MADE
+THE GLORY OF HIS EXPLOITS ATTACH TO HIS CHILD.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 37] VIII, 2.--AFTER THIS, WHEN THE TRIBUNES MOVED AN
+ANNULMENT OF DEBTS, THE PEOPLE, SINCE THIS WAS NOT YIELDED BY THE
+LENDERS AS WELL, FELL INTO TURMOIL: and their turbulent behavior was
+not quieted until foes came against the city.
+
+
+_(BOOK 9, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+Those to begin the wars were the Tarentini, [Sidenote: FRAG. 39^1] WHO
+HAD ASSOCIATED WITH THEMSELVES THE ETRUSCANS AND GAULS AND SAMNITES
+AND SEVERAL OTHER TRIBES. These allies the Romans engaged and defeated
+in various battles, with different consuls on different occasions, but
+the Tarentini, although they had themselves been the authors of the
+war, nevertheless did not yet openly present an imposing array in
+battle. [Sidenote: FRAG. 39^3] NOW LUCIUS VALERIUS WHILE ADMIRAL
+WANTED TO ANCHOR WITH HIS TRIREMES OFF TARENTUM (BEING ON HIS WAY TO A
+PLACE WHITHER HE HAD BEEN DESPATCHED WITH THEM), FOR HE DEEMED THE
+COUNTRY FRIENDLY. [Sidenote: FRAG. 39^4] BUT THE TARENTINI, OWING TO
+A GUILTY SENSE OF THEIR OWN OPERATIONS, SUSPECTED THAT VALERIUS WAS
+SAILING AGAINST THEM, AND IN A PASSION SET SAIL LIKEWISE AND ATTACKING
+HIM WHEN HE WAS EXPECTING NO HOSTILE ACT SENT HIM TO THE BOTTOM ALONG
+WITH MANY OTHERS. OF THE CAPTIVES THEY IMPRISONED SOME AND PUT OTHERS
+TO DEATH. WHEN THE ROMANS HEARD OF THIS, THEY WERE INDIGNANT, TO BE
+SURE, BUT NEVERTHELESS DESPATCHED ENVOYS UPBRAIDING THEM AND DEMANDING
+SATISFACTION. THE OFFENDERS NOT ONLY FAILED TO VOUCHSAFE THEM ANY
+DECENT ANSWER, BUT ACTUALLY JEERED AT THEM, GOING SO FAR AS TO SOIL
+THE CLOTHING OF LUCIUS POSTUMIUS, THE HEAD OF THE EMBASSY. AT THIS AN
+UPROAR AROSE AND THE TARENTINI INDULGED IN CONTINUED GUFFAWS. BUT
+POSTUMIUS CRIED: "LAUGH ON, LAUGH ON WHILE YOU MAY! FOR LONG WILL BE
+THE PERIOD OF YOUR WEEPING, WHEN YOU SHALL WASH THIS GARMENT CLEAN
+WITH YOUR BLOOD."
+
+Upon the return of the envoys the Romans, learning what had been done,
+were grieved and voted that Lucius AEmilius the consul make a campaign
+against the Tarentini. He advanced close to Tarentum and sent them
+favorable propositions, thinking that they would choose peace on fair
+terms. Now they were at variance among themselves in their opinions.
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 39^6?] The elderly and well-to-do were anxious for
+peace, but those who were youthful and who had little or nothing were
+for war. The younger generation had its way. Being timid for all that
+they planned to invite Pyrrhus of Epirus to form an alliance, and sent
+to him envoys and gifts. AEmilius, learning this, proceeded to pillage
+and devastate their country. They made sorties but were routed, so
+that the Romans ravaged their country with impunity and got possession
+of some strongholds. AEmilius showed much consideration for those taken
+prisoners and liberated some of the more influential, and the
+Tarentini, accordingly, filled with admiration for his kindness, were
+led to hope for reconciliation and so chose as leader with full powers
+Agis, who was of kindred to the Romans. Scarcely had he been elected
+when Cineas, sent ahead by Pyrrhus, planted himself in the pathway of
+negotiations. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^1] FOR PYRRHUS, KING OF THE
+SO-CALLED EPIRUS, SURPASSED EVERYBODY THROUGH NATURAL CLEVERNESS AND
+THROUGH THE INFLUENCE AND EXPERIENCE BESTOWED BY EDUCATION; AND HE HAD
+MADE THE LARGER PART OF HELLAS HIS OWN, PARTLY BY BENEFITS AND PARTLY
+BY FEAR. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^2] ACCORDINGLY, CHANCE HAVING THROWN THE
+ENVOYS OF THE TARENTINI IN HIS WAY, HE DEEMED THE ALLIANCE A PIECE OF
+GOOD LUCK. FOR A CONSIDERABLE TIME HE HAD HAD HIS EYE ON SICILY AND
+CARTHAGE AND SARDINIA, BUT NEVERTHELESS HE SHRANK FROM PERSONALLY
+TAKING THE INITIATIVE IN HOSTILITIES AGAINST THE ROMANS. He announced
+that he would lead the Tarentini, but in order that the motive of his
+declaration might not be suspected (for reasons indicated) he stated
+that he should return home without delay, and insisted upon a clause
+being added to the agreement to the effect that he should not be
+detained by them in Italy further than actual need required. After
+settling this agreement he detained the majority of the envoys as
+hostages, giving out that he wanted them to help him get the armies
+ready: a few of them together with Cineas he sent in advance with
+troops. As soon as they arrived the Tarentini took courage, gave up
+their attempted reconciliation with the Romans, and deposing Agris
+from his leadership elected one of the envoys leader. Shortly
+afterward Milo, sent by Pyrrhus with a force, took charge of their
+acropolis and personally superintended the manning of their wall. The
+Tarentini were glad at this, feeling that they did not have to do
+guard duty or undergo any other troublesome labor, and they sent
+regular supplies of food to the men and consignments of money to
+Pyrrhus.
+
+AEmilius for a time held his ground, but when he perceived that the
+Pyrrhic soldiers had come, and recognized his inability on account of
+the winter to maintain an opposition, he set out for Apulia. The
+Tarentini laid an ambush at a narrow passage through which he was
+obliged to go, and by their arrows, javelins and slingshots rendered
+progress impossible for him. But he put at the head of his line their
+captives whom he was conveying. Fear fell upon the Tarentini that they
+might destroy their own men instead of the Romans, and they ceased
+their efforts.
+
+Now Pyrrhus set off, [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^4] NOT EVEN AWAITING THE
+COMING OF SPRING, taking a large, picked army, and twenty elephants,
+beasts never previously beheld by the Italians. Hence the latter were
+invariably filled with alarm and astonishment. While crossing the
+Ionian Sea he encountered a storm and lost many soldiers of his army:
+the remainder were scattered by the violent waters. Only with
+difficulty, then, and by land travel did he reach Tarentum. He at once
+impressed those in their prime into service alongside of his own
+soldiers so as to make sure that they should not be led, by having a
+separate company, to think of rebellion; he closed the theatre,
+presumably on account of the war and to prevent the people from
+gathering there and setting on foot any uprising; also he forbade them
+to assemble for banquets and revels, and ordered the youth to practice
+in arms instead of spending all day in the market-place. When some,
+indignant at this, left the ranks, he stationed guards from his own
+contingent so that no one could leave the city. The inhabitants,
+oppressed by these measures, and by supplying food, compelled as they
+were, too, to receive the guardsmen into their houses, repented, since
+they found in Pyrrhus only a master, not an ally. He, fearing for
+these reasons that they might lean to the Roman cause, took note of
+all the men who had any ability as politicians or could dominate the
+populace and sent them one after another to Epirus to his son on
+various excuses; occasionally, however, he would quietly assassinate
+them instead. A certain Aristarchus, who was accounted one of the
+noblest of the Tarentini and was a most persuasive speaker, he made
+his boon companion to the end that this man should be suspected by the
+people of having the interests of Pyrrhus at heart. When, however, he
+saw that he still had the confidence of the throng, he gave him an
+errand to Epirus. Aristarchus, not daring to dispute his behest, set
+sail, but went to Rome.
+
+VIII, 3.--Such was the behavior of Pyrrhus toward the Tarentini.
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 40^8] THOSE IN ROME LEARNING THAT PYRRHUS HAD COME TO
+TARENTUM WERE SMITTEN WITH TERROR BECAUSE THE ITALIAN STATES HAD BEEN
+SET AT ENMITY WITH THEM AND BECAUSE HE WAS REPORTED TO BE WITHOUT
+DOUBT A GOOD WARRIOR AND TO HAVE A FORCE THAT WAS BY NO MEANS
+DESPICABLE AS AN ADVERSARY. So they proceeded to enlist soldiers and
+to gather money and to distribute garrisons among the allied cities to
+prevent them from likewise revolting; and learning that some were
+already stirred with sedition they punished the principal men in them.
+A handful of those from Praeneste were brought to Rome late in the
+afternoon and thrown into the treasury for security. Thereby a certain
+oracle was fulfilled for the Romans. For an oracle had told them once
+that these people should occupy the Roman treasure-house. The oracle,
+then, resulted this way: the men lost their lives.
+
+Valerius Lavinius was despatched against Pyrrhus, the Tarentini, and
+the rest of their associates, but a part of the army was retained in
+the city. As for Lavinius, he at once set out on his march so that he
+might carry on the war as far as possible from his own territory. He
+hoped to frighten Pyrrhus by showing the latter those men advancing
+against him of their own accord whom he had thought to besiege. In the
+course of his journey he seized a strong strategic point in the land
+of the Lucanians, and he left behind a force in Lucania to hinder the
+people from giving aid to his opponents.
+
+Pyrrhus on learning of Lavinius's approach made a start before the
+latter came in sight, established a camp, and was desirous of using up
+time while waiting for allies to join. He sent a haughty letter to
+Lavinius with the design of overawing him. The writing was couched
+thus: "King Pyrrhus to Lavinius, Greeting. I learn that you are
+leading an army against Tarentum. Send it away, therefore, and come
+yourself to me with few attendants. For I will judge between you, if
+you have any blame to impute to each other, and I will compel the
+party at fault, however unwilling, to grant justice." Lavinius wrote
+the following reply to Pyrrhus: "You seem to me, Pyrrhus, to have been
+quite daft when you set yourself up as judge between the Tarentini and
+us before rendering to us an account of your crossing over into Italy
+at all. I will come, therefore, with all my army and will exact the
+appropriate recompense both from the Tarentini and from you. What use
+can I have for nonsense and palaver, when I can stand trial in the
+court of Mars, our progenitor?" After sending such an answering
+despatch he hurried on and pitched camp, leaving the stream of the
+river at that point between them. Having apprehended some scouts he
+showed them his troops and after telling them he had more of them,
+many times that number, he sent them back. Pyrrhus, struck with alarm
+by this, was not desirous of fighting because some of the allies had
+not yet joined his force, and he was constantly hoping that provisions
+would fail the Romans while they delayed on hostile soil. Lavinius,
+too, reckoned on this and was eager to join issue. As the soldiers had
+become terrified at the reputation of Pyrrhus and on account of the
+elephants, he called them together and delivered a speech containing
+many exhortations to courage; then he busily prepared to close with
+Pyrrhus, willing or unwilling. The latter had no heart to fight, but
+in order to avoid an appearance of fearing the Romans he also in
+person addressed his own men, inciting them to the conflict. Lavinius
+tried to cross the river opposite the camp, but was prevented. So he
+retired and himself remained in position with his infantry, but sent
+the cavalry off (apparently on some marauding expedition) with
+injunctions to march some distance and then make the attempt. In this
+way both they assailed the enemy unexpectedly in the rear, and
+Lavinius, in the midst of the foe's confusion, crossed the river and
+took part in the battle. Pyrrhus came to the aid of his own men, who
+were in flight, but lost his horse by a wound and was thought by them
+to have been killed. Then, the one side being dejected and the other
+scornfully elated, their actions were correspondingly altered. He
+became aware of this and gave his clothing, which was more striking
+than that of the rest, to Megacles, bidding him put it on and ride
+about in all directions to the end that thinking him safe his
+opponents might be brought to fear and his followers to feel
+encouragement. As for himself, he put on an ordinary uniform and
+encountered the Romans with his full army, save the elephants, and by
+bringing assistance to the contestants wherever they were in trouble
+he did his supporters a great deal of good. At first, then, for a
+large part of the day they fought evenly; but when a man killed
+Megacles, thinking to have killed Pyrrhus and creating this impression
+in the minds of the rest, the Romans gained vigor and their opponents
+began to give way. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^12] PYRRHUS, NOTING WHAT WAS
+TAKING PLACE, CAST OFF HIS CAP AND WENT ABOUT WITH HIS HEAD BARE; AND
+THE BATTLE TOOK AN OPPOSITE TURN. Seeing this, Lavinius, who had
+horsemen in hiding somewhere, outside the battle, ordered them to
+attack the enemy in the rear. In response to this Pyrrhus, as a device
+to meet it, raised the signal for the elephants. Then, indeed, at the
+sight of the animals, which was out of all common experience, at their
+bloodcurdling trumpeting, and at the clatter of arms which their
+riders, seated in the towers, made, both the Romans themselves became
+panic stricken and their horses, in a frenzy, either shook off their
+riders or bolted, carrying them away. Disheartened at this the Roman
+army was turned to flight and in their rout some soldiers were
+destroyed by the men in the towers on the elephants' backs, and others
+by the beasts themselves, which with their trunks and horns (or
+teeth?) took the lives of many and crushed and trampled under foot no
+less. The cavalry, following after, slew many; not one, indeed, would
+have been left, had not an elephant been wounded, and by its own
+struggles as a result of the wound as well as by its trumpeting thrown
+the rest into confusion. Only this restrained Pyrrhus from pursuit and
+only in this way did the Romans manage to cross the river and make
+their escape into an Apulian city. Many of Pyrrhus's soldiers and
+officers alike fell, so that [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^13] WHEN CERTAIN MEN
+CONGRATULATED HIM ON HIS VICTORY, HE SAID; "IF WE EVER CONQUER AGAIN
+IN LIKE FASHION, WE SHALL BE RUINED." THE ROMANS, HOWEVER, HE ADMIRED
+EVEN IN THEIR DEFEAT, DECLARING: "I SHOULD ALREADY HAVE MASTERED THE
+WHOLE INHABITED WORLD, WERE I KING OF THE ROMANS."
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 40^14] PYRRHUS, ACCORDINGLY, ACQUIRED A GREAT
+REPUTATION FOR HIS VICTORY AND MANY CAME OVER TO HIS SIDE: THE ALLIES
+ALSO ESPOUSED HIS CAUSE. THESE HE REBUKED SOMEWHAT ON ACCOUNT OF THEIR
+TARDINESS, BUT GAVE THEM A SHARE OF THE SPOIL. VIII, 4.--The men of
+Rome felt grief at the defeat, but they sent an army to Lavinius; and
+they summoned Tiberius from Etruria and put the city under guard when
+they learned that Pyrrhus was hastening against it. Lavinius, however,
+as soon as he had cured his own followers of their wounds and had
+collected the scattered, the reinforcements from Rome now having
+arrived, followed on the track of Pyrrhus and harassed him. Finding
+out that the king was ambitious to capture Capua he occupied it in
+advance and guarded it. Disappointed there Pyrrhus set out for
+Neapolis. Since he developed no power to accomplish anything at this
+place either and was in haste to occupy Rome, he passed on through
+Etruria with the object of winning that people also to his cause. He
+learned that they had made a treaty with the Romans and that Tiberius
+was moving to meet him face to face. (Lavinius was dogging his
+footsteps.) [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^19] A DREAD SEIZED HIM OF BEING CUT
+OFF ON ALL SIDES BY THEM WHILE HE WAS IN UNFAMILIAR REGIONS and he
+would advance no farther. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^20] WHEN, AS HE WAS
+RETREATING AND HAD REACHED THE VICINITY OF CAMPANIA, LAVINIUS
+CONFRONTED HIM AND THE LATTER'S ARMY WAS MUCH LARGER THAN IT WAS
+BEFORE, HE DECLARED THAT THE ROMAN TROOPS WHEN CUT TO PIECES GREW
+WHOLE AGAIN, HYDRA-FASHION. AND HE MADE PREPARATIONS IN HIS TURN, BUT
+DID NOT COME TO THE ISSUE OF BATTLE. He had ordered his own soldiers
+before the shock of conflict, in order to terrify the Romans, to smite
+their shields with their spears and cry aloud while the trumpeters and
+the elephants raised a united blare. But when the other side raised a
+much greater shout, actually scaring the followers of Pyrrhus, he
+no longer wanted to come to close quarters, but retired, as if he
+found the omens bad. And he came to Tarentum. [Sidenote: FRAG.
+40^21] THITHER CAME ROMAN ENVOYS TO TREAT IN BEHALF OF THE
+CAPTIVES,--FABRICIUS AMONG OTHERS. THESE HE ENTERTAINED LAVISHLY AND
+SHOWED THEM HONOR, EXPECTING THAT THEY WOULD CONCLUDE A TRUCE AND MAKE
+TERMS AS THE DEFEATED PARTY. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^22] FABRICIUS ASKED
+THAT HE MIGHT GET BACK THE MEN CAPTURED IN BATTLE FOR SUCH RANSOM AS
+SHOULD BE PLEASING TO BOTH. PYRRHUS, QUITE DUMFOUNDED BECAUSE THE MAN
+DID NOT SAY THAT HE WAS ALSO COMMISSIONED TO TREAT ABOUT PEACE, TOOK
+COUNSEL PRIVATELY WITH HIS FRIENDS, AS WAS HIS WONT, ABOUT THE RETURN
+OF THE CAPTIVES, BUT ALSO ABOUT THE WAR AND HOW HE SHOULD CONDUCT IT.
+Milo advised neither returning the captives nor making a truce, but
+overcoming all remaining resistance by war, since the Romans were
+already defeated: Cineas, however, gave advice just the opposite of
+his; he approved of surrendering the captives without price and
+sending envoys and money to Rome for the purpose of obtaining an
+armistice and peace. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^23] TO HIS DECISION DID THE
+REST ALSO CLEAVE, AND PYRRHUS, TOO, CHANCED TO BE OF THIS MIND. HAVING
+CALLED THE AMBASSADORS, THEREFORE, HE SAID: "NOT WILLINGLY, ROMANS,
+DID I LATELY MAKE WAR UPON YOU, AND I HAVE NO WISH TO WAR AGAINST YOU
+NOW. IT WAS MY DESIRE TO BECOME YOUR FRIEND. WHEREFORE I RELEASE TO
+YOU THE CAPTIVES WITHOUT RANSOM AND ASK THE PRIVILEGE OF MAKING
+PEACE."
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 40^24] THESE WORDS HE HAD SPOKEN TO THE ENVOYS AS A
+WHOLE AND HAD EITHER GIVEN OR FURNISHED THEM PROMISES OF MONEY, BUT IN
+CONVERSATION WITH FABRICIUS ALONE HE SAID: "I WOULD GLADLY BECOME A
+FRIEND TO ALL ROMANS, BUT MOST OF ALL TO YOU. I SEE THAT YOU ARE AN
+EXCELLENT MAN AND I ASK YOU TO HELP ME IN GETTING PEACE." WITH THESE
+WORDS HE ATTEMPTED TO BESTOW UPON HIM A NUMBER OF GIFTS. BUT FABRICIUS
+SAID: "I COMMEND YOU FOR DESIRING PEACE, AND I WILL EFFECT IT FOR YOU,
+IF IT SHALL PROVE TO OUR ADVANTAGE. FOR YOU WILL NOT ASK ME, A MAN
+WHO, AS YOU SAY, PRETENDS TO UPRIGHTNESS, TO DO ANYTHING AGAINST MY
+COUNTRY. NAY, I WOULD NOT EVEN ACCEPT ANY OF THESE THINGS WHICH YOU
+ARE FAIN TO GIVE. I ASK YOU, THEREFORE, WHETHER YOU IN VERY TRUTH
+REGARD ME AS A REPUTABLE MAN OR NOT. IF I AM A SCOUNDREL, HOW IS IT
+THAT YOU DEEM ME WORTHY OF GIFTS? IF, ON THE OTHER HAND, I AM A MAN OF
+HONOR, HOW CAN YOU BID ME ACCEPT THEM? BE THEN ASSURED THAT I HAVE
+VERY MANY POSSESSIONS, THAT I AM SATISFIED WITH WHAT I NOW HAVE AND
+FEEL NO NEED OF MORE. YOU, HOWEVER, EVEN IF YOU ARE EVER SO RICH, ARE
+IN UNSPEAKABLE POVERTY. FOR YOU WOULD NOT HAVE CROSSED OVER TO THIS
+LAND, LEAVING BEHIND EPIRUS AND THE REST OF YOUR POSSESSIONS, IF YOU
+HAD BEEN CONTENT WITH THEM AND WERE NOT REACHING OUT FOR MORE."
+
+After this conversation had taken place as recounted, the envoys took
+the captives and departed. Pyrrhus despatched Cineas to Rome with a
+large amount of gold coin and women's apparel of every description, so
+that even if some of the men should resist, their wives, at least, won
+by the appeal of the finery, might make them share in the prostitution
+of principles. Cineas on coming to the city did not seek an audience
+with the senate, but lingered about, alleging now one reason, now
+another. He was visiting the houses of leading men and by his
+conversation and gifts was slowly extending his influence over them.
+When he had won the attachment of a number, he entered the
+senate-chamber and spoke, saying; "King Pyrrhus offers as his defence
+the fact that he came not to make war upon you, but to reconcile the
+Tarentini, and in answer to their entreaties. Indeed, he has released
+your prisoners, waiving ransom, and though he might have ravaged your
+country and assaulted your city, he requests to be enrolled among
+your friends and allies, hoping to gain much assistance from you and
+to render you still more and greater benefits in return."
+
+Thereupon the greater part of the senators evinced pleasure because of
+the gifts and because of the captives: however, they made no reply,
+but went on deliberating for several days more as to the proper course
+to pursue. There was a deal of talk, but the disposition to accord a
+truce predominated. On learning this Appius the Blind was carried to
+the senate-house (for by reason of his age and his infirmity he was a
+stay-at-home) and declared that the _modus vivendi_ with Pyrrhus was
+not advantageous to the State. He urged them to dismiss Cineas at once
+from the city and to make known to Pyrrhus by his mouth that the king
+must first withdraw to his home country and from there make
+propositions to them about peace or about anything else he wanted.
+This was the advice Appius gave. The senate delayed no longer, but
+forthwith unanimously voted to send Cineas that very day across the
+borders and to wage an implacable war with Pyrrhus, so long as he
+should abide in Italy. They imposed upon the captives certain
+degradations in the campaigns and used them no longer against Pyrrhus
+nor for any other project as a unit (out of apprehension that if they
+were together they might rebel), but sent them to do garrison duty, a
+few here, a few there.
+
+
+_(BOOK 10, BOISSEVAIN)._
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 279 (_a.u._ 475)] VIII, 5.--During the winter both
+sides busied themselves with preparations. When spring had now begun,
+Pyrrhus invaded Apulia and reduced many places by force, many also by
+capitulation. Finally the Romans came upon him near a city called
+Asculum and pitched camp opposite. For several days they lingered,
+rather avoiding each other. The Romans were not feeling confident
+against men who had once beaten them, and the others dreaded the
+Romans as persons animated by desperation. Meanwhile some were talking
+to the effect that Decius was getting ready to "devote himself" after
+the fashion of his father and grandfather, and by so doing they
+terribly alarmed the followers of Pyrrhus, who believed that through
+his death they would certainly be ruined. Pyrrhus then convened his
+soldiers and discussed this matter, advising them not to be
+disheartened nor scared out of their wits by such talk. One human
+being, he said, could not by dying prevail over many nor could any
+incantation or magic prove superior to arms and men. By making these
+remarks and confirming his words by arguments Pyrrhus encouraged the
+army under his lead. Also he enquired into the details of the costume
+which the Decii had used in devoting themselves, and sent injunctions
+to his men, if they should see anybody so arrayed, not to kill him,
+but seize him alive. [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^28] AND HE SENT TO DECIUS
+AND TOLD HIM THAT HE WOULD NOT SUCCEED IN ACCOMPLISHING THIS, EVEN IF
+HE WISHED IT, AND THREATENED THAT IF HE WERE TAKEN ALIVE, HE SHOULD
+PERISH MISERABLY. TO THIS THE CONSULS ANSWERED THAT THEY WERE IN NO
+NEED OF HAVING RECOURSE TO SUCH A PROCEEDING AS THE ONE MENTIONED,
+SINCE THEY WERE SURE TO CONQUER HIM ANYWAY. There was a river not easy
+to ford running between the two camps, and they enquired whether he
+chose to cross unmolested himself, while they retired, or whether he
+would allow them to do it, the object being that the forces should
+encounter each other intact and so from a battle with conditions equal
+the test of valor might be made an accurate one. The Romans delivered
+this speech to overawe him, but Pyrrhus granted them permission to
+cross the river, since he placed great reliance upon his elephants.
+The Romans among their other preparations made ready, as a measure
+against the elephants, projecting beams on wagons, overlaid with iron
+and bristling in all directions. From these they intended to shoot and
+to withstand the animals with fire as well as by other means. When the
+conflict began, the Romans forced the Greeks back, slowly to be sure,
+but none the less effectually, until Pyrrhus, bringing his elephants
+to bear not opposite their chariots but at the other end of the line,
+routed their cavalry through fear of the beasts even before they had
+come close. Upon their infantry, however, he inflicted no great
+damage. Meantime some of the Apulians had started for the camp of the
+Epirots and by so doing brought about victory for the Romans. For when
+Pyrrhus sent some of his warriors against them, all the rest were
+thrown into disorder and suspecting that their tents had been
+captured and their companions were in flight they gave way. Numbers of
+them fell, Pyrrhus and many commanding officers besides were wounded,
+and later on account of the lack of food and of medical supplies they
+incurred great loss. Hence he retreated to Tarentum before the Romans
+were aware. As for the consuls, they crossed the river to fight, but
+when they ascertained that all had scattered, they withdrew to their
+own cities. They were unable to pursue after their foes on account of
+wounds among their own following. Then the Romans went into winter
+quarters in Apulia, whereas Pyrrhus sent for soldiers and money from
+home and went on with other preparations. But learning that Fabricius
+and Pappus had been chosen consuls and had arrived in camp, he was not
+constant in the same intention.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 278 (_a.u._ 476)] The aforesaid consuls were now in
+the midst of their army, when a certain Nicias, one of those believed
+to be loyal to Pyrrhus, came to Fabricius and offered to murder him
+treacherously. Fabricius, indignant at this (for he wanted to overcome
+the enemy by valor and main force, like Camillus), informed Pyrrhus of
+the plot. This action of his moved the king so strongly that he again
+released the Roman captives without price and sent envoys once more in
+regard to peace. But when the Romans made no reply about peace, but as
+before bade him depart from Italy and only in that event make
+propositions to them, and since they kept overrunning and capturing
+the cities in alliance with him, [Sidenote: FRAG. 40^29] HE FELL INTO
+PERPLEXITY; till at length some Syracusans called on him for
+aid--they had been quarreling, as it chanced, ever since the death of
+Agathocles--and surrendered to him both themselves and their city.
+Hereupon he again breathed freely, hoping to subjugate all of Sicily.
+Leaving Milo behind in Italy to keep guard over Tarentum and the other
+positions, he himself sailed away after letting it be understood that
+he would soon return. The Syracusans welcomed him and laid everything
+at his feet, so that in brief time he had again become great and the
+Carthaginians in fright secured additional mercenaries from Italy. But
+presently his prospects fell to the other extreme of fortune
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 40^30] BY REASON OF THE FACT THAT HE EITHER EXPELLED
+OR SLEW MANY WHO HELD OFFICE AND HAD INCURRED HIS SUSPICIONS. Then the
+Carthaginians, seeing that he was not strong in private forces and did
+not possess the devotion of the natives, took up the war vigorously.
+They harbored any Syracusans who were exiled and rendered his position
+so uncomfortable that he abandoned not only Syracuse, but Sicily as
+well.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 277 (_a.u._ 477)] VIII, 6.--The Romans on finding out
+his absence took courage and turned their attention to requiting those
+who had invited him. Postponing till another occasion the case of the
+Tarentini they invaded Samnium with their consuls Rufinus and Junius,
+devastated the country as they went along, and took several deserted
+forts. The Samnites had conveyed their dearest and most valuable
+treasures into the hills called the _Cranita_, because they bear a
+large growth of cornel-wood (_crania_). The Romans in contempt for
+them dared to begin the ascent of the aforementioned hills. As the
+region was tangled with shrubbery and difficult of access many were
+killed and many, too, were taken prisoners.
+
+The consuls now no longer carried on the war together, since each
+blamed the other for the disaster, but Junius went on ravaging a
+portion of Samnium, while Rufinus inflicted injury upon Lucanians and
+Bruttians. He then started against Croton, which had revolted from
+Rome. His friends had sent for him, but the other party got ahead of
+them by bringing a garrison from Milo, of which Nicomachus was
+commander. Ignorant of this fact he approached the walls carelessly,
+supposing that his friends controlled affairs, and suffered a setback
+by a sudden sortie made against him. Then, bethinking himself of a
+trick, he captured the city. He sent two captives as pretended
+deserters into Croton; one at once, declaring that he had despaired of
+capturing the place and was about to set out into Locris, which was
+being betrayed to him; the other later, corroborating the report with
+the further detail that he was on his way. That the story might gain
+credence he packed up the baggage and affected to be in haste.
+Nicomachus trusted this news (for his scouts made the same report),
+and leaving Croton set off with speed into Locrian territory by a
+somewhat shorter road. When he had got well into Locris, Rufinus
+turned back to Croton, and escaping observation because he was not
+expected and because of a mist that then prevailed he captured the
+city. Nicomachus learning this went back to Tarentum, and
+encountering Rufinus on the way lost many men. The Locrians came over
+to the Roman side.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 276 (_a.u._ 478)] The next year the Romans made
+expeditions into Samnium and into Lucania and fought with the
+Bruttians. Pyrrhus, who had been driven out of Sicily and had
+returned, was now troubling them grievously. He got back the Locrians
+(by their killing the Roman garrison and changing their rulers), but
+in a campaign against Rhegium was repulsed, was himself wounded, and
+lost great numbers. He then retired into Locris and after executing a
+few who opposed his cause he got food and money from the rest and made
+his way back to Tarentum. The Samnites, hard pressed by the Romans,
+caused him to leave the shelter of that town: [Sidenote: B.C. 275
+(_a.u._ 479)] but on coming to their assistance he was put to flight.
+A young elephant was wounded, and shaking off its riders wandered
+about in search of its mother; the latter thereupon became
+unmanageable, and as all the rest of the elephants raised a din
+everything was thrown into dire confusion. Finally the Romans won the
+day, killing many men and capturing eight elephants, and occupied the
+enemy's entrenchments. Pyrrhus accompanied by a few horsemen made his
+escape to Tarentum, and from there sailed back to Epirus, leaving Milo
+behind with a garrison to take care of Tarentum because he expected to
+come back again. He also gave them a chair fastened with straps made
+from the skin of Nicias, whom he put to death for treachery. This was
+the vengeance, then, that he took upon Nicias, [Sidenote: FRAG.
+40^32] AND HE WAS INTENDING TO EXACT VENGEANCE FROM SOME YOUTHS WHO
+HAD RIDICULED HIM AT A BANQUET; BUT HE ASKED THEM WHY THEY WERE
+RIDICULING HIM, AND WHEN THEY ANSWERED: "WE SHOULD HAVE SAID A LOT
+MORE THINGS A GOOD DEAL WORSE, IF THE WINE HADN'T FAILED US", HE
+LAUGHED AND LET THEM GO.
+
+Now Pyrrhus, who had made a most distinguished record among generals,
+who had inspired the Romans with great fear and left Italy in the
+fifth year to make a campaign against Greece, not long afterward met
+his death in Argos. A woman, as the story runs, being eager to catch a
+sight of him from the roof as he passed by, made a misstep and falling
+upon him killed him. The same year Fabricius and Pappus became
+censors; and among others whose names they erased from the lists of
+the knights and the senators was Rufinus, though he had served as
+dictator and had twice been consul. The reason was that he had in his
+possession silver plate of ten pounds' weight. This shows how the
+Romans regarded poverty as consisting not in the failure to possess
+many things but in wanting many things. Accordingly, their officials
+who went abroad and others who set out on any business of importance
+to the State received besides other necessary allowances a seal-ring
+as a public gift.
+
+Some of the Tarentini who had been abused by Milo attacked him, with
+Nico at their head. Not accomplishing anything they occupied a section
+of their own wall, and with that as headquarters kept making assaults
+upon Milo. When they found out that the Romans were disposed to make
+war upon them, they despatched envoys to Rome and obtained peace.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 41] [Sidenote: B.C. 273 (_a.u._ 481)] AND PTOLEMY
+PHILADELPHUS, KING OF EGYPT, WHEN HE LEARNED THAT PYRRHUS HAD FARED
+POORLY AND THAT THE ROMANS WERE GROWING, SENT GIFTS TO THEM AND MADE A
+COMPACT. AND THE ROMANS, PLEASED WITH THIS, DESPATCHED AMBASSADORS TO
+HIM IN TURN. THE LATTER RECEIVED MAGNIFICENT GIFTS FROM HIM, WHICH
+THEY WANTED TO PUT INTO THE TREASURY; THE SENATE, HOWEVER, WOULD NOT
+ACCEPT THEM, BUT ALLOWED THEM TO KEEP THEM.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 272 (_a.u._ 482)] After this, by the activity of
+Carvilius they subdued the Samnites, and overcame the Lucanians and
+Bruttians by the hands of Papirius. The same Papirius quelled the
+Tarentini. The latter, angry at Milo and subjected to abuse by their
+own men, who, as has been told, made the attack on Milo, called in the
+Carthaginians to their aid when they learned that Pyrrhus was dead.
+Milo, seeing that his chances had been contracted to narrow limits, as
+the Romans beset him on the land side and the Carthaginians on the
+water front, surrendered the citadel to Papirius on condition of being
+permitted to depart unharmed with his immediate followers and his
+money. Then the Carthaginians, as representatives of a nation friendly
+to the Romans, sailed away, and the city made terms with Papirius.
+They delivered to him their arms and their ships, demolished their
+walls, and agreed to pay tribute.
+
+The Romans, having thus secured control of the Tarentini, turned their
+attention to Rhegium, whose inhabitants after taking Croton by
+treachery had razed the city to the ground and had slain the Romans
+there. They averted the danger that was threatening them from the
+Mamertines holding Messana (whom the people of Rhegium wanted to get
+as allies), by coming to an agreement with them; but in the siege of
+Rhegium they suffered hardships through a scarcity of food and some
+other causes until Hiero by sending from Sicily grain and soldiers to
+the Romans strengthened their hands and materially aided them in
+capturing the city. [Sidenote: B.C. 270 (_a.u._ 484)] The place was
+restored to the survivors among the original inhabitants: those who
+had plotted against it were punished.
+
+Hiero, who was not of distinguished family on his father's side and on
+his mother's was akin to the slave class, ruled almost the whole of
+Sicily and was deemed a friend and ally of the Romans. After the
+flight of Pyrrhus he became master of Syracuse, and having a cautious
+eye upon the Carthaginians who were encroaching upon Sicily he was
+inclined to favor the Romans; and the first mark of favor that he
+showed them was the alliance and the forwarding of grain already
+narrated.
+
+After this came a winter so severe that the Tiber was frozen to a
+great depth and trees were killed. The people of Rome suffered
+hardships and the hay gave out, causing the cattle to perish.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 269 (_a.u._ 485)] VIII, 7.--The next year a Samnite
+named Lolius living in Rome as a hostage made his escape, gathered a
+band and seized a strong position in his native country from which he
+carried on brigandage. Quintus Gallus and Gaius Fabius made a
+campaign against him. Him and the rabblement with him, most of them
+unarmed, they suppressed; on proceeding, however, against the Carcini
+in whose keeping the robbers had deposited their booty, they
+encountered trouble. Finally one night, led by deserters, they scaled
+the wall at a certain point and came dangerously near perishing on
+account of the darkness,--not that it was a moonless night but because
+it was snowing fiercely. But the moon shone out and they made
+themselves absolute masters of the position.
+
+A great deal of money fell to the share of Rome in those days, so that
+they actually used silver denarii.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 267 (_a.u._ 487)] Next they made a campaign into the
+district now called Calabria. Their excuse was that the people had
+harbored Pyrrhus and had been overrunning their allied territory, but
+as a fact they wanted to gain sole possession of Brundusium, since
+there was a fine harbor and for the traffic with Illyricum and Greece
+the town had an approach and landing-place of such a character that
+vessels would sometimes come to land and put out to sea wafted by the
+same wind. [Sidenote: B.C. 266 (_a.u._ 488)] They captured it and sent
+colonists to it and to other settlements as well. While the
+accomplishment of these exploits [Sidenote: FRAG. 42] RAISED THEM TO A
+HIGHER PLANE OF PROSPERITY, THEY SHOWED NO HAUGHTINESS: ON THE
+CONTRARY THEY SURRENDERED TO THE APOLLONIATIANS ON THE IONIAN GULF
+QUINTUS FABIUS, A SENATOR, BECAUSE HE HAD INSULTED THEIR AMBASSADORS.
+BUT THESE ON RECEIVING HIM SENT HIM BACK HOME AGAIN UNHARMED.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 265 (_a.u._ 489)] In the year of the consulship of
+Quintus Fabius and AEmilius they went on a campaign to the Volsinii to
+secure the freedom of the latter, for they were under treaty
+obligations to them. These people were originally a branch of the
+Etruscans, and they gathered power and erected an extremely strong
+rampart; they enjoyed also a government guided by good laws. For these
+reasons once, when they were involved in war with the Romans, they
+offered resistance for a very long time. When they had been subdued,
+they deteriorated into a state of effeminacy, left the management of
+the city to their servants and let those servants, as a rule, also
+carry on their campaigns. Finally they encouraged them to such an
+extent that the servants possessed both spirit and power, and thought
+they had a right to freedom. In the course of time their efforts to
+obtain it were crowned with success. After that they were accustomed
+to wed their mistresses, to inherit their masters, to be enrolled in
+the senate, to secure the offices, and to hold the entire authority
+themselves. Indeed, it was usual, when insults were offered them by
+their masters, for them to requite the authors of them with rather
+unbecoming speed. Hence the old-fashioned citizens, not being able to
+endure them and yet possessing no power of their own to repress them,
+despatched envoys by stealth to Rome. The envoys urged the senate to
+convene with secrecy at night in a private house, so that no report
+might get abroad, and they obtained their request. The meeting
+accordingly deliberated under the idea that no one was listening: but
+a sick Samnite, who was being entertained as a guest of the master of
+the house, kept his bed unnoticed, learned what was voted, and gave
+information to those against whom charges were preferred. The latter
+seized and tortured the envoys on their return; when they found out
+what was on foot they killed the messengers and also some of the
+foremost men.
+
+The above were the causes which led the Romans to send Fabius against
+them. He routed the body of the foe that met him, destroyed many in
+their flight, shut up the remainder within the wall, and made an
+assault upon the city. In that action he was wounded and killed,
+whereupon gaining confidence the enemy made a sortie. They were again
+defeated, retired, and had to submit to siege. When they began to feel
+the pangs of hunger, they surrendered. The consul delivered to outrage
+and death the men who had appropriated the honors of the ruling class
+and he razed the city to the ground; the native inhabitants, however,
+and many servants who had rendered valuable service to their masters
+he settled on another site.
+
+
+_(BOOK 11, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+VIII, 8.--From that time the Romans began struggles oversea: they had
+previously had no experience at all in naval matters. They now became
+seamen and crossed over to the islands and to other divisions of the
+mainland. The first people they fought against were the Carthaginians.
+These Carthaginians were no whit inferior to them in wealth or in the
+excellence of their land; they were trained in naval operations to a
+great degree of accuracy, were equipped with cavalry forces, with
+infantry and elephants, ruled the Libyans, and held possession of both
+Sardinia and the greater part of Sicily: as a result they had
+cherished hopes of subjugating Italy. Various factors contributed to
+increase their self-conceit. They were especially delighted with their
+position of independence: their king they elected under the title of a
+yearly office and not for permanent sovereignty. Animated by these
+considerations they were at the point of most zealous eagerness.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^1] THE REASONS ALLEGED FOR THE WAR WERE--ON THE
+PART OF THE ROMANS THAT THE CARTHAGINIANS HAD ASSISTED THE TARENTINI,
+ON THE PART OF THE CARTHAGINIANS THAT THE ROMANS HAD MADE A TREATY OF
+FRIENDSHIP WITH HIERO. THE FACT WAS, HOWEVER, THAT THEY VIEWED EACH
+OTHER WITH JEALOUSY AND THOUGHT THAT THE ONLY SALVATION FOR THEIR OWN
+POSSESSIONS LAY IN THE POSSIBILITY OF OBTAINING WHAT THE OTHER HELD.
+AT A TIME WHEN THEIR ATTITUDE TOWARD EACH OTHER WAS OF THIS NATURE A
+SLIGHT ACCIDENT THAT BEFELL BROKE THE TRUCE AND PROVOKED A CONFLICT
+BETWEEN THEM. This is what happened.
+
+The Mamertines, who had once conducted a colony from Campania to
+Messana, were now being besieged by Hiero, and they called upon the
+Romans as a nation of kindred blood. The latter readily voted to aid
+them, knowing that in case the Mamertines should not secure an
+alliance with them, they would have recourse to the Carthaginians; and
+then the Carthaginians would sweep all Sicily and from there cross
+over into Italy. For this island is such a short distance away from
+the mainland that the story goes that it was itself once a part of the
+mainland. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^2] SO THE ISLAND THUS LYING OFF ITALY
+SEEMED TO INVITE THE CARTHAGINIANS, AND IT APPEARED AS IF THEY MIGHT
+LAY CLAIM TO THE LAND OVER OPPOSITE, COULD THEY BUT OCCUPY IT. AND THE
+POSSESSION OF MESSANA GAVE TO ITS MASTERS THE RIGHT TO BE LORDS OF THE
+STRAIT ALSO.
+
+Though the Romans voted to assist the Mamertines, they did not quickly
+come to their aid because of various hindrances that occurred. Hence
+the Mamertines, under the spur of necessity, called upon the
+Carthaginians. These brought about peace with Hiero both for
+themselves and for the party that had invoked their help, so as to
+prevent the Romans from crossing into the island; and under the
+leadership of Hanno they retained the guardianship of strait and city.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 264 (_a.u._ 490)] Meantime Gaius Claudius, military
+tribune, sent in advance with a few ships by Appius Claudius, had
+arrived at Rhegium. But to sail across was more than he dared, for he
+saw that the Carthaginian fleet was far larger. So he embarked in a
+skiff and approached Messana, where he held a conversation, as
+extended as the case permitted, with the party in possession. When the
+Carthaginians had made reply, he returned without accomplishing
+anything. Subsequently he ascertained that the Mamertines were at odds
+(they did not want to submit to the Romans, and yet they felt uneasy
+about the Carthaginians), and he sailed over again. [Sidenote: FRAG.
+43^3] AMONG OTHER REMARKS WHICH HE MADE TO TEMPT THEM HE DECLARED THAT
+THE OBJECT OF HIS PRESENCE WAS TO FREE THE CITY, AND AS SOON AS HE
+COULD SET THEIR AFFAIRS IN ORDER, HE SHOULD SAIL AWAY. HE BADE THE
+CARTHAGINIANS ALSO EITHER TO WITHDRAW, OR, IF THEY HAD ANY JUST PLEA,
+TO OFFER IT. NOW WHEN NOT ONE OF THE MAMERTINES (BY REASON OF FEAR)
+OPENED HIS LIPS, AND THE CARTHAGINIANS SINCE THEY WERE OCCUPYING THE
+CITY BY FORCE OF ARMS PAID NO HEED TO HIM, HE SAID: "THE SILENCE ON
+BOTH SIDES AFFORDS SUFFICIENT EVIDENCE. IT SHOWS THAT THE ONE SIDE IS
+IN THE WRONG, FOR THEY WOULD HAVE JUSTIFIED THEMSELVES IF THEIR
+PURPOSES WERE AT ALL HONEST; AND THAT THE OTHER SIDE COVETS FREEDOM,
+FOR THEY WOULD HAVE BEEN QUITE FREE TO SPEAK, IF THEY HAD ESPOUSED THE
+CAUSE OF THE CARTHAGINIANS." AND HE VOLUNTEERED TO AID THEM. At this a
+tumult of praise arose from the Mamertines. He then sailed back to
+Rhegium and a little later with his entire fleet forced his passage
+across. However, partly because of the numbers and skill of the
+Carthaginians, but chiefly because of the difficulty of sailing and a
+storm that suddenly broke [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^4] HE LOST SOME OF HIS
+TRIREMES AND WITH THE REMAINDER BARELY SUCCEEDED IN GETTING BACK TO
+RHEGIUM.
+
+VIII, 9.--HOWEVER, THE ROMANS DID NOT SHUN THE SEA BECAUSE OF THEIR
+DEFEAT. Claudius proceeded to repair his ships, [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^5]
+WHILE HANNO, WISHING TO THROW THE RESPONSIBILITY FOR BREAKING THE
+TRUCE UPON THE ROMANS, SENT TO CLAUDIUS THE CAPTURED TRIREMES AND
+RESTORED THE CAPTIVES, URGING HIM TO AGREE TO PEACE. [Sidenote: FRAG.
+43^6] BUT WHEN THE OTHER WOULD ACCEPT NOTHING, HE THREATENED THAT HE
+WOULD NEVER PERMIT THE ROMANS EVEN TO WASH THEIR HANDS IN THE SEA.
+Claudius now having become acquainted with the strait watched for a
+time when the current and the wind both carried from Italy toward
+Sicily, and under those circumstances sailed to the island,
+encountering no opposition. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^7] HE DISCOVERED THE
+MAMERTINES AT THE HARBOR: HANNO HAD BEFORE BECOME SUSPICIOUS OF THEIR
+MOVEMENTS AND HAD ESTABLISHED HIMSELF IN THE ACROPOLIS, WHICH HE WAS
+GUARDING. THE ROMAN LEADER ACCORDINGLY CONVENED AN ASSEMBLY AND AFTER
+SOME CONVERSATION WITH THEM PERSUADED THEM TO SEND FOR HANNO. THE
+LATTER REFUSED TO COME DOWN, but filled with a subsequent fear that
+the Mamertines might allege injustice on his part and revolt he did
+enter the assembly. After many words had been spoken to no purpose by
+both sides, one of the Romans seized him and, with the approval of the
+Mamertines, threw him into prison.
+
+Thus, under compulsion, Hanno left Messana entirely. The Carthaginians
+disciplined him and sent a herald to the Romans bidding them leave
+Messana and depart from all of Sicily by a given day; they also set
+an army in motion. Since the Romans paid no heed, they put to death
+the mercenaries serving with them who were from Italy, and made an
+assault upon Messana, Hiero accompanying them. Then for a season they
+besieged the city and kept guard over the strait, to prevent any
+troops or provisions being conveyed to the foe. The consul was
+informed of this when he was already quite close at hand, and found a
+number of Carthaginians disposed at various points in and about the
+harbor under pretence of carrying on trade. In order to get safe
+across the strait he resorted to deception and did succeed in
+anchoring off Sicily by night. His point of approach was not far from
+the camp of Hiero and he joined battle without delay, thinking that
+his appearance in force would be most likely to inspire the enemy with
+fear. When they came out to withstand the attack, the Roman cavalry
+was worsted but the heavy-armed infantry prevailed. Hiero retired
+temporarily to the mountains and later to Syracuse.
+
+When Hiero had retired, the Mamertines took courage because of the
+presence of Claudius. He therefore assailed the Carthaginians, who
+were now isolated, and their rampart, which was situated on a kind of
+peninsula. For on the one side the sea enclosed it and on the other
+some marshes, difficult to traverse. At the neck of this peninsula,
+the only entrance and a very narrow one, a cross wall had been built.
+In an attempt to carry this point by force the Romans fared badly and
+withdrew under a shower of weapons. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^9] THE
+LIBYANS THEN TOOK COURAGE AND SALLIED OUT, PURSUING THE FUGITIVES, AS
+THEY THOUGHT THEM, BEYOND THE NARROW STRIP OF LAND. THEREUPON THE
+ROMANS WHEELED, ROUTED THEM, AND KILLED A NUMBER, SO THAT THEY DID NOT
+ISSUE FROM THE CAMP AGAIN,--AT LEAST SO LONG AS CLAUDIUS WAS IN
+MESSANA. He, however, not daring to attack the approach in force, left
+a detachment behind in Messana and turned his steps toward Syracuse
+and Hiero. He personally superintended the assault upon the city, and
+now and then the inhabitants would come out to battle. Each side would
+sometimes be victorious and sometimes incur defeat. One day the consul
+got into a confined position and would have been caught, had he not,
+before being surrounded, sent to Hiero an invitation to agree to some
+terms. When the representative came with whom he was to conclude the
+terms, he kept falling back unobtrusively, while he conversed with
+him, until he had retired to safety. But the city could not easily be
+taken, and a siege, on account of scarcity of food supplies and
+disease in the army, was impracticable. Claudius accordingly withdrew;
+and the Syracusans following held discussions with his scattered
+followers and would have made a truce, if Hiero also had been willing
+to agree to terms. The consul left behind a garrison in Messana and
+sailed back to Rhegium.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 263 (_a.u._ 491)] As Etruscan unrest had come to a
+standstill and affairs in Italy were perfectly peaceful, whereas the
+Carthaginian state was becoming ever greater, the Romans ordered both
+the consuls to make an expedition into Sicily. Valerius Maximus and
+Otacilius Crassus consequently crossed over and in their progress
+through the island together and separately they won over many towns by
+capitulation. When they had made the majority of places their own,
+they set out for Syracuse. Hiero in terror sent a herald to them with
+offers: he expressed a readiness to restore the cities of which they
+had been deprived, promised money, and liberated the prisoners. On
+these terms he obtained peace, for the consuls thought they could
+subjugate the Carthaginians more easily with his help. After reaching
+an agreement with him, then, they turned their attention to the
+remaining cities garrisoned by Carthaginians. They were repulsed from
+all of them except Segesta, which they took without resistance. Its
+inhabitants because of their relationship with the Romans (they
+declare they are descended from AEneas) slew the Carthaginians and
+joined the Roman alliance.
+
+VIII, 10.--On account of the winter the consuls embarked again for
+Rhegium. The Carthaginians conveyed most of their army to Sardinia in
+the intention of attacking Rome from that quarter. They would thus
+either rout them out of Sicily altogether or would render them weaker
+after they had crossed. Yet they achieved neither the one object nor
+the other. The Romans both kept guard over their own land and sent a
+respectable force to Sicily with Postumius Albinus and Quintus
+AEmilius.[15] [Sidenote: B.C. 262 (_a.u._ 492)] On arriving in Sicily
+the consuls set out for Agrigentum and there besieged Hannibal the son
+of Gisco. The people of Carthage, when apprised of it, sent Hanno,
+with a powerful support, to aid him in the warfare. This leader
+arrived at Heraclea, not far from Agrigentum, and was soon engaged in
+war. A number of battles, but not great ones, took place. At first
+Hanno challenged the consuls to fight, then later on the Romans
+challenged him. For as long as the Romans had an abundance of food,
+they did not venture to contend against a superior force, and were
+hoping to get possession of the city by famine; when, however, they
+encountered a permanent shortage of grain, they displayed a zeal for
+taking risks, but Hanno showed hesitation; their eagerness led him to
+suspect that he might be ambushed. Everybody therefore was satisfied
+to revere the Romans as easy conquerors, and Hiero, who once
+cooeperated with them sulkily, now sent them grain, so that even the
+consuls took heart.
+
+[Footnote 15: In Roman records these persons are known respectively as
+L. Postumius L. F. L. N. Megellus and Q. Mamilius Q. F. M. N.
+Vitulus.]
+
+Hanno now undertook to bring on a battle, expecting that Hannibal
+would fall upon the Romans in the rear, assailing them from the wall.
+The consuls learned his plan but remained inactive, and Hanno in scorn
+approached their intrenchments. They also sent some men to lie in
+ambush behind him. When toward evening he fearlessly and
+contemptuously led a charge, the Romans joined battle with him from
+ambush and from palisade and wrought a great slaughter of the enemy
+and of the elephants besides. Hannibal had in the meantime assailed
+the Roman tents, but was hurled back by the men guarding them. Hanno
+abandoned his camp and made good his escape to Heraclea. Hannibal then
+formed a plan to escape as runaways from Agrigentum by night, and
+himself eluded observation; the rest, however, were recognized and
+were killed, some by the Romans and many by the Agrigentinians. For
+all that the people of Agrigentum did not obtain pardon, but their
+wealth was plundered and they themselves were all sold into servitude.
+
+On account of the winter the consuls retired to Messana. The
+Carthaginians were angry with Hanno and despatched Hamilcar the son of
+Barca in his stead, a man superior in generalship to all his
+countrymen save only Hannibal his son. [Sidenote: B.C. 261 (_a.u._
+493)] Hamilcar himself guarded Sicily and sent Hannibal as admiral to
+damage the coast sections of Italy and so draw the consuls to his
+vicinity. Yet he did not accomplish his aim, for they posted guards
+along both shores and then went to Sicily. They effected nothing
+worthy of record, however. And Hamilcar, becoming afraid that his
+Gallic mercenaries (who were offended because he had not given them
+full pay) might go over to the Romans, brought about their
+destruction. He sent them to take charge of one of the cities under
+Roman sway, assuring them that it was in course of being betrayed and
+giving them permission to plunder it: he then sent to the consuls
+pretended deserters to give them advance information of the coming of
+the Gauls. Hence all the Gauls were ambuscaded and destroyed; many of
+the Romans also perished.
+
+After the consuls had departed home Hamilcar sailed to Italy and
+ravaged the land and won over some cities in Sicily. On receipt of
+this information the Romans [Sidenote: B.C. 260 (_a.u._ 494)]
+gathered a fleet and put one of the consuls, Gaius Duillius, in
+command of it, while they sent his colleague, Gaius[16] Cornelius, to
+Sicily. He, neglecting the war on land which had fallen to his lot,
+sailed with the ships that belonged to him to Lipara, on the
+understanding that it was to be betrayed to him. Through treachery it
+had fallen into the hands of the Carthaginians. When, therefore, he
+put into Lipara, Bodes the lieutenant of Hannibal closed in upon him.
+As Gaius[17] made preparations to defend himself, Bodes fearing the
+Romans' desperation invited them to discuss terms. Having persuaded
+them to do so he took the consul and military tribunes, who supposed
+they were to meet the admiral, on board his own trireme. These men he
+sent to Carthage: the rest he captured without their so much as
+lifting a weapon.
+
+[Footnote 16: This name should in both cases be Gnaeus.]
+
+[Footnote 17: [See previous footnote.]]
+
+VIII, 11.--Then Hannibal continued the ravaging of Italy, while
+Hamilcar made a campaign against Segesta, where the Romans had most of
+their infantry force. Gaius Caecilius, a military tribune, wanted to
+assist them, but Hamilcar waylaid him and slaughtered many of his
+followers. The people of Rome learning this at once sent out the
+praetor urbanus and incited Duillius to haste. On coming to Sicily he
+learned the fact that the ships of the Carthaginians were inferior to
+his own in stoutness and size, but excelled in the quickness of their
+rowing and variety of movement. Therefore he fitted out his triremes
+with mechanical devices,--anchors and grappling irons with long spikes
+and other such things,--in order that by laying hold of the hostile
+ships with these they might pin them fast to their own vessels; then
+by crossing over into them they might have a hand to hand conflict
+with the Carthaginians and engage them just as in an infantry battle.
+When the Carthaginians began the fight with the Roman ships, they
+sailed round and round them using the oars rapidly and would make
+sudden dashes. So for the time the conflict was an evenly matched one:
+later the Romans got the upper hand and sank numbers of crews,
+retaining possession also of large numbers. Hannibal conducted the
+fight on a boat of seven banks, but when his own ship became entangled
+with a trireme, he feared capture, hastily left the seven banked
+affair, and transferring to another ship effected his escape.
+
+This was the way, then, that the naval battle resulted, and much spoil
+was taken. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^13] THE CARTHAGINIANS WOULD HAVE PUT
+HANNIBAL TO DEATH ON ACCOUNT OF THE DEFEAT, IF HE HAD NOT IMMEDIATELY
+ENQUIRED OF THEM WHETHER, GRANTED THAT THE BUSINESS WERE STILL
+UNTOUCHED, THEY WOULD BID HIM RISK A SEA-FIGHT OR NOT. THEY AGREED
+THAT HE OUGHT TO FIGHT, FOR THEY PRIDED THEMSELVES UPON HAVING A
+SUPERIOR NAVY. HE THEN ADDED: "I, THEN, HAVE DONE NO WRONG, FOR
+I WENT INTO THE ENGAGEMENT WITH THE SAME HOPES AS YOU. IT WAS THE
+DECISION, BUT NOT THE FORTUNE OF THE BATTLE THAT HAPPENED TO BE
+WITHIN MY POWER." So he saved his life, but was deprived of his
+command.--Duillius after securing a reinforcement of infantry rescued
+the people of Segesta, and Hamilcar would not venture to come into
+close conflict with him. He strengthened the loyalty of the other
+friendly settlements and returned to Rome at the close of autumn. Upon
+his departure Hamilcar took forcible possession of the place called
+Drepanum (it is a convenient roadstead), deposited there the objects
+of greatest value and transferred to it all the people of Eryx. The
+city of the latter, because it was a strong point, he razed to the
+ground to prevent the Romans from seizing it and making it a base of
+operations for the war. He captured some cities, too, some by force,
+some by betrayal; and if Gaius Florus who wintered there had not
+restrained him, he would have subjugated Sicily entire.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 259 (_a.u._ 495)] Lucius Scipio, his colleague, made a
+campaign against Sardinia and against Corsica. These islands are
+situated in the Tyrrhenian sea only a short distance apart,--so short
+a distance, in fact, that from a little way off they seem to be one.
+His first landing place was Corsica. There he captured by force
+Valeria, its largest city, and subdued the remainder of the region
+without effort. As he was sailing toward Sardinia he descried a
+Carthaginian fleet and directed his course to it. The enemy fled
+before a battle could be joined and he came to the city of Olbia.
+There the Carthaginians put in an appearance along with their ships,
+and Scipio being frightened (for he had no infantry worthy the
+mention) set sail for home.
+
+These were the days when the Samnites with the cooeperation of other
+captives and slaves in the city came to an agreement to form a
+conspiracy against Rome. Numbers of them had been brought there with
+a view to their utilization in the equipment of the fleet. Herius
+Potilius, the leader of the auxiliary force, found it out and
+pretended to be of like mind with them, in order that he might fully
+inform himself in regard to what they had determined. As he was not
+able to give knowledge of the affair,--for all those about him were
+Samnites,--he persuaded them to gather in the Forum at a time when a
+senate meeting was being convened and denounce him with declarations
+that they were being wronged in the matter of the grain which they
+were receiving. They did this and he was sent for as being the cause
+of the tumult; and he then laid bare to the Romans the plot. For the
+moment they merely dismissed the protestants (after they had become
+quiet) but by night all of those who held slaves arrested some of
+them. And in this way the entire conspiracy was overthrown.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 253 (_a.u._ 496)] The following summer the Romans and
+the Carthaginians fought in Sicily and Sardinia at once. Somewhat
+later Atilius Latinus[18] went to Sicily and finding a city named
+Mytistratus being besieged by Florus he made use of the latter's
+support. He made assaults upon the circuit of the wall which the
+natives with the help of the Carthaginians at first withstood
+vigorously, but when the women and children were moved to tears and
+laments they abandoned resistance. The Carthaginians passed out
+secretly by night and at daybreak the natives voluntarily swung the
+gates wide open. The Romans went in and proceeded to slaughter them
+all till Atilius made proclamation that the remainder of the booty
+and the human beings belonged to him who might take them. Forthwith
+they spared the lives of the remaining captives and after pillaging
+the city burned it to the ground.
+
+[Footnote 18: A. Atilius Calatinus is meant.]
+
+VIII, 12.--Thence they proceeded heedlessly against Camarina and came
+into a region where an ambuscade had already been set. They would have
+perished utterly, had not Marcus Calpurnius, serving as military
+tribune, matched the catastrophe by his cleverness. He saw that one
+and one only of the surrounding hills had by reason of its steepness
+not been occupied and he asked of the consul three hundred heavy-armed
+men and with them he set out for that point. His purpose was to make
+the enemy turn their attention to his detachment so that then the rest
+of the Romans might make their escape. And so it happened; for when
+the adversaries saw his project, they were thunderstruck and left the
+consul and his followers as men already captured in order to make a
+united rush upon Calpurnius. A fierce battle ensued in which many of
+the opposing side and all the three hundred fell. Calpurnius alone
+survived. He had been wounded and lay unnoticed among the heaps of
+slain, being as good as dead by reason of his wounds; afterward he was
+found alive and his life was saved. While the three hundred were
+fighting, the consul got away; and after this escape he reduced
+Camarina and other cities, some by force and some by capitulation.
+Next Atilius set out against Lipara. But Hamilcar at night by stealth
+occupied it in advance and by making a sudden sally killed many
+Romans.
+
+Gaius Sulpicius overran the most of Sardinia and filled with arrogance
+as a result he set out for Libya. The Carthaginians, alarmed for the
+safety of their home population, also set sail with Hannibal,
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^14] BUT AS A CONTRARY WIND WAS ENCOUNTERED BOTH
+LEADERS TURNED BACK. SUBSEQUENTLY ATILIUS[19] BROUGHT ABOUT HANNIBAL'S
+DEFEAT THROUGH SOME FALSE DESERTERS who pretended that Atilius[20] was
+going to sail to Libya again. Hannibal weighed anchor and came out
+with speed, whereupon Sulpicius sailed to meet him and sank the
+majority of his vessels, which, because of a mist, did not know for a
+long time what was taking place and were thrown into confusion; all
+that made their escape to land he seized, though minus their crews,
+for Hannibal who saw that the harbor was unsafe abandoned them and
+retired to the city of Sulci. There the Carthaginians engaged in
+mutiny against their leader and he came forth before them alone and
+was slain. The Romans in consequence overran the country with greater
+ease, but were defeated by Hanno. This is what took place that year.
+Also stones in great quantities at once, and in appearance something
+like hail, fell from heaven upon Rome continually. It likewise came to
+pass that stones descended upon Albanum and elsewhere.
+
+[Footnote 19: Apparently a mistake for _Sulpicius_.]
+
+[Footnote 20: [See previous footnote.]]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 257 (_a.u._ 497)] The consuls on coming to Sicily made
+a campaign against Lipara. Perceiving the Carthaginians lying in the
+harbor below the height called Tyndaris they divided their expedition
+in two. One of the consuls with half the fleet surrounded the
+promontory, and Hamilcar thinking them an isolated force set sail.
+When the rest came up, he turned to flight and lost most of his fleet.
+The Romans were elated, and feeling that Sicily was already theirs
+they left it and ventured to make an attempt on Libya and Carthage.
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^16] THEIR LEADERS WERE MARCUS REGULUS AND LUCIUS
+MANLIUS, PREFERRED BEFORE OTHERS FOR THEIR EXCELLENCE. [Sidenote: B.C.
+256 (_a.u._ 498)] These two sailed to Sicily, settled affairs there,
+and made ready for the voyage to Libya: the Carthaginians did not wait
+for their hostile voyage to begin, but after due preparation hastened
+toward Sicily. Off Heracleotis the opposing forces met. The contest
+was for a long time evenly balanced but in the end the Romans got the
+best of it. Hamilcar did not dare to withstand their progress,
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^17] BUT SENT HANNO TO THEM PRETENDEDLY IN BEHALF
+OF PEACE, WHEREAS HE REALLY WISHED TO USE UP TIME; HE WAS IN HOPES
+THAT AN ARMY WOULD BE SENT TO HIM FROM HOME. WHEN SOME CLAMORED FOR
+HANNO'S ARREST, BECAUSE THE CARTHAGINIANS HAD ALSO TREACHEROUSLY
+ARRESTED CORNELIUS, the envoy said: "If you do this, you will be no
+longer any better than Libyans." He, therefore, by flattering them
+most opportunely escaped any kind of molestation: the Romans, however,
+again took up the war. And the consuls sailed from Messana, while
+Hamilcar and Hanno separated and studied how to enclose them from both
+sides. Hanno, however, would not stand before them when they
+approached, but sailed away betimes to the harbor of Carthage and
+kept constant guard of the city. Hamilcar, apprised of this, stayed
+where he was. The Romans disembarked on land and marched against the
+city Aspis, whose inhabitants, seeing them approaching, slipped out
+quietly and in good season. The Romans thus occupied it without
+striking a blow and made it a base in the war. From it they ravaged
+the country and acquired cities, some of their own free will and
+others by intimidation. They also kept securing great booty, receiving
+vast numbers of deserters, and getting back many of their own men who
+had been captured in the previous wars.
+
+VIII, 13.--Winter came on and Manlius sailed back to Rome with the
+booty, whereas Regulus remained behind in Libya. The Carthaginians
+found themselves in the depths of woe, since their country was being
+pillaged and their vassals alienated; but cooped up in their
+fortifications they remained inactive. [Sidenote: (FRAG. 43^18?)]
+WHILE REGULUS WAS BESIDE THE BAGRADAS RIVER A SERPENT OF HUGE BULK
+APPEARED TO HIM, THE LENGTH OF WHICH IS SAID TO HAVE BEEN ONE HUNDRED
+AND TWENTY FEET. ITS SLOUGH WAS CARRIED TO ROME FOR EXHIBITION
+PURPOSES. AND THE REST OF ITS BODY CORRESPONDED IN SIZE. It destroyed
+many of the soldiers that approached it and some also who were
+drinking from the river. Regulus overcame it by a crowd of soldiers
+and hurling-engines. After thus destroying it he gave battle by night
+to Hamilcar, who was encamped upon a high, woody spot; and he slew
+many in their beds as well as many who had just risen. Any who escaped
+fell in with Romans guarding the roads, who despatched them. In this
+way a large division of Carthaginians was blotted out and numerous
+cities went over to the Romans. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^19] THOSE IN THE
+TOWN BEING IN FEAR OF CAPTURE SENT HERALDS TO THE CONSUL TO THE END
+THAT HAVING BY SOME SATISFACTORY ARRANGEMENT INDUCED HIM TO GO AWAY
+THEY MIGHT AVOID THE DANGER OF THE MOMENT AND SO ESCAPE. BUT WHEN MANY
+UNREASONABLE DEMANDS WERE MADE OF THEM, THEY DECIDED THAT THE TRUCE
+WOULD MEAN THEIR UTTER SUBJUGATION AND PREPARED RATHER TO FIGHT.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 255 (_a.u._ 499)] Regulus, however, who up to that
+time was fortunate, became filled with boastfulness and conceit, so
+much so that he even wrote to Rome that he had sealed up the gates of
+Carthage with fear. His followers and the people of Rome thought the
+same way, and this caused their undoing. Allies of various sorts came
+to the Carthaginians, among them Xanthippus from Sparta. He assumed
+the general superintendence of the Carthaginians, for the populace was
+eager to entrust matters to his charge and Hamilcar together with the
+other officials stepped aside voluntarily. The new leader, then,
+disposed things excellently in every way, and particularly he brought
+the Carthaginians down from the heights, where they were staying
+through fear, into the level country, where their horses and elephants
+were sure to develop greatest power. For some time he remained
+inactive until at length he found the Romans encamped in a way that
+betokened their contempt. They were very haughty over their victorious
+progress and looked down upon Xanthippus as a "Graecus" (this is a name
+they give to Hellenes and they use this epithet as a reproach to them
+for their mean birth); [Sidenote: B.C. 255 (_a.u._ 499)] consequently
+they had constructed their camp in a heedless fashion. While the
+Romans were in this situation, Xanthippus assailed them, routed their
+cavalry with his elephants, cut down many and captured many alive,
+among them Regulus himself. This put the Carthaginians in high
+spirits. They saved the lives of the captives in order that their own
+citizens previously taken captive by the Romans might not be killed.
+All the Roman prisoners were treated with consideration except
+Regulus, whom they kept in a state of utter misery; they offered him
+only just food enough to maintain existence and they would repeatedly
+lead an elephant close up to him to frighten him, so that he might
+have peace in neither body nor mind. After afflicting him in this way
+for a good while they placed him in prison.
+
+The manner in which the Carthaginians dealt with their allies forms a
+chapter of great ruthlessness in this story. They were not supplied
+with sufficient wealth to pay them what they had originally promised,
+and dismissed them with the understanding that they would pay them
+their wages before very long. To the men who escorted the allies,
+however, they issued orders to put them ashore on a desert island and
+quietly sail away. As to Xanthippus, one story is that they drowned
+him, attacking him in boats after his boat had departed: the other is
+that they gave him an old ship which was in no wise seaworthy but had
+been newly covered over with pitch outside, that it might sink quite
+of itself; and that he, aware of the fact, got aboard a different
+ship and so was saved. Their reason for doing this was to avoid
+seeming to have been preserved by his ability; for they thought that
+once he had perished the renown of his deeds would also perish.
+
+VIII, 14.--The people of Rome were grieved at the turn of events and
+more especially because they were looking for the Carthaginians to
+sail against Rome itself. For this reason they carefully guarded Italy
+and hastily sent to the Romans in Sicily and Libya the consuls Marcus
+AEmilius and Fulvius Paetinus.[21] They after sailing to Sicily and
+garrisoning the positions there started for Libya, but were overtaken
+by a storm and carried to Cossura. They ravaged the island and put it
+in charge of a garrison, then sailed onward again. Meanwhile a fierce
+naval battle with the Carthaginians had taken place. The latter were
+struggling to eject the Romans entirely from their native land, and
+the Romans to save the remnants of their soldiers who had been left in
+hostile territory. In the midst of a close battle the Romans in Aspis
+suddenly attacked the Carthaginians in ships from the rear, and by
+getting them between two forces overcame them. Later the Romans also
+won an infantry engagement and took many prisoners, whose lives they
+saved because of Regulus and those captured with him. They made
+several raids and then sailed to Sicily. After encountering a storm,
+however, and losing many of their number, they sailed for home with
+the ships that remained.
+
+[Footnote 21: Zonaras spells _Plaetinus_.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 254 (_a.u._ 500)] The Carthaginians took Cossura and
+crossed over to Sicily; and had they not learned that Collatinus[22]
+and Gnaeus Cornelius were approaching with a large fleet, they would
+have subjugated the whole of it. The Romans had quickly fitted out a
+first-class fleet, had made levies of their best men, and had become
+so strong that in the third month they returned to Sicily. It was the
+five hundredth year from the founding of Rome. The lower city of
+Panhormus they took without trouble, but in the siege of the citadel
+they fared badly until food failed those in it. Then they came to
+terms with the consuls. [Sidenote: FRAG. 43^20] THE CARTHAGINIANS KEPT
+WATCH FOR THEIR SHIPS HOMEWARD BOUND AND CAPTURED SEVERAL THAT WERE
+FULL OF MONEY.
+
+[Footnote 22: This is A. Atilius Calatinus again.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 253 (_a.u._ 501)] The next event was that Servilius
+Caepio and Gaius Sempronius, consuls, made an attempt upon Lilybaeum
+(from which they were repulsed) and crossing over to Libya ravaged the
+coast districts. As they were returning homeward they encountered a
+storm and incurred damage. Hence the people, thinking that the damage
+was due to their inexperience in naval affairs, voted that they should
+keep away from the sea in general but with a few ships should guard
+Italy.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 252 (_a.u._ 502)] In the succeeding year Publius
+Gaius[23] and Aurelius Servilius[24] came to Sicily and subdued Himera
+besides some other places. However, they did not get possession of any
+of its inhabitants, for the Carthaginians conveyed them away by night.
+After this Aurelius secured some ships from Hiero and adding to his
+contingent all the Romans that were there he sailed to Lipara. Here
+he left the tribune Quintus Cassius,[25] who was to keep a lookout but
+avoid a battle, and set sail for home. Quintus, disregarding orders,
+made an attack upon the city and lost many men. Aurelius, however,
+subsequently took the place, killed all the inhabitants, and deposed
+Cassius from his command.
+
+[Footnote 23: A mistake for Gaius Aurelius and Publius Servilius, as
+at the beginning of Chapter 16.]
+
+[Footnote 24: [See previous footnote.]]
+
+[Footnote 25: But Valerius Maximus (II, 7, 4) calls him P. Aurelius
+Pecuniola.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 251 (_a.u._ 503)] The Carthaginians learned what the
+Romans had determined regarding the fleet and sent an expedition to
+Sicily hoping now to bring it entirely under their control. As long as
+both consuls, Caecilius Metellus and Gaius Furius, were on the ground,
+they remained quiet; but when Furius set out for Rome, they conceived
+a contempt for Metellus and proceeded to Panhormus. Metellus
+ascertained that spies had come from the enemy, and assembling all the
+people of the city he began a talk with them, in the midst of which he
+suddenly ordered them to lay hold of one another. He was thus enabled
+to investigate who each one was and what was his business and so
+detected the enemy.--The Carthaginians now set themselves in battle
+array and Metellus pretended to be afraid. As he continued this
+pretence for several days the Carthaginians became filled with
+presumption and attacked him rather recklessly. Then Metellus raised
+the signal for the Romans. Forthwith they made an unexpected rush
+through all the gates, easily overcame resistance, and enclosed the
+enemy in a narrow place through which they could now no longer
+retreat. Being many in number and with many elephants along they were
+huddled together and thrown into confusion. Meanwhile the Libyan fleet
+approached the coast and became the prime cause of their destruction.
+The fugitives seeing the ships rushed toward them and made desperate
+exertions to climb aboard; some fell into the sea and perished, other
+were killed by the elephants, which got close to one another and to
+the human beings, still others were slain by the Romans; many also
+were captured alive, men as well as elephants. For since the beasts,
+bereft of the men to whom they were used, became furious, Metellus
+made a proclamation to the prisoners, offering preservation and
+forgiveness to such as would check them: accordingly, some keepers
+approached the gentlest of the animals, controlling them by the
+influence of their accustomed presence, and then won over the
+remainder. These, one hundred and twenty in number, were conveyed to
+Rome, and they were ferried across the strait in the following way. A
+number of huge jars, separated by pieces of wood, were fastened
+together in such a way that they were neither detached nor yet did
+they touch; then this framework was spanned by beams and on the top of
+all earth and brush were placed and the surface was fenced in round
+about so that it resembled a courtyard. The beasts were put on board
+this and were ferried across without knowing that they were moving on
+the water. Thus did Metellus win a victory: Hasdrubal, the
+Carthaginian leader, though he got away safe on this occasion was
+later summoned to trial by the Carthaginians at home and suffered
+impalement.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^21] VIII, 15.--THE CARTHAGINIANS NOW BEGAN
+NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE ROMANS ON ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT NUMBER OF THE
+CAPTIVES (AMONG OTHER CAUSES); AND WITH THE ENVOYS THEY ALSO SENT
+REGULUS HIMSELF, THINKING THAT THROUGH HIM THEIR OBJECT HAD
+PRACTICALLY BEEN ALREADY GAINED BECAUSE OF THE REPUTATION AND VALOR OF
+THE MAIN: AND THEY BOUND HIM BY OATHS TO RETURN WITHOUT FAIL. AND HE
+ACTED IN ALL RESPECTS LIKE ONE OF THE CARTHAGINIANS; FOR HE DID NOT
+EVEN GRANT HIS WIFE LEAVE TO CONFER WITH HIM NOR DID HE ENTER THE CITY
+ALTHOUGH REPEATEDLY INVITED TO DO SO; INSTEAD, WHEN THE SENATE WAS
+ASSEMBLED OUTSIDE THE WALLS, AS THEY WERE ACCUSTOMED TO DO IN TREATING
+WITH ENVOYS OF THE ENEMY, and he was introduced into the gathering, he
+said: "We, Conscript Fathers, have been sent to you by the
+Carthaginians. They it was who despatched me on this journey, since by
+the law of war I have become their slave. They ask, if possible, to
+conclude the war upon terms pleasing to both parties or, if not, to
+effect an exchange of prisoners." At the end of these words he
+withdrew with the envoys that the Romans might deliberate in private.
+When the consuls urged him to take part in their discussion,
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 43^22] HE PAID NO HEED UNTIL PERMISSION WAS GRANTED
+BY THE CARTHAGINIANS. For a time he was silent. Then, as the senators
+bade him state his opinion, he spoke:
+
+
+_(BOOK 12, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+"I am one of you, Conscript Fathers, though I be captured times
+without number. My body is a Carthaginian chattel, but my spirit is
+yours. The former has been alienated from you, but the latter nobody
+has the power to make anything else than Roman. As captive I belong to
+the Carthaginians, yet, as I met with misfortune not from cowardice
+but from zeal, I am not only a Roman, but my heart is in your cause.
+Not in a single respect do I think reconciliation advantageous to
+you."
+
+After these words Regulus stated also the reasons for which he favored
+rejecting the proposals, and added: "I know, to be sure, that manifest
+destruction confronts me, for it is impossible to keep them from
+learning the advice I have given; but even so I esteem the public
+advantage above my own safety. If any one shall say: 'Why do you not
+run away, or stay here?' he shall be told that I have sworn to them to
+return and I would not transgress my oaths, not even when they have
+been given to enemies. There are various explanations for this, but
+the principal one is that if I abide by my oath I alone shall suffer
+disaster, but if I break it, the whole city will be involved."
+
+But the senate out of consideration for his safety showed a
+disposition to make peace and to restore the captives. When he was
+made aware of this, he pretended, in order that he might not be the
+cause of their letting slip their advantage, that he had swallowed
+deadly poison and was destined certainly to die from its effects.
+Hence no agreement and no exchange of prisoners was made. As he was
+departing in company with the envoys, his wife and children and others
+clung to him, and the consuls declared they would not surrender him,
+if he chose to stay, nor yet would they detain him if he was for
+departing. Consequently, since he preferred not to transgress the
+oaths, he was carried back. He died of outrages, so the legend
+reports, perpetrated by his captors. They cut off his eyelids and for
+a time shut him in darkness, then they threw him into some kind of
+specially constructed receptacle bristling with spikes; and they made
+him face the sun; so that through suffering and sleeplessness,--for
+the spikes kept him from reclining in any fashion,--he perished. When
+the Romans found it out, they delivered the foremost captives that
+they held to his children to outrage and put to death in revenge.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 250 (_a.u._ 504)] They voted that the consuls, Atilius
+Gaius, brother of Regulus, and Lucius Manlius, should make a campaign
+into Libya. On coming to Sicily they attacked Lilybaeum and undertook
+to fill up a portion of the ditch to facilitate bringing up the
+engines. The Carthaginians dug below the mound and undermined it. As
+they found this to be a losing game because of the numbers of the
+opposing workmen, they built another wall, crescent-shaped, inside.
+The Romans ran tunnels under the circle, in order that when the wall
+settled they might rush in through the breach thus made. The
+Carthaginians then built counter-tunnels and came upon many workers
+who were unaware of what the other side was doing. These they killed,
+and also destroyed many by hurling blazing firewood into the diggings.
+Some of the allies now, burdened by the strain of the siege and
+displeased because their superiors did not come down with their full
+wages, made propositions to the Romans to betray the place. Hamilcar
+discovered their plot but did not disclose it, for fear of driving
+them into open hostility. However, he supplied their leaders with
+money and in addition promised other supplies of it to the mass of
+them. In this way he won their favor, and they did not even deny their
+treachery but drove away the last envoys who returned. The latter then
+deserted to the consuls and received from them land in Sicily and
+other gifts.
+
+The Carthaginians at home, hearing this, sent Adherbal with a very
+large number of ships carrying grain and money to Lilybaeum. The leader
+waited for a time of storm and sailed in. Thereupon many others
+likewise ventured to attempt a landing, and some made it, others were
+destroyed.
+
+As long as both the consuls were present, the conflicts were even.
+Pestilence and famine, however, came to harass them and these caused
+one of them with the soldiers of his division to return home. Hamilcar
+then took courage and made sorties in which he would set fire to the
+engines and slay the men defending them; his cavalry, starting from
+Drepanum, prevented the Romans from getting provisions and overran the
+territory of their allies; and Adherbal ravaged the shores now of
+Sicily, now of Italy, so that the Romans fell into perplexity.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 249 (_a.u._ 505)] Meantime, however, Lucius Junius was
+making ready a fleet, and Claudius Pulcher made haste to reach
+Lilybaeum, where he manned ships of war. With these he overhauled Hanno
+the Carthaginian as he was leaving harbor on a five-banked ship. The
+prize craft served the Romans as a model in shipbuilding.
+
+The interests of their fleet were so frequently endangered that the
+Romans were disheartened by the constant destruction of their ships.
+In these they lost numbers of men and vast sums of money. Yet they
+would not give up; nay, they even executed a man who in the senate
+opened his mouth about reconciliation with the Carthaginians, and they
+voted that a dictator should be named. Collatinus[26] was therefore
+named dictator and Metellus became master of the horse, but they
+accomplished nothing worthy of remembrance. While Collatinus[27] was
+being named dictator, Junius had won over Eryx, and Carthalo had
+occupied AEgithallus and taken Junius alive.
+
+[Footnote 26: _A. Atilius Calatinus_ once more.]
+
+[Footnote 27: [See previous footnote.]]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 248 (_a.u._ 506)] VIII, 16.--The next year Gaius
+Aurelius and Publius Servilius took office and spent their time in
+harrying Lilybaeum and Drepanum, in keeping the Carthaginians off the
+land, and in devastating the region that was in alliance with them.
+Carthalo undertook many different kinds of enterprises against them,
+but, as he accomplished nothing, he started for Italy with the object
+of thus attracting the consuls to that country or, in any case, of
+injuring the district and capturing cities. Yet he made no headway
+even there and on learning that the praetor urbanus was approaching
+sailed back to Sicily. His mercenaries now rebelled about a question
+of pay, whereupon he put numbers ashore on desert islands and left
+them there, and sent many more off to Carthage. When the rest heard
+this, they became indignant and were on the point of an uprising.
+Hamilcar, Carthalo's successor, cut down numbers of them one night and
+had numerous others drowned. In the meantime the Romans had concluded
+a perpetual friendship with Hiero and they furthermore remitted all
+the dues which they were accustomed to receive from him annually.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 247 (_a.u._ 507)] Next year the Romans officially
+refrained from naval warfare because of their misfortunes and
+expenses, but some private individuals asked for ships on condition of
+restoring the vessels but appropriating any booty gained; and among
+other injuries that they inflicted upon the enemy they sailed to
+Hippo, a Libyan city, and there burned to ashes all the boats and many
+of the buildings. The natives put chains across the mouth of their
+harbor and the invaders found themselves encompassed but saved
+themselves by cleverness and good fortune. They made a quick dash at
+the chains, and just as the beaks of the ships were about to catch in
+them the members of the crew went back to the stern, and so the prows
+being lightened cleared the chains: and again, by their making a rush
+into the prows, the sterns of the vessels were lifted high enough in
+the air. Thus they effected their escape, and later near Panhormus
+they conquered the Carthaginians with these ships.
+
+Of the consuls Metellus Caecilius was in the vicinity of Lilybaeum, and
+Numerius Fabius was investing Drepanum, with additional designs upon
+the islet of Pelias. As this had been seized earlier by the
+Carthaginians, he sent soldiers by night who killed the garrison and
+took possession of the island. Learning this Hamilcar at dawn attacked
+the party that had crossed to it. Fabius not being able to ward them
+off led an assault upon Drepanum that he might either capture the city
+while deserted or bring back Hamilcar from the island. One of these
+objects was accomplished, for Hamilcar in fear retired within the
+fortifications. So Fabius occupied Pelias, and by filling in the
+strait (which happened to be shallow) between it and the mainland he
+made a clear stretch of solid ground and thus conducted with greater
+facility his hostile operations against the wall, which was rather
+weak at that point. Incidentally the Carthaginians caused the Romans
+excessive annoyance by undertaking circuitous voyages to Sicily and
+making trips across into Italy.--They exchanged each other's captives
+man for man; those left over (since the numbers were not equal) the
+Carthaginians got back for money.
+
+In the subsequent period various persons became consuls but effected
+nothing worthy of record. The Romans owed the majority of their
+reverses to the fact that they kept sending out from year to year
+different and ever different leaders, and took away their office from
+them when they were just learning the art of generalship. It looked as
+if they were choosing them for practice and not for service.
+
+The Gauls, who were acting in alliance with the Carthaginians and
+hated them because their masters treated them ill, abandoned to the
+Romans for money a position with the guarding of which they had been
+entrusted. The Romans secured for mercenary service the Gauls and
+other of the Carthaginian allies who had revolted from their service;
+never before had they supported foreigners in their army. Elated at
+this accession and furthermore by the ravaging of Libya on the part of
+the private citizens who were managing the ships, they were no longer
+willing to neglect the sea, and they again got together a fleet.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 241 (_a.u._ 513)] VIII, 17.--And Lutatius Catulus was
+chosen consul and with him was sent out Quintus Valerius Flaccus as
+praetor urbanus. On coming to Sicily they assailed Drepanum both by
+land and by sea and demolished a section of the wall. They would have
+captured the town but for the fact that the consul was wounded and the
+soldiers were wholly engrossed in caring for him. During the delay
+which ensued they learned that a body of the enemy had come from home
+with a huge fleet commanded by Hanno, and they turned their attention
+to these new arrivals. When the forces had been marshaled in hostile
+array, a meteor like a star appeared above the Romans and after rising
+high to the left of the Carthaginians plunged into their ranks. The
+naval combat was a vigorous one on the part of both nations, and for
+several reasons; especially were the Carthaginians anxious to drive
+the Romans into complete despair of naval success, and the Romans to
+retrieve their former disasters. In spite of everything the Romans
+carried off the victory, for the Carthaginian vessels were impeded by
+the fact that they carried freight,--grain and money and other things.
+
+Hanno escaped and hastened at once to Carthage. The Carthaginians,
+seized with wrath and fear, crucified him and sent envoys to Catulus
+regarding peace. And he was disposed to end the war since his office
+was soon to expire and he could not hope to destroy Carthage in so
+short a time; nor, again, did he care to leave his successors the
+glory of his own efforts. Consequently they effected an armistice by
+giving him money, grain, and hostages; these preliminaries secured
+them the right of sending envoys to Rome and proposing as conditions
+that they retire from Sicily entire, yielding it to the Romans, as
+well as abandon all the surrounding islands, that they carry on no war
+with Hiero, and pay an indemnity, a part at the time of making the
+treaty and a part later, and that they return the Roman deserters and
+captives free of cost, but ransom their own.
+
+Such were the terms agreed upon. Hamilcar succeeded only in having the
+disgrace of going under the yoke left out. After settling these
+conditions he led his soldiers out of the fortifications and sailed
+for home before the oaths were imposed. The people of Rome soon
+learned of the victory and were greatly elated, feeling that their
+superiority was indisputable. Upon the arrival of envoys they could no
+longer restrain themselves and hoped to possess all of Libya.
+Therefore they would not abide by the terms of the consul: instead,
+they exacted from them a very much larger sum of money than had been
+promised. They forbade them also to sail past Italy or allied
+territory abroad in ships of war, or to employ mercenaries from such
+districts.
+
+The first war between the Carthaginians and the Romans, then, ended
+this way in the twenty-fourth year. Catulus celebrated a triumph over
+its conclusion. Quintus Lutatius became consul and departed for
+Sicily, where with his brother Catulus he enforced order in all
+communities; and he deprived the islanders of arms. Thus Sicily, with
+the exception of Hiero's domain, was made a slave of Rome, and from
+this time its people were on a friendly footing with the
+Carthaginians.
+
+Both soon were again involved in other wars outside. At Carthage the
+remnant of their mercenary force and the slave population in the city
+and a large proportion of their hostages (influenced by the disasters
+of the State) joined in an attack upon it. The Romans did not heed the
+invitations to aid the party that had assumed the offensive, but sent
+envoys in turn for discussion; and when they found themselves unable
+to reconcile the combatants, they released free of cost all the
+Carthaginian captives they were holding, sent grain to the city and
+permitted it to gather mercenaries from Roman allied territory. By
+this action they were seeking to gain a reputation for fairness rather
+than displaying a real interest in their own advantage, and this later
+caused them trouble. For the great Hamilcar Barca, after he had
+conquered his adversaries, did not dare to make a campaign against the
+Romans, much as he hated them; but he started for Spain contrary to
+the wishes of the magistrates at home.
+
+VIII, 18.--This, however, took place later. At the time under
+discussion the Romans entered upon war with the Falisci, and Manlius
+Torquatus ravaged their country. In a battle with them his heavy
+infantry was worsted but his cavalry conquered. In a second engagement
+with them he was victorious and took possession of their arms, their
+cavalry, their furniture, their slaves, and half their country. Later
+on the original city, which was set upon a steep mountain, was torn
+down and another one was built, easily reached by road. After this the
+Romans again waged wars upon the Boii and upon the Gauls that were
+neighbors of the latter, and upon some Ligurians. The Ligurians were
+conquered in battle and otherwise injured by Sempronius Gracchus:
+Publius Valerius in a conflict with the Gauls was at first defeated,
+but soon, learning that troops had come from Rome to his assistance,
+he renewed the struggle with the Gauls, determined either to conquer
+by his own exertions or to die--he preferred that rather than to live
+and bear the stigma of disgrace; and by some fortune or other he
+managed to win the day.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 238 (_a.u._ 516)] At this time these events befell the
+Romans as described. They also secured Sardinia from the Carthaginians
+and a new supply of money by charging them with harming Roman
+shipping. The Carthaginians, not having yet recovered strength, feared
+their threats.--Next year Lucius Lentulus and Quintus Flaccus made a
+campaign against the Gauls; and as long as they remained together,
+they were invincible, [Sidenote: B.C. 237 (_a.u._ 517)] but when they
+began to pillage districts separately with the idea of getting greater
+booty, the army of Flaccus fell into danger, being surrounded by
+night. Temporarily the barbarians were beaten back, but having gained
+accessions of allies they proceeded anew with a huge force against the
+Romans. [Sidenote: B.C. 236 (_a.u._ 518)] When confronted by Publius
+Lentulus and Licinius Varus, they hoped to overcome them by their
+numbers and prevail without a battle. So they sent and demanded the
+land surrounding Ariminum and commanded the Romans to remove from the
+city since it belonged to them. The consuls on account of their small
+numbers did not dare to risk a battle nor would they take the
+responsibility of releasing any territory, and accordingly they
+arranged a truce to confer with Rome. Gallic emissaries came before
+the senate with the aforementioned representations. As none of their
+demands was granted, the envoys returned to camp. There they found
+their cause was ruined. Some of their allies had repented and
+regarding the Romans with fear had turned upon the Boii, and many had
+been killed on both sides. Then the remainder had gone home and the
+Boii had obtained peace only at the price of a large portion of their
+land.
+
+The Gallic wars having now ceased, Lentulus conducted a campaign
+against the Ligurians. He drove off the attacking parties and gained
+possession of several fortresses.--Varus took Corsica as his objective
+point, and inasmuch as he lacked the necessary ships to carry him
+over, he sent a certain Claudius Clineas in advance with troops. The
+latter terrified the Corsicans, held a conference with them, and made
+peace as though he had full authority to do so. But Varus, paying no
+attention to the covenant, fought against the Corsicans until he had
+subjugated them. [Sidenote: FRAG. 44^2] THE ROMANS TO DIVERT THE BLAME
+FOR BREAKING THE COMPACT FROM THEMSELVES SENT TO THE PEOPLE OFFERING
+TO GIVE CLAUDIUS UP. WHEN HE WAS NOT RECEIVED, THEY DROVE HIM INTO
+EXILE. [Sidenote: FRAG. 45^1] THEY WERE ON THE POINT OF LEADING AN
+EXPEDITION AGAINST THE CARTHAGINIANS ALLEGING THAT THE LATTER WERE
+COMMITTING OUTRAGES UPON THE MERCHANTS; BUT INSTEAD OF DOING THIS THEY
+EXACTED MONEY AND RENEWED THE TRUCE. Yet the agreements were not
+destined even so to be of long standing.--The case of the
+Carthaginians was accordingly postponed and they made an expedition
+against the Sardinians, who would not yield obedience, and conquered
+them. Subsequently the Carthaginians persuaded the Sardinians to plan
+a secret uprising against the Romans. Besides these the Corsicans also
+revolted and the Ligurians did not remain at rest.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 234 (_a.u._ 520)] The following year the Romans
+divided their forces into three parts in order that all the rebels,
+finding war waged upon them at once, might not render assistance to
+one another; and they sent Postumius Albinus into Liguria, Spurius
+Carvilius against the Corsicans, and Publius Cornelius, the praetor
+urbanus, into Sardinia. And the consuls not without trouble, yet with
+some speed, accomplished their missions. The Sardinians, animated by
+an immoderate amount of spirit, were vanquished by Carvilius in a
+fierce battle, for Cornelius and many of his soldiers had been
+destroyed by disease. When the Romans left their country, the
+Sardinians and the Ligurians revolted again. [Sidenote: B.C. 233
+(_a.u._ 521)] Quintus Fabius Maximus was accordingly sent to Ligurian
+territory and Pomponius Manius into Sardinia. The Carthaginians, as
+the cause of the wars, were adjudged enemies, and they sent to them
+and demanded money and ordained that they should remove their ships
+from all the islands, since these ports were hostile to them. In
+making known their attitude the Romans despatched to their rivals a
+spear and a herald's staff, bidding them choose one, whichever they
+pleased. But the Carthaginians without shrinking made a rather rough
+answer and declared that they chose neither of the articles sent them,
+but were ready to accept either that the challengers might leave
+there. Henceforth the two nations hated each other but hesitated to
+begin war.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 232 (_a.u._ 522)] As there was again a hostile
+movement of the Sardinians against the Romans, both the consuls took
+the field, Marcus Malleolus and Marcus AEmilius. And they secured rich
+spoils, which, however, were taken away from them by the Corsicans
+when they touched at their island. Hence the Romans next turned their
+attention to both. [Sidenote: B.C. 231 (_a.u._ 523)] Marcus Pomponius
+harried Sardinia, but could not find most of the inhabitants, who, as
+he learned, had slipped into caves of the forest, difficult to locate;
+therefore he sent for keen-scented dogs from Italy and with their aid
+he discovered the trail of both men and cattle and cut off many such
+parties. Gaius Papirius drove the Corsicans from the plains, but in
+attempting to force his way to the mountains he lost numerous men
+through ambush and would have suffered loss of still more through lack
+of water, had not water after a great while been found; then he
+persuaded the Corsicans to come to terms.
+
+VIII, 19.--About this time also Hamilcar the Carthaginian general was
+defeated by the Spaniards and lost his life. For, on the occasion of
+his being arrayed in battle against them, they led out in front of the
+Carthaginian army wagons full of pine wood and pitch and as they drew
+near they set fire to these vehicles, then hurried on with goads the
+animals that were drawing them. Forthwith their opponents were thrown
+into confusion, were disorganized and turned to flight, and the
+Spaniards pursuing killed Hamilcar and a very great number of others.
+He having reached the very highest pinnacle of fame thus met his end,
+and at his death his brother-in-law Hasdrubal succeeded him. The
+latter acquired a large portion of Spain and founded a city called
+Carthage, after his native town.
+
+As the Boii and the rest of the Gauls were continually offering for
+sale many articles and an especially large number of captives, the
+Romans became afraid that they might some day use the money against
+them, and accordingly forbade everybody to give to a Gaul either
+silver or gold coin.--[Sidenote: B.C. 230 (_a.u._ 524)] Soon after the
+Carthaginians,[28] learning that the consuls Marcus AEmilius and Marcus
+Junius had started for Liguria, made preparations to march upon Rome.
+The consuls became aware of this and proceeded toward them in force,
+whereupon the Carthaginians became frightened and met them with all
+appearances of friendliness. The consuls likewise feigned that they
+had not set out against them but were going through their country into
+the Ligurian territory.
+
+[Footnote 28: This is a mistake, due to the carelessness of Zonaras.
+Some Gallic tribe is evidently meant.]
+
+Now the Romans crossed the Ionian Gulf and laid hands upon the Greek
+mainland. They found an excuse for the voyage in the following
+circumstances. [Sidenote: FRAG. 47^1] ISSA IS AN ISLAND SITUATED IN
+THE IONIAN GULF. ITS DWELLERS, KNOWN AS ISSAEANS, HAD OF THEIR OWN FREE
+WILL SURRENDERED THEMSELVES TO THE ROMANS because they were angry with
+their ruler Agro, king of the Ardiaeans and of Illyrian stock.
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 47^2] TO HIM THE CONSULS SENT ENVOYS. But he had
+died, leaving a son as his successor who was still a mere child,
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 47^2] AND HIS WIFE, THE BOY'S STEPMOTHER, WAS
+ADMINISTERING THE DOMAIN OF THE ARDIAEANS. HER DEALINGS WITH THE
+AMBASSADORS WERE CHARACTERIZED BY A LACK OF MODERATION, AND WHEN THEY
+SPOKE FRANKLY SHE CAST SOME OF THEM INTO PRISON AND KILLED OTHERS.
+IMMEDIATELY THE ROMANS VOTED FOR WAR AGAINST HER, HOWEVER, SHE WAS
+PANIC-STRICKEN, PROMISED TO RESTORE THE AMBASSADORS THAT WERE LEFT
+ALIVE, AND DECLARED THAT THE DEAD HAD BEEN SLAIN BY ROBBERS. WHEN THE
+ROMANS DEMANDED THE SURRENDER OF THE MURDERERS, SHE DECLARED THAT SHE
+WOULD NOT GIVE THEM UP AND DESPATCHED AN ARMY AGAINST ISSA. THEN SHE
+AGAIN GREW FEARFUL AND SENT A CERTAIN DEMETRIUS TO THE CONSULS,
+ASSURING THEM OF HER READINESS TO HEED THEM IN EVERY DETAIL. A TRUCE
+WAS MADE WITH HER EMISSARY UPON THE LATTER'S AGREEING TO GIVE THEM
+CORCYRA. YET WHEN THE CONSULS HAD CROSSED OVER TO THE ISLAND, SHE,
+POSSESSING WOMAN-LIKE A LIGHT AND FICKLE DISPOSITION, FELT IMBUED WITH
+NEW COURAGE, AND SENT OUT AN ARMY TO EPIDAMNUS AND APOLLONIA. AT THE
+NEWS THAT THE ROMANS HAD RESCUED THE CITIES, THAT THEY HAD DETAINED
+SHIPS OF HERS LADEN WITH TREASURE WHICH WERE SAILING HOME FROM THE
+PELOPONNESUS, THAT THEY HAD DEVASTATED THE COAST REGIONS, THAT
+DEMETRIUS AS A RESULT OF HER CAPRICIOUSNESS HAD TRANSFERRED HIS
+ALLEGIANCE TO THE ROMANS BESIDES PERSUADING SOME OTHERS TO DESERT, SHE
+BECAME UTTERLY TERRIFIED AND WITHDREW FROM HER SOVEREIGNTY. Demetrius
+as destined guardian of the child was given charge of the ex-queen
+also. The Romans were thanked by the Corinthians for this action and
+took part in the Isthmian contest, Plautus winning the stadium race in
+it. Moreover they formed a friendship with the Athenians and took part
+in their government and in the Mysteries.
+
+The name Illyricum was anciently applied to various regions, but later
+it was transferred to the upper mainland, that above Macedonia and
+Thrace, located this side of Haemus and toward Rhodope: it lies between
+these mountains and the Alps, also between the river AEnus and the
+Ister, extending as far as the Euxine Sea,--indeed, its boundaries at
+some points extend beyond the Ister.
+
+[Sidenote: (FRAG. 48?)] AS AN ORACLE HAD ONCE COME TO THE ROMANS THAT
+GREEKS AND GAULS SHOULD OCCUPY THE CITY, TWO GAULS AND A COUPLE OF
+GREEKS, MALE AND FEMALE, WERE BURIED ALIVE IN THE FORUM, that in this
+way destiny might seem to have fulfilled itself and they be properly
+regarded, since buried alive, as possessing a part of the city.
+
+After this the Sardinians, deeming it a calamity that a Roman praetor
+was forever set over them, made an uprising. They were again enslaved,
+however.
+
+VIII, 20.--The Insubres, a Gallic tribe, having gained allies among
+their kinsmen beyond the Alps turned their arms against the Romans,
+and the latter accordingly made counter-preparations. The barbarians
+plundered some towns, but at last a great storm occurred in the night
+and they began to suspect that Heaven was against them. Consequently
+they lost heart and falling into a panic attempted to entrust their
+safety to flight. [Sidenote: B.C. 225 (_a.u._ 529)] Regulus pursued
+them and brought on an engagement with the rear guards in which he was
+defeated and lost his life. AEmilius occupied a hill and remained
+quiet. The Gauls in turn occupied another one and for several days
+were inactive; then the Romans through anger at what had taken place
+and the barbarians from arrogance born of the victory charged down
+from the heights and came to blows. For a long time the battle was
+evenly contested, but finally the Romans surrounded them with their
+horse, cut them down, seized their camp, and got back the spoils.
+After this AEmilius wrought havoc among the possessions of the Boii and
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 49^3] CELEBRATED A TRIUMPH, IN WHICH HE CONVEYED THE
+FOREMOST CAPTIVES CLAD IN ARMOR UP TO THE CAPITOL, MAKING JESTS AT
+THEIR EXPENSE FOR HAVING SWORN NOT TO REMOVE THEIR BREASTPLATES BEFORE
+THEY HAD MOUNTED THE CAPITOL. The Romans now secured control of the
+entire territory of the Boii and for the first time crossed the Po to
+take the offensive against the Insubres; and they continued to ravage
+their country.
+
+Meanwhile portents had occurred which threw the people of Rome into
+great fear. A river in Picenum ran the color of blood, in Etruria a
+good part of the heavens seemed to be on fire, at Ariminum a light
+like daylight blazed out at night, in many portions of Italy the
+shapes of three moons became visible in the night time, and in the
+Forum a vulture roosted for several days. [Sidenote: B.C. 223 (_a.u._
+531)] Because of these portents and inasmuch as some declared that the
+consuls had been illegally chosen, they summoned them home. The
+consuls received the letter but did not open it immediately, since
+they were just entering upon war: instead, they joined battle first
+and came out victorious. After the battle the letter was read, and
+Furius was for obeying without discussion; but Flaminius was elated
+over the victory and pointed out that it had proved their choice to be
+correct, and he went on with vehement assertions that it was because
+they were jealous of him that the influential men were even
+falsifying heavenly warnings. Consequently he refused to depart until
+he had settled the whole business in hand, and he said he would teach
+the people at home, too, not to be deceived by relying on birds or any
+other such thing. So he was anxious to remain on the ground and made
+repeated attempts to detain his colleague, but Furius would not heed
+him. But since the men who were going to be left behind with Flaminius
+dreaded lest in their isolation they might suffer some disaster at the
+hands of their opponents and begged him to stay by them for a few
+days, he yielded to their entreaties but did not take part in any
+action. Flaminius traveled about laying waste the country, subjugated
+a few forts, and bestowed all the spoils upon the soldiers as a means
+of winning their favor. At length the leaders returned home and were
+put on trial by the senate for their disobedience (on account of their
+anger towards Flaminius they subjected Furius also to disgrace); but
+the populace was against the senate and showed emulation in
+Flaminius's behalf, so that it voted them a triumph. After celebrating
+it they laid down their office.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 222 (_a.u._ 532)] Other consuls, Claudius Marcellus
+and Gnaeus Scipio, chosen in their stead, made an expedition against
+the Insubres, for the Romans had not complied with the latter's
+requests by voting for peace. Together at first they carried on the
+war and were in most cases victorious. Soon, learning that the allied
+territory was being plundered, they severed their forces. Marcellus
+made a quick march against those plundering the land of the allies,
+but did not find them on the scene; he then pursued them as they fled
+and when they made a stand overcame them. Scipio remained where he was
+and proceeded to besiege Acerrae; he took it and made it a base for the
+war, since it was favorably located and well walled. Starting from
+that point they subdued Mediolanum and another village-town. After
+these had been captured the rest of the Insubres also made terms with
+them, giving them money and a section of the land.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 221 (_a.u._ 533)] Thereafter Publius Cornelius and
+Marcus Minucius made a campaign to the Ister regions and brought into
+subjection many of the nations there, some by war and some on terms
+agreed upon. [Sidenote: B.C. 220 (_a.u._ 534)] Lucius Veturius and
+Gaius Lutatius went as far as the Alps and without any fighting
+established Roman sovereignty over many people. The prince of the
+Ardiaeans, however, [Sidenote: FRAG. 51] DEMETRIUS, WAS, AS HAS BEEN
+STATED ABOVE, HATEFUL TO THE NATIVES AND INJURED THE PROPERTY OF
+NEIGHBORING TRIBES; AND IT APPEARED THAT IT WAS BY MISUSING THE
+FRIENDSHIP OF THE ROMANS THAT HE WAS ABLE TO WRONG THOSE PEOPLES.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 219 (_a.u._ 535)] AS SOON AS THE CONSULS, AEMILIUS
+PAULUS AND MARCUS LIVIUS, HEARD OF THIS THEY SUMMONED HIM BEFORE THEM.
+WHEN HE REFUSED COMPLIANCE AND ACTUALLY ASSAILED THEIR ALLIES, THEY
+MADE A CAMPAIGN AGAINST ISSA, WHERE HE WAS. And having received
+advance information that he was lying secretly at anchor somewhere in
+the vicinity of the landing-places they sent a portion of their ships
+to the other side of the island to bring on an engagement. When the
+Illyrians accordingly fell upon the reconnoitering party, thinking
+them alone, the main body approached at leisure in their ships and
+after pitching camp in a suitable place repulsed the natives, who,
+angry at the trick, lost no time in attacking them. Demetrius made his
+escape to Pharos, another island, but they sailed to that, overcame
+resistance, and captured the city by betrayal, only to find Demetrius
+fled. He at this time reached Macedonia with large amounts of money
+and went to Philip, the king of the country. He was not surrendered by
+him, but on returning to the Illyrians was arrested by the Romans and
+was executed.
+
+
+_(BOOK 13, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 218 (_a.u._ 536)] VIII, 21.--In the succeeding year
+the Romans became openly hostile to the Carthaginians, and the war,
+though of far shorter duration than the previous one, proved to be
+both greater and more baneful in its exploits and effects. It was
+brought on chiefly by Hannibal, general of the Carthaginians. This
+Hannibal was a child of Hamilcar Barca, and from his earliest boyhood
+had been trained to fight against the Romans. Hamilcar said he was
+raising all his sons like so many whelps to fight against them, but as
+he saw that this one's nature was far superior to that of the rest, he
+made him take an oath that he would wage war upon them, and for this
+reason he instructed the boy in warfare above all else when only
+fifteen years old. On account of this youthfulness Hannibal was not
+able, when his father died, to succeed to the generalship. But when
+Hasdrubal was dead, he delayed no longer, being now twenty-six years
+of age, but at once took possession of the army in Spain and after
+being acclaimed as leader by the soldiers brought it about that his
+right to lead was confirmed also by those in authority at home. After
+effecting this he needed a plausible excuse for his enterprise against
+the Romans, and this he found in the Saguntines of Spain. These
+people, dwelling not far from the river Iber and a short distance
+above the sea, were dependents of the Romans, and the latter held them
+in honor and in the treaty with the Carthaginians had made an
+exception of them. For these reasons, then, Hannibal began a war with
+them, knowing that the Romans would either assist the Saguntines or
+avenge them if they suffered injury. Hence for these reasons as well
+as because he knew that they possessed great wealth, which he
+particularly needed, and for various other causes that promised him
+advantages against the Romans he made an attack upon the Saguntines.
+
+Spain, in which the Saguntines dwell, and all the adjoining land is in
+the western part of Europe. It extends for a considerable distance
+along the inner sea, beside the Pillars of Hercules, and along the
+ocean; furthermore it occupies the upper part of the mainland for a
+very great distance, as far as the Pyrenees. [Sidenote: FRAG. 53] THIS
+RANGE, BEGINNING AT THE SEA CALLED ANCIENTLY THE SEA OF THE BEBRYCES
+BUT LATER THE SEA OF THE NARBONENSES, REACHES TO THE GREAT OUTER SEA,
+AND CONFINES MANY DIVERSE NATIONALITIES; IT ALSO SEPARATES SPAIN FROM
+THE NEIGHBORING LAND OF GAUL. The tribes did not employ the same
+language nor carry on a common government. This resulted in their not
+having a single name. The Romans called them Hispanii, but the Greeks
+Iberians, from the river Iber.
+
+These Saguntines, then, being besieged sent to those near them and to
+the Romans asking for aid. But Hannibal checked any local movement,
+and the Romans sent ambassadors to him bidding him not come near the
+Saguntines, and threatening in case he should not obey to sail to
+Carthage at once and lay accusations against him. When the envoys
+were now close at hand, Hannibal sent some of the natives who were to
+pretend that they were kindly disposed to them and were instructed to
+say that the general was not there but had gone some distance away
+into parts unknown; they advised the enemy, therefore (they were to
+say), to depart as quickly as possible and before their presence
+should be reported lest in the disorder prevailing because of the
+absence of the general they should lose their lives. The envoys
+accordingly believed them and set off for Carthage. An assembly being
+called some of the Carthaginians counseled maintaining peace with the
+Romans, but the party attached to Hannibal affirmed that the
+Saguntines were guilty of wrongdoing and the Romans were meddling with
+what did not concern them. Finally those who urged them to make war
+won the day.
+
+Meanwhile Hannibal in the course of his siege was conducting vigorous
+assaults. Many kept falling and many more were being wounded on
+Hannibal's side. One day the Carthaginians succeeded in shaking down a
+portion of the outer circuit and had been daring enough to enter
+through the breach, when the Saguntines made a sortie and scared them
+away. This gave the besieged strength and the Carthaginians fell back
+in dejection. They did not leave the spot, however, till they had
+captured the city, though the siege dragged on to the eighth month.
+Many unusual events happened in that time, one of which was Hannibal's
+being dangerously wounded. The place was taken in this manner. They
+brought to bear against the wall an engine much higher than the
+fortification and carrying heavy-armed soldiers, some visible, some
+concealed. While the Saguntines, therefore, were quite strenuously
+fighting against the men they saw, thinking them the only ones, those
+hidden had dug through the wall from below and found their way inside.
+The Saguntines overwhelmed by the unexpectedness of the event ran up
+to the citadel and held a conference to see whether by any reasonable
+concessions they might be preserved. But as Hannibal held out no
+moderate terms and no assistance came to them from the Romans, they
+begged for a cessation of the assaults until they should deliberate a
+little about their position. During this respite they gathered
+together the most highly prized of their treasures and cast them into
+the fire; then such as were incapable of fighting committed suicide,
+and those who were in their prime advanced in a body against their
+opponents and in a desperate struggle were cut down.
+
+VIII, 22.--For their sakes the Romans and the Carthaginians embarked
+upon war. Hannibal after gaining numerous allies was hastening toward
+Italy. The Romans on ascertaining this assembled in their senate-hall,
+and many speeches were delivered. Lucius Cornelius Lentulus addressed
+the people and said they must not delay but vote for war against the
+Carthaginians and separate consuls and armies into two detachments,
+and send the one to Spain and the other to Libya, in order that at one
+and the same time the land of the enemy might be desolated and his
+allies injured; thus neither would he be able to assist Spain nor
+could he himself receive assistance from there. To this Quintus Fabius
+Maximus rejoined that it was not so absolutely and inevitably
+necessary to vote for war, but they could first employ an embassy, and
+then if the Carthaginians persuaded them that they were guilty of no
+wrong, they should remain quiet, but if the same people were convicted
+of wrongdoing, they might thereupon wage war against them, "in order,"
+he said, "that we may cast the responsibility for the war upon them."
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 54^9] THE OPINIONS OF THE TWO MEN WERE SUBSTANTIALLY
+THESE. THE SENATE DECIDED TO MAKE PREPARATIONS, TO BE SURE, FOR
+CONFLICT, BUT TO DESPATCH ENVOYS TO CARTHAGE AND DENOUNCE HANNIBAL;
+AND IF THE CARTHAGINIANS REFRAINED FROM APPROVING THE EXPLOITS, THEY
+WOULD ARBITRATE THE MATTER, OR IF ALL RESPONSIBILITY WERE LAID UPON
+HIS SHOULDERS, THEY WOULD DEMAND HIS EXTRADITION, AND IF HE WERE NOT
+GIVEN UP, THEY WOULD DECLARE WAR UPON THE NATION.
+
+The envoys set out and the Carthaginians considered what must be done.
+And a certain Hasdrubal, one of those who had been primed by Hannibal,
+counseled them that they ought to get back their ancient freedom and
+shake off by means of money and troops and allies, all welded
+together, the slavery imposed by peace, adding: "If you only permit
+Hannibal to act as he wishes, the proper thing will be done and you
+will have no trouble." After such words on his part the great Hanno,
+opposing Hasdrubal's argument, gave it as his opinion that they ought
+not to draw war upon themselves lightly nor for small complaints
+concerning foreigners, when it was in their power to settle a part of
+the difficulty and divert the rest of it upon the heads of those who
+had been active in the matter. With these remarks he ceased, and the
+elder Carthaginians who remembered the former war sided with him, but
+those in robust manhood and especially all the partisans of Hannibal
+violently gainsaid him. [Sidenote: FRAG. 54^10] INASMUCH, THEN, AS
+THEY MADE NO DEFINITE ANSWER AND SHOWED CONTEMPT FOR THE ENVOYS,
+MARCUS FABIUS THRUSTING HIS HANDS BENEATH HIS TOGA AND HOLDING THEM
+WITH PALMS UPWARD SAID: "HERE I BRING TO YOU, CARTHAGINIANS, BOTH WAR
+AND PEACE: DO YOU CHOOSE WHICHEVER OF THEM YOU WISH." UPON THEIR
+REPLYING THAT THEY CHOSE NEITHER, BUT WOULD READILY ACCEPT EITHER THAT
+THE ROMANS SHOULD LEAVE, HE IMMEDIATELY DECLARED WAR UPON THEM.
+
+In this way, then, and for these reasons the Romans and the
+Carthaginians became involved in war for the second time. And the
+Divinity beforehand indicated what was to come to pass. For in Rome an
+ox talked with a human voice, and another at the Ludi Romani threw
+himself out of a house into the Tiber and was lost, many thunderbolts
+fell, and blood in one case was seen coming from sacred statues
+whereas in another it dripped from the shield of a soldier, and the
+sword of another soldier was snatched by a wolf from the very midst of
+the camp. Many unknown wild beasts went before Hannibal leading the
+way, as he was crossing the Iber, and a vision appeared to him in a
+dream. He thought that the gods once, sitting in assembly, sent for
+him and bade him march with all speed into Italy and receive from them
+a guide for the way, and that by this guide he was commanded to follow
+without turning around. He did turn around, however, and saw a great
+tempest moving and an immense serpent accompanying it. In surprise he
+asked his conductor what these creatures were; and the guide said:
+"Hannibal, they are on their way to help you in the sack of Italy."
+
+
+_(BOOK 14, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+VIII, 23.--These things inspired Hannibal with a firm hope, but threw
+the Romans into a state of profound terror. The Romans divided their
+forces into two parts and sent out the consuls,--Sempronius Longus to
+Sicily and Publius Scipio to Spain. Hannibal, desiring to invade Italy
+with all possible speed, marched on hurriedly and traversed without
+fighting the whole of Gaul lying between the Pyrenees and the Rhone.
+As far as the Rhone river no one came to oppose him, but at that point
+Scipio showed himself although he had no troops with him. Nevertheless
+with the help of the natives and their nearest neighbors he had
+already destroyed the boats in the river and had posted guards over
+the stream. Hannibal therefore used up some time in building rafts and
+skiffs, some of them out of a single log of wood, but still with the
+help of a large corps of workers had everything in readiness that was
+needful for crossing before Scipio's own army could arrive. He sent
+his brother Mago accompanied by the horsemen and a few light troops to
+cross at a point where the river is scattered over considerable
+breadth, with branches separated by islands; he himself, of course,
+proceeded by way of the natural ford, his object being that the Gauls
+should be deceived and array themselves against him only, while they
+set their guards with less care at other points along the river. This
+object was accomplished. Mago had already got across the river when
+Hannibal and his followers were crossing by the ford. On reaching the
+middle of the stream they raised a war cry and the trumpeters joined
+with the blare of their instruments, and Mago fell upon their
+antagonists from the rear. In this way the elephants and all the rest
+were ferried safely over. They had just finished crossing when
+Scipio's own force arrived. Both sides, then, sent horsemen to
+reconnoitre, after which they entered upon a cavalry battle with the
+same results as attended the war as a whole. The Romans, that is,
+after first seeming to get the worst of it and losing a number of men
+were victorious.
+
+Then Hannibal, in haste to set out for Italy but suspicious of the
+more direct roads, turned aside from them and followed another, on
+which he underwent bitter hardships. The mountains there are
+exceedingly precipitous and the snow falling in great quantities was
+driven by the winds and filled the chasms, and the ice was frozen to a
+great thickness. These things conspired to cause them fearful
+suffering, and many of his soldiers perished through the winter cold
+and lack of food; many also returned home. There is a story to the
+effect that he himself would also have turned back but for the fact
+that the road already traversed was longer and more difficult than the
+portion left before him. For this reason he did not retrace his steps,
+but suddenly appearing south of the Alps spread astonishment and
+terror among the Romans.
+
+So he advanced taking possession of whatever lay before him. Scipio
+sent his brother Gaius[29] Scipio, who was serving as a lieutenant
+under him, into Spain to either seize and hold it or bring Hannibal
+back, but he himself marched against Hannibal. They waited a few days;
+then both moved into action. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^4] BEFORE BEGINNING
+OPERATIONS, HANNIBAL CALLED TOGETHER THE SOLDIERS AND BROUGHT IN THE
+CAPTIVES WHOM HE HAD TAKEN BY THE WAY: HE ASKED THE LATTER WHETHER
+THEY CHOSE TO UNDERGO IMPRISONMENT AND TO ENDURE A GRIEVOUS SLAVERY,
+OR TO FIGHT IN SINGLE COMBAT WITH ONE ANOTHER ON CONDITION THAT THE
+VICTORS SHOULD BE RELEASED WITHOUT RANSOM. WHEN THEY ACCEPTED THE
+SECOND ALTERNATIVE, HE SET THEM TO FIGHTING. AND AT THE END OF THE
+CONFLICT HE ADDRESSED his own soldiers, encouraging them and whetting
+their eagerness for war. Scipio also did this on the Roman side. Then
+the contest began and looked at the outset as if it would involve the
+entire armies: but Scipio in a preliminary cavalry skirmish was
+defeated, lost many men, was wounded and would have been killed, had
+not his son Scipio, though only seventeen years old, come to his aid;
+he was consequently alarmed lest his infantry should similarly meet
+with a reverse, and he at once fell back and that night withdrew from
+the field.
+
+[Footnote 29: Gnaeus Scipio is meant whenever Zonaras writes this
+form.]
+
+VIII, 24.--Hannibal did not learn of his withdrawal till daybreak and
+then went to the Po, and finding there neither rafts nor boats,--for
+they had been burned by Scipio,--he ordered his brother Mago to swim
+across with the cavalry and pursue the Romans, whereas he himself
+marched up toward the sources of the river and commanded that the
+elephants cross where the tributary streams converged. In this manner,
+while the water was temporarily dammed and torn piecemeal by the
+animals' bulk, he effected a crossing more easily below them. Scipio
+overtaken stood his ground and would have offered battle but for the
+fact that by night the Gauls in his army deserted. Embarrassed by this
+occurrence and still suffering from his wound he once more broke up at
+night and located his entrenchments on high ground. He was not
+pursued, but subsequently the Carthaginians came up and encamped, with
+the river between the two forces.
+
+Scipio on account of his wound and because of what had taken place was
+inclined to wait and send for reinforcements; and Hannibal after many
+attempts to provoke him to battle, finding that he could not do this
+and that he was short of food, attacked a fort where a large supply
+for the Romans was stored. As he made no headway he employed money to
+bribe the commander of the garrison, which thus came into his
+possession by betrayal. He hoped also to attain his other objects,
+partly by arms and partly by gold. Meanwhile Longus had entrusted
+Sicily to his lieutenant and had come in response to Scipio's call.
+Not much later influenced by ambition on the one hand and also by the
+fact of a victory over some marauders he presented himself in battle
+array. He lost the day by falling into an ambuscade, and when Hannibal
+appeared upon the scene with his infantry and elephants the followers
+of the Roman leader turned to flight and many were put to the sword,
+many also heedless of the river fell in and were choked. Only a few
+saved themselves with Longus. However, Hannibal though victorious was
+not happy, because he had lost many soldiers and all of his elephants,
+except one, as a result of the winter and from wounds.
+
+Accordingly, they arranged an armistice without any desire for peace
+implied and both sides retired to the territory of their allies and
+passed the winter in the cities there. Plenty of provisions kept
+coming to the Romans, but Hannibal, not satisfied with the
+contributions of the allies, made frequent raids upon the Roman
+villages and cities and sometimes would conquer, sometimes be
+repulsed. Once he was beaten by Longus with the cavalry and received a
+wound. Some of the Roman settlers encouraged by this came out by
+themselves to oppose him when he assailed them. These would-be
+warriors he destroyed and received the capitulation of the place,
+which he razed to the ground. Of the captives taken he killed the
+Romans but released the rest. This he did also in the case of all
+those taken alive, hoping to conciliate the cities by their influence.
+And, indeed, many of the Gauls as well as Ligurians and Etruscans
+either murdered the Romans dwelling within their borders or
+surrendered them and then transferred their allegiance.
+
+As Hannibal was advancing toward Etruria Longus attacked him in the
+midst of a great storm. Many fell on both sides and Hannibal entered
+Ligurian territory and delayed some time. He was suspicious of even
+his own men and was free to trust no one, but made frequent changes of
+costume, wore false hair, spoke different languages at different times
+(for he knew a number, including Latin) and both night and day he
+would frequently make the rounds of his camp. He was always listening
+to some conversations in the guise of an entirely different person
+from Hannibal and occasionally he talked thus in character.
+
+VIII, 25.--While this was going on in Italy the other Scipio, Gaius,
+had sailed along the coast to Spain, and had won over, partly by force
+and partly without opposition, all the districts to the Iber that
+border on the sea and considerable of the upper peninsula. He had also
+defeated Banno in battle and had taken him prisoner. Hasdrubal, the
+brother of Hannibal, on learning this crossed the Iber and reduced
+some of the rebels, but at Scipio's approach he fell back.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 217 (_a.u._ 537)] The people of Rome again chose
+Flaminius and Geminus consuls. Just after the advent of spring
+Hannibal was apprised that Flaminius together with Servilius Geminus
+would march against him with a large force, and he devoted his
+attention to deceiving them. He pretended that he was going to spend
+his time and meet the issue where he was, and when the Romans,
+thinking that he was permanently located, began to show carelessness
+in their line of march, he started just after nightfall, leaving his
+cavalry behind at camp, noiselessly traversed the passes and hastened
+on toward Aretium; and the cavalry, after he had got far ahead, set
+out to follow him. When the consuls found out that they had been
+tricked, Geminus stayed behind to harass the revolted districts and
+prevent them from assisting the Carthaginians, and Flaminius alone
+pursued, eager that his alone should be the credit of the expected
+victory. He succeeded in occupying Aretium beforehand, for Hannibal in
+taking a shorter road had encountered difficult marching, and had
+lost numerous men, many pack animals, and one of his eyes. It was
+late, then, before he reached Aretium and found there Flaminius, whom
+he regarded with contempt. He did not give battle, for the situation
+was unsuitable, but by way of testing his enemy's disposition he laid
+waste the country. At this the Romans made a sally and he retired, to
+give them the idea that he was afraid. During the night he broke up
+and found a satisfactory spot for battle, where he remained. He
+arranged that most of the infantry should form an ambush along the
+mountain sides and ordered all the cavalry to lie in wait concealed
+from view outside the pass; he himself encamped with a few followers
+on the hilltop. Flaminius was in good spirits and when he saw him with
+but a few men on the high ground he believed that the rest of the army
+must have been sent to some distant point and hoped to take him easily
+thus isolated. So he carelessly entered the mouth of the pass and
+there (for it was late) pitched camp. About midnight, when they were
+sleeping unguarded through scorn of their enemies, the Carthaginians
+surrounded them on every side at once and by using from a distance
+javelins, slings, and arrows they killed some still in their beds,
+others just seizing their arms, without receiving any serious harm in
+return. The Romans, having no tangible adversaries and with darkness
+and mist prevailing, found no chance to employ their valor. So great
+was the uproar and of such a nature the disordered alarm that seized
+them, that they were not even aware of earthquakes then prevailing,
+although many buildings fell in ruins and many mountains either were
+cleft asunder or collapsed so that they blocked up ravines, and rivers
+shut off from their ancient outlet sought another. Such were the
+earthquakes which overwhelmed Etruria, yet the combatants were not
+conscious of them. Flaminius himself and a vast number of others fell,
+though not a few managed to climb a hill. When it became day, they
+started to flee and being overtaken surrendered themselves and their
+arms on promise of free pardon. Hannibal, however, recking little of
+his oaths, imprisoned and kept under guard the Romans themselves, but
+released their subjects and allies among all the captives he had in
+his army. After this success he hastened toward Rome and proceeded as
+far as Narnia devastating the country and winning over the cities,
+save Spoletium; there he surrounded and slew the praetor Gaius
+Centenius who was in ambush. He made an attack upon Spoletium, but was
+repulsed, and as he saw that the bridge over the Nar had been torn
+down and ascertained that this had been done also in the case of the
+other rivers which he was obliged to cross, he ceased his headlong
+rush upon Rome. Instead, he turned aside into Campania, for he heard
+that the land was excellent and that Capua was a great city, and
+thought that if he should first occupy these he might acquire the rest
+of Italy in a short time.
+
+The people of Rome when informed of the defeat were grieved and
+lamented both for themselves and for the lost. They were in sore
+straits and tore down the bridges over the Tiber, save one, and
+proceeded hurriedly to repair their walls, which were weak in many
+places. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^9] WISHING TO HAVE A DICTATOR READY, THEY
+HAD PROCLAIMED ONE IN ASSEMBLY. SATISFIED IF THEY THEMSELVES ONLY
+SHOULD BE SAVED, THEY HAD DESPATCHED NO AID TO THE ALLIES. BUT NOW,
+LEARNING THAT HANNIBAL HAD SET OUT INTO CAMPANIA, THEY DETERMINED TO
+ASSIST THE ALLIES ALSO. To Hannibal they opposed the dictator Fabius
+and the master of horse Marcus Minucius. These leaders set out in his
+direction but did not come into close quarters with him. They followed
+and kept him in view in the hope that a favorable opportunity for
+battle might possibly befall. Fabius was unwilling to risk a conflict
+with cowed and beaten soldiers against a greater number who had been
+victorious. Furthermore he hoped that the more his foes should injure
+the country, the sooner would they be in want of food. Calculating in
+this way he did not defend Campania nor any other district. For these
+reasons he confined hostilities entirely within Campania; unknown to
+the enemy he had surrounded them on every side and now kept guard over
+them. He himself secured an abundance of provisions both from the sea
+and from the territory of allies, but the invaders, he knew, had only
+the products of the land which they were devastating to depend upon.
+Therefore he waited and did not mind the delay. Hence also he was
+blamed by his fellow-citizens and was even given the name of The
+Delayer.
+
+VIII, 26.--When it came to be nearly winter and Hannibal could not
+pass that season where he was owing to a lack of the necessities of
+life and had been checked in many attempts to get out of Campania, he
+devised a plan of this kind. He first slew all the captives, that no
+one of them might escape and acquaint the Romans with what was being
+done. Then he gathered the cattle which were in camp, affixed torches
+to their horns, and went at nightfall to the mountains forming the
+boundary of Samnium, where he lighted the torches and threw the cattle
+into a fright. They, maddened by the fire and the driving, set fire to
+the forest in many places and consequently rendered it easy for
+Hannibal to cross the mountains. The Romans in the plain as well as
+those on the heights dreaded an ambuscade and would not budge. Thus
+Hannibal got across and made his way into Samnium.
+
+Fabius, ascertaining the next day what had been done, gave chase and
+routed those left behind on the road to hinder his men's progress,
+afterward defeating also troops that came to the assistance of the
+first party. He then encamped not far from the enemy, yet would not
+come into conflict with them. However, he prevented them from
+scattering and foraging, so that Hannibal in perplexity at first
+started for Rome. As Fabius would not fight, but quietly accompanied
+him, he again turned back into Samnium. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^10] AND
+FABIUS FOLLOWING ON CONTINUED TO BESIEGE HIM FROM A SAFE DISTANCE,
+BEING ANXIOUS NOT TO LOSE ANY OF HIS OWN TROOPS, especially since he
+could obtain necessities in abundance, whereas he saw that his foe
+actually possessed nothing outside of his weapons and that no
+assistance was sent to him from home. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^11] FOR THE
+CARTHAGINIANS WERE DISPOSED TO MAKE SPORT OF HIM IN THAT HE WROTE OF
+HIS SPLENDID PROGRESS AND HIS MANY SUCCESSES AND IN THE SAME BREATH
+ASKED SOLDIERS OF THEM AND MONEY. THEY SAID THAT HIS REQUESTS WERE NOT
+IN ACCORD WITH HIS SUCCESSES: CONQUERORS OUGHT TO FIND THEIR ARMY
+SUFFICIENT, AND TO FORWARD MONEY TO THEIR HOMES INSTEAD OF DEMANDING
+MORE.
+
+As long as Fabius was in the field, no disaster happened to the
+Romans, but when he started for Rome on some public business, they met
+with a setback. Rufus, his master of horse, was only a young man and
+therefore full of empty conceit; he was not observant of the errors of
+warfare and was wearied by the delays of Fabius: hence, when he once
+held the leadership of the army alone, he disregarded the injunctions
+of the dictator and hastened to bring on a set battle, in which at
+first he seemed to be victorious, but was soon defeated. Indeed, he
+would have been utterly destroyed, had not some Samnites arrived by
+chance to aid the Romans and impressed the Carthaginians with the idea
+that Fabius was approaching. When for this reason they retired he
+thought that he had vanquished them and sent messages to Rome
+magnifying his exploit and also slandering the dictator; he called
+Fabius timorous and hesitating and a sympathizer with the enemy.
+
+The people of Rome believed that Rufus had really conquered, and in
+view of this unexpected encouragement they commended and honored him.
+They were suspicious of Fabius both because of the outcome and because
+he had not ravaged his own land in Campania, and it would have taken
+but little to make them depose him from his command. However, as they
+believed him useful, [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^14] THEY DID NOT DEPOSE HIM
+BUT THEY ASSIGNED EQUAL POWER TO HIS MASTER OF HORSE SO THAT BOTH HELD
+COMMAND ON AN EQUAL FOOTING. WHEN THIS HAD BEEN DECREED, FABIUS
+HARBORED NO WRATH AGAINST EITHER THE CITIZENS OR RUFUS; BUT RUFUS, WHO
+HAD NOT SHOWN THE RIGHT SPIRIT IN THE FIRST PLACE, WAS NOW ESPECIALLY
+PUFFED UP AND COULD NOT CONTAIN HIMSELF. HE KEPT ASKING FOR THE RIGHT
+TO HOLD SOLE SWAY A DAY AT A TIME, OR FOR SEVERAL DAYS ALTERNATELY.
+FABIUS, POSSESSED WITH DREAD THAT HE MIGHT WORK SOME HARM IF HE SHOULD
+GET POSSESSION OF THE UNDIVIDED POWER, WOULD NOT CONSENT TO EITHER
+PLAN OF HIS, BUT DIVIDED THE ARMY IN SUCH A WAY THAT THEY EACH, THE
+SAME AS THE CONSULS, HAD A SEPARATE FORCE. AND IMMEDIATELY RUFUS
+ENCAMPED APART, IN ORDER TO ILLUSTRATE THE FACT THAT HE WAS HOLDING
+SWAY IN HIS OWN RIGHT AND NOT SUBJECT TO THE DICTATOR. Hannibal,
+accordingly, perceiving this came up as if to seize a position, and
+drew him into battle. He then encompassed him about by means of an
+ambuscade and plunged him into danger, to such an extent, indeed, that
+he would have annihilated his entire army, if Fabius had not assailed
+Hannibal in the rear and prevented it.
+
+After this experience [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^16] RUFUS ALTERED HIS
+ATTITUDE, LED THE REMNANT OF THE ARMY IMMEDIATELY INTO FABIUS'S
+QUARTERS AND LAID DOWN HIS COMMAND. HE DID NOT WAIT FOR THE PEOPLE TO
+REVOKE IT, BUT VOLUNTARILY GAVE UP THE LEADERSHIP WHICH HE, A MERE
+MASTER OF THE HORSE, HAD OBTAINED FROM HIS SUPERIOR. AND FOR THIS ALL
+PRAISED HIM. AND FABIUS AT ONCE, NOTHING DOUBTING, ACCEPTED ENTIRE
+CONTROL AND THE PEOPLE SANCTIONED IT. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^17]
+THEREAFTER AS HEAD OF THE ARMY HE AFFORDED GREATEST SECURITY, AND WHEN
+ABOUT TO RETIRE FROM OFFICE SENT FOR THE CONSULS, SURRENDERED THE ARMY
+TO THEM, AND ADVISED THEM VERY FULLY REGARDING ALL THE DETAILS OF WHAT
+MUST BE DONE. AND THEY WERE NOT UNDULY BOLD, BUT ACTED ENTIRELY ON THE
+SUGGESTION OF FABIUS, notwithstanding that Geminus had had some
+previous success. He had seen the Carthaginian fleet at anchor off
+Italy but not venturing to display any hostility because of the Roman
+ability to meet it, and he had started on a retaliatory voyage, first
+making sure the good conduct of the Corsicans and Sardinians by a
+cruise past their coasts; he had then landed in Libya and plundered
+the shore district. In spite of this achievement he was not so puffed
+up by it as to risk a decisive engagement with Hannibal, but was
+willing to abide by the injunctions of Fabius. One consequence was
+that the cities were no longer found siding with the Carthaginians, as
+they had done; for they feared that Hannibal would be driven out of
+Italy and they themselves suffer some calamity at the hands of the
+Romans since they were their kinsmen. The majority were engaged in
+trying to read the future, but a few again espoused the Roman cause,
+and some sent them offerings. And though Hiero often sent grain (and
+also sent a statue of Victory), the Romans accepted it only once. Yet
+they were in such hard straits for money that the silver coinage which
+was previously unalloyed and pure was now mixed with copper.
+
+IX, 1.--All this is what took place in Italy at that period. Some
+slaves also formed a conspiracy against Rome, but were apprehended in
+advance. And a spy caught in the city had his hands cut off and was
+released that he might tell the Carthaginians his experience with his
+own lips.--In Spain in a sea-fight near the mouth of the Iber Scipio
+was victorious; for when the struggle proved to be too even, the sails
+were cut down in order that the men being placed in a desperate
+position might struggle more zealously. He also ravaged the country,
+got possession of numerous fortresses and through his brother Publius
+Scipio gained control of some Spanish cities. A Spaniard named Habelux
+affecting loyalty to the Carthaginians but in reality in the Roman
+service persuaded the Carthaginian guardian of the Spanish hostages to
+send them to their homes, in order that they might use their influence
+to bring their cities into friendly relations. Habelux naturally took
+charge of them, inasmuch as he had been the one to suggest the idea,
+but first sent to the Scipios and held a discussion about what he
+desired; then, while he was secretly taking the hostages away by
+night, he of course got captured. In this way it was the Romans who
+obtained possession of these men and acquired control of their native
+states by returning them to their homes.
+
+
+_(BOOK 15, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 216 (_a.u._ 538)] Though in these matters they were
+fortunate, they encountered elsewhere a fearful disaster, than which
+they never suffered one more terrible either earlier or subsequently.
+It was preceded by certain portents and the solemn verses of the Sibyl
+which had prophesied the disaster to them so many years before.
+Remarkable was also the prediction of Marcius. He also was a
+soothsayer and it was his rede that, inasmuch as they were Trojans of
+old, they should be overthrown in the Plain of Diomed. This was in
+Daunian Apulia and took its name from the settlement of Diomed, which
+he made there in the course of his wanderings. In that plain is also
+Cannae, where the present misfortune occurred, close to the Ionian Gulf
+and near the mouths of the Aufidus. The Sibyl had urged them to beware
+of the spot, yet said it would avail them naught, even if they should
+keep it under strictest guard.
+
+Such were the oracular utterances: now what befell the Romans was
+this. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^21] THE COMMANDERS WERE AEMILIUS PAULUS AND
+TERENTIUS VARRO, MEN NOT OF SIMILAR TEMPERAMENT. FOR THE ONE WAS A
+PATRICIAN, POSSESSED OF THE GRACES OF EDUCATION, AND ESTEEMED SAFETY
+BEFORE HASTE: BUT TERENTIUS HAD BEEN BROUGHT UP AMONG THE RABBLE, WAS
+PRACTICED IN VULGAR BRAVADO, AND SO DISPLAYED LACK OF PRUDENCE IN
+NEARLY ALL RESPECTS, THINKING, FOR INSTANCE, THAT HE ALONE SHOULD HAVE
+THE LEADERSHIP IN VIEW OF THE QUIET BEHAVIOR OF HIS COLLEAGUE. NOW
+THEY BOTH REACHED THE CAMP AT A MOST OPPORTUNE TIME: HANNIBAL HAD NO
+LONGER ANY PROVENDER; SPAIN WAS IN TURMOIL; THE AFFECTION OF THE
+ALLIES WAS BEING ALIENATED FROM HIM; AND IF THEY HAD WAITED FOR EVEN
+THE BRIEFEST POSSIBLE PERIOD, THEY WOULD HAVE CONQUERED. AS MATTERS
+WENT, HOWEVER, THE RECKLESSNESS OF TERENTIUS AND THE SUBMISSIVENESS OF
+PAULUS COMPASSED THEIR DEFEAT. Hannibal attempted to lead them into a
+conflict at once, and with a few followers drew near their stronghold:
+then, when a sortie was made, he purposely fell back to create the
+impression of being afraid and so drew them the more surely into a set
+battle. But, as Paulus restrained his own soldiers from pursuit,
+Hannibal simulated terror and that night packed up as if to depart;
+and he left behind him numerous articles lying within the palisade and
+ordered the rest of the baggage to be escorted with a considerable
+show of carelessness so as to make the Romans devote their attention
+to plundering it and give him thereby a chance to attack them. He
+would have translated his wish into fact, if Paulus had not held back
+his soldiers, in spite of their reluctance, and held back Terentius as
+well.
+
+So Hannibal, having failed in this essay also, came by night to Cannae,
+and since he knew the place as one fit for ambuscades and for a
+pitched battle, he encamped there. And first he ploughed the whole
+site over, because it had a sandy subsoil and his object was to have a
+cloud of dust raised in the conflict; the wind generally springs up
+there in summer toward noon, and he contrived to get it behind his
+back. The consuls seeing at dawn that his stockade was empty of men at
+first waited, apprehending ambush, but later in the broad daylight
+came to Cannae. Each of the Roman leaders bivouacked apart beside the
+river, for since they were not congenial they avoided association
+together. Paulus remained quiet, but Terentius was anxious to force
+the issue; when he saw, however, that the soldiers were rather
+listless, he gave up the idea. But Hannibal, who was determined to
+goad them into battle even against their will, shut them off from
+their sources of water, prevented their scattering into small parties,
+and threw the bodies of the slain into the stream above their
+intrenchments and in plain sight, in order to disgust them with the
+drinking supply. Then the Romans started to array themselves for
+battle. Hannibal anticipating this movement had planted ambuscades at
+the foot of the hills but held the remainder of his army drawn up. He
+also ordered some men at a given signal to simulate desertion; they
+were to throw away their shields and spears and larger swords but
+secretly to retain their daggers, so that after his antagonists had
+received them as unarmed, they might attack them unexpectedly.
+
+The Romans having had in view since early morning the troops arrayed
+about Hannibal were now arming themselves and taking their places. The
+trumpets incited both parties, the signals were raised, and then
+ensued the clash of battle and a contest which assumed a variety of
+aspects. Until noon the advantage had not fallen distinctly to either
+side. Then the wind came up and the false deserters were received as
+men destitute of arms and got behind the Romans, alleging the very
+natural reason that they wanted to be out of the way of the
+Carthaginian attack. At this moment the men rose from ambush on both
+sides, Hannibal with his cavalry charged the front ranks, the enemy
+confused the Romans on every hand, the wind and the dust cloud
+assailed their faces violently, causing perplexity, and interfered
+with their breathing, which was already growing quick and labored from
+exertion, so that deprived of sight, deprived of voice, they perished
+in a wild melee, preserving no semblance of order. So great a
+multitude fell that Hannibal did not even try to find out the number
+of the common people, and in regard to the number of the knights and
+members of the senate he did not write to the Carthaginians at home
+but indicated it by the finger-rings; these he measured off by the
+quart and sent away. Only the senators and the knights wore
+finger-rings. Yet after all a number made good their escape even on
+this occasion, among them Terentius; Paulus was killed. Hannibal did
+not pursue nor did he hasten to Rome. He might have set out at once
+for Rome with either his entire army or at least a portion of it and
+have quickly ended the war; yet he did not do so, although Maharbal
+urged him to do so. Hence he was censured as being able to win
+victories but not understanding how to use them. Since they had
+delayed this time, they could never again have an opportunity to make
+haste. Therefore Hannibal regretted it, feeling that he had committed
+a blunder, and was ever crying out: "Oh Cannae, Cannae!"
+
+IX, 2.--The Romans, who had been in such imminent danger of being
+destroyed, won back their superiority through Scipio. He was a son of
+the Publius Scipio in Spain, and had saved the life of his father when
+the latter was wounded: [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^24] HE WAS AT THIS TIME
+SERVING IN THE ARMY, HAD FLED TO CANUSIUM, AND LATER ACHIEVED RENOWN.
+BY COMMON CONSENT OF THE FUGITIVES ASSEMBLED AT CANUSIUM HE RECEIVED
+THE LEADERSHIP, SET IN ORDER AFFAIRS AT THAT PLACE, SENT GARRISONS TO
+THE REGIONS IN PROXIMITY, AND BOTH PLANNED AND EXECUTED ALL MEASURES
+WELL.
+
+The people of Rome heard of the defeat but did not believe it. When
+they at last came to believe it, they were filled with sorrow and met
+in the senate-house, but were ready to break up without accomplishing
+anything, when finally Fabius proposed that they send scouts to bring
+a report of what had really happened and what Hannibal was doing. He
+advised them not to lament but to go about in silence that the
+necessary measures might be taken, and furthermore to collect as large
+a force as they might and to call upon adjoining settlements for aid.
+After this, upon learning that Hannibal was in Apulia and receiving a
+letter from Terentius stating that he was alive and what he was doing,
+they recovered a little of their courage. Marcus Junius was named
+dictator and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus master of the horse.
+Immediately they enrolled not only those of the citizens who were in
+their prime but also those even who were past the fighting age; they
+added to their forces prisoners on promise of pardon and slaves on
+promise of freedom and a brigand here and there; moreover they called
+on their allies to help, reminding them of any kindness ever shown
+them and promising in addition to give to some of them grain, to
+others money, as they had never done before; they also sent emissaries
+to Greece to either persuade or hire men to serve as their allies.
+
+Hannibal, learning that the Romans had united their troops and were
+engaged in preparations, still delayed at Cannae despairing of a
+capture by assault. Of the captives he released the allied contingent
+without ransom as before, but the Romans he kept, hoping to dispose of
+them by sale, since this would make him better off but the Romans
+worse off. When no one came from Rome in quest of the captives, he
+ordered them to send some of their number home after ransom, provided
+they had first taken oath to return. When even then the Romans refused
+to ransom them, he shipped those who were of any value to Carthage,
+and of the rest he put some to death after maltreating them and forced
+the others to fight as gladiators, pitting friends and relatives
+against each other. Those who were sent for ransom returned in order
+to be true to their oaths, but later fled. They were disfranchised by
+the censors and committed suicide.
+
+Hannibal sent his brother Mago to report the victory to the
+Carthaginians and to ask them for money and troops. He on his arrival
+counted over the rings and described the success naturally in even
+more glowing terms than it deserved; everything that he asked was
+voted and they would not listen to Hanno who opposed it and advised
+them to end the war while they seemed to have the upper hand. However,
+they never put their vote into effect, but delayed. Hannibal
+meanwhile had advanced into Campania, had seized a Samnite fortress,
+and marched upon Neapolis. He sent before him a few soldiers with the
+booty and when the people of the city, thinking them alone, rushed out
+upon them, he unexpectedly appeared in person and slew a large number.
+He did not capture the city, nor did he lay siege to it for long. The
+reason will presently be plain. Of the Campanian inhabitants of Capua
+a part clung to Roman friendship, but others favored Hannibal. After
+his success at Cannae and when some of their men taken captive had been
+released the populace was clamorous to revolt to Hannibal, but the men
+of rank waited for some time. Finally the crowd made a rush upon them
+as they were assembled in the senate-house and would have made away
+with them all but for the action of some one of the crowd who saw how
+great a misfortune this would be. This person denounced the senators
+as by all means deserving to perish, but said that they ought first to
+choose others to fill their places, for the State could not endure
+without some men to concert measures for them. Having gained the
+assent of the Capuan people he ejected each one of them from the
+senate-house, asking the populace, as he did so, whom they chose in
+his place. Thus, as they found themselves unable to choose others on
+short notice, they let all the old senators go unharmed, because they
+appeared to be necessary. Later they became reconciled with one
+another and made peace with Hannibal. This is why he quickly retired
+from Neapolis and came to Capua. He held a conference with the people
+and made many attractive offers, among other things promising to give
+them the supreme direction of Italy; for he was anxious that they
+should be animated by hope and, feeling that they would be working for
+themselves, develop greater zeal in the struggle.
+
+At the revolt of Capua the rest of Campania also became restive, and
+the news of the town's secession troubled the Romans. As for Hannibal,
+he started on a campaign against the Nucerini. Under stress of siege
+and owing to lack of food they thrust out that portion of the
+population which was not available for fighting. Hannibal would not
+receive them, however, and gave them assurance of safety only in case
+they should go back to the city. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^25] THEREFORE THE
+REST ALSO AGREED TO LEAVE THE CITY CARRYING ONE CHANGE OF CLOTHING. AS
+SOON, HOWEVER, AS HANNIBAL WAS MASTER OF THE SITUATION, HE SHUT THE
+SENATORS INTO BATH-HOUSES AND SUFFOCATED THEM, AND IN THE CASE OF THE
+OTHERS, ALTHOUGH HE HAD TOLD THEM TO GO AWAY WHERE THEY PLEASED, HE
+CUT DOWN ON THE ROAD MANY EVEN OF THEM. A NUMBER OF THEM SAVED THEIR
+LIVES ONLY BY TAKING REFUGE IN THE WOODS. THEREUPON THE REST BECAME
+AFRAID AND WOULD NO LONGER COME TO TERMS WITH HIM, BUT RESISTED WHILE
+THEY WERE ABLE. The people of Nola were planning to range themselves
+under his banner, but when they saw what had been done to their
+countrymen, they quietly let Marcellus in and later repulsed Hannibal
+when he assaulted their city. Repelled from Nola he captured the
+people of Acerrae by starving them out. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^29] HE
+MADE THE SAME TERMS WITH THEM AS WITH THE DWELLERS IN NUCERIA AND ALSO
+ACCORDED THEM THE SAME TREATMENT. After that he directed his forces
+against Casilinum in which Romans and about a thousand of the allies
+had taken refuge. These put to death the native citizens who were
+meditating how to betray them, repulsed Hannibal several times and
+held out nobly against hunger. When food was failing them they sent a
+man across the river on an inflated skin to inform the dictator. The
+latter put jars filled with wheat into the river at night and bade
+them keep their eyes on the current in the darkness. For a while he
+thus supplied them with nutriment without being discovered, but
+eventually a jar was dashed against some obstacle and shattered; then
+the Carthaginians became aware of what was going on and put chains
+across the river. After a number had perished of hunger and of their
+wounds, they abandoned one half of the city, cut down the bridge, and
+held out in the other half. They now threw turnip seed from the wall
+upon a spot outside, doing this in order to alarm the enemy and make
+them believe that they were likely to endure for a long time.
+Hannibal, indeed, thinking that they must have plenty of food and
+astonished at their endurance invited them to capitulate and released
+them for money. The Romans outside were glad to ransom them, and more
+than that they showed them honor.
+
+IX, 3.--While these events took place the messengers returned from
+Delphi saying that the Pythia admonished them to shake off sloth and
+devote themselves to the war. Then they were filled with new
+strength. They overtook Hannibal and encamped near him so as to watch
+his movements. Junius the dictator ordered the Romans to do exactly as
+the Carthaginians were commanded to do. So they took their food and
+sleep at the same time, visited the sentries in the same manner, and
+were doing everything else in similar fashion. When Hannibal
+understood the situation, he waited for a stormy night and announced
+to some of his soldiers a skirmish for after nightfall. Junius did the
+same thing. Thereupon Hannibal ordered different detachments to attack
+him in succession at different times in order that his opponent might
+be involved in constant labor as a result of sleeplessness and the
+storm. He himself rested with the troops not in action. When day was
+about to break, he recalled the army, as was expected, and the Romans
+put away their weapons and retired to rest; then all of a sudden he
+attacked them, with the result that he killed a number and captured
+the entrenchments, which were deserted.
+
+Conditions in Sicily and Sardinia grew unsettled but did not receive
+any consideration at the hands of the Romans. [Sidenote: B.C. 215
+(_a.u._ 539)] The consuls chosen were Gracchus, previously master of
+the horse, and Postumius Albinus. Albinus was ambuscaded and destroyed
+with his entire army by the Boii as he was traversing a wooded
+mountain. The barbarians cut off his head, scooped out the interior
+and after gilding it used it for a bowl in their sacred
+ceremonials.--Portents occurred at this time. A cow brought forth a
+horse and fire shone out at sea. The consuls Gracchus and Fabius
+encamped and kept watch of Hannibal while he stayed in Capua, to see
+what he did. They spent their time in sending scouts in every
+direction, defending the allies, trying to win back the revolted and
+injuring their adversaries' interests. Hannibal, so long as he
+obtained a barely sufficient supply of food at the cost of
+encountering dangers, led a temperate life, as did his army; but after
+they had taken Capua and wintered there in idleness with ample
+provisions, they began to lose their physical strength by not laboring
+and their intellectual force by tranquillity, and in changing their
+ancestral habits they learned an accomplishment new to them,--that of
+being defeated in battle.--When the work of war finally became
+pressing, Hannibal transferred his quarters to the mountains and gave
+the army exercise. But they could not get strong in a short space of
+time. He was encouraged by the arrival of reinforcements from home,
+especially in the matter of elephants. He now set out against Nola
+intending to capture it or else to draw Marcellus, who was ravaging
+Samnium, away from that region. As he could accomplish nothing, he
+withdrew from the city and laid waste the country, until he suffered a
+decisive defeat in battle,--an event which grieved him. Many Spaniards
+and even many Libyans now forsook him and deserted to the Romans,--a
+new experience for him. Consequently, despairing of his own and the
+soldiers' prospects he abandoned that entire region and retired to
+Capua. Afterward he left there also to take up a different position.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 217 (_a.u._ 537)] The Scipios had crossed the river
+Iber and were ravaging the country; they had secured control of
+various cities and when Hasdrubal for this reason hastened to oppose
+them, they had conquered him in battle. The Carthaginians learning
+this thought that Hasdrubal needed more assistance than did Hannibal,
+and fearing that the Scipios might attempt to cross into Libya also
+they sent only a small body of troops to Hannibal, but despatched the
+largest detachment with Mago to Spain with the utmost speed; and they
+bade him after the reduction of Spain to remain to guard their
+interests there, whereas Hasdrubal was to be sent with a body of
+troops against Italy. [Sidenote: B.C. 216 (_a.u._ 538)] The Scipios,
+made aware of the plan, no longer gave battle for fear that Hasdrubal
+perhaps might win a victory and then hasten to Italy. However, as the
+Carthaginians went on injuring the part of the country that was
+friendly to the Romans, Publius engaged in a struggle with such of his
+opponents as attacked him and won a victory; Gnaeus intercepted the
+enemy who were retiring from this battle and annihilated them. As a
+result of this disaster and because numerous cities were transferring
+their allegiance to the Romans and some of the Libyans had gone over
+to their side, Hasdrubal remained there longer than he was intending.
+The Scipios sent their accessions at once to Italy, and they
+themselves continued to adjust affairs in Spain. They captured the
+subjects of Saguntum who had caused them the war and their reverses,
+and they tore down the hostile settlement and sold the men. After this
+they took possession of Saguntum and restored it to its original
+inhabitants. They were so scrupulous in regard to the plunder that
+they sent nothing home. They allowed the partners of their campaign to
+do so, but for themselves they sent only some jackstones to their
+children. Hence the senate upon the request of Gnaeus for leave of
+absence that he might go home and borrow a dowry for his daughter, who
+was of age to be married, voted that a dowry be given her from the
+public funds.
+
+IX, 4.--In the course of the same period both Sicily and Sardinia had
+become openly hostile. But the disturbance in these regions soon
+subsided. [Sidenote: B.C. 215 (_a.u._ 539)] Hasdrubal, who was aiding
+them, was captured and Manlius Torquatus recovered almost the entire
+island. For the time being affairs in Sicily were quiet, but afterward
+disturbance reigned anew. King Philip of Macedonia showed himself a
+most open partisan of the Carthaginians. In his desire to add Greece
+to his possessions he made an agreement with Hannibal that they should
+conduct the war in common, and that the Carthaginians should get Italy
+but he should have Greece and Epirus together with the islands. The
+agreement was made on this basis, but through the capture of the
+herald who had been sent to Hannibal by Philip the Romans learned what
+was taking place and forthwith despatched the praetor Marcus Valerius
+Laevinus[30] against him. They intended to make him anxious about
+internal affairs, so that he should stay at home. The plan worked.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 214 (_a.u._ 540)] Philip had progressed as far as
+Corcyca with the intention of sailing to Italy, but on learning that
+Laevinus was already at Brundusium he returned home. When Laevinus had
+sailed as far as Corcyca, Philip set out against the Roman allies; he
+had captured Oricum and was besieging Apollonia. Laevinus made an
+expedition against him anew, recovered Oricum and rescued Apollonia.
+Then Philip after burning the ships which he had used retired
+homewards overland.
+
+[Footnote 30: Zonaras consistently spells this name _Lavinius_.]
+
+The people of Rome chose Fabius and Marcellus consuls. Hannibal was
+then traveling about in what is called Calabria and in adjacent
+regions, and they assigned the care of him to Gracchus, who had held
+office before them. The latter routed Hanno (who had come from
+Bruttium and confronted him near Beneventum), and then going on he
+watched Hannibal closely, kept ravaging the possessions of rebels and
+won some cities safely back. The consuls themselves turned their steps
+toward Campania, for they were anxious to subdue it and so leave no
+element of hostility behind their backs when they should march against
+Hannibal. They then divided forces. Fabius overran the districts of
+Campania and Samnium. Marcellus crossed into Sicily and proceeded to
+besiege Syracuse. The town had submitted to him, but then had revolted
+again through the treachery of some men by the use of a false message.
+He would have subdued it very speedily,--for he assaulted the wall by
+both land and sea at once,--had not Archimedes with his inventions
+enabled the citizens to resist an extremely long time. By his devices
+he suspended stones and heavy-armed soldiers in the air whom he would
+let down suddenly and soon draw up again. Even ships that carried
+towers he would dash one upon another; he would pull them up and
+[Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^31?)] LIFTING THEM HIGH WOULD LET GO ALL IN A
+MASS so that when they fell into the water they were sunk by the
+impact. At last in an incredible manner he destroyed the whole Roman
+fleet by conflagration. By tilting a kind of mirror toward the sun he
+concentrated the sun's beams on it; and as the thickness and
+smoothness of the mirror cooeperated to ignite the air from these beams
+he kindled a great flame, all of which he directed upon the ships that
+lay at anchor in the path of the fire, and he consumed them all.
+Marcellus, therefore, despairing of capturing the city on account of
+the inventiveness of Archimedes thought to take it by famine after a
+regular investment. This duty he assigned to Pulcher while he himself
+turned his attention to those who had participated in the revolt of
+Syracuse. Any who yielded were granted pardon, but those who resisted
+he treated harshly, and he captured a number of the cities by force,
+some also by betrayal. In the meantime Himilco had come from Carthage
+with an army, had occupied Agrigentum and Heraclea and had reached
+Syracuse. There he was first defeated, then was in turn victorious,
+and finally was beaten by a sudden assault on the part of Marcellus.
+
+IX, 5.--Thereafter Marcellus was still investing Syracuse. Hannibal
+was passing his time in Calabria. [Sidenote: B.C. 212 (_a.u._ 542)]
+The Romans, moreover, had again experienced many and disagreeable
+reverses. The consuls had received a setback near Capua, Gracchus had
+died in Lucania, Tarentum and other cities had revolted, Hannibal,
+previously cowed, remained in Italy and had marched upon Rome, and
+both the Scipios had perished. Elated by these events Hannibal
+undertook to render assistance to Capua. He went as far as Beneventum,
+then, ascertaining that Claudius had returned from Samnium into
+Lucania on account of the death of Gracchus, he became afraid that the
+Romans might secure control of parts of it, and he advanced no farther
+but turned to meet Claudius.--Upon the death of the Scipios the whole
+of Spain was thrown into disorder. Some towns voluntarily went over to
+the Carthaginians and others under compulsion, even if they did later
+swing back to the Roman side.
+
+Marcellus, finding that he was accomplishing naught by assault on
+Syracuse, thought of the following scheme. There was a vulnerable spot
+in the Syracusans' wall, which they called Galeagra; it had never
+before been recognized as such, but the fact was at this time
+discovered. He waited till the whole town of Syracuse celebrated an
+all night festival to Artemis and then bade some soldiers scale the
+wall at that point. After that some gates were opened by them and, as
+soon as a few others had gone in, all, both inside and outside, at a
+given signal raised a shout and struck their spears upon their
+shields, and the trumpeters blew a blast, with the result that utter
+panic overwhelmed the Syracusans, who were anyway somewhat the worse
+for drink, and the city was captured with the exception of Achradina
+and what is called the "island." Marcellus plundered the captured town
+and attacked the portions not yet taken, and with time and labor but
+after all successfully he conquered the remainder of Syracuse. The
+Romans when they became masters of these districts killed many
+persons, among them Archimedes. He was constructing a geometrical
+figure and hearing that the enemy were at hand he said: [Sidenote:
+(FRAG. 56^32?)] "Let them come at my head, but keep their distance
+from my figure!" He was little perturbed when a hostile warrior
+confronted him, and by his words, "Fellow, stand away from my figure,"
+he irritated the man and was cut down.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 211 (_a.u._ 543)] Marcellus for his capture of
+Syracuse and his conciliation of most of the rest of Sicily received
+high praise and was appointed consul. They had nominated Torquatus,
+who once had put his son to death. He declined, however, saying:
+[Sidenote: cp. FRAG. 32^6] "I could not endure your blunders, nor you
+my punctiliousness," whereupon they elected Marcellus and Valerius
+Laevinus.
+
+IX, 6.--After Marcellus left Sicily, Hannibal sent a troop of cavalry
+there and the Carthaginians despatched another. They won several
+battles and acquired some cities. And if the praetor Cornelius
+Dolabella had not come upon the scene, they would have subjugated all
+Sicily.
+
+Capua was at this time taken by the Romans. It availed nothing that
+Hannibal marched upon Rome in order to draw away from Capua the forces
+besieging it, although he traversed Latium, came to the Tiber, and
+laid waste the suburbs of the city. The people of Rome were
+frightened, but still they voted that one of the consuls[31] should
+remain at Capua while the other defended them. It was Claudius who
+remained at Capua, for he had been wounded: Flaccus hastened to Rome.
+
+[Footnote 31: Possibly an error on the part of Zonaras for
+_proconsuls_.]
+
+Hannibal kept making raids all the time before their eyes and doing a
+great amount of harm, but for some time they were satisfied to
+preserve their possessions within the walls. When, however, he reached
+the point of assaulting the city and their armies at once, they risked
+the proverbial cast of the die and made a sortie. They were already
+engaged in skirmishing when [Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^33?)] AN
+EXTRAORDINARY STORM ACCOMPANIED BY AN INCONCEIVABLY STRONG WIND AS
+WELL AS THUNDER, HAIL, AND LIGHTNING, BROKE FROM A CLEAR SKY, so that
+both were glad enough to flee as if by mutual consent back to the
+place from which they had set out. They were just laying aside their
+arms when the sky became clear. Although Hannibal concluded that the
+event mentioned, coming as it did precisely at the moment of conflict,
+had not occurred without divine ordering, yet he did not desist from
+his siege operations and even attempted again on a subsequent occasion
+to force the issue. But when the same phenomena were met for the
+second time, he became terrified. What added to his alarm was that
+the enemy though in so great danger did not withdraw from Capua and
+were getting ready to send both soldiers and a praetor into Spain, and
+that being in need of funds they sold the spot where he was encamped,
+which was a piece of public property. In despair he retired, often
+crying aloud, "Oh, Cannae, Cannae!" And he no longer showed a
+disposition to render aid to Capua.
+
+The people of that city although in extremities were nevertheless
+desperate, believing that they could not obtain pardon from the
+Romans, and they therefore held out and sent a letter to Hannibal
+begging him to assist them. The bearers of the letter were seized by
+Flaccus (Claudius had before this time died of his wound) and had
+their hands cut off. Seeing them the Campanians were terribly dismayed
+and took counsel as to what they should do. After considerable talk a
+certain Vibius Virius, one of the foremost men and most responsible
+for the revolt, spoke, saying: "Our only refuge and freedom lies in
+death. Escort me home. I have a poison made ready." So he took with
+him those who were willing to accept his advice and with them
+voluntarily gave up his life. The rest opened the gates to the Romans.
+Flaccus took possession of all their arms and money, killed some of
+the head men and sent others to Rome. The only ones that he left
+unmolested were the survivors of the common people, and he spared them
+only on condition that they receive a Roman governor, maintain no
+senate, and hold no assembly.
+
+Later they subjected themselves to other disabilities by daring to
+accuse Flaccus. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^34] THE CAMPANIANS UNDERTOOK TO
+ACCUSE FLACCUS AND THE SYRACUSANS MARCELLUS, when the latter was
+already consul. And Marcellus made a defence, refusing to perform any
+of the duties of his office until he had defended himself. The
+Syracusans when given a hearing were rather sparing of their remarks
+and devoted themselves not to accusing Marcellus but to supplication
+and defence, showing that they had not of their own free will revolted
+from the Romans and begging that pardon be granted them. While
+uttering these words they fell upon the ground and bewailed their lot.
+When a decision was rendered, it was to the effect that Marcellus was
+not guilty; that the Syracusans, however, were deserving of a certain
+degree of kind treatment not for their acts but for their words and
+supplications. As Marcellus asked to be excused from returning to
+Sicily, they sent Laevinus. The Syracusans in this way obtained some
+consideration: the Campanians, however, were led by stupidity to
+deliver their accusation with too much audacity and were rebuked.
+Flaccus was not present, but one of his ex-lieutenants conducted his
+defence for him.
+
+After the capture of Capua the other strongholds in the vicinity went
+over to the Romans, with the exception of Atellanae. The dwellers in
+this town abandoned their city and went in a body to Hannibal. Also
+the rest of Italy that favored the Carthaginian cause was being
+gradually estranged and the consuls in their tours of the country were
+taking possession of it. The Tarentini did not as yet openly avow
+their allegiance to the Romans, but secretly they were getting tired
+of the Carthaginians.
+
+
+_(BOOK 16, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 56^35] THE ROMANS MADE PROPOSITIONS TO HANNIBAL THAT
+BOTH SIDES SHOULD RETURN THEIR PRISONERS. THEY DID NOT EFFECT THE
+EXCHANGE BECAUSE THEY WOULD NOT RECEIVE CARTHALO, AS BEING AN ENEMY,
+INSIDE OF THEIR WALLS. AND HE REFUSED TO HOLD ANY CONVERSATION WITH
+THEM, BUT IMMEDIATELY TURNED BACK IN A RAGE.
+
+At this time, moreover, Laevinus made friends with the AEtolians, who
+were allies of Philip; and when Philip had advanced as far as Corcyra
+he scared him away again so that the king returned to Macedonia with
+speed.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 210 (_a.u._ 544)] IX, 7.--The people of Rome sent
+Gaius Claudius Nero with soldiers into Spain. He followed the line of
+the coast with his fleet as far as the Iber, where he found the
+remainder of the Roman forces and confronted Hasdrubal before his
+presence had been made known. He enclosed the Carthaginians securely
+but was then cheated out of the advantage gained. Hasdrubal, seeing
+that he was cut off, sent heralds to Nero proposing to give up the
+whole of Spain and leave the country. Nero gladly accepted the offer
+and his opponent postponed the settlement of the terms to the
+following day. That night Hasdrubal quietly sent out a number of his
+men to various parts of the mountains, and they got safely away
+because the Romans, in expectation of a truce, were not keeping any
+guard. The next day he held a conference with Nero but used up the
+whole time without fixing upon anything definitely. That night he sent
+off other men in like manner. This he did similarly on several other
+days while disputing about some points in the treaty. When the entire
+infantry had gone in advance, he himself at last with the cavalry and
+elephants silently slipped away. He reached a place of safety and
+managed to make himself a source of anxiety to Nero subsequently.
+
+On learning this the people of Rome condemned Nero and voted to
+entrust the leadership to somebody else. And they were at a loss whom
+to send, for the situation required no ordinary man and many were
+breaking away from allegiance on account of the untimely fate of the
+Scipios. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^37] THEREUPON THE FAMOUS PUBLIUS SCIPIO,
+WHO SAVED HIS WOUNDED FATHER, OFFERED HIMSELF VOLUNTARILY FOR THE WORK
+OF THE CAMPAIGN. HE SURPASSED IN EXCELLENCE AND WAS ALSO RENOWNED FOR
+HIS EDUCATION. He was chosen forthwith, but his supporters not long
+after regretted their action because of his youth (he was in his
+twenty-fourth year) and because his house was in mourning for the loss
+of his father and uncle. Accordingly he made a second public
+appearance and delivered a speech; and his words put the senators to
+shame, so that they did not, to be sure, release him from his command,
+but sent Marcus Junius, an elderly man, to accompany him.
+
+After these events matters progressed without catastrophes for the
+Romans and gradually grew better. Marcellus after his acquittal before
+the court had set out against Hannibal and was making nearly
+everything safe, though he was afraid to risk an engagement with men
+driven to desperation. At any time that he was forced into a combat he
+came out victorious as the result of prudence mingled with daring.
+Hannibal now undertook to inflict injury upon those regions which he
+was unable to occupy, being influenced by the reasons aforementioned
+as also by the fact that the cities in his alliance had either
+abandoned him or were intending to do so, and by some other causes. He
+hurt a great many and several towns deserted to the Romans for this
+reason.
+
+In the case of the city of Salapia the following incident occurred.
+Two men managed affairs there and were hostile to each other.
+Alinius[32] favored the Carthaginian cause, and Plautius[33] the
+Roman; and the latter talked with Alinius about betraying the place to
+the Romans. Alinius at once informed Hannibal of the fact and Plautius
+was brought to trial. While Hannibal was deliberating with the
+councilors as to how to punish him, Plautius dared in his presence to
+speak again to Alinius, who stood near, about betrayal. The latter
+cried out: "There, there, he's talking to me about this very matter
+now." Hannibal distrusted him on account of the improbability of the
+case and acquitted Plautius as a victim of blackmail. After his
+release the two men became harmonious and brought in soldiers obtained
+from Marcellus, with whose aid they cut down the Carthaginian garrison
+and delivered the city to the Romans.
+
+[Footnote 32: By comparing other authors the names Alinius and
+Plautius are found to be the corruptions of some copyists for Dasius
+and Blattius.]
+
+[Footnote 33: [See previous footnote.]]
+
+This was the state of Carthaginian interests in Italy. Not even Sicily
+retained its friendliness for them, but submitted to the consul
+Laevinus. The leader of the Carthaginians in Sicily was Hanno, and
+Muttines was a member of his staff. The latter had been with Hannibal
+formerly and owing to the latter's jealousy of his great deeds of
+valor had been sent into Sicily. When there also he made a brilliant
+record as commander of the cavalry, he incurred the jealousy of Hanno
+as well, and as a consequence was deprived of his command. Deeply
+grieved at this he joined the Romans. First he accomplished the
+betrayal of Agrigentum for them and then he helped them in reducing
+other places, so that the whole of Sicily came again under their sway
+without any great labor.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 209 (_a.u._ 545)] IX, 8.--Fabius and Flaccus subdued
+among other cities Tarentum, which Hannibal was holding. They gave
+orders to a body of men to overrun Bruttium in order that Hannibal
+might leave Tarentum and come to its assistance. When this had
+happened, Flaccus kept watch of Hannibal while Fabius by night
+assailed Tarentum with ships and infantry at once and captured the
+city by means of his assault aided by betrayal. Hannibal, enraged at
+the trick, was eager to find some scheme for paying Fabius back. So he
+sent him a letter, purporting to be from the dwellers in Metapontum,
+looking to a betrayal of the city; for he hoped that Fabius would
+advance carelessly in that direction and that he might set a trap for
+him on the way. But the Roman leader suspected the truth of the case
+and by comparing the writing with the letter which Hannibal had once
+written to the Tarentini, he detected the plot from the similarity of
+the two.
+
+Scipio for the first part of the time, however much he may have longed
+to avenge his father and uncle and however much he yearned for glory
+in the war, nevertheless showed no haste on account of the multitude
+of his opponents. But after he ascertained that they were passing the
+winter at a considerable distance, he disregarded them and marched
+upon Carthage,--the Spanish town. Moreover no one gained the slightest
+knowledge of his march till he had come close to Carthage itself. And
+by much exertion he took the city.
+
+Following the capture of Carthage a very great [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^39]
+MUTINY OF THE SOLDIERS came very near TAKING PLACE. Scipio had
+promised to give a crown to the first one that set foot on the wall,
+and two men, the one a Roman, the other belonging to the allies,
+quarreled over it. Their continued dispute promoted a disturbance
+among the rest as well and they became inflamed to the utmost degree
+and were ready to commit some fearful outrage when Scipio settled the
+trouble by crowning both men. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^39] AND HE
+DISTRIBUTED MANY GIFTS TO THE SOLDIERS, ASSIGNING MANY ALSO TO PUBLIC
+USES; AND ALL THE HOSTAGES WHO WERE BEING DETAINED THERE HE GAVE BACK
+FREELY TO THEIR RELATIVES. AS A RESULT MANY TOWNS AND MANY PRINCES
+ESPOUSED HIS CAUSE, THE CELTIBERIAN RACE AMONG THE BEST. HE HAD TAKEN
+AMONG THE CAPTIVES A MAIDEN DISTINGUISHED FOR HER BEAUTY AND IT WAS
+THOUGHT THAT HE WOULD FALL IN LOVE WITH HER; BUT WHEN HE LEARNED THAT
+SHE WAS BETROTHED TO ONE OF THE CELTIBERIAN MAGISTRATES, HE SENT FOR
+HIM AND DELIVERED THE YOUNG GIRL TO HIM, BESTOWING UPON HIM
+FURTHERMORE THE RANSOM WHICH HER KINSFOLK HAD BROUGHT FOR HER. BY THIS
+PROCEDURE HE ATTACHED TO HIS CAUSE BOTH THEM AND THE REMAINDER OF THE
+NATION.
+
+Next he learned that Hasdrubal the brother of Hannibal was approaching
+rapidly, still ignorant of the capture of the city and expecting to
+meet no hostile force on his march. Scipio therefore confronted and
+defeated him, and afterward bivouacked in his camp and got control of
+many places in the vicinity. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^40] FOR HE WAS CLEVER
+IN STRATEGY, AGREEABLE IN SOCIETY, TERRIFYING TO OPPONENTS, AND
+THOROUGHLY HUMANE TO SUCH AS YIELDED. AND ESPECIALLY THE RECOLLECTION
+THAT HE HAD MADE A PREDICTION, SAYING BEFOREHAND THAT HE WOULD ENCAMP
+IN THE ENEMY'S COUNTRY, CAUSED ALL TO HONOR HIM. THE SPANIARDS
+ACTUALLY NAMED HIM "GREAT KING."
+
+Hasdrubal, giving up all hope, was anxious to leave Spain for Italy.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 208 (_a.u._ 546)] So after packing everything for the
+march he started in winter. His fellow commanders held their ground
+and kept Scipio busy so that he could not pursue Hasdrubal nor lighten
+the burden of war for the Romans in Italy by going there, nor sail to
+Carthage. But, although Scipio did not pursue Hasdrubal, he sent
+runners through whom he apprised the people of Rome of his approach,
+and he himself gave attention to his own immediate concerns. As he saw
+that his opponents were spread over a goodly portion of the country,
+he dreaded that whenever he should begin an engagement with them, he
+should be the cause of their gathering in one place through a
+necessity of aiding one another. Accordingly, he conducted in person a
+campaign against Hasdrubal, son of Gisco, and sent Silanus into
+Celtiberia against Mago, and also Lucius Scipio his brother into
+Bastitania. Lucius occupied the district after hard fighting,
+conquered Mago, kept close at his heels as he fled to Hasdrubal, and
+came to Scipio before the latter had accomplished anything as yet.
+
+Now that Mago had joined Hasdrubal and Lucius his brother Scipio, at
+first they would make descents into the plain and fight strenuously
+with their cavalry, and later they would array their whole army in
+line of battle but did not do any fighting. This went on for several
+days. When the clash finally came, the Carthaginians themselves and
+their allies were defeated, their stronghold was taken by the Romans,
+and the Romans made use of the provisions in it. This Scipio had
+prophesied, as the story goes, three days before. For when materials
+for food had failed them he predicted--by what prompting is unknown--:
+"On such and such a day we shall make use of the enemy's
+store."--After this he left Silanus to take care of the surviving
+opponents and himself took his departure to the other cities, many of
+which he won over. When he had brought order into the newly acquired
+territory he took up his winter abode there. His brother Lucius he
+despatched to Rome to report the progress made, to convey the captives
+thither, and to investigate how the people of Rome felt toward him.
+
+IX, 9.--The dwellers in Italy had suffered from disease and had
+encountered hardships in battles, for some of the Etruscans had
+rebelled. But what grieved them more than all else was the fact that
+they had lost Marcellus. They had been making a campaign against
+Hannibal, who chanced to be at Locri, and both the consuls had been
+surrounded by an ambuscade, Marcellus perishing instantly and
+Crispinus dying from a wound not long after. Hannibal found the body
+of Marcellus and taking his ring with which Marcellus was accustomed
+to seal his documents he would forward letters to the cities
+purporting to come from him. He was accomplishing whatever he pleased
+until Crispinus became aware of it and sent them a warning to be on
+their guard. As a result of this the tables were turned upon Hannibal.
+He had sent a message to the citizens of Salapia through a fictitious
+deserter, and approached the walls in the guise of Marcellus, using
+the Latin language in company with other men who understood it, in
+order to be taken for Romans. The Salapini, informed of his artifice,
+were artful enough in turn to pretend that they believed Marcellus was
+really approaching. Then drawing up the portcullis they admitted as
+many as it seemed to them they could conveniently dispose of and
+killed them all. Hannibal withdrew at once on learning that Locri was
+being besieged by the Romans, who had sailed against it from Sicily.
+
+Publius Sulpicius assisted by AEtolians and other allies devastated a
+large part of Achaea. But as soon as Philip the Macedonian formed an
+alliance with the Achaeans, the Romans would have been driven out of
+Greece completely but for the fact that the helmet of Philip fell off
+and the AEtolians got possession of it. For in this way a report
+reached Macedonia that he was dead and a factional uprising took
+place; Philip, consequently, fearing that he should be deprived of his
+kingdom, hastened to Macedonia. Then the Romans stuck to their places
+in Greece and conquered a few cities.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 207 (_a.u._ 547)] The following year upon announcement
+of Hasdrubal's approach the people of Rome gathered their forces,
+summoned their allies, and chose Claudius Nero and Marcus Livius
+consuls. Nero they sent against Hannibal, Livius against Hasdrubal.
+The latter met him near the city of Sena but did not immediately open
+engagement with him. For many days he remained stationary, and
+Hasdrubal was in no hurry for battle, either, but remained at rest
+awaiting his brother. Nero and Hannibal entered Lucania to encamp and
+neither hastened to array his forces for battle, but in other ways
+they had some conflicts. Hannibal kept constantly changing position
+and Nero kept careful watch of him. As he constantly had the advantage
+of him and ere long captured the letter sent to him by Hasdrubal, he
+began to despise Hannibal, but fearing that Hasdrubal might overwhelm
+Livius through mere numbers he ventured upon a hazardous exploit. He
+left on the spot a portion of his force sufficient to check Hannibal
+in case the latter should make any movement, and he gave the men
+injunctions to do everything to create the impression that he was also
+there. He selected the flower of his army and started out apparently
+to attack some neighboring city, nor did any one know his true
+intentions. He hastened on, then, against Hasdrubal, reached his
+colleague at night, and took up his quarters in the latter's
+entrenchments. Both made ready for a sudden attack upon the invader.
+The situation did not go concealed, but Hasdrubal inferred what had
+happened from the fact that the word of command was given twice; for
+each consul issued orders to his own troops separately. Suspecting
+therefore that Hannibal had been defeated and had perished,--for he
+calculated that if his brother were alive, Nero would never have
+marched against _him_,--he determined to retire among the Gauls and
+there find out definitely about his brother and so carry on the war at
+his convenience.
+
+So after giving orders to the army to break up he started out that
+night, and the consuls from the noise suspected what was going on, yet
+they did not move immediately because of the darkness. At dawn,
+however, they sent the cavalry ahead to pursue the enemy and they
+themselves followed. Hasdrubal made a stand against the cavalry,
+deeming them an isolated troop, but the consuls came up and routed him
+and followed after the fugitives, of whom they slaughtered many. Even
+the elephants were of no help to the Carthaginians. Inasmuch as some
+of them that had been wounded did more harm to those in charge of them
+than had been done by the enemy, Hasdrubal gave orders to those seated
+upon them to slay the beasts as fast as they got wounded. And they
+killed them very easily by piercing them with an iron instrument under
+the ear. So they were destroyed by the Carthaginians, but the men by
+the Romans. So many fell that the Romans became surfeited with
+slaughter and did not wish to pursue the rest. They had destroyed
+Hasdrubal along with many others, they had secured huge quantities of
+spoil, they had found Roman captives to the number of four thousand in
+the camp, and thought they had sufficiently retrieved the disaster of
+Cannae.
+
+At the conclusion of these operations Livius stayed where he was, but
+Nero returned to Apulia, reaching it on the sixth day; his absence up
+to that time had not been detected. Some of the prisoners he sent into
+Hannibal's camp to explain what had happened, and he fixed Hasdrubal's
+head on a pole nearby. Hannibal, learning that his brother was
+vanquished and dead, and that Nero had conquered and returned,
+lamented bitterly, often crying out upon Fortune and Cannae. And he
+retired into Bruttium where he remained inactive.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 206 (_a.u._ 548)] IX, 10.--Scipio was detailed to
+superintend Roman interests in Spain till what time he should reach a
+satisfactory adjustment of them all. First he sailed to Libya with two
+quinqueremes, and it so happened that Hasdrubal son of Gisco landed
+there at the same time as he did. Syphax, who was king of a portion of
+Libya and had enjoyed friendly relations with the Carthaginians,
+entertained them both and endeavored to reconcile them. But Scipio
+said that he had no private enmity and he could not on his own
+responsibility arrange terms for his country.
+
+Accordingly he went back again and began a war against the
+Iliturgitani because they had handed over to the Carthaginians the
+Romans who took refuge with them after the death of the Scipios. He
+did not make himself master of their city until he dared to scale the
+wall in person and got wounded. Then the soldiers, put to shame and
+fearing for his life, made a very vigorous assault. Having mastered
+the situation they killed the whole population and burned down the
+entire city. As a result of the fear thus inspired many voluntarily
+ranged themselves on his side, whereas many others had to be subdued
+by force. Some when subjected to siege burned their cities and slew
+their kinsmen and finally themselves.
+
+After subjugating the greater part of the country Scipio shifted his
+position to Carthage and there instituted funeral combats in full
+armor in honor of his father and his uncle. When many others had
+contended, there came also two brothers who continued at variance
+about a kingdom, though Scipio had made efforts to reconcile them. And
+the elder slew the younger in spite of the superior strength of the
+latter.
+
+Subsequently Scipio fell sick, and that was the signal for a rebellion
+of the Spaniards. One of Scipio's legions that was in winter quarters
+near Sucro became restless. It had shown a lack of docility before
+this, but had not ventured upon open rebellion. Now, however,
+perceiving that Scipio was incapacitated and influenced further by the
+fact that their pay had been slow in coming they mutinied outright,
+drove away the tribunes, and elected consuls for themselves. Their
+number was about eight thousand. The Spaniards on ascertaining this
+revolted with greater readiness and proceeded to damage the territory
+belonging to the Roman alliance. Mago, who had intended to abandon
+Gades, consequently did not abandon it, but crossed over to the
+mainland and wrought considerable mischief.
+
+Scipio learning this wrote and sent a letter to apostate legion in
+which he affected to pardon them for revolting on account of the
+scarcity of the necessities of life, and did not seem to think it
+proper to view them with suspicion but conferred praise upon those who
+had accepted their leadership for the purpose of preventing any
+outrage due to lack of government being either suffered or committed.
+When Scipio had written to this effect and the soldiers had learned
+that he was alive and was not angry with them, they made no further
+demonstrations. Even after he recovered his health he did not use
+harsh threats in dealing with them, but sent a promise to supply them
+with food and invited them all to come to him either all together or
+only a part at a time. The soldiers, not daring to go in small squads,
+went in a body. Scipio arranged that they should bivouac outside the
+wall--for it was nearly evening--and furnished them provisions in
+abundance. So they encamped, but Scipio brought it about that the
+boldest spirits among them should enter the city, and during the night
+he overpowered and imprisoned them. At daybreak he sent forth all his
+army as if to go on an expedition somewhere. Then he called the recent
+arrivals inside the wall without their weapons in order to join his
+undertaking after they had received their provision-money. As soon as
+they had accordingly entered he signaled the men who had gone forth to
+return just as they were. Thus he surrounded the rebels and heaped
+upon them many reproaches and threats, saying finally: [Sidenote:
+FRAG. 56^42] "YOU ALL DESERVE TO DIE: HOWEVER, I SHALL NOT PUT YOU ALL
+TO DEATH BUT I SHALL EXECUTE ONLY A FEW WHOM I HAVE ALREADY ARRESTED;
+THE REST I SHALL RELEASE." With these words he set the prisoners in
+their midst, fixed them upon crosses, and after copious abuse killed
+them. Some of the soldiers standing by grew indignant and raised an
+outcry, whereupon he punished a number of them also. After this he
+gave the rest their pay and conducted a campaign against Indibilis and
+Mandonius. As they were too timid to offer him battle, he attacked and
+was victorious.
+
+Following their capitulation most of the rest of Spain was again
+enslaved, Mago abandoned Gades, and Masinissa took the Roman side. The
+Carthaginians at news of the death of Hasdrubal, Hannibal's brother,
+had voted to give up Spain but to recover their prestige in Italy. And
+they sent money to Mago that he might gather a force of auxiliaries
+and lead a campaign against that country. He, setting out once more
+for Italy, reached the Gymnasian islands. The larger one escaped his
+grasp; the natives from a distance kept using their slings (in which
+art they were masters) against the ships, so that he could not effect
+a landing: but he anchored off the smaller one and waited there on
+account of the winter. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^44] THESE ISLANDS ARE
+SITUATED CLOSE TO THE MAINLAND IN THE VICINITY OF THE IBER. THEY ARE
+THREE IN NUMBER AND THE GREEKS AND THE ROMANS ALIKE CALL THEM THE
+GYMNASIAN, BUT THE SPANIARDS THE BALEARES OR HYASOUSAE,[34] or,
+separately, the first Ebusus, the second the "Larger,"[35] and the
+third the "Smaller,"[36] exceedingly well named.--Gades was occupied
+by the Romans.
+
+[Footnote 34: A corruption for Pityusae.]
+
+[Footnote 35: Or, in other words, Balearis Major and Balearis Minor.]
+
+[Footnote 36: [See previous footnote.]]
+
+
+_(BOOK 17, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 56^45] IX, 11.--MASINISSA RANKED AMONG THE MOST
+PROMINENT MEN: IN FORCE AND IN PLANNING ALIKE HE DISPLAYED A
+SUPERIORITY, AS IT CHANCED, where warlike deeds were concerned. He had
+left the Carthaginians for the Romans as a result of circumstances now
+to be related. Hasdrubal the son of Gisco was a friend of his and had
+betrothed to him his daughter Sophonis. Hasdrubal, however, became
+acquainted with Syphax and perceiving that he favored the Romans did
+not keep his agreement with Masinissa any longer. He was so anxious to
+add Syphax, who was lord of a very great power, to the Carthaginian
+alliance that when his father about this time died he helped him to
+take possession of his domain, which properly belonged to Masinissa,
+and furthermore gave him Sophonis in marriage. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^46]
+SHE WAS CONSPICUOUS FOR BEAUTY, HAD BEEN TRAINED IN A LIBERAL LITERARY
+AND MUSICAL EDUCATION, WAS OF ATTRACTIVE MANNERS, COY, AND SO LOVABLE
+THAT THE MERE SIGHT OF HER OR EVEN THE SOUND OF HER VOICE VANQUISHED
+EVEN A PERSON QUITE DEVOID OF AFFECTION.
+
+Syphax for these reasons attached himself to the Carthaginians, and
+Masinissa on the contrary took up with the Romans and from first to
+last proved very useful to them. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^47] SCIPIO AFTER
+WINNING OVER THE WHOLE TERRITORY SOUTH OF THE PYRENEES, PARTLY BY
+FORCE, PARTLY BY TREATY, EQUIPPED HIMSELF TO JOURNEY TO LIBYA. THE
+PEOPLE OF ROME, HOWEVER, THROUGH JEALOUSY OF HIS SUCCESSES AND THROUGH
+FEAR THAT HE MIGHT BECOME ARROGANT AND PLAY THE TYRANT SENT TWO OF THE
+PRAETORS TO RELIEVE HIM AND CALLED HIM HOME.
+
+THUS HE WAS DEPOSED FROM HIS COMMAND. BUT SULPICIUS TOGETHER WITH
+ATTALUS OCCUPIED OREUS BY TREACHERY AND OPUS BY MAIN FORCE. PHILIP WAS
+UNABLE TO SEND THEM SPEEDY AID AS THE AETOLIANS HAD SEIZED THE PASSES
+IN ADVANCE. BUT AT LAST HE DID ARRIVE ON THE SCENE AND FORCED ATTALUS
+BACK TO HIS SHIPS. PHILIP, HOWEVER, WISHED TO CONCLUDE A TRUCE WITH
+THE ROMANS. AND AFTER SOME PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION THE PEACE
+PROPOSITION WAS WITHDRAWN, BUT HE MOVED THE AETOLIANS OUT OF THEIR
+POSITION OF ALLIANCE WITH THE ROMANS AND MADE THEM HIS OWN FRIENDS
+INSTEAD.
+
+Hannibal for a time kept quiet, satisfied if he might only retain such
+advantages as were already his. And the consuls thinking that his
+power had slowly wasted away without a battle also waited.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 205 (_a.u._ 549)] The succeeding year Publius Scipio
+and [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^48] LICINIUS CRASSUS BECAME CONSULS. And THE
+LATTER STAYED IN ITALY, but Scipio had received orders to leave there
+for Sicily and Libya to the end that in case he should not capture
+Carthage he might at least eventually draw Hannibal from Italy. He did
+not succeed in securing an army of any real value nor in getting an
+expenditure for triremes, because the honors accorded to his prowess
+had made him an object of jealousy. The people would scarcely supply
+him with the necessities. While he set out with the fleet of the
+allies and a few volunteers drawn from the populace, Mago left the
+island and after sailing along the Italian coast disembarked in
+Liguria. Crassus was in Bruttium lying in wait for Hannibal. Philip,
+however, had become reconciled with the Romans; for on ascertaining
+that Publius Sempronius had reached Apollonia with a large force he
+was glad to make peace.
+
+[Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^50?)] Scipio the consul landed in Sicily and made
+ready to sail to Libya, but he could not do so because he did not have
+a complete force at his disposal and what he had was undisciplined.
+Therefore he resided there for the entire winter, drilling his
+followers and enrolling others in addition. As he was on the point of
+making the passage, a message came to him from Rhegium that some of
+the citizens of Locri would betray the city. Having denounced the
+commander of the garrison and obtained no satisfaction from Hannibal
+they were now ready to go over to the Romans. Accordingly he sent a
+detachment there and with the aid of the traitors seized a good part
+of the city during the night. The Carthaginians were huddled together
+in the citadel and sent for Hannibal, whereupon Scipio also set sail
+with speed and by a sudden sally repulsed Hannibal when the latter was
+close to the city. Next he captured the acropolis and, after
+entrusting the entire city to the care of the military tribunes,
+sailed back again. He was unable, however, to consummate his voyage to
+Libya. The Carthaginians so dreaded his advance that they despatched
+money to Philip to induce him to make a campaign against Italy, and
+sent grain and soldiers to Hannibal and to Mago ships and money that
+he might prevent Scipio from crossing. The Romans, led by certain
+portents to expect a brilliant victory, entrusted to Scipio the army
+of Libya and gave him permission to enroll as large an additional
+force as he should please. [Sidenote: B.C. 204 (_a.u._ 550)] Of the
+consuls they set Marcus Cethegus over against Mago and Publius
+Sempronius against Hannibal.
+
+IX, 12.--The Carthaginians, fearing that Masinissa would join Scipio,
+persuaded Syphax to restore his domain to him, the giver receiving
+assurance that he would get the tract back again. Masinissa was
+suspicious of the transaction, yet agreed to peace, in order to win
+the confidence of the Carthaginians and so be able to plunge them into
+some great catastrophe. For he was more enraged over Sophonis than
+over the kingdom, and consequently worked for Roman interests while
+affecting to be for the Carthaginians. Syphax, who was a Libyan
+adherent, professed a friendliness for the Romans and sent to Scipio
+warning him against crossing over. Scipio heard this as a piece of
+secret information, and to prevent the knowledge of it from reaching
+the soldiers he sent the herald back post-haste before he had had time
+to meet anybody else. Then he called together the army and hastened
+forward the preparations for crossing; he declared that the
+Carthaginians were unprepared and that first Masinissa and now Syphax
+was calling for them and upbraiding them for lingering. After this
+speech he suffered no further delay but set sail. He brought his ships
+to anchor near the cape called Apollonium, and [Sidenote: FRAG.
+56^51] PITCHED HIS CAMP, DEVASTATED THE COUNTRY, MADE ASSAULTS UPON
+THE CITIES AND CAPTURED A FEW. AS THE ROMANS WERE HARRYING THE
+COUNTRY, HANNO THE CAVALRY COMMANDER, WHO WAS A SON OF HASDRUBAL SON
+OF GISCO, WAS PERSUADED BY MASINISSA TO ATTACK THEM. SCIPIO
+ACCORDINGLY SENT SOME HORSEMEN AND WAS PLUNDERING SOME DISTRICTS THAT
+WERE SUITABLE FOR HIM TO OVERRUN, TO THE END THAT HIS MEN BY SIMULATED
+FLIGHT MIGHT DRAW UPON THEM THE PURSUERS. SO WHEN THEY TURNED TO FLEE,
+ACCORDING TO PREVIOUS ARRANGEMENTS, AND THE CARTHAGINIANS FOLLOWED
+THEM UP, MASINISSA WITH HIS FOLLOWERS GOT IN THE REAR OF THE PURSUERS
+AND ATTACKED THEM AND SCIPIO MAKING AN ONSET FROM HIS AMBUSH JOINED
+BATTLE WITH THEM. AND MANY WERE DESTROYED, MANY ALSO WERE CAPTURED,
+AMONG THEM HANNO HIMSELF. THEREFORE HASDRUBAL ARRESTED THE MOTHER OF
+MASINISSA, AND AN EXCHANGE OF THE TWO CAPTIVES WAS EFFECTED. SYPHAX
+NOW RENOUNCED EVEN THE APPEARANCE OF FRIENDSHIP FOR THE ROMANS AND
+OPENLY ATTACHED HIMSELF TO THE CARTHAGINIANS. AND THE ROMANS BOTH
+PLUNDERED THE COUNTRY AND RECOVERED MANY PRISONERS FROM ITALY WHO HAD
+BEEN SENT TO LIBYA BY HANNIBAL AND THEY WENT INTO WINTER QUARTERS
+WHERE THEY WERE.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 203 (_a.u._ 551)] After this Gnaeus Scipio[37] and
+Gaius Servilius became consuls, and during their year of office the
+Carthaginians, having got the worst of it in the struggle, felt a
+desire to arrange terms of peace and furthermore both Hannibal and
+Mago were driven out of Italy. It was the consuls who made a stand
+against Hannibal and Mago, while Scipio was inflicting damage upon
+Libya and assailing the cities. Meantime [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^52] HE
+HAD CAPTURED A CARTHAGINIAN VESSEL, BUT RELEASED IT WHEN THEY FEIGNED
+TO HAVE BEEN COMING ON AN EMBASSY TO HIM. HE KNEW, TO BE SURE, THAT IT
+WAS ONLY A PRETEXT, BUT PREFERRED TO AVOID THE POSSIBILITY OF IT BEING
+SAID AGAINST HIM THAT HE HAD DETAINED ENVOYS. AND IN THE CASE OF
+SYPHAX, WHO WAS STILL ENDEAVORING TO NEGOTIATE A RECONCILIATION ON THE
+TERMS THAT SCIPIO SHOULD SAIL FROM LIBYA AND HANNIBAL FROM ITALY, HE
+RECEIVED HIS PROPOSITION NOT IN A TRUSTFUL MOOD, BUT TO THE END THAT
+HE MIGHT RUIN HIM. For on the excuse afforded by the postponed truce
+he sent various bodies of soldiers at various times into the
+Carthaginian camp and into that of Syphax; and when they had carefully
+inspected everything on the side of their opponents, he put aside the
+treaty on a plausible pretext, which was the more readily found
+because Syphax had been detected in a plot against Masinissa. And
+Scipio went by night to where their two camps were located, not very
+far apart, and secretly set fire to Hasdrubal's camp at many points at
+once. It rapidly blazed up--for their tents had been made of
+corn-stalks and leafy branches--and the Carthaginians fared badly. The
+followers of Syphax in attempting to aid them encountered the Romans,
+who closed in the place, and were themselves destroyed; and their own
+camp was set on fire in addition, and in it many men and horses
+perished. The Romans escaped injury during the rest of the night
+following the exploit, but just after daylight Spaniards who had
+lately arrived as an accession to the Carthaginian alliance fell upon
+them unexpectedly and killed a large number.
+
+[Footnote 37: Dio probably wrote _Caepio_ here.]
+
+As a result of all this Hasdrubal straightway retired to Carthage and
+Syphax to his own country. Scipio set Masinissa and Gaius Laelius to
+oppose Syphax while he himself marched against the Carthaginians. The
+Carthaginians for their part sent ships toward the Roman stronghold,
+which the enemy were using as winter quarters and as a storehouse for
+all their goods. In this way they might either capture it or draw
+Scipio away from themselves. Such also was the result. As soon as he
+heard of the manoeuvre, he withdrew and hurried to the harbor, which
+he placed under guard. And on the first day the Romans easily repulsed
+their assailants, but on the next they had decidedly the worst of the
+encounter. The Carthaginians even went so far as to take away Roman
+ships by seizing them with grappling irons. They did not venture,
+however, to disembark but finally sailed homewards, after which they
+superseded Hasdrubal and chose a certain Hanno in his place. From this
+time Hanno was the general, but his predecessor privately got hold of
+some slaves and deserters whom he welded together into a fairly strong
+force; he then quietly persuaded some of the Spaniards who were
+serving in Scipio's army to help him and attempted one night to carry
+out a plot against the Roman's camp. Something would have come of it,
+had not the soothsayers, dismayed by the actions of birds, and the
+mother of Masinissa, as a result of divinations, caused an
+investigation of the Spaniards to be made. So their treachery was
+anticipated and punished, and Scipio again made a campaign against
+Carthage; he was engaged in devastating their fields [IX, 13.] while
+Syphax was waging war upon the followers of Laelius. That prince
+offered successful resistance for some time, but eventually the Romans
+prevailed, slaughtered many, took many alive, and captured Syphax.
+They also acquired possession of Cirta, his palace, without a contest
+by displaying to the guardians within their king, now a prisoner.
+
+It was there that Sophonis also was. Masinissa at once rushed toward
+her and embracing her said: "I hold Syphax that snatched thee away. I
+hold thee also. Fear not. Thou hast not become a captive, since thou
+hast me as an ally." After these words he married her on the spot,
+anticipating any action on the part of the Romans out of fear that he
+might somehow lose her, were she reckoned among the spoil. Then he
+assumed control of the rest of the cities of Syphax also. [Sidenote:
+FRAG. 56^53] AND THEY BROUGHT TO SCIPIO ALONG WITH THE OTHER PROPERTY
+SYPHAX HIMSELF. AND THE COMMANDER WOULD NOT CONSENT TO SEE HIM REMAIN
+BOUND IN CHAINS, BUT CALLING TO MIND HIS ENTERTAINMENT AT THE OTHER'S
+COURT AND REFLECTING ON HUMAN POSSIBILITIES HE LEAPED FROM HIS CHAIR,
+LOOSED HIM, EMBRACED HIM, AND TREATED HIM WITH RESPECT. Once he asked
+him: "What possessed you to go to war with us?" Syphax excused
+himself skillfully and at the same time made himself secure against
+Masinissa by declaring that Sophonis had been responsible for his
+attitude. To please her father Hasdrubal she had ensnared him by
+witchcraft against his will to espouse the Carthaginian cause. "At any
+rate," he went on, "I have paid a proper penalty for being hoodwinked
+by a woman, and in the midst of my evils have at least one
+consolation,--that Masinissa has married her. For she will certainly
+bring about his utter ruin likewise."
+
+Scipio feeling suspicious about this action of Masinissa called him
+and censured him for having so speedily married a woman taken captive
+from the enemy without the commanding officer's consent, and he bade
+him give her up to the Romans. Masinissa, thoroughly distracted,
+rushed into the tent where Sophonis was and cried out to her: "If I
+might by my own death ensure thee liberty and freedom from outrage, I
+would cheerfully die for thee; but since this is impossible, I send
+thee before me whither I and all shall come." With these words he held
+out poison to her. And she uttered neither lament nor groan but with
+much nobility made answer: "Husband, if this is thy will, I am
+content. My soul shall after thee know no other lord: for my body, if
+Scipio require it, let him take it with life extinct." Thus she met
+her death, and Scipio marveled at the deed.
+
+Laelius conducted to Rome Syphax and his son Vermina and some others of
+the foremost men; and the citizens gave Syphax an estate at Alba,
+where at his death they honored him with a public funeral, and
+confirmed Vermina in the possession of his father's kingdom besides
+bestowing upon him the captured Nomads.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 56^54] THE CARTHAGINIANS WHILE MAKING PROPOSITIONS TO
+SCIPIO THROUGH HERALDS GAVE HIM MONEY AT ONCE AND GAVE BACK ALL THE
+PRISONERS, BUT IN REGARD TO THE REMAINING MATTERS THEY DESPATCHED AN
+EMBASSY TO ROME. HOWEVER, THE ROMANS WOULD NOT RECEIVE THE ENVOYS AT
+THAT TIME, DECLARING THAT IT WAS A TRADITION IN THE STATE NOT TO ADMIT
+AN EMBASSY FROM ANY PARTIES AND NEGOTIATE WITH THEM IN REGARD TO PEACE
+WHILE THEIR ARMIES WERE STILL IN ITALY. LATER, WHEN HANNIBAL AND MAGO
+HAD EMBARKED, THEY ACCORDED THE ENVOYS AN AUDIENCE AND VOTED THE
+PEACE. But Hannibal and Mago departed from Italy not on account of the
+tentative arrangements but through haste to reach the scene of war at
+home.
+
+The Carthaginians in Libya were not thinking seriously of peace even
+before this and had made propositions about a truce only for the
+purpose of using up time and with a view to securing Hannibal's
+presence. When they heard that Hannibal was really drawing near, they
+took courage [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^55] AND ATTACKED SCIPIO BOTH BY LAND
+AND BY SEA. WHEN THE LATTER COMPLAINED TO THEM ABOUT THIS, THEY
+RETURNED NO PROPER ANSWER TO THE ENVOYS AND ACTUALLY PLOTTED AGAINST
+THEM WHEN THEY SAILED BACK; AND HAD NOT A WIND FORTUNATELY ARISEN TO
+HELP THEM, THEY WOULD HAVE PERISHED. HENCE SCIPIO, THOUGH AT THIS TIME
+THE VOTE REGARDING PEACE WAS BROUGHT TO HIM, REFUSED ANY LONGER TO
+MAKE IT. So the Carthaginians sent Mago back to Italy, but deposed
+Hanno from his command and appointed Hannibal general with full
+powers. Hasdrubal they even voted to put to death, and finding that he
+had by poison intentionally compassed his own destruction they abused
+his dead body. Hannibal having secured complete leadership invaded the
+country of Masinissa, where he proceeded to do mischief and made ready
+to fight against the Romans. Counter-preparations were made by the
+followers of Scipio.
+
+IX, 14.--The people of Rome were regretting that they had not
+prevented the return voyage of Hannibal, and when they learned that he
+was consolidating the opposition in Libya, they were again terrified
+beyond measure. [Sidenote: B.C. 202 (_a.u._ 552)] Accordingly they
+sent Claudius Nero, one of the consuls, to attend to him, and allotted
+to Marcus Servilius the protection of Italy. Nevertheless Nero was not
+able to reach Libya, being detained in Italy by stormy weather and
+again at Sardinia. After that he progressed no farther than Sicily,
+for he learned that Scipio had proved the victor. Scipio, indeed, was
+afraid that Nero might be so prompt as to appropriate the glory that
+properly was the fruit of his own toils, and so, at the very first
+glimmer of spring, he took up his march against Hannibal; he had
+already received information that the latter had conquered Masinissa.
+Hannibal, upon ascertaining the approach of Scipio, did not wait, but
+went out to meet him. They encamped opposite each other and did not at
+once come to blows, but delayed several days; and each commander
+addressed words to his own army and incited it to battle.
+
+When it seemed best to Scipio not to delay any further but to involve
+Hannibal in conflict whether he wished it or not, he set out for
+Utica, that by creating an impression of fear and flight he might gain
+a favorable opportunity for attack; and this was what took place.
+Hannibal, thinking that he was in flight and being correspondingly
+encouraged, pursued him with cavalry only. Contrary to his
+expectations Scipio resisted, engaged in battle and came out
+victorious. After routing this body he directed his next attentions
+not to pursuing them but to their equipment train, which chanced to be
+on the march, and he captured it entire. This behavior caused Hannibal
+alarm, an alarm increased by the news that Scipio had done no injury
+to three Carthaginian spies whom he had found in his camp. Hannibal
+had learned this fact from one of them, for the other two had chosen
+to remain with the Romans. Disheartened and confused he no longer felt
+the courage to carry on a decisive engagement with the Romans, but
+determined to make efforts for a truce as quickly as possible, in
+order that if this attempt should not be successful, it might at least
+cause a temporary delay and cessation of hostilities. So he sent to
+Masinissa, and through him as a man of the same stock asked for a
+truce. And he secured a conference with Scipio, but accomplished
+nothing. For Scipio avoided a definite answer as much as he did a
+harsh one, but throughout pursued a middle course, albeit preserving
+an agreeable tone, in order to lead Hannibal into careless behavior by
+pretending a willingness to come to terms. Such was the result.
+Hannibal now gave no thought to battle, but concerned himself with a
+desire to change his camp to a more favorable location. Scipio,
+gaining this information from deserters, broke up beforehand by night
+and occupied the spot which was the goal of Hannibal's striving. And
+when the Carthaginians had reached a depressed part of the road
+unsuited for encampment he suddenly confronted them. Hannibal refused
+to fight and in his efforts to locate a camp there and to dig wells he
+had a hard time of it all night long. Thus Scipio forced the enemy,
+while at a disadvantage from weariness and thirst, to offer battle
+whether pleased or not.
+
+Accordingly, the Romans entered the conflict well marshaled and eager,
+but Hannibal and the Carthaginians listlessly and in dejection, a
+dejection for which a total eclipse of the sun at this time was
+largely accountable. From this combination of circumstances Hannibal
+suspected that this, too, foreboded to them nothing auspicious. In
+this frame of mind they stationed the elephants in front of them as a
+protection. Suddenly the Romans emitted a great, bloodcurdling shout,
+and smiting their spears against their shields advanced with
+determination and on a run against the elephants. Thrown into a panic
+by the onset most of the beasts did not await the enemy's approach,
+but turned to flee and receiving frequent wounds wrought greater
+turmoil among their keepers. Others entered the fray, and then the
+Romans would stand apart and the animals ran through the spaces in
+their ranks, getting struck and wounded from close at hand as they
+passed along. For a time the Carthaginians resisted, but at length,
+when Masinissa and Laelius fell upon them from the rear with horsemen,
+they all fled. The majority of them were destroyed and Hannibal came
+very near losing his life. As he fled, Masinissa pursued him at
+breakneck speed, giving his horse free rein. Hannibal turned and saw
+him in mad career; he swerved aside just slightly, [Sidenote: FRAG.
+56^57] AND CHECKED HIS FORWARD COURSE: Masinissa rushed by and
+Hannibal got behind and wounded him. Shortly after with a few
+attendants the Carthaginian leader made good his escape.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (_a.u._ 553)] Scipio followed up his victory by a
+rapid advance against Carthage and proceeded to besiege it by land and
+sea at once. The Carthaginians at first set themselves in readiness as
+though to endure the siege, but later, brought to the end of their
+resources, [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^62] THEY MADE OVERTURES TO SCIPIO FOR
+PEACE. Scipio accepted their proposals and discussed with them the
+articles of the compact. THE TERMS AGREED UPON WERE: THAT THE HOSTAGES
+AND THE CAPTIVES AND THE DESERTERS SHOULD BE GIVEN UP BY THE
+CARTHAGINIANS, THAT ALL THE ELEPHANTS AND THE TRIREMES (SAVE TEN)
+SHOULD BE DELIVERED OVER, AND THAT IN THE FUTURE THEY SHOULD NOT KEEP
+ELEPHANTS NOR MORE SHIPS OF WAR THAN TEN, NOR MAKE WAR UPON ANY ONE
+CONTRARY TO THE ADVICE AND CONSENT OF THE ROMANS, and a few other
+points.
+
+WHEN AN AGREEMENT OF THIS NATURE HAD BEEN REACHED, THE CARTHAGINIANS
+DESPATCHED AMBASSADORS TO ROME. [Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^63?)] SO THEY
+WENT THEIR WAY, BUT THE SENATE DID NOT RECEIVE THE EMBASSY READILY;
+INDEED, ITS MEMBERS DISPUTED FOR A LONG TIME, ONE PARTY BEING OPPOSED
+TO ANOTHER. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^64] THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY, HOWEVER,
+UNANIMOUSLY VOTED FOR PEACE AND ACCEPTED THE AGREEMENT AND SENT TEN
+MEN THAT IN CONJUNCTION WITH SCIPIO THEY MIGHT SETTLE ALL THE DETAILS.
+AND THE TREATY WAS ACCEPTED, THE TRIREMES WERE GIVEN UP AND BURNED,
+AND OF THE ELEPHANTS THE LARGER NUMBER WERE CARRIED OFF TO ROME, AND
+THE REST WERE PRESENTED TO MASINISSA. THE ROMANS NOW ABANDONED LIBYA,
+AND THE CARTHAGINIANS ITALY.
+
+THE SECOND WAR, THEN, WITH THE CARTHAGINIANS RESULTED IN THIS WAY AT
+THE END OF SIXTEEN YEARS. BY IT SCIPIO HAD BEEN MADE ILLUSTRIOUS, AND
+HE WAS GIVEN THE TITLE OF AFRICANUS (AFRICA WAS THE NAME OF THAT PART
+OF LIBYA SURROUNDING CARTHAGE), AND MANY ALSO CALLED HIM "LIBERATOR"
+BECAUSE HE HAD BROUGHT BACK MANY CAPTIVE CITIZENS. HE THEREFORE
+ATTAINED GREAT PROMINENCE BY THESE DEEDS, BUT HANNIBAL WAS ACCUSED BY
+HIS OWN PEOPLE OF HAVING REFUSED TO CAPTURE ROME WHEN HE WAS ABLE TO
+DO SO, AND OF HAVING APPROPRIATED THE PLUNDER IN ITALY. HE WAS NOT,
+HOWEVER, CONVICTED, BUT WAS SHORTLY AFTER ENTRUSTED WITH THE HIGHEST
+OFFICE IN CARTHAGE.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 57^1] IX, 15.--THE ROMANS NOW BECAME INVOLVED IN
+OTHER WARS, which were waged against Philip the Macedonian and against
+Antiochus.
+
+
+_(BOOK 18, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+As long as the struggle with the Carthaginians was at its height they
+treated Philip with consideration even if his attitude toward them was
+not one of friendliness; for they wished to prevent him from
+consolidating with the Carthaginians or leading an expedition into
+Italy. But when the previous hostilities had come to a standstill,
+they did not wait a moment, but embarked upon open warfare with him,
+which they justified by the presentation of many complaints.
+Accordingly, the Romans sent envoys to him, and when he complied with
+none of their orders, voted for war. They used his descent upon the
+Greeks as a pretext, but their real reason was irritation at his
+general behavior and a determination to anticipate him, so that he
+should not be able to enslave Greece and conduct a campaign against
+Italy after the fashion of Pyrrhus. [Sidenote: B.C. 200 (_a.u._ 554)]
+As a consequence of their vote they made effective preparations in all
+departments and they associated with Sulpicius Galba Lucius Apustius
+as legatus in charge of the fleet. Galba after crossing the Ionian
+Gulf was sick for some time; accordingly the aforementioned legatus
+and the sub-lieutenant Claudius Cento assumed charge of his entire
+force. The second of these with the aid of the fleet rescued Athens,
+which was being besieged by the Macedonians, and sacked Chalcis, which
+was occupied by the same enemy. Philip returned just then, having
+finished his campaign against Athens, but Cento drove him back at his
+first approach and repulsed him again on the occasion of a subsequent
+assault. Apustius, while Philip was busy with Greece, had invaded
+Macedonia, and was plundering the country as well as making garrisons
+and cities subject. For these reasons Philip found himself in a
+quandary, and for a time scurried about hither and thither, defending
+now one place, now another. This he did until Apustius proved himself
+a mighty menace to his country and the Dardanians were injuring the
+part of Macedonia close to their borders [Sidenote: FRAG. 57^2] (THIS
+PEOPLE DWELL ABOVE THE ILLYRIANS AND THE MACEDONIANS) and some
+Illyrians together with Amynander king of the Athamanians, a
+Thessalian tribe, though they had previously been his allies now
+transferred themselves to the Roman side. In view of these events he
+conceived a suspicion of AEtolian loyalty and began to fear for his
+interests at home, and he hastened thither with the larger part of his
+army. Apustius, apprised of his approach, retired, for by this time it
+was winter.
+
+Galba on recovering from his illness made ready a still larger force
+and at the beginning of spring pushed forward into Macedonia. When the
+two leaders drew near each other they [Sidenote: FRAG. 57^3] BOTH
+PITCHED CAMP AND CONDUCTED SKIRMISHES OF THE HORSE AND LIGHT-ARMED
+TROOPS. WHEN THE ROMANS TRANSFERRED THEIR CAMP TO A CERTAIN SPOT FROM
+WHICH THEY COULD GET FOOD MORE EASILY, PHILIP DECIDED THAT THEY HAD
+SHIFTED POSITION OUT OF FEAR OF HIM; THEREFORE HE ATTACKED THEM
+UNEXPECTEDLY WHILE THEY WERE ENGAGED IN PLUNDERING AND KILLED A FEW OF
+THEM. AND GALBA ON PERCEIVING THIS MADE A SORTIE FROM THE CAMP,
+ATTACKED HIM AND SLEW MANY MORE IN RETURN. PHILIP, THEN, IN VIEW OF
+HIS DEFEAT AND THE FACT THAT HE WAS WOUNDED, WITHDREW JUST AFTER
+NIGHTFALL. GALBA, HOWEVER, DID NOT FOLLOW HIM UP BUT RETIRED TO
+APOLLONIA. APUSTIUS WITH THE RHODIANS AND WITH ATTALUS CRUISED ABOUT
+AND SUBJUGATED MANY OF THE ISLANDS.
+
+About the same time [Sidenote: FRAG. 57^4] HAMILCAR, A CARTHAGINIAN
+WHO HAD MADE A CAMPAIGN WITH MAGO IN ITALY AND REMAINED THERE
+UNNOTICED, AFTER A TERM OF QUIET CAUSED THE GAULS AS SOON AS THE
+MACEDONIAN WAR BROKE OUT TO REVOLT FROM THE ROMANS; THEN WITH THE
+REBELS HE MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE LIGURIANS AND WON OVER SOME
+OF THEM ALSO. THEY FOUGHT WITH LUCIUS FURIUS THE PRAETOR, WERE
+DEFEATED, AND SENT ENVOYS ABOUT PEACE. THE LIGURIANS OBTAINED THIS,
+but it was not granted to the others. Instead, Aurelius the consul,
+who was jealous of the praetor's victory, led a new campaign against
+them.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 199 (_a.u._ 555)] The succeeding year a great deal of
+havoc was wrought by Hamilcar and the Gauls. They conquered the praetor
+Gnaeus Baebius, overran the territory which was in alliance with the
+Romans, besieged Placentia, and capturing it razed it to the ground.
+
+IX, 16.--To return to the campaign in Greece and Macedonia--Publius
+Villius the consul was encamped opposite Philip, who had occupied in
+advance the passes of Epirus through which are the entrances to
+Macedonia. Philip had extended a wall across the entire mountain
+region in between and held a formidable position, [Sidenote: B.C. 198
+(_a.u._ 556)] but the consul Titus Flamininus[38] at the conclusion
+of winter got around the circumvallation with a few followers by a
+narrow path. And appearing suddenly on higher ground he terrified
+Philip, who thought that the whole army of Titus had come up through
+the pass. Hence he fell back into Macedonia at once. The consul did
+not pursue him, but assumed control of the cities in Epirus. He also
+went into Thessaly and detached a good part of it from Philip and then
+retired into Phocis and Boeotia. While he was besieging Elatea his
+brother Lucius Flamininus in company with Attalus and the Rhodians was
+subduing the islands. Finally, after the capture of Cenchrea, they
+learned that envoys had been sent to the Achaeans to see about an
+alliance and they despatched some themselves in turn, the Athenians
+associating in the embassy. And at first the opinions of the Achaeans
+were divided, some wanting to vote their alliance to Philip and some
+to the Romans; eventually, however, they voted assistance to the
+latter. And they joined in an expedition against Corinth, where they
+succeeded in demolishing portions of the wall, but retired after
+losses suffered through sallies of the citizens.
+
+[Footnote 38: Zonaras consistently spells _Flaminius_.]
+
+Then Philip, growing afraid that many cities might be taken, made
+overtures to the consul regarding peace. The latter accepted his
+representations and they and their allies met, but nothing was
+accomplished except that permission was granted Philip to send envoys
+to Rome. Nor was anything done there. For, when the Greeks insisted
+that he depart from Corinth and Chalcis and from Demetrias in
+Thessaly, the envoys of Philip said they had received no instructions
+on this point and closed an ineffectual mission.
+
+The people of Rome in voting to Flamininus the supreme direction in
+Greece for another year also committed to his charge the case of
+Philip as well. The Roman leader, since he was to remain at his post,
+prepared for war, and the more so because the Lacedaemonian tyrant
+Nabis, although a friend of Philip from whom he had received Argos,
+had made a truce with him. The Macedonian monarch being unable to
+administer many districts at once and fearing that the city might be
+seized by the Romans had deposited it with Nabis to be restored again.
+
+In a campaign of the consul AElius Paetus against the Gauls many
+perished on both sides in the stress of conflict and no advantage was
+achieved. And the Carthaginian hostages together with the slaves
+accompanying them and the captives who had been sold to various
+persons had the hardihood to take possession of the several cities in
+which they were living; and after slaughtering many of the native
+population were overthrown by the praetor Cornelius Lentulus before
+they had wrought any more mischief. The Gauls, however, elated by
+their successes and aware of the fact that it was only a secondary war
+the Romans were waging against them prepared as if to march upon Rome.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 197 (_a.u._ 557)] The Romans consequently became
+afraid and sent both the consuls, Cornelius Cethegus and Minucius
+Rufus, against the Gauls. They parted company and individually ravaged
+different tracts of country. The enemy accordingly also divided
+forces to meet the consuls. One band under Hamilcar encountered
+Cethegus and was defeated; the rest when made aware of this showed the
+white feather and would no longer face Rufus; consequently the latter
+overran the country at will. Those who had fought against Cethegus
+then made peace; the remainder still continued under arms.
+
+At this time Flamininus in company with Attalus reduced the whole of
+Boeotia. Attalus expired of old age in the midst of a speech which
+he was making to the people there. Flamininus went into Thessaly and
+came into collision with Philip. It was only a cavalry skirmish in
+which they engaged, for the ground was not suitable for a battle on a
+vaster scale; hence both withdrew. And having reached a certain hill,
+the top ridge of which is called Dog's Head (Cynoscephale), they
+bivouacked, one on one side, the other on the other. Here also they
+fought with their entire armies, and the outcome would have left both
+with equal honors if the AEtolians had not made the Romans superior. So
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 58] PHILIP WAS DEFEATED and fled, and afterward,
+learning that Larissa and the cities surrounding it had chosen to
+follow the fortunes of the victors, HE SENT HERALDS TO FLAMININUS. AND
+HE MADE A TRUCE as soon as Philip had given money and hostages, among
+them his own son Demetrius, and had sent out envoys to Rome in regard
+to peace.
+
+During the period of these transactions Androsthenes also had been
+vanquished by the Achaeans and had lost Corinth. And Lucius Flamininus
+who was in charge of the fleet, when he could not persuade the
+Acarnanians to refrain from allying themselves with Philip, besieged
+and captured Leucas; later they became aware of Philip's defeat and he
+secured their submission with greater ease.
+
+Thus was the Macedonian war terminated and the people of Rome very
+readily became reconciled with Philip upon the following terms. He
+should restore the captives and deserters; give up the elephants and
+triremes save five (including the flagship, a vessel of sixteen
+banks), pay an indemnity, part at once, the rest in definite
+installments; be king of Macedonia alone; not keep more than five
+thousand soldiers, nor make war with any person outside his own
+country. For the rest of the cities situated in Asia and Europe which
+were previously subservient to him they let go free.
+
+The consuls waged once more with the Gauls a war not unfraught with
+difficulties, yet in spite of all they got the better of this people,
+too.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 195 (_a.u._ 559)] IX, 17.--Porcius Cato being chosen
+consul won back Spain, which had been almost entirely alienated. He
+was a man who surpassed those of his age in every virtue. Now after
+the defeat inflicted upon the Romans at Cannae a law had been passed to
+the effect that women should not wear gold nor be carried in chairs
+nor make use at all of variegated clothing; and the people were
+deliberating as to whether they ought to abolish this law. And on this
+subject Cato delivered a speech in which he made out that the law
+ought to prevail, and finally he added these words: "Let the women,
+then, be adorned not with gold nor precious stones nor with any bright
+and transparent clothing, but with modesty, with love of husband, love
+of children, persuasion, moderation, with the established laws, with
+our arms, our victories, our trophies."--Lucius Valerius, a tribune,
+spoke in opposition to Cato, urging that the privilege of the old-time
+ornament be restored to the women. After speaking at length in this
+vein to the people he then directed his discourse to a consideration
+of Cato, and said: "You, Cato, if you are displeased at women's
+ornaments and wish to do something magnificent and befitting a
+philosopher, clip their hair close all around and put on them short
+frocks and tunics with one shoulder; yes, by Jove, you go ahead and
+give them armor and mount them on horses and, if you like, take them
+to Spain; and let's bring them in here, so that they may take part in
+our assemblies." Valerius said this in jest, but the women hearing him
+(many of them were hanging about near the Forum inquisitive to know
+how the affair would come out) rushed into the assembly denouncing the
+law; and accordingly, as it was speedily repealed, they put on some
+ornaments right there in the assembly and went out dancing.
+
+Cato sailed away and reached Spain. There he learned that all the
+dwellers as far as the Iber had united in order to wage war against
+him in a body. After organizing his army he attacked and defeated them
+and forced them to submit to him. They did so in the fear that
+otherwise they might lose the cities at a single stroke. At the time
+he did them no harm, but later when some of them incurred his
+suspicion, he deprived them all of arms and made the natives
+themselves tear down their own walls. Letters were sent in every
+direction with orders that they should be delivered to everybody on
+the same day; and in these he commanded the people to raze the circuit
+of their fortifications instanter, threatening the disobedient with
+death. Those occupying official positions when they had read them
+thought in each case that the message had been written to them alone,
+and without taking time for deliberation they all threw down their
+walls.
+
+Cato now crossed the Iber, and though he did not dare to contend with
+the Celtiberian allies of the enemy on account of their number, yet he
+handled them in marvelous fashion, now persuading them by a gift of
+larger pay to change front and join him, now admonishing them to
+return home, sometimes even announcing a battle with them for a stated
+day. The result of it all was that they broke up into separate
+factions and became so fearful that they no longer ventured to fight
+with him.
+
+
+_(BOOK 19, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+IX, 18.--At this time Flamininus, too, made a campaign against Argos,
+for the Romans seeing that Nabis was not loyal to them and was a
+source of terror to the Greeks treated him as an enemy. With an
+accession of allies from Philip Flamininus marched upon Sparta,
+crossed Taygetus without effort and advanced toward the city, meeting
+with no opposition. For Nabis, being afraid of the Romans and
+suspicious of the natives, did not rouse himself to the point of
+meeting Flamininus at a distance; but when the latter came nearer he
+made a hostile excursion from the town, thinking lightly of his
+opponent because of the fatigue of the journey and because Flamininus
+was kept employed by the business of encamping; and he did cause a few
+flurries. The next day he came out to face the Romans when they
+assaulted, but as he lost large numbers he did not come out again. So
+Flamininus, leaving a portion of his army there to prevent a warlike
+demonstration anywhere, with the rest turned his attention to the
+country districts; these he ravaged with the aid of his brother and
+the Rhodians and Eumenes, son of Attalus. Nabis was consequently in
+despair and despatched a herald to Flamininus about peace. The latter
+listened to his proposals but did not immediately cease hostilities.
+For Nabis did not dare to refuse the arrangements which he was asked
+to make, nor yet would he consent to make them. And the populace
+prevented him from coming to an agreement. So temporarily Nabis did
+not come to terms, but when the Romans attacked again and captured
+almost all of Sparta (it was in part destitute of a wall), he would
+wait no longer, but made a truce with Flamininus and by sending an
+embassy to Rome effected a settlement.
+
+Flamininus hereupon set all the Greeks free; [Sidenote: B.C. 194
+(_a.u._ 560)] later he convened them in session and after reminding
+them of the benefits they had received urged them to maintain a kindly
+attitude toward the Romans: he then withdrew all their garrisons and
+departed with his entire army.
+
+Upon the arrival of Flamininus at Rome Nabis rebelled. And straightway
+the whole Greek world, so to speak, was thrown into a turmoil which
+the AEtolians did their best to increase. They were making ready for
+war and were sending embassies to Philip and Antiochus. They persuaded
+the latter to assume a position of hostility to the Romans, promising
+him that he should be king of both Greece and Italy. Roman interests
+were so upset that they had no hope of overcoming Antiochus, but were
+satisfied if they could preserve their former conquests. Antiochus was
+regarded as a mighty personage both in the light of his own power,
+through which he had performed distinguished exploits and above all
+had subjugated Media, [Sidenote: B.C. 193 (_a.u._ 561)] and he loomed
+far mightier still for having attached to his cause Ptolemy, king of
+Egypt, and Ariarathes, monarch of Cappadocia, as a kinsman by
+marriage.
+
+Antiochus being so esteemed, the Romans as long as they were at war
+with Philip were careful to court his favor, keeping up friendly
+relations with him through envoys and sending him gifts. But when they
+had vanquished their other enemy, they despised also this king whom
+they had formerly feared. Antiochus himself crossed over into Thrace
+and gained control of many districts. [Sidenote: B.C. 192 (_a.u._
+562)] He helped colonize Lysimachia, which had been depopulated,
+intending to use it as a base. It was Philip and Nabis who had invited
+his assistance. Hannibal, too, had been with him and had caused him to
+hope that he might sail to Carthage and from there to Italy, and
+further that he could subjugate the races along the Ionian Gulf and
+with them set out against Rome. Twice before, indeed, Antiochus had
+crossed into Europe and had reached Greece. This time he learned that
+Ptolemy was dead, and deeming it all important that he should obtain
+the sovereignty of Egypt he left his son Seleucus with a force at
+Lysimachia and himself set out on the march. He found out, however,
+that Ptolemy was alive, and so kept away from Egypt and made an
+attempt to sail to Cyprus. Baffled by a storm he returned home. The
+Romans and he both despatched envoys to each other submitting mutual
+complaints that they might get an excuse for the war and inspect
+conditions on each side betimes.
+
+Hannibal had obtained the most important office at Carthage and in his
+tenure of it had offended the most powerful nobles and incurred their
+hatred. Malicious reports about him were conveyed to the Romans to
+the effect that he was rousing the Carthaginians to revolt and was
+negotiating with Antiochus. Learning that some men from Rome were at
+hand and fearing possible arrest he escaped from Carthage by night. He
+came then to Antiochus and paved the way for his own restoration to
+his native country and for war against the Romans by promising the
+king that he would secure to him the rulership of Greece and Italy.
+All went well until Scipio Africanus joined them. Scipio had been sent
+to Libya as arbitrator between Masinissa and the Carthaginians, who
+were at variance over some land boundaries, and had left their dispute
+still hanging in the air that they might continue to quarrel and
+neither of them be angry at the Romans on account of a definite
+decision. From there he crossed into Asia nominally as an envoy to
+Antiochus but in reality to smite both him and Hannibal with terror by
+his appearance and accomplish what was for the advantage of the
+Romans. After his arrival Antiochus no longer bestowed a similar
+degree of attention upon Hannibal. He suspected him of secret dealings
+with Scipio, and found him burdensome besides, because everybody
+ascribed every plan to Hannibal and all placed in him their hope for
+success in the war. For these reasons, then, he became both jealous
+and afraid of Hannibal, dreading that he might change his demeanor,
+should he get control of any power. So he neither supplied him with an
+army nor sent one to Carthage; and he did not favor him very much
+with audiences but made it a practice not to sanction any of his
+proposals.
+
+IX, 19.--The rumors about Antiochus occupied a large share of Rome's
+attention and caused the Romans no small degree of uneasiness. The
+name of Antiochus was in many mouths: some said that he already held
+the whole of Greece, others talked to the effect that he was hastening
+toward Italy. The Romans accordingly despatched envoys to Greece,
+among them Flamininus, who was on intimate terms with the people, in
+order to prevent them and Philip from creating any disturbance; and of
+the praetors they sent Marcus Baebius to Apollonia, in case Antiochus
+should undertake to cross over into Italy that way, and Aulus Atilius
+to attend to Nabis. The second of these had no work to do, for Nabis
+had ere this perished, the victim of a plot on the part of the
+AEtolians, and Sparta had been captured by the Achaeans: Baebius and
+Philip confirmed the loyalty of many portions of Thessaly. The
+Macedonian king was true to his agreement with the Romans principally
+for the reason that Antiochus had attached some settlements belonging
+to him in Thrace.
+
+Flamininus went about Greece, and some he persuaded not to revolt,
+others already revolted he won back, except the AEtolians and a few
+towns elsewhere. The AEtolian league had bound itself to Antiochus and
+was forming a union out of some states that were willing and others
+that were unwilling. Antiochus in spite of the winter time hastened
+forward to fulfill the hopes of the AEtolians, and this explains why
+he did not bring along a respectable force. With what he had, however,
+he took Chalcis and gained control of the rest of Euboea. Finding
+some Romans among the captives he released them all. Then he entered
+Chalcis to spend the winter, [Sidenote: FRAG. 59^1] WITH THE RESULT
+THAT HE HIMSELF AND HIS GENERALS AND HIS SOLDIERS HAD THEIR MENTAL
+ENERGIES RUINED BEFOREHAND; FOR BY HIS GENERAL INDOLENCE AND HIS
+PASSION FOR A CERTAIN GIRL HE DRIFTED INTO LUXURIOUS LIVING AND AT THE
+SAME TIME RENDERED THE BEST UNFIT FOR WARFARE.
+
+The people of Rome learning that he was in Greece and had captured
+Chalcis took up the war in earnest. [Sidenote: B.C. 191 (_a.u._ 563)]
+Of the consuls they retained Scipio Nasica to guard Italy and sent
+Manius Glabrio with a large army into Greece. Nasica conducted a war
+against the Boii, and Glabrio drove Antiochus out of Greece. He also
+went to Thessaly and with the help of Baebius and Philip gained control
+of many of the towns there. He captured Philip of Megalopolis and sent
+him to Rome, and drove Amynander out of his domain, which he then gave
+to the Macedonian ruler.
+
+Antiochus meanwhile was staying at Chalcis and keeping quiet.
+Afterward he entered Boeotia and at Thermopylae withstood the Romans
+who came to meet him. Considering the fewness of his soldiers he
+thought it best to seek an ally in the natural advantages of his
+position. And in order to avoid having himself such an experience as
+the Greeks had met who were arrayed there against the Persian he sent
+a division of the AEtolians up to the summit of the mountains to keep
+guard there. Glabrio cared little for the location and did not
+postpone a battle: however, he despatched his lieutenants Porcius Cato
+and Valerius Flaccus by night against the AEtolians on the summit and
+himself engaged in conflict with Antiochus just about dawn. As long as
+he fought on level ground he had the best of it, but when Antiochus
+fell back to a position higher up, he found himself inferior till Cato
+arrived in the enemy's rear. Cato had come upon the AEtolians asleep
+and had killed most of them and scattered the rest; then he hurried
+down and participated in the battle going on below. So they routed
+Antiochus and captured his camp. The king forthwith retired to
+Chalcis, but learning that the consul was approaching went back
+unobserved to Asia.
+
+Glabrio at once occupied Boeotia and Euboea, and proceeded to
+deliver assaults upon Heraclea, since the AEtolians were unwilling to
+yield to him. The lower city he captured by means of a siege and
+received the capitulation of those who had fled to the acropolis.
+Among the prisoners taken at this time was found Democritus the
+AEtolian general, who had once refused alliance to Flamininus, and when
+the latter asked for a decree that he might send it to Rome, had said:
+"Don't worry. I will carry it there with my army and read it to you
+all on the banks of the Tiber."--Philip was engaged in besieging Lamia
+when Glabrio came against it and appropriated both victory and booty.
+Though the remainder of the AEtolians wanted to become reconciled,
+still they made no truce because Antiochus sent them envoys and
+money; and they set themselves in readiness for war. Philip affected
+friendliness toward the Romans, but his heart was with Antiochus.
+Meantime Glabrio was besieging Naupactus which belonged to the
+AEtolians, and Flamininus coming to them persuaded the inhabitants to
+make peace, for he was well known to them. They as well as the Epirots
+despatched envoys to Rome. Philip for sending a triumphal crown to
+Capitoline Jupiter received in return among other presents his son
+Demetrius, who was living at Rome a hostage. A truce was not made with
+the AEtolians, for they would not submit to any curtailment of
+privilege.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 190 (_a.u._ 564)] IX, 20.--The Romans set against
+Antiochus the Scipios, Africanus and his brother Lucius. They granted
+the AEtolians a respite for the purpose of once more conducting an
+embassy to Rome regarding peace, and hurried on against Antiochus. On
+reaching Macedonia they secured allies from Philip and marched on to
+the Hellespont. After crossing into Asia they occupied most of the
+coast districts which had previously been occupied by the Romans who
+had gone there first, as well as by Eumenes and the Rhodians; the
+latter had also conquered Hannibal in the region of Pamphylia, as he
+was taking some ships out from Phoenicia. Eumenes and his brother
+Attalus proceeded to injure the country of Antiochus, and cities kept
+coming over, some under compulsion, some voluntarily, to the Romans,
+with the ultimate result that Antiochus was obliged to abandon Europe
+entirely and to recall his son Seleucus from Lysimachia. When this
+son had accomplished the return journey, he sent him with troops
+against Pergamum. Inasmuch, however, as his investment of the town
+proved ineffectual and the Scipios soon reached his vicinity,
+Antiochus lost no time in concluding a truce with them; for he
+expected to obtain terms since [Sidenote: FRAG. 59^2] HE HAD GOT
+POSSESSION OF THE SON OF AFRICANUS AND WAS ACCORDING HIM THE KINDEST
+TREATMENT. AND FINALLY, THOUGH HE FAILED OF SECURING PEACE, HE
+RELEASED HIM WITHOUT RANSOM. The peace project, however, came to
+nothing, because Antiochus would not agree to accede to the Roman
+demands.
+
+Still, for a long time their attitude was marked by inaction. Finally
+they fell to fighting again. The following may serve as a general
+description of the contest. Antiochus put the chariots in front, with
+the elephants next, and behind these the slingers and the archers. But
+the Romans anticipated the charge of the chariots by a charge of their
+own and with a great clamor they rushed straight at them and repulsed
+them, so that most of these vehicles turned in the direction of the
+elephants. In their backward career they threw their own contingent
+into confusion,--for their erratic course terrified and dispersed the
+men marshaled close to them,--and a heavy rain which now came up
+rendered weak the detachment of archers and slingers. A heavy,
+all-enveloping mist succeeded, which was of no hindrance to the
+Romans, who had the upper hand and were fighting at close range; but
+in the case of their opponents, who were in dread and employed
+cavalry and archers for the most part, it made it out of the question
+to see which way to shoot their arrows and caused them to stumble over
+one another, like men in the dark. Nevertheless Antiochus developed
+sufficient power, by means of his armored cavalry, to rout the
+antagonists directly confronting him and to advance in pursuit of them
+as far as their camp. Indeed, he would have taken it, had not Marcus
+AEmilius Lepidus, who was charged with guarding it, killed the first
+Romans that came in after they had refused to heed his exhortations to
+check their flight. As a result the rest of the party turned back and
+the commander himself made a sortie with members of the garrison who
+were free from the prevailing demoralization, and their united efforts
+repulsed Antiochus. While this action was taking place, Zeuxis had
+assailed the ramparts in another quarter, had succeeded in getting
+within them, and continued to pillage until Lepidus became aware of it
+and came to the rescue of his own interests. At the same time Scipio
+captured the camp of Antiochus, wherein he found many human beings,
+many horses, baggage animals, silver and gold coins, elephants, and a
+number of precious objects besides. Antiochus after this defeat at
+once retired into Syria, and the Asiatic Greeks made common cause with
+the Romans.
+
+After this, upon overtures made by Antiochus, an armistice was
+arranged. Africanus was well disposed toward him for his son's sake,
+and the consul, too, did not want to leave the victory to be grasped
+by his successor, now approaching; consequently they laid upon
+Antiochus conditions no more severe than those they had originally
+set, before the battle. [Sidenote: B.C. 189 (_a.u._ 565)] Indeed,
+Gnaeus Manlius who succeeded them in office was not pleased with the
+agreement reached, and he made additional demands upon the king,
+requiring him besides to give hostages, one of whom should be his son
+Antiochus, and to deliver up all the deserters, among whom was
+Hannibal. Antiochus reluctantly yielded obedience on all points: to
+give up Hannibal, however, was out of his power, since that prince had
+taken seasonable refuge with Prusias, king of Bithynia. On these terms
+Antiochus was able to send envoys to Rome and effect a cessation of
+hostilities. Lucius Scipio received praise for his victory, and it
+gave him the title of Asiaticus in the same way as his brother had
+been called Africanus for conquering Carthage, which had possessed the
+most considerable power in Africa.
+
+These brothers who had proved themselves men of such valor and as a
+result of excellence had attained such a height of reputation were not
+long afterward brought to court and handed over to the populace.
+Lucius was condemned on the suspicion of his having appropriated no
+inconsiderable share of the spoil, and Africanus nominally for having
+made the conditions lighter out of gratitude for kindness shown his
+son; (the true cause of his conviction was jealousy). [Sidenote: FRAG.
+60] THAT THEY COULD NOT JUSTLY BE CHARGED WITH WRONGDOING IS MADE
+PLAIN BOTH BY OTHER EVIDENCE AND MOST OF ALL BY THE FACT THAT WHEN THE
+PROPERTY OF ASIATICUS WAS CONFISCATED IT WAS FOUND TO CONSIST MERELY
+OF HIS ORIGINAL INHERITANCE, AND THAT THOUGH AFRICANUS RETIRED TO
+LITERNUM AND ABODE THERE TO THE END, NO ONE EVER AGAIN PASSED SENTENCE
+OF CONDEMNATION UPON HIM.
+
+Manlius all this time was engaged in winning over Pisidia, Lycaonia,
+and Pamphylia, and a large district of Galatia in Asia. For there
+exists in that region too a race of Gauls which broke off from the
+European stock. Years ago with their king, Brennus, at their head they
+overran Greece and Thrace, and crossing thence to Bithynia they
+detached certain portions of Phrygia, Paphlagonia, Mysia adjacent to
+Olympus, and Cappadocia, and took up their residence in them; and they
+constitute to-day a separate nation bearing the name of Gauls. This
+people caused Manlius trouble, but he managed to overcome them too,
+capturing their city Ancyra by assault and gaining control of the rest
+of the towns by capitulation. This effected, he set sail for home
+after he had received a large price for peace from Ariarathes, king of
+Cappadocia.
+
+IX, 21.--The AEtolians when they had sent ambassadors to Rome the
+second time in regard to peace themselves raised the standard of
+rebellion. Hence the Romans immediately dismissed the ambassadors and
+referred the conduct of affairs in Greece to Marcus Fulvius. He set
+out first for the large city of Ambracia (it had once been the royal
+residence of Pyrrhus and was now occupied by the AEtolians) and
+proceeded to besiege it. So the AEtolians held a conference with him
+about peace, but finding him disinclined to a truce they sent a part
+of their army into Ambracia. The Romans undertook to capture the town
+by an underground passage and pushed their mine straight forward,
+temporarily eluding the notice of the besieged party; but the latter
+began to suspect the true state of affairs when the excavated earth
+attained some dimensions. As they were not aware in what direction the
+trench was being dug, they kept applying a bronze shield to the
+surface of the ground all about the circuit of the walls. By means of
+the resonance they found out the place and went to work in their turn
+to dig a tunnel from inside and approached the Romans, with whom they
+battled in obscurity. Finally they devised the following sort of
+defence. They filled a huge jar with feathers and put fire in it. To
+this they attached a bronze cover that had a number of holes bored in
+it. Then, after carrying the jar into the mine and turning the mouth
+of it toward the enemy, they inserted a bellows in the bottom, and by
+blowing this bellows with vigor they caused a tremendous amount of
+unpleasant smoke, such as feathers would naturally create, to pour
+out, so that not one of the Romans could endure it. Hence the Romans
+in despair of succeeding made a truce and raised the siege. When they
+had agreed to treat, the AEtolians also changed their course and
+secured an armistice. Subsequently they obtained a peace from the
+People by the gift of considerable money and many hostages. Fulvius
+induced Cephallenia to capitulate and reduced to order the
+Peloponnesus, which was in a state of factional turmoil.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 187 (_a.u._ 567)] After a little, in the consulship of
+Gaius Flaminius and AEmilius Lepidus, Antiochus died and his son
+Seleucus succeeded him. Much later, at the demise of Seleucus, the
+Antiochus who spent some time as a hostage in Rome became king.
+[Sidenote: B.C. 183 (_a.u._ 571)] And Philip had courage enough to
+revolt because he had been deprived of some towns in Thessaly and of
+AEnus and Maronea besides, but he was unable to do so on account of his
+age and what had happened to his sons.--Some Gauls crossed the Alps
+and desired to found a city to the south of the mountains. Marcus
+Marcellus took away their arms and everything that they had brought:
+the Romans in the capital, however, upon receiving an embassy from
+them restored everything on condition that they should at once retire.
+
+These years also saw the death of Hannibal. Envoys had been sent from
+Rome to Prusias, monarch of Bithynia, and a part of their errand was
+to make him give up Hannibal, who was at his court. The Carthaginian
+had advance information of the facts and being unable to escape
+committed suicide. [Sidenote: cp. FRAG. 64.] AN ORACLE HAD ONCE
+ANNOUNCED TO HIM THAT HE SHOULD DIE IN THE LAND OF LIBYSSA, AND HE WAS
+EXPECTING TO DIE IN LIBYA, HIS NATIVE COUNTRY, BUT, AS IT HAPPENED,
+HIS DEMISE OCCURRED WHILE HE CHANCED TO BE STAYING IN A CERTAIN PLACE
+CALLED LIBYSSA. Scipio Africanus also died at this time.
+
+
+_(BOOK 20, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 179 (_a.u._ 575)] IX, 22.--Philip, king of Macedonia,
+had put to death his son Demetrius and was about to slay his other son
+Perseus, when death overtook him. Because Demetrius had gained the
+affection of the Roman people through his sojourn as hostage and
+because he himself and the rest of the Macedonian people hoped that he
+would secure the kingdom after Philip was done with it, Perseus, who
+was his elder, became jealous of him and falsely reported him to be
+plotting against his father. Thus Demetrius was forced to drink poison
+and perished. Philip not long after ascertained the truth and desired
+to take measures against Perseus; he did not, however, possess
+sufficient strength and death overtook him. Perseus succeeded to the
+kingdom. The Romans confirmed his claims to it and renewed the compact
+of friendship enjoyed by his father.
+
+In the period immediately following some events of importance took
+place, yet they were not of so vital a character that one should deem
+them worthy of record. Still later Perseus put himself in the position
+of an enemy to the Romans, and in order to delay actual warfare until
+he should reach a state of preparation he sent envoys to Rome
+presumably to make a defence on the charges which were being pressed
+against him. These messengers the Romans would not receive within the
+wall, but they transacted business with them in the space before the
+city; and no other answer was vouchsafed them than that they would
+send a consul with whom he might confer on whatever topics he pleased.
+They also caused them to depart the same day, having given them guides
+to prevent their associating with anybody. And Perseus was forbidden
+in the future to set foot on the soil of Italy.
+
+The Romans next sent out Gnaeus Sicinius, a praetor, with a small force
+(they had not yet made ready their greater armament) and Perseus made
+a tentative invasion of Thessaly in which he won over the greater part
+of that country. [Sidenote: B.C. 171 (_a.u._ 583)] When spring opened
+they sent Licinius Crassus against him as well as a praetor, Gaius
+Lucretius, in charge of the fleet. The latter first encountered
+Perseus near Larissa and was worsted in a cavalry skirmish: later,
+though, he got the best of him and Perseus accordingly retreated into
+Macedonia. As for Crassus, he assailed the Greek cities which were
+held in subjection by Philip and was repulsed from the majority of
+them, although he did get possession of a few. Some he razed to the
+ground and sold the captives. When the inhabitants of Rome learned
+these details, they became indignant and later they imposed a money
+fine on Crassus, liberated the captured cities, and bought back from
+the purchasers such of their inhabitants as had been sold and were
+then found in Italy.
+
+So fared the Romans in these undertakings, but in the war against
+Perseus as a whole they suffered many great reverses and their
+fortunes at many points were at a low ebb. Perseus occupied the
+greater part of Epirus and Thessaly, having gathered a large body of
+troops. As a measure of defence against the Romans' elephants he had
+trained a phalanx of heavy-armed warriors whose shields and helmets he
+had taken care should be studded with sharp iron nails. Also, in order
+to make sure that the beasts should not prove a source of terror to
+the horses he constructed images of elephants that were smeared with
+some kind of ointment to give them a fearful odor and were frightful
+both to see and to hear (for a mechanical device enabled them to emit
+a roar resembling thunder); and he kept continually leading the horses
+up to these representations until they took courage. Perseus, then, as
+a result of all this had acquired great confidence and entertained
+hope that he might surpass Alexander in glory and in the size of his
+domain; the people of Rome [Sidenote: B.C. 169 (_a.u._ 585)] when they
+learned this sent out with speed Marcius Philippus, who was consul.
+He, on reaching the camp in Thessaly, drilled the Romans and the
+allies so that Perseus, becoming afraid, remained quietly in Dium of
+Macedonia and close to Tempe, and continued to keep watch of the pass.
+Philippus, encouraged by this behavior of his, crossed the mountain
+range in the center and occupied some possessions of Perseus. But as
+he was progressing toward Pydna he fell short of provisions and turned
+back to Thessaly. Perseus gained boldness anew, recovered the places
+that Philippus had occupied, and with his fleet damaged the Romans at
+numerous points. He also secured allies [Sidenote: FRAG. 65^1] AND
+HOPED TO EJECT THE ROMANS FROM GREECE ALTOGETHER, BUT THROUGH HIS
+EXCESSIVE AND INOPPORTUNE PARSIMONY AND THE CONSEQUENT CONTEMPT OF HIS
+ALLIES HE BECAME WEAK ONCE MORE. SO SOON AS ROMAN INFLUENCE WAS
+DECLINING SLIGHTLY AND HIS OWN WAS INCREASING, HE WAS FILLED WITH
+SCORN AND THOUGHT HE HAD NO FURTHER NEED OF HIS ALLIES, AND WOULD NOT
+GIVE THEM THE MONEY WHICH HE HAD OFFERED. THE ZEAL OF SOME ACCORDINGLY
+BECAME BLUNTED AND OTHERS ABANDONED HIM ENTIRELY, WHEREUPON HE WAS SO
+OVERWHELMED BY DESPAIR AS ACTUALLY TO SUE FOR PEACE. AND HE WOULD HAVE
+OBTAINED IT THROUGH EUMENES BUT FOR THE PRESENCE OF RHODIANS ALSO IN
+THE EMBASSY. THEY, BY ADOPTING A HAUGHTY TONE WITH THE ROMANS,
+PREVENTED HIM FROM OBTAINING PEACE.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 168 (_a.u._ 586)] IX, 23.--At this point the war waged
+against him was entrusted to AEmilius Paulus, now for the second time
+consul. He rapidly traversed the distance separating him from Thessaly
+and having first set the affairs of the soldiers in order forced his
+way through Tempe, which was being guarded by only a few men, and
+marched against Perseus. The latter had ere this erected breastworks
+along the river Elpeus which intervened, had occupied and rendered
+impassable by means of stone walls and palisades and buildings all the
+ground between Olympus and the sea, and was encouraged by the lack of
+water in the place. Yet even so the consul sought to effect a passage
+and found a means of overcoming the prevailing drought. By piercing
+the sand bed at the foot of Olympus he found water that was delicious
+as well as drinkable.--Meanwhile envoys of the Rhodians reached him
+animated by the same insolence which they had displayed on their
+former embassy to Rome. He would make no statement to them beyond
+saying that he would return an answer in a few days, and dismissed
+them.--Since he could accomplish nothing by direct assault, but
+learned that the mountains were traversable here and there, he sent a
+portion of his army toward that pass across them which was the more
+difficult of approach, to seize opportune points along the route (on
+account of its difficulty of access it had an extremely small guard);
+and he himself with the remainder of his army attacked Perseus that
+the latter might not entertain any suspicion which might lead to his
+guarding the mountains with especial care. After this, when the
+heights had been occupied, he set out by night for the mountains and
+by passing unnoticed at some points and employing force at others he
+crossed them. Perseus on learning it became afraid that his enemy
+might assail him from the rear or even get control of Pydna before he
+could (for the Roman fleet was simultaneously sailing along the
+coast), and he abandoned his fortification near the river and
+hastening to Pydna encamped in front of the town. Paulus, too, came
+there, but instead of immediately beginning an engagement they delayed
+for a number of days. Paulus had found out prior to the event that the
+moon was about to suffer an eclipse, and after collecting his army on
+the evening when the eclipse was due to occur gave the men notice of
+what would happen and warned them not to let it disturb them at all.
+So the Romans on beholding the eclipse looked for no evil to come from
+it, but it made an impression of terror upon the Macedonians and they
+thought that the prodigy had a bearing on the cause of Perseus. While
+each side was in this frame of mind an entirely accidental occurrence
+the next day threw them into a fierce conflict and put an end to the
+war. One of the Roman pack-animals had fallen into the water from
+which a supply was being drawn, and the Macedonians laid hold of him,
+while the water-carriers in turn tightened their grasp. At first they
+fought by themselves; then the remainder of the forces gradually
+issued from the respective camps to the assistance of their own men
+and everybody on both sides became engaged. A disordered but sharp
+conflict ensued in which the Romans were victorious and pursuing the
+Macedonians as far as the sea slaughtered numbers of them by their own
+efforts and allowed the fleet, which was drawing inshore, to slay
+numbers more. Not one of them would have been left alive but for the
+timely succor of night (for the battle had raged during the late
+afternoon).
+
+Perseus consequently made his escape to Amphipolis, where he intended
+to rally the survivors and reorganize the campaign; but as nobody came
+to him save Cretan mercenaries and he learned that Pydna and other
+cities had espoused the Roman cause, he removed thence, and after
+putting aboard some vessels all the money that he was carrying he
+sailed away by night to Samothrace. Before long he ascertained that
+Octavius was approaching at the head of his fleet and that Paulus was
+in Amphipolis; so he sent him a letter requesting permission to confer
+about terms. Since, however, he described himself in the letter as
+"king", he did not get any answer. Subsequently he despatched a letter
+without any such appellation contained in it and was granted a
+conference to consider the question of peace, but the victor declared
+that he would not sanction any conditions that did not include
+Perseus's surrender of his person and all his possessions to the
+Romans' keeping. Hence they failed to come to an agreement. [Sidenote:
+FRAG. 65^3] AFTER THIS A DEMAND WAS MADE UPON PERSEUS BY THE ROMANS
+FOR THE SURRENDER OF ONE EVANDER, A CRETAN, WHO HAD ASSISTED HIM IN
+MANY SCHEMES AGAINST THEM AND WAS MOST FAITHFUL TO HIM. THE PRINCE,
+FEARING THAT HE MIGHT DECLARE ALL THE INTRIGUES TO WHICH HE HAD BEEN
+PRIVY, DID NOT DELIVER HIM BUT SECRETLY SLEW HIM AND HAD IT RUMORED
+THAT THE MAN HAD PERISHED BY HIS OWN HAND. THEN THE ASSOCIATES OF
+PERSEUS, FEARING HIS TREACHERY (for they were not ignorant of what had
+occurred), BEGAN TO DESERT HIS STANDARD. Perseus, then, being afraid
+that he should be delivered up to the Romans tried one night to escape
+by flight and might have taken himself away unobserved to Cotys, a
+Thracian potentate, but for the fact that the Cretans abandoned him.
+They placed the money in boats and weighed anchor for home. So he
+remained there for some days with Philip, one of his sons, hidden from
+sight, but on ascertaining that the rest of his children and his
+retinue had fallen into the hands of Octavius [Sidenote: FRAG. 65^4]
+HE ALLOWED HIMSELF TO BE FOUND. UPON HIS BEING BROUGHT TO AMPHIPOLIS
+PAULUS DID HIM NO INJURY, BUT BOTH ENTERTAINED HIM AND HAD HIM SIT AT
+HIS TABLE, KEEPING HIM, LIKEWISE, ALTHOUGH A PRISONER, UNCONFINED, AND
+SHOWING HIM COURTESY. After this Paulus returned through Epirus to
+Italy.
+
+IX, 24.--About the same time Lucius Anicius, a praetor sent to conduct
+operations against Gentius, both conquered those who withstood him and
+pursued Gentius, when he fled, to Scodra (where his palace was
+located) and shut him up there. The place was built on a spur of the
+mountain and had deep ravines containing boiling torrents winding
+about it, besides being girt by a steadfast wall; and so the Roman
+commander's siege of it would have come to naught, if Gentius
+presuming greatly upon his own power had not voluntarily advanced to
+battle. This act gave the control of his entire domain to Anicius, who
+then proceeded, before Paulus could arrive, to Epirus and tamed the
+quarrelsome pride of that district as well.
+
+The Romans of the capital by some vague report heard of the victory of
+Paulus on the fourth day after the battle, but they placed no sure
+confidence in it. Then letters were brought from Paulus regarding his
+success and they were mightily pleased and plumed themselves not
+merely upon having vanquished Perseus and acquired Macedonia but upon
+having beaten the renowned Philip of old time and Alexander himself
+together with all that empire which he had held. When Paulus reached
+Rome many decrees in his honor were passed and the celebration of his
+triumph proved a most brilliant event. He had in his procession all
+the booty which he had captured, and he had also Bithys, the son of
+Cotys, besides Perseus and his wife and three children altogether in
+the garb of captives. Fearing that Heaven might wax envious of the
+Romans on account of their excess of good fortune he prayed, as
+Camillus had done before, that no ill to the State might result from
+it all but rather to him if it should be unavoidable: and, indeed, he
+lost two sons, one a little before the celebration and the other
+during the triumphal festival itself. [Sidenote: FRAG. 66] HE WAS NOT
+ONLY GOOD AT GENERALSHIP, BUT HE LOOKED DOWN UPON MONEY. OF THIS THE
+FOLLOWING IS A PROOF. THOUGH HE HAD AT THAT TIME ENTERED FOR A SECOND
+TERM UPON THE CONSULSHIP AND HAD GAINED POSSESSION OF UNTOLD SPOILS,
+HE CONTINUED TO LIVE IN SO GREAT INDIGENCE THAT WHEN HE DIED THE DOWRY
+WAS WITH DIFFICULTY PAID BACK TO HIS WIFE.
+
+Of the captives Bithys was returned to his father without ransom, but
+Perseus with his children and attendants was settled in Alba. There he
+endured so long as he still hoped to recover his sovereignty, but when
+he despaired of doing so he despatched himself. His son Philip and his
+daughter also died shortly after: only the youngest son survived for a
+time and served in the capacity of under-secretary to the magistrates
+of Alba. Thus Perseus, who boasted of tracing his descent through
+twenty kings and often had Philip and still oftener Alexander in his
+mouth, lost his kingdom, became a captive, and marched in the
+procession of triumph wearing chains as well as his diadem.
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 67^1] THE RHODIANS, WHO IN THEIR EARLIER DEALINGS
+WITH THE ROMANS DISPLAYED SELF-ESTEEM, NOW BEGGED THE LATTER NOT TO
+BEAR ILL-WILL TOWARD THEM: [Sidenote: FRAG. 67^2] AND WHEREAS THEY HAD
+PREVIOUSLY REFUSED TO ACCEPT THE TITLE OF ROMAN ALLIES, THEY WERE NOW
+ESPECIALLY ANXIOUS TO SECURE IT; and they obtained the object of their
+eagerness, but only after long delay. The Romans harbored resentment
+against the Cretans, too, but in response to a number of embassies on
+the part of this nation they eventually relaxed their anger. Their
+behavior was similar [Sidenote: FRAG. 68] IN THE CASE OF PRUSIAS AND
+EUMENES. THE FORMER CAME PERSONALLY TO THE CITY AND ENTERED THE
+SENATE-HOUSE, COVERED THE THRESHOLD WITH KISSES, AND WORSHIPPED THE
+SENATORS; THUS HE OBTAINED PITY and was held guiltless: Eumenes
+through Attalus his brother secured himself against any continuation
+of malice on their part.
+
+At this time, too, the affairs of Cappadocia were settled in the
+following manner. The monarch of that country, Ariarathes, had a
+legitimate son Ariarathes. But since for a long time before she had
+this son his wife had failed to conceive, she had adopted a child whom
+she called Orophernes. When the true son was later born the position
+of the other was detected and he was banished. Naturally after the
+death of Ariarathes he headed an uprising against his brother. Eumenes
+allied himself with Ariarathes, and Demetrius the king of Syria with
+Orophernes. Ariarathes after sustaining a defeat found an asylum with
+the Romans and was appointed by them to share the kingdom with
+Orophernes. But the fact that Ariarathes had been termed "friend and
+ally" by the Romans enabled him subsequently to make the entire domain
+his own. Attalus soon succeeded Eumenes (who died) and drove
+Orophernes and Demetrius out of Cappadocia altogether.
+
+IX, 25.--Ptolemy, ruler of Egypt, passed away leaving two sons and one
+daughter. When the brothers began to quarrel with each other about the
+supreme office, Antiochus the son of Antiochus the Great sheltered the
+younger, who had been driven out, in order that under the pretext of
+defending him he might interfere in Egyptian politics. In a campaign
+directed against Egypt he conquered the greater part of the country
+and spent some time in besieging Alexandria. As the unsubdued sought
+refuge with the Romans, Popilius was sent to Antiochus and bade him
+keep his hands off Egypt; for the brothers, comprehending the designs
+of Antiochus, had become reconciled. When the latter was for putting
+off his reply, Popilius drew a circle about him with his staff and
+demanded that he deliberate and answer standing where he was.
+Antiochus then in fear raised the siege. The Ptolemies (such was the
+name of both princes) on being relieved of foreign dread fell into
+renewed disputing. Then they were reconciled again by the Romans on
+the condition that the elder should have Egypt and Cyprus, and the
+other one the country about Cyrene, which was likewise part of Egypt
+at that time. The younger one was vexed at having the inferior portion
+and came to Rome where he secured from the government a grant of
+Cyprus in addition. Then the elder once more effected an arrangement
+with the younger son by giving him some cities in exchange for Cyprus
+and being rated to contribute money and grain.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 164 (_a.u._ 590)] Antiochus subsequently died, leaving
+the kingdom to a child of the same name whom the Romans confirmed in
+possession of it and sent three men (with sufficient show of reason,
+for he was a minor) to act as his guardians. They on finding elephants
+and triremes contrary to the compact ordered the elephants all to be
+slain and administered everything else in the interest of Rome.
+Therefore Lysias, who had been entrusted with the surveillance of the
+king, incited the populace to cast out the Romans and also kill
+Gaius[39] Octavius. When these plans had been carried out Lysias
+straightway despatched envoys to Rome to offer a defence for what had
+been done. Demetrius the son of Seleucus son of Antiochus, who was
+staying in Rome as a hostage at the time of his father's death and had
+been deprived of the kingdom by his uncle Antiochus, asked for his
+ancestral domain when he learned of the death of Antiochus, but the
+Romans would neither help him to get it nor permit him to set out from
+Rome. In spite of his dissatisfaction he remained quiet. But when the
+affair of Lysias came up, he no longer delayed but escaped by flight
+and sent a message to the senate from Lycia saying that his objective
+was not his _cousin_ Antiochus (the children of brothers were so
+termed by the ancients) but Lysias, and his purpose was to avenge
+Octavius. Hastening to Tripolis in Syria he won over this town also,
+pretending that he had been sent out by the Romans to take charge of
+the kingdom. No one at this time had any idea of his secret flight,
+and so after conquering Apamea and gathering a body of troops he
+marched to Antioch. There he destroyed Lysias and the boy, who came to
+meet him in the guise of friends (through fear of the Romans they had
+offered no opposition), [Sidenote: B.C. 162 (_a.u._ 592)] and he
+recovered the kingdom, whereupon he forwarded to Rome a crown and the
+assassins of Octavius. The citizens, being enraged at him, would
+accept neither the one nor the other.
+
+[Footnote 39: This name is erroneously written by Zonaras for Gnaeus.
+(Cp. Polybius 28, 3, 2; 31, 12 (also 13, 19, and 20); 32, 4 to 7.)]
+
+Next the Romans made a campaign against the Dalmatians. This race
+consists of Illyrians who dwell along the Ionian Gulf, some of whom
+the Greeks used to call Taulantii, and part of them are close to
+Dyrrachium. The cause of the war was that they had been abusing some
+of their neighbors who were in a league of friendship with the Romans,
+and when the Romans joined an embassy in their behalf the Dalmatians
+returned an answer that was not respectful, and even arrested and
+killed the envoys of the other nations. [Sidenote: B.C. 155 (_a.u._
+599)] Scipio Nasica subdued this race in a campaign against them. He
+captured their towns and several times sold the captives.--Other
+events, too, took place in those days,--not, however, of a kind to
+deserve mention or historical record.
+
+
+_(BOOK 21, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 153 (_a.u._ 601)] IX, 26.--The rattling of dice in the
+box of Circumstance now announced the final cast in the struggle with
+Carthage,--the third of the series. The Carthaginians could not endure
+their subordinate position, but contrary to the treaty were setting
+their fleet in readiness and making alliances as measures of
+preparation for war with the Nomads: [Sidenote: B.C. 152 (_a.u._ 602)]
+and the Romans, having settled other questions to their own
+satisfaction, did not remain at rest, but by the mouth of Scipio
+Nasica their commissioner they charged their rivals with this breach
+of faith and ordered them to disband their armament. The Carthaginians
+found fault with Masinissa and on account of the war with him declined
+to obey the command. The Romans then arranged terms for them with
+Masinissa and prevailed upon him to retire from some territory in
+their favor. [Sidenote: B.C. 150 (_a.u._ 604)] Since they showed
+themselves no more tractable than before, the Romans waited a bit, and
+as soon as information was received that the Carthaginians had been
+worsted in a great battle by Masinissa they voted for war against
+them. The Carthaginians, who were feeling the effects of their defeat,
+became frightened on learning this and sent envoys to Rome to secure
+an alliance; for other neighboring tribes were also beginning to
+attack them. They feigned a readiness to yield to the Romans on all
+points, and their very intention of not remaining true to their
+agreements rendered them all the more ready to promise anything.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 149 (_a.u._ 605)] When the senate called a meeting to
+consider the matter, Scipio Nasica advised receiving the Carthaginian
+embassy and making a truce with them, but Marcus Cato declared that no
+truce ought to be arranged nor the decree of war rescinded. The
+senators accepted the supplication of the envoys, promised to grant
+them a truce, and asked for hostages as an earnest of these
+conditions. These hostages were sent to Sicily and Lucius Marcius and
+Marcus Manilius went there, took charge of them, and sent them on to
+Rome. They themselves made haste to occupy Africa. After encamping
+they summoned the magistrates of Carthage to appear before them. When
+these officials arrived they did not unmask all their demands at once,
+for they feared that if the Carthaginians understood them in season
+they would plunge into war with resources unimpaired. So first they
+asked for and received grain, next the triremes, and after that the
+engines; and then they demanded the arms besides. They secured the
+entire visible supply (but the Carthaginians had a great deal of other
+equipment safely hidden) and at length ordered them to raze their city
+and to build in its place an unwalled town inland, eighty stades
+distant from the sea. At that the Carthaginians were dissolved in
+tears, acknowledged that they were trapped, and bewailed their fate,
+begging the consuls not to compel them to act as the assassins of
+their country. They soon found that they could accomplish nothing and
+had to face the repeated command either to execute the order or to
+cast the die of war. Many of the people then remained there on the
+Roman side, tacitly admitting their success: the remainder withdrew,
+and after killing some of their rulers for not having chosen war in
+the first place and after murdering such Romans as were discovered
+within the fortification they turned their attention to war. Under
+these circumstances they liberated all the slaves, restored the
+exiles, chose Hasdrubal once more as leader, and made ready arms,
+engines, and triremes. With war at their doors and the danger of
+slavery confronting them they prepared in the briefest possible time
+everything that they needed. They spared nothing, but melted down the
+statues for the sake of the bronze in them and used the hair of their
+women for ropes. The consuls at first, thinking them unarmed, expected
+to overcome them speedily and merely prepared ladders, with which they
+expected to scale the wall at once. As the assault showed their
+enemies to be armed and they saw that they possessed means for a
+siege, the Romans, before approaching close to the city again, devoted
+themselves to the manufacture of engines. The construction of these
+machines was fraught with danger, since Hasdrubal set ambuscades for
+those who were gathering the wood and annoyed them considerably, but
+in time they were able to assail the town. Now Manilius in his assault
+from the land side could not injure the Carthaginians at all, but
+Marcius, while delivering an attack from marshy ground on the side
+where the sea was, managed to shake down a part of the wall, though he
+could not get inside. The Carthaginians repulsed those who attempted
+to force their way in, and at night issued through the ruins to slay
+numerous men and burn up a very large number of engines. Hasdrubal and
+the cavalry, however, did not allow them to scatter over any
+considerable territory and Masinissa lent them no aid. He had not been
+invited at the opening of the war, and, though he had promised
+Hasdrubal that he would fight now, they gave him no opportunity of
+doing so.
+
+IX, 27.--The consuls in view of the outcome of their attempts and
+because their fleet had been damaged by its stay in the lake raised
+the siege. Marcius endeavored to achieve some advantage by sea or at
+least to injure the coast districts, but not accomplishing anything he
+sailed for home, then turned back and subdued AEgimurus: and Manilius
+started for the interior, but upon sustaining injuries at the hands of
+Himilco, commander of the Carthaginian cavalry, whom they called also
+Phameas, he returned to Carthage. There, while the outside forces of
+Hasdrubal troubled him, the people in the city harassed him by
+excursions both night and day. In fact, the Carthaginians came to
+despise him and advanced as far as the Roman camp, but being for the
+most part unarmed they lost a number of men and shut themselves up in
+their fortifications again. Manilius was particularly anxious to get
+into close quarters with Hasdrubal, thinking that, if he could
+vanquish him, he should find it easier to wage war upon the remainder.
+His wish to get into close quarters with him was eventually realized.
+He followed Hasdrubal to a small fort whither the latter was retiring,
+and before he knew it got into a narrow passage over rough ground and
+there suffered a tremendous reverse. He would have been utterly
+destroyed, had he not found a most valuable helper in the person of
+Scipio the descendant of Africanus, [Sidenote: FRAG. 69] WHO EXCELLED
+IN APPREHENDING AND DEVISING BEFOREHAND THE MOST ADVANTAGEOUS
+MOVEMENTS, BUT EXCELLED ALSO IN EXECUTING THEM. IN BODILY FRAME HE WAS
+STRONG; HE WAS AMIABLE, TOO, AND MODERATE; AND FOR THESE REASONS HE
+ESCAPED ENVY. HE CHOSE TO MAKE HIMSELF LIKE TO HIS INFERIORS, NOT
+BETTER THAN HIS EQUALS (he served as military tribune), AND WEAKER
+THAN GREATER MEN. Manilius both reported what Scipio had done and sent
+a letter to the people of Rome concealing nothing, but including among
+other matters an account of the proceedings of Masinissa and Phameas.
+These were as follows.
+
+Masinissa on his death-bed was at a loss to know how he should dispose
+of his kingdom, his dilemma being due to the number of his sons and
+the variety of their family ties on their mothers' side. Therefore he
+sent for Scipio to advise him, and the consul let Scipio go. But the
+demise of Masinissa occurred before Scipio arrived, and he gave his
+ring to his son Micipsa and delivered and committed all the other
+interests pertaining to his kingdom to Scipio, so soon as the latter
+should arrive. Scipio being aware of the preferences of Masinissa's
+sons assigned the kingdom to no one of them singly; but whereas there
+were three most distinguished, the eldest Micipsa, the youngest
+Gulussa, and intermediate in age Mastanabal, he appointed these to
+have charge of affairs, though separately. To the eldest, who was
+versed in business and fond of wealth, he entrusted the fiscal
+administration, to the second son, who possessed the critical faculty,
+he granted the right to decide disputes, and to Gulussa, who chanced
+to be of a warlike temperament, he delivered the troops. They had also
+numerous brothers on whom he bestowed certain cities and districts. He
+took Gulussa along with him and introduced him to the consul.
+
+Now at the beginning of spring they made a campaign against the allies
+of the Carthaginians and brought many of them to terms forcibly while
+inducing many others to capitulate. Scipio was especially active in
+the work. [Sidenote: FRAG. 70] WHEN PHAMEAS, DESPAIRING OF
+CARTHAGINIAN SUCCESS, went over to the Romans and held a conference
+with Scipio, then they all set out against Hasdrubal. For several days
+they assailed his fortress, but as necessaries failed them they
+retired in good order. During the siege Phameas had attacked them and
+made a show of fighting, and in the progress of the action he had
+deserted together with some of the cavalry. Then Manilius went to
+Utica and remained quiet, while Scipio took Phameas back to Rome,
+where he himself received commendation and Phameas was honored to the
+extent of being allowed to sit with the senate in the senate-house.
+
+IX, 28.--It was at this time, too, that the episode occurred in which
+Prusias figured. The latter being old and of an irritable disposition
+became possessed by a fear that the Bithynians would expel him from
+his kingdom, choosing in his stead his son Nicomedes. So on some
+pretext he sent his son to Rome, with orders to make that his home.
+But since he plotted against the younger man even during the sojourn
+in Rome and labored to kill him, some Bithynians made visits to Rome,
+took Nicomedes away secretly and conveyed him to Bithynia, and after
+slaying the old man designated him king. This act vexed the Romans,
+but did not incense them to the point of war.
+
+A certain Andriscus, who was a native of Atramyttium and resembled
+Perseus in appearance, caused a wide area of Macedonia to revolt by
+pretending to be his son and calling himself Philip. First he went to
+Macedonia and tried to upheave the country, but as no one would yield
+him allegiance he took his way to Demetrius in Syria to obtain from
+him the aid which relationship might afford. Demetrius arrested him
+and sent him to Rome, where he met with general contempt, both because
+he stood convicted of not being the son of Perseus and because he had
+no other qualities that were worthy of attention. On being released he
+gathered a band of revolutionists, drew after him a number of cities,
+and finally, assuming the kingly garb and mustering an army, he
+reached Thrace. There he added to his army numbers of the independent
+lands as well as numbers of princes who disliked the Romans, invaded
+Macedonia (which he occupied), and setting out for Thessaly made not a
+little of that territory his own.
+
+The Romans at first scorned Andriscus and then they sent Scipio Nasica
+to effect some peaceful settlement in those parts. On reaching Greece
+and ascertaining what had occurred he despatched a letter to the
+Romans explaining the case; then after collecting troops from allies
+there he gave attention to the business in hand and advanced as far
+as Macedonia. The people of Rome when informed of the doings of
+Andriscus sent an army and Publius Juventius, a praetor. Juventius had
+just reached the vicinity of Macedonia, when Andriscus gave battle,
+killed the praetor, and would have annihilated his entire force but for
+its withdrawal by night. Next he invaded Thessaly, damaged a very
+great extent of it, and ranged Thracian interests on his side.
+Consequently the people of Rome once more despatched a praetor, Quintus
+Caecilius Metellus, with a strong body of troops: he proceeded to
+Macedonia and enjoyed the assistance of the fleet of Attalus. The
+fleet inspired Andriscus with some alarm for the coast districts so
+that he did not venture to advance farther but moved up to a point
+slightly beyond Pydna. There he had the best of it in a cavalry
+encounter but out of fear of the infantry turned back. His elation was
+such that he divided his army into two sections, and with one remained
+on the watch where he was, while he sent the other to ravage Thessaly.
+Metellus in derision of the forces confronting him joined battle, and
+by overpowering those with whom he first came into conflict he got
+control of the remainder with greater ease; for they made terms with
+him readily, inasmuch as they had erred. Andriscus fled to Thrace and
+after assembling a body of fighters gave battle to Metellus as the
+latter was advancing on his track. His vanguard, however, was routed
+first; then his contingent of allies was scattered; and Andriscus
+himself was betrayed by Byzes, a Thracian prince, and executed.
+
+One Alexander, that also declared himself to be a son of Perseus and
+collected a band of warriors, had occupied the country round about the
+river which is called the Mestus:[40] but he now took to flight, and
+Metellus chased him as far as Dardania.
+
+[Footnote 40: Presumably an error for the _Nestus_, a well-known
+stream.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 148 (_a.u._ 606)] IX, 29.--The Romans put Piso the
+consul in the field against the Carthaginians. Piso did not try
+conclusions with Carthage and Hasdrubal, but devoted himself to the
+coast cities. He was repulsed from Aspis, captured and razed Neapolis,
+and in his expedition against the town of Hippo merely used up time
+without accomplishing anything. The Carthaginians took heart both for
+the reasons indicated and because some allies had joined their cause.
+Learning this the Romans in army and city alike had recourse to Scipio
+and created him consul in spite of the fact that his age would not
+properly let him hold the office. [Sidenote: Cp. FRAG. 71] His own
+deeds and the excellence of his father Paulus and of his grandfather
+Africanus implanted in the breasts of all a firm hope that through him
+they should vanquish their enemies and utterly root out Carthage.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 147 (_a.u._ 607)] While Scipio was en route to Libya,
+Mancinus was sailing along the coast of Carthage. He noticed a point
+called Megalia which was inside the city wall and was located on a
+cliff having a sheer descent into the sea. This point was a long
+distance away from the rest of the town and had but few guards because
+of the natural strength of its position. Suddenly Mancinus applied
+ladders to it from the ships and ascended. Not till he was safely up
+did some of the Carthaginians hastily gather, but even so they were
+unable to repulse him from his vantage ground. He then sent to Piso an
+account of his exploit and a request for assistance. Piso, however,
+being far in the interior, proved of no aid to Mancinus, but Scipio
+happened along at nightfall just after the receipt of the news and
+immediately sent him help. The Carthaginians would have either
+captured or destroyed Mancinus, if they had not seen Scipio's vessels
+skirting the shore: then they grew discouraged, but would not fall
+back. So Scipio sent them some captives to tell them that he was at
+hand, upon receipt of which information they no longer stood their
+ground, but retired to send for Hasdrubal and fortify with trenches
+and palisades the cross-wall in front of the residences. Scipio now
+left Mancinus to guard Megalia and himself set out to join Piso and
+the troops so as to have their support in his conduct of operations.
+He made a rapid return journey with the lightest equipped portion of
+the army and found that Hasdrubal had entered Carthage and was
+attacking Mancinus fiercely. The arrival of Scipio put an end to the
+attack. When Piso too had come there, Scipio bade him take up his
+position outside the wall opposite certain gates, and he sent other
+soldiers around to a little gate a long distance away from the main
+force, with orders as to what they must do. He himself about midnight
+took the strongest portion of the army, got inside the circuit (using
+deserters as guides) and moving quietly to a point inside the little
+gate he hacked the bar in two, let in the men who were on the watch
+outside and destroyed the guards. Then he hastened to the gate
+opposite which Piso had his station, routing the intervening guards
+(who were only a few in each place), so that Hasdrubal by the time he
+found out what had happened could see that nearly the entire body of
+Roman troops was inside. For a while the Carthaginians withstood them:
+then they abandoned the city, all but the Cotho and Byrsa, in which
+they took refuge. Next Hasdrubal killed all the Roman captives in
+order that his people in despair of pardon might show the greater
+fortitude in resistance. He also made away with many of the natives on
+the charge that they wanted to betray their own cause. And Scipio
+encircled them with trench and palisade and intercepted them by a
+wall, yet it was some time before he took them captive. The walls were
+strong and the men within being many in number and confined in a small
+space fought with vehemence. They were well off for food, too, for
+Bithias from the mainland opposite the city sent merchantmen, amid
+wind and wave into the harbor to them so often as there was a heavy
+gale blowing. To overcome this obstacle Scipio conceived and executed
+a startling operation, namely, the damming of the narrow entrance to
+the harbor. The work was difficult and toilsome, for the Carthaginians
+undertook to check them, yet he accomplished it by the number of
+laborers at his disposal. Many battles took place in the meantime, but
+the enemy were unable to prevent the filling of the channel.
+
+IX, 30.--So when the mouth of the harbor had been filled up, the
+Carthaginians were terribly oppressed by the scarcity of food; some of
+them deserted, others endured it and died, and still others ate the
+dead bodies. Hasdrubal, accordingly, in dejection sent envoys to
+Scipio with regard to truce, and would have obtained immunity, had he
+not desired to secure both preservation and freedom for all the rest
+as well. After he had failed for this reason to accomplish his purpose
+he confined his wife in the acropolis because she had made
+propositions to Scipio for the safety of herself and her children, and
+behaved in other ways more boldly on account of his despair. He,
+therefore, and some others, mastered by frenzy, fought both night and
+day; and sometimes they would be defeated and sometimes gain
+advantage; and they devised machinery to oppose the Roman engines.
+Bithias, who held a high-perched fortress and scoured wide stretches
+of the mainland, did what he could to help the Carthaginians and
+damage the Romans. Hence Scipio also divided his army, assigning one
+half of it to invest Carthage while he sent the other half against
+Bithias, placing at the head of it his lieutenant Gaius Laelius. He
+himself spent his time in passing from one division to the other for
+inspection. Then the fortress was taken, and the siege of Carthage was
+once more conducted by an undivided force.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 146 (_a.u._ 608)] The Carthaginians despairing
+consequently of being any longer able to save both walls betook
+themselves to the enclosure of the Byrsa, since it was higher up, at
+the same time transferring thither all the objects that they could.
+By night they burned the dockyard and most of the other structures in
+order to deprive the enemy of any benefit from them. When the Romans
+became aware of their action, they occupied the harbor and advanced
+against Byrsa. Occupying the houses on each side of it some of the
+besiegers walked straight along on top of the roofs by successively
+stepping to those immediately adjacent, and others by digging through
+the walls pushed onward below until they reached the very citadel.
+When they had got so far, the Carthaginians offered no further
+opposition, but all except Hasdrubal sued for clemency. He together
+with the deserters (for Scipio would not grant them a truce) was
+crowded into the temple of AEsculapius, as were also his wife and
+children, and there he defended himself against assailants until the
+deserters set fire to the temple and climbed to the roof to await the
+last extremity of the flames. Then, beaten, he came to Scipio holding
+the suppliant branch. His wife, who witnessed his entreaty, after
+calling him by name and reproaching him for securing safety for
+himself when he had not allowed her to obtain terms threw her children
+into the fire and likewise cast herself in.
+
+Thus did Scipio take Carthage, and he forwarded to the senate a letter
+in these terms: "Carthage is taken. What are your orders?" This being
+read they held a session to consider what should be done. Cato
+advanced the opinion that they ought to raze the city and blot out the
+Carthaginians, whereas Scipio Nasica still advised sparing the
+Carthaginians. From this beginning the senate became involved in great
+dispute and contention until some one said that if for no other reason
+it must be considered necessary to spare them for the Romans' own
+sake. With this nation for antagonists they would be sure to practice
+excellence and not turn aside to pleasures and luxury; for if those
+who were able to compel them to practice warlike pursuits should be
+removed from the scene, they might become inferior from want of
+practice, for a lack of worthy competitors. As a result of these words
+all became unanimous in favor of demolishing Carthage, since they felt
+sure that that people would never remain entirely at peace. The whole
+town was therefore overthrown from pinnacle to foundation and it was
+decreed that for any person to settle upon its site should be an
+accursed act. The majority of the population captured were thrown into
+prison and there perished, and some few (still excepting the very
+foremost men) were sold. These leaders and the hostages and Hasdrubal
+and Bithias lived to the end of their lives in different parts of
+Italy as prisoners, yet free from bonds. Scipio secured both glory and
+honor and was called Africanus not after his grandfather but from his
+own achievements.
+
+IX, 31.--This year likewise saw the ruin of Corinth. The head men of
+the Greeks had been deported to Italy by AEmilius Paulus, whereupon
+their countrymen at first through embassies kept requesting the return
+of the men, and when their prayers were not granted some of the
+exiles in despair of ever effecting a return to their homes committed
+suicide. The Greeks took this situation with a very bad grace and made
+it a matter of public lamentation, besides evincing anger at any
+persons dwelling among them that favored the Roman cause; yet they
+displayed no open symptoms of hostility until they got back the
+remnants of those hostages. [Sidenote: B.C. 149 (_a.u._ 605)] Then
+those that had been wronged and those that had obtained a hold upon
+the goods of others fell into strife and began a real warfare.
+[Sidenote: FRAG. 72] THE QUARREL BEGAN BY THE ACTION OF THE ACHAEANS IN
+BRINGING CHARGES AGAINST THE LACEDAEMONIANS AS BEING RESPONSIBLE FOR
+WHAT HAD HAPPENED TO THEM. THE MEDIATORS WHOM THE ROMANS DESPATCHED TO
+THEM THEY WOULD NOT HEED: they rather set their faces toward war,
+acting under the supervision of Critolaus. Metellus was consequently
+afraid that they might lay hands on Macedonia,--[Sidenote: B.C. 148
+(_a.u._ 606)] they had already appeared in Thessaly,--and so he went
+to meet them and routed them.
+
+At the fall of Critolaus the Greek world was split asunder. Some of
+them had embraced peace and laid down their weapons, whereas others
+had committed their interests to the care of Diaeus and were still
+involved in factional turmoil. [Sidenote: B.C. 146 (_a.u._ 608)] On
+learning this the people of Rome sent Mummius against them. He got rid
+of Metellus and gave his personal attention to the war. Part of his
+army sustained a slight reverse through an ambuscade and Diaeus pursued
+the fugitives up to their own camp, but Mummius made a sortie, routed
+him, and followed to the Achaean entrenchments. Diaeus now gathered a
+larger force and undertook to give battle to them, but, as the Romans
+would make no hostile demonstration, he conceived a contempt for them
+and advanced to a depressed piece of ground lying between the camps.
+Mummius seeing this secretly sent horsemen to assail them on the
+flank. After these had attacked and thrown the enemy into confusion,
+he brought up the phalanx in front and caused considerable slaughter.
+As a consequence Diaeus in despair killed himself, and of the survivors
+of the battle the Corinthians were scattered over the country, while
+the rest fled to their homes. Hence the Corinthians within the wall
+believing that all their citizens had been lost abandoned the city,
+and it was empty of men when Mummius took it. After that he won over
+without trouble both that nation and the rest of the Greeks. He now
+took possession of their arms, all the offerings that were consecrated
+in their temples, the statues, paintings, and whatever other kind of
+ornament they had; and as soon as he could send his father and some
+other men to arrange terms for the vanquished he caused the walls of
+some of the cities to be taken down and declared them all to be free
+and independent except the Corinthians. The dwellers in Corinth he
+sold, and confiscated their land and demolished their walls and all
+their houses besides, out of fear that some states might again unite
+with them, since they constituted the greatest state. To prevent any
+of them from remaining hidden and any of the other Greeks from being
+sold as Corinthians he assembled everybody present before he had
+disclosed his determination, and after having his soldiers surround
+them in such a way as not to attract notice he proclaimed the
+enslavement of the Corinthians and the liberation of the remainder.
+Then he instructed them all to take hold of any Corinthians standing
+beside them. In this way he arrived at an accurate distinction.
+
+Thus was Corinth overthrown. The rest of the Greek world suffered
+temporarily from murders and levies of money, but afterward came to
+enjoy such immunity and prosperity that it used to be said: "If they
+had not been taken captive as early as they were, they could not have
+been preserved."
+
+So this end simultaneously befell Carthage and Corinth, famous,
+ancient cities: but at a much later date they received colonies of
+Romans, became again flourishing, and regained their original
+position.
+
+The exploits of the Romans up to this point, found by me in ancient
+books that record these matters, written by men of old time, I have
+drawn thence in a condensed form and have embodied in the present
+history. As for what comes next in order,--the transactions of the
+consuls and dictators, so long as the government of Rome was still
+conducted by these officials,--let no one censure me as having passed
+this by through contempt or indolence or antipathy and having left the
+history as it were incomplete. The gap has not been overlooked by me
+through sloth, nor have I of my own free will left my task half
+finished, but through lack of books to describe the events. I have
+frequently instituted a search for them, yet I have not found them,
+and I do not know whether the cause is that the passage of time has
+destroyed them, and so they are not preserved, or whether the persons
+to whom I entrusted the errand perhaps did not search for them with
+sufficient diligence; for I was living abroad and passing my life on
+an islet far from the city. And because it has not been my lot to gain
+access to these books in this instance, my history turns out to be
+only half complete for the acts of the consuls and even for those of
+the dictators. Hence, passing over them, though reluctantly, I will
+record the deeds of the emperors, with some brief introductory remarks
+to make clear to those who shall read my history by what steps the
+Romans passed from aristocracy (or democracy) to the rule of one man,
+and to impart, in addition, coherence to the narrative.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+NOTE.--NO SUMMARY EXISTS OF THE MISSING BOOKS TWENTY-TWO TO
+THIRTY-FIVE INCLUSIVE, AND WE ARE DRIVEN TO RELY ON SCATTERED AND
+INCONSEQUENTIAL FRAGMENTS (THAT HAVE SOMEHOW ESCAPED THE WRECK OF
+SEASONS) AS THE BASIS FOR WHATEVER MENTAL IMAGE WE MAY CHOOSE TO FORM
+OF THE LOST NARRATIVE. THESE BITS POSSESS THE SAME VALUE FOR DIO'S
+HISTORY AS DO THE UNRELATED PIECES OF MARBLE AND CLAY FROM EXCAVATIONS
+IN ENABLING US TO GAIN A WIDER UNDERSTANDING OF ANTIQUE SCULPTURE AND
+POTTERY. FOR AN ACCOUNT OF THE SOURCES OF THESE FRAGMENTS SEE THE
+INTRODUCTION, UNDER THE CAPTION ENTITLED THE WRITING.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+_(BOOK 22, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXIII] (Par.) Viriathus was a Lusitanian, of very
+obscure origin, as some think, who enjoyed great renown through his
+deeds, for from a shepherd he became a robber and later on also a
+general. He was naturally adapted and had trained himself to be very
+quick in pursuing and fleeing, and of great force in a stationary
+conflict. He was glad to get any food that came to hand and whatever
+drink fell to his lot; he lived most of his life under the open sky
+and was satisfied with nature's bedding. Consequently he was
+superior to any heat or any cold, and neither was he ever troubled
+by hunger nor did he suffer from any other disagreeable condition;
+since he found all his wants met quite sufficiently by whatever he
+had at hand, which seemed to him unexcelled. While he possessed
+such a physical constitution, as the result of nature and training,
+he surpassed still more in spiritual endowment. He was swift to
+perceive and do whatever was requisite,--he could tell what must
+be done and at the same time he understood the proper occasion for
+it,--and he was clever at pretending not to know the most evident
+facts and to know the most hidden secrets. Furthermore he was not
+only general but his own assistant in every business equally,
+and was seen to be neither humble nor pompous, but in him obscurity
+of family and reputation for strength were so mingled that he
+seemed to be neither inferior nor superior to any one. And, in
+fine, he carried on the war not for the sake of personal gain or
+power nor through anger, but because of the opportunity for action;
+therefore he was regarded as most thoroughly a lover of war and a
+successful warrior. (Valesius, p. 614.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXIV] [Sidenote: B.C. 143 (_a.u._ 611)] 1.
+(Par.) Claudius, the colleague of Metellus, impelled by pride of birth
+and jealousy of Metellus, when he had had Italy allotted to his command
+and found no sign of war, was eager to secure by any means some
+pretext for a triumph; hence without taking the trouble to lodge any
+formal complaint he set the Salassi, a Gallic tribe, at war with the
+Romans. He had been sent to reconcile them, because they were
+disputing with their neighbors about the water necessary for the gold
+mines, and he overran their entire country ... the Romans sent him two
+of the ten priests. (Valesius, p. 617.)
+
+2. (Par.) Claudius, even if he understood thoroughly that he had not
+conquered, nevertheless even then displayed such arrogance as not to
+say a word in either the senate or the popular assembly about the
+triumph; but acting as if the right were indisputably his, even if no
+one should vote to that effect, he asked for the requisite
+expenditures. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXV] [Sidenote: B.C. 142 (_a.u._ 612)] (Par.) As
+regards character Mummius and Africanus differed vastly from each
+other in every respect. The latter ruled with a view to the greatest
+uprightness and with exactitude, not esteeming one influence above
+another; he called to account many of the senators and many of the
+knights, as well as other individuals. Mummius, on the other hand, was
+more urbane and humane in his behavior; he imputed no dishonor to any
+one, and abolished many of the regulations framed by Africanus, so far
+as was possible. To such an extent of amiability did his nature lead
+him, that he lent some statues to Lucullus for the consecration of the
+temple of Felicitas (material for which he had gathered in the Spanish
+war), and then, when that general was unwilling to return them on the
+ground that they had been made sacred by the dedication, he showed no
+anger, but permitted his own spoils to lie there offered up in
+another's name. (Valesius, p. 618.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXVI] [Sidenote: B.C. 140 (_a.u._ 614)]
+(Par.) Pompeius[41] received many setbacks and incurred great disgrace.
+There was a river flowing through the country of the Numantini that he
+wished to turn aside from its ancient channel and let in upon their
+fields; and after tremendous exertions he did accomplish this. But he
+lost many soldiers, and no advantage from turning it aside came to the
+Romans, nor harm to the enemy.... (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Footnote 41: This is Q. Pompeius A. F. Nepos (consul B.C. 141).]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXVII] (Par.) Caepio[42] effected nothing worthy of
+mention against the foe, but brought much serious harm to his own men,
+so that he ran the risk of being killed by them. He treated them all,
+but especially the cavalry, with such harshness and cruelty that a vast
+number of most unseemly jokes and stories passed current about him
+during the nights; and the more he grew vexed at it, the more jests
+did they make and endeavor to infuriate him. When what was going on
+became known and no one could be found guilty--though he suspected it
+was the doing of the cavalry--as he could fix the responsibility upon
+no one single man he became angry at all of them, and commanded them,
+six hundred in number, accompanied only by their grooms, to cross the
+river by which they were encamped and bring wood from the mountain on
+which Viriathus was bivouacking. The danger was manifest to all, and
+the tribunes and lieutenants begged him not to destroy them. The
+cavalry waited for a little to see if he would listen to the others,
+and when he would not yield, they deemed it unworthy to supplicate
+him, as he was most eager for them to do, but choosing rather to
+perish utterly than to speak a respectful word to him, they started on
+the mission assigned. The horsemen of the allies and other volunteers
+accompanied them. They crossed the river, cut the wood, and threw it
+in all around the general's quarters, intending to burn them down. And
+he would have perished in the flames, if he had not fled away in time.
+(Valesius, p. 618.)
+
+[Footnote 42: _Q. Servilius Caepio_ (consul B.C. 140).]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXVIII] [Sidenote: B.C. 139 (_a.u._ 615)] (Par.)
+Popilius so terrified Viriathus that the latter sent to him about peace
+immediately and before they had tried any battle at all, killed some
+of the leaders of the rebels whose surrender had been demanded by the
+Romans--among these his father-in-law, though commanding his own
+force, was slaughtered--and delivered up the rest, all of whose hands
+the consul cut off. And he would have agreed to a complete truce, if
+their weapons had not been demanded in addition: with this condition
+neither he nor the rest of the throng would comply.[43] (Ursinus, p.
+383.)
+
+[Footnote 43: Adopting Reiske's conjecture [Greek: hypomeinai epsesen]
+in place of the MS. [Greek: hypomeinai epoieses].]
+
+
+_(BOOK 23, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXIX] [Sidenote: B.C. 136 (_a.u._ 618)] (Par.) The
+Romans received the Numantine ambassadors on their arrival outside the
+walls, to the end that their reception might not seem to imply a
+ratification of the truce. However, they sent gifts of friendship
+notwithstanding, not wishing to deprive them of the hope of possibly
+coming to terms. Mancinus and his followers told of the necessity of
+the compact made and the number of the saved, and stated that they
+still held all of their former possessions in Spain. They besought
+their countrymen to consider the question not in the light of their
+present immunity, but with reference to the danger that then
+encompassed the soldiers, and to think not what ought to have been
+done, but what might have been the outcome. The Numantini brought
+forward many statements about their previous good-will toward the
+Romans and considerable about the latter's subsequent injustice,
+by reason of which they had been forced into the war, and the
+perjury of Pompeius: and they asked for considerate treatment in
+return for the preservation of Mancinus and the rest. But the
+Romans both dissolved the truce and decided that Mancinus should
+be given up to the Numantini. (Ursinus, p. 383.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXX] (Par.) Claudius[44] through his harshness would
+have committed many outrageous acts, had he not been restrained by his
+colleague Quintus.[45] The latter, who was amiable and possessed
+exactly the opposite temperament, did not oppose him with anger in any
+matter and, indeed, occasionally yielded to him, and by gentle
+behavior so manipulated him that he found very few opportunities for
+irritation. (Valesius, p. 621.)
+
+[Footnote 44: These are the censors for the year B.C. 136, Ap.
+Claudius Pulcher and Q. Fulvius Nobilior.]
+
+[Footnote 45: See note, page 335.]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXI] (Par.) Furius[46] led out among his lieutenants
+both Pompeius and Metellus though they were hostile both to him and to
+each other; for, expecting to achieve some great success, he wished to
+have in them sure witnesses to his deeds and to receive the evidence of
+his prowess from their unwilling lips. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Footnote 46: P. Furius Philus (consul B.C. 136).]
+
+
+_(BOOK 24, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXIII] 1. (Par.) Tiberius Gracchus caused an upheaval
+of the Roman state,--and this in spite of the fact that he belonged to
+one of the foremost families (his grandfather being Africanus), that
+he possessed a natural endowment worthy of the latter, that he had
+gone through a most thorough course of education, and had a high
+spirit. In proportion to these great gifts of his was the allurement
+that they offered to follow his ambitions: and when once he had turned
+aside from what was best he drifted even involuntarily into what was
+worst. It began with his being refused a triumph over the Numantini:
+he had hoped for this honor because he had previously had the
+management of the business, but so far from obtaining anything of the
+kind he incurred the danger of being delivered up; then he decided
+that deeds were estimated not on the basis of goodness or truth but
+according to mere chance. And this road to fame he abandoned as not
+safe, but since he desired by all means to become prominent in some
+way and expected that he could accomplish this better through the
+popular than through the senatorial party, he attached himself to the
+former. (Valesius, p. 621.)
+
+2. (Par.) Marcus Octavius on account of an hereditary feud with Gracchus
+willingly made himself his opponent. [Sidenote: B.C. 133 (_a.u._ 621)]
+Thereafter there was no semblance of moderation: striving and
+quarreling as they were, each to survive the other rather than to
+benefit the community, they committed many acts of violence as if they
+were in a principality instead of a democracy, and suffered many
+unusual calamities proper for war but not for peace. In addition to
+their individual conflicts, there were many who, banded together,
+instituted grievous abuses and battles in the senate-house itself and
+the popular assembly as well as throughout the rest of the city: they
+pretended to be executing the law, but were in reality making in all
+things every effort not to be surpassed by each other. The result was
+that the authorities could not carry on their accustomed tasks, courts
+came to a stop, no contract was entered into, and other sorts of
+confusion and disorder were rife everywhere. The place bore the name
+of city, but was no whit different from a camp. (Valesius, p. 622.)
+
+3. (Par.) Gracchus proposed certain laws for the benefit of those of
+the people who served in the army, and transferred the courts from
+the senate to the knights, bedeviling and disturbing all established
+customs in order that he might be enabled to lay hold on safety in
+some wise. And after he found not even this of advantage to him, but
+his term of office was drawing to a close, when he would be
+immediately exposed to the attacks of his enemies, he attempted to
+secure the tribuneship also for the following year (in company with
+his brother) and to appoint his father-in-law consul: to obtain this
+end he would make any statement or promise anything whatever to
+anybody. Often, too, he put on a mourning garb and brought his mother
+and children, tied hand and foot, into the presence of the populace.
+(Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXIII] [Sidenote: B.C. 129 (_a.u._ 625)] (Par.)
+Scipio Africanus had more ambition in his makeup than was suitable for
+or compatible with his general excellence. And in reality none of his
+rivals took pleasure in his death, but although they thought him a
+great obstacle in their way even they missed him. They saw that he was
+valuable to the State and never expected that he would cause them any
+serious trouble. When he was suddenly taken away all the possessions
+of the powerful class were again diminished, so that the promoters of
+agrarian legislation ravaged at will practically all of Italy. And
+this seems to me to have been most strongly indicated by the mass of
+stones that poured down from heaven, falling upon some of the temples
+and killing men, and by the tears of Apollo. [Sidenote: B.C. 131
+(_a.u._ 623)] For the god wept copiously[47] for three days, so that
+the Romans on the advice of the soothsayers voted to cut down the
+statue and to sink it in the deep. (Valesius, p. 625.)
+
+[Footnote 47: In the original the word "wept" is repeated. Van
+Herwerden thinks that the second one should be deleted, but Schenkl
+prefers to substitute an adverb in place of the first. In the
+translation I have used an adverb giving nearly the same force as the
+repetition of the verb.]
+
+
+_(BOOK 25, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXIV] (Par.) Gracchus had a disposition like his
+brother; only the latter drifted from excellence into ambition and then
+to baseness whereas this man was naturally intractable and played the
+rogue voluntarily and far surpassed the other in his gift of language.
+For these reasons his designs were more mischievous, his daring more
+spontaneous, and his self-will greater in all junctures alike. He was
+the first to walk up and down in the assemblies while he harangued and
+the first to bare his arm; hence neither of these practices has been
+thought improper, since he did it. And because his speaking was
+characterized by great condensation of thought and forcefulness of
+words and he consequently was unable to restrain himself easily but
+was often led to say what he did not wish, he used to bring in a
+flute-player, and from him, playing a low accompaniment, he would take
+his rhythm and time, or if even so he in some way fell out of measure,
+he would stop. This was the sort of man that attacked the government,
+and, by assuming no speech or act to be forbidden, in the briefest
+time became a great power among the populace and the knights. All the
+nobility and the senatorial party if he had lived longer[48] ...
+[Sidenote: B.C. 121 (_a.u._ 633)] but as it was his great authority
+made him envied even by the members of his faction, and he was ruined
+by his own devices. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Footnote 48: One may supply here, as Reiske suggests, "would have
+been overthrown", "would have been humbled", or "would have been
+brought low".]
+
+
+_(BOOK 26, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXV] [Sidenote: B.C. 114 (_a.u._ 640)] 1. (Par.)
+The priestesses for the most part incurred destruction and shame
+themselves, and proved the source of great evils to numerous others as
+well, while the entire city because of them was thrown into an uproar.
+For the people, in view of the fact that what was immaculate by law
+and sacred by the dictates of religion and decent through fear of
+vengeance had been polluted, were ready to believe that anything most
+shameful and unholy might be done. For this reason they visited
+punishment not only on the convicted, but also on all the rest who had
+been accused, to show their hatred of what had occurred. Hence the
+whole episode in which the women were concerned seemed now to be due
+not so much to their feminine incontinence[49] as to a kind of madness
+inspired by supernatural powers. (Valesius, p. 626.)
+
+[Footnote 49: Reading [Greek: eti aselgeias] (Boissevain's emendation)
+in place of the unintelligible [Greek: aitias algein] of the MS.]
+
+2. (Par.) Three altogether had had intercourse with men; and of them
+Marcia had acted individually, granting her favors to one single
+knight[50] and would never have been discovered, had not the
+investigation into the cases of the others spread and overtaken her
+besides. AEmilia and Licinia had a multitude of lovers and carried
+on their wanton behavior with each other's help. At first they
+surrendered themselves to some few privately and secretly, telling
+each man that he was the only one admitted. Later they themselves
+bound every one who could suspect and inform against them to certain
+silence in advance by the price of intercourse with them, and those
+who had previously enjoyed their conversation, though they saw this,
+yet endured it in order not to be detected by a show of vexation.
+So after holding commerce with many, now singly, now in groups,
+now privately, now publicly, Licinia enjoyed the society of the
+brother of AEmilia, and AEmilia that of Licinia's brother. These
+doings were hidden for a great period of time, and though many
+men and many women, both free and slaves, were in the secret, it
+was hidden for a very long period, until one Manius,[51] who
+seems to have been the first to assist and cooeperate in the
+whole evil, gave information of the matter because he had not
+obtained freedom nor any of the other objects of his hope. He was,
+indeed, very skillful not only at leading women into prostitution, but
+also in slandering and ruining some of them. (Valesius, p. 626.)
+
+[Footnote 50: Namely, L. Betutius Barrus.]
+
+[Footnote 51: A slave of the aforesaid Barrus.]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXVI] [Sidenote: B.C. 112 (_a.u._ 642)] (Par.) This
+was calculated to bring him [sc. Marcus Drusus] glory first of itself
+and second in the light of Cato's disaster; and because he had shown
+great amiability toward the soldiers and seemed to have made success of
+more importance than truth, he also secured a renown greater than his
+deeds deserved. (Valesius, p. 629.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXVII] [Sidenote: B.C. 108 (_a.u._ 646)] 1. (Par.)
+When Jugurtha sent to Metellus about peace the latter made separate
+demands upon him as if each were to be the last, and in this way got
+from him hostages, arms, the elephants, the captives, and the deserters.
+All of these last he killed but did not grant a truce because Jugurtha,
+fearing to be arrested, refused to come to him and because Marius and
+Gnaeus[52] prevented. (Ursinus, p. 385.)
+
+[Footnote 52: Possibly an error for _Gaudas_.]
+
+2. For he [sc. Marius] was in general seditious and turbulent, wholly
+friendly to the rabble from which he had sprung and wholly ready to
+overthrow the nobility. He risked with perfect readiness any
+statement, promise, lie, or false oath in any matter where he hoped to
+gain a benefit. Blackmailing one of the foremost citizens or
+commending some rascal he thought child's play. And let no one be
+surprised that such a man could conceal his villanies for a very long
+time: for, as a result of his exceeding cunning and the good fortune
+which he enjoyed all through his early life, he actually acquired a
+reputation for virtue. (Valesius, p. 629.)
+
+3. (Par.) Marius was the more easily able to calumniate Metellus for the
+reason that the latter was numbered among the nobles and was managing
+military concerns excellently, whereas he himself was just beginning
+to come forward from a very obscure and doubtful origin into public
+notice:--the populace was readily inclined to overthrow Metellus
+through envy, and favored Marius increasingly for his promises:--of
+great assistance, too, was the report that Metellus had said to Marius
+(who was just then coming forward for election): "You ought to be
+satisfied if you get to be consul along with my son" (who was a mere
+lad). (Valesius, p. 630.)
+
+4. (Par.) Gaudas was angry at Metellus because in spite of requests
+he had received from him neither the deserters nor a garrison of Roman
+soldiers, or else because he could not sit near him,--a privilege
+ordinarily vouchsafed by the consuls to princes and potentates.
+(Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 107 (_a.u._ 647)] 5. (Par.) When Cirta was captured by
+capitulation Bocchus sent a herald to Marius and first demanded the
+empire of Jugurtha as the price for his defection, but later, as he
+did not obtain it, simply asked him to make terms. So he sent envoys
+to Rome, but Jugurtha while this was taking place retired to the most
+desolate portions of his own territory. (Ursinus, p. 385.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 106 (_a.u._ 648)] 6. (Par.) Marius entertained the
+envoys of Bocchus but said he would make no compact with him unless he
+should receive Jugurtha's prisoners from his hands; and this was done.
+(Ursinus, p. 386.)
+
+
+_(BOOK 27, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXVIII] (Par.) Tolosa, which was formerly at peace
+with the Romans but had revolted, under the influence of hope in the
+Cimbri, to the extent of imprisoning the garrison, was occupied by
+them at night: they were admitted unexpectedly by friends and
+plundered the temples, obtaining much other money besides, for the
+place had been wealthy from of old, containing among other offerings
+those of which the Gauls under the leadership of Brennus had once
+despoiled Delphi. Nothing of importance, however, reached the Romans
+in the capital, but the victors themselves confiscated the most of it.
+For this a number were called to account. (Valesius, p. 630.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. LXXXIX] [Sidenote: B.C. 105 (_a.u._ 649)] 1.
+(Par.) Servilius by reason of his jealousy of his colleague[53] became
+the cause of many evils to the army; for, though he had in general equal
+powers, his repute was naturally diminished by the fact that the other
+was also consul. And ... after the death of Scaurus[54] he [Manlius?]
+sent for Servilius: but the latter replied that each of them ought to
+keep his position. Then, apprehending that Manlius might gain some
+success by his own resources, he grew jealous of him, fearing that he
+might secure individual glory, and went to him: yet he did not bivouac
+on the same ground nor make him the partaker of any plan, but took up
+a distinct position with the evident intention of joining battle with
+the Cimbri before him and winning all the glory of the war. At the
+outset they still inspired the enemy with dread, as long as their
+quarrel was concealed, so much so as to lead the foe to desire peace,
+but when the Cimbri sent a herald to Manlius as consul Servilius
+became indignant that they had not directed their embassy to him,
+refused to agree to any reconciliation, and came near slaying the
+envoys. (Valesius, p. 630.)
+
+[Footnote 53: _Cn. Manlius Maximus_.]
+
+[Footnote 54: _M. Aurelius Scaurus_ (consul suffectus B.C. 108).]
+
+2. (Par.) The soldiers forced Servilius to go to Manlius and consult
+with him about the emergency. But so far from coming into accord they
+became as a result of the meeting even more hostile than before: they
+fell into strife and abuse and parted in a disgraceful fashion.
+(Valesius, p. 633.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XC] [Sidenote: B.C. 104 (_a.u._ 650)] (Par.) After
+Gnaeus Domitius obtained leave to bring suit against Scaurus, one of
+the slaves then came forward and offered to bring any damaging
+charges against his master: but he refused to become involved in such
+despicable business, and arresting the fellow delivered him over to
+Scaurus. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCI] 1. (Par.) Publius Licinius Nerva, who was praetor
+in the island, on learning that the slaves were not being justly treated
+in some respects, or else because he sought an occasion of profit (for
+he was not inaccessible to bribes), circulated the announcement that
+all who had any charges to bring against their masters should come to
+him, for he would assist them. Accordingly, many of them banded
+together, and some declared they were being wronged and others made
+known some other grievances against their masters, thinking they had
+secured an opportunity for accomplishing without bloodshedding all
+that they wished. The freeborn, after consultation, resisted them and
+would not yield to them on any point. Therefore Licinius, inspired
+with fear by the united front of both sides and dreading that some
+great mischief might be done by the defeated party, would not admit
+any of the slaves but sent them away thinking that they would suffer
+no harm or that at any rate they would be scattered and so could cause
+no more disturbance. But they, fearing their masters because they had
+dared to raise their voices at all against them, organized a force and
+by common consent turned to robbery. (Valesius, p. 633.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 103 (_a.u._ 651)] 2. (Par.) The Messenians, believing
+that they would suffer no abuse, had deposited in that place for safe
+keeping all their most valuable and highly prized possessions.
+Athenio, who as a Cilician held the chief command of the robbers, on
+learning this attacked them while they were celebrating a public
+festival in the suburbs, killed many of them as they were scattered
+about, and almost took the city by storm. After building a wall to
+fortify Macella,[55] a strong position, he did serious injury to the
+country. (Valesius, p. 634.)
+
+[Footnote 55: Possibly the modern _Macellaro_.]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCII] [Sidenote: B.C. 102 (_a.u._ 652)] 1. (Par.) After
+the defeat of the barbarians though many had fallen in battle some few
+were saved. Whereupon Marius attempted to console these survivors and
+to make amends by restoring to them all the plunder at a nominal
+price, to prevent its being thought that he had bestowed favors
+gratuitously upon any one. By this act Marius, who previously had been
+the darling of the populace alone because sprung from that class and
+raised to power by it, now won over even the nobles by whom he was
+hated, and was praised equally by all. He received from a willing and
+harmonious people a reelection for the following year, to enable him
+to subdue his remaining foes. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+2. (Par.) The Cimbri when they had once halted lost much of their spirit
+and consequently grew duller and weaker in both soul and body. The
+reason was that in place of their former outdoor life they rested in
+houses, instead of their former cold plunges they used warm baths,
+whereas they were wont to eat raw meat they now filled themselves with
+richly spiced dishes and relishes of the country, and they saturated
+themselves, contrary to their custom, with wine and strong drink.
+These practices extinguished all their fiery spirit and enervated
+their bodies, so that they could no longer bear toils or hardships or
+heat or cold or sleeplessness. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+
+_(BOOK 28, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCIII] [Sidenote: B.C. 99 (_a.u._ 655)] 1. (Par.) The
+son of Metellus besought everybody to such an extent both in private
+and in public to let his father return from exile that he received the
+appellation _Pius_, i.e. dutiful. (Valesius, p. 638.)
+
+2. (Par.) Furius had such enmity toward Metellus that when he was censor
+he took his horse away. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+3. Publius Furius,[56] indicted for his deeds committed in the
+tribuneship, was slain by the Romans in the Comitia itself. He richly
+deserved to die, for he was a seditious person and after first joining
+Saturninus and Glaucia he veered about, deserted to the opposing
+faction, and joined its members; it was not proper, however, for him
+to perish in just this way. And this action seemed to be on the whole
+justifiable. (Valesius, p. 637.)
+
+[Footnote 56: He was tribune of the plebs, B.C. 99.]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCIV] 1. For there were other factional leaders, but
+the greatest authority was possessed by Marcius[57] over one group,
+and by Quintus[58] over the other: these men were eager for power, of
+insatiable ambition, and consequently greatly inclined toward strife.
+Those qualities they possessed in common; but Drusus had the advantage
+of birth, and of wealth, which he lavishly expended upon those who at
+any time made demands upon him, while the other greatly surpassed him
+in audacity, daring, the anticipation of plots, and malignity
+suitable to the occasion. Hence not unnaturally, since they
+supplemented each other partly by their likeness and partly by their
+differences, they created an extremely strong factional feeling which
+remained even after the death of both. (Valesius, p. 638.)
+
+[Footnote 57: _M. Livius Drusus._]
+
+[Footnote 58: _Q. Servilius Caepio._]
+
+2. (Par.) Drusus and Caepio, formerly great friends and united by mutual
+ties of marriage, became privately at enmity with each other and carried
+their feud even into politics. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCV] [Sidenote: B.C. 92 (_a.u._ 662)] 1. (Par.)
+Rutilius, an upright man, was most unjustly condemned. He was brought to
+court by a preconcerted plan of the knights on a charge of having been
+bribed while serving in Asia as lieutenant under Quintus Mucius,[59]
+and they imposed a fine upon him. The reason for this act was their
+rage at his having ended many of their irregularities in connection
+with the collecting of taxes. (Valesius, p. 637.)
+
+[Footnote 59: The clause as found in the MS. gives no sense. The
+translation here is on the basis of an emendation suggested by
+Boissevain.]
+
+2. (Par.) Rutilius made a very able defence, and there was no one of his
+words which would not be the natural utterance of an upright man who
+was being blackmailed and grieved far more for the conditions of the
+State than for his own possessions: he was convicted, however, and
+immediately stripped of his property. This process more than any other
+revealed the fact that he had in no wise deserved the sentence passed
+upon him. He was found to possess much less than the accusers had
+charged him with having confiscated from Asia, and he could trace all
+of his goods back to just and lawful sources of acquisition. Such was
+his unworthy treatment, and Marius was not free from responsibility
+for his conviction; a man so excellent and of such good repute had
+been an annoyance to him. Wherefore Rutilius, indignant at the conduct
+of affairs in the city, and disdaining to live longer in the company
+of such a creature, withdrew, though under no compulsion, and went
+even as far as Asia. There for a time he dwelt in Mitylene; then after
+that place had received injury in the Mithridatic war he transferred
+his residence to Smyrna and there lived to the end of his life nor
+wished ever to return home. And in all this he suffered not a whit in
+reputation or plenty. He received many gifts from Mucius and a vast
+number from all the peoples and kings as well who had become
+acquainted with him, till he possessed far more than his original
+property. (Valesius, p. 637.)
+
+
+_(BOOK 29, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCVI] [Sidenote: B.C. 90 (_a.u._ 664)] 1. (Par.)
+Lupus,[60] suspecting that the patricians making the campaign with him
+were revealing his plans to the enemy, sent word about them to the
+senate before he had any definite information,[61] and, as a
+consequence, although they were in no case well disposed[62] toward
+each other through factional differences, he set them still more at
+variance. There would have been even greater disturbance, had not some
+of the Marsi been detected mixing with the foraging parties of the
+Romans and entering the ramparts under the guise of allies, where they
+took cognizance of speeches and actions in the camp and reported them
+to their own men. In consequence of this discovery they ceased to be
+angry with the patricians. (Valesius, p. 641.)
+
+[Footnote 60: _P. Rutilius Lupus_.]
+
+[Footnote 61: There are two gaps in the MS. here. "Had ...
+information" is a conjecture of Tafel and Gros; and "well disposed
+toward each other" of Reiske, who compares Book Fifty, chapter 16, of
+Dio.]
+
+[Footnote 62: [See previous footnote.]]
+
+2. (Par.) Marius suspected Lupus, although a relative, and through
+jealousy and hope of being appointed consul even a seventh time as the
+only man who could bring success out of the existing situation, bade
+him delay: their men, he said, would have provisions, whereas the
+other side would not be able to hold out for any considerable time
+when the war was in their country. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+3. (Par.) The Picentes subdued those who would not join their rebellion
+and abused these men in the presence of their friends and from the heads
+of their wives they tore out the hair along with the skin. (Valesius,
+ib.)
+
+
+_(REMAINS OF BOOKS 30-35, BOISSEVAIN.)_
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCVII] 1. (Par.) Mithridates, when the Roman envoys[63]
+arrived, did not make the slightest move, but after bringing some
+counter-charges and also exhibiting to the envoys the amount of his
+wealth, some of which he had at that time spent on various objects
+public and private, he remained quiet. But Nicomedes, elated by their
+alliance and being in need of money, invaded his territory. (Ursinus,
+p. 386.)
+
+[Footnote 63: Their leader was M.' Aquilius.]
+
+2. (Par.) Mithridates despatched envoys to Rome requesting them if they
+deemed Nicomedes a friend to persuade him or compel him to act justly
+toward him, or if not, to allow him (Mithridates) to take measures
+against his foe. They, so far from doing what he wished, even
+threatened him with punishment if he should not give back Cappadocia
+to Ariobarzanes and remain at peace with Nicomedes. His envoys they
+sent away the very day and furthermore ordered him never to send
+another one unless he should render them obedience. (Ursinus, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCVIII] [Sidenote: B.C. 89 (_a.u._ 665)] (Par.)
+Cato,[64] the greater part of whose army was effeminate and
+superannuated, found his power diminished in every direction:
+and once, when he had ventured to rebuke them because they were
+unwilling to work hard or obey orders readily, he came near
+being overwhelmed with a shower of missiles from them. He would
+certainly have been killed, if they had had plenty of stones; but
+since the site where they were assembled was given over to
+agriculture and happened to be very wet, he received no hurt
+from the clods of earth. The man who began the mutiny, Gaius
+Titius,[65] was arrested: he was a low fellow who made his living in
+the courts and was excessively and shamelessly outspoken; he was sent
+to the city to the tribunes, but escaped punishment. (Valesius, p.
+641.)
+
+[Footnote 64: _L. Porcius Cato_ (consul B.C. 89).]
+
+[Footnote 65: Properly _C. Titinius Sisenna_.]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. XCIX] [Sidenote: B.C. 88 (_a.u._ 666)] 1. (Par.) All
+the Asiatics, at the bidding of Mithridates, massacred the Romans; only
+the people of Tralles did not personally kill any one, but hired a
+certain Theophilus, a Paphlagonian (as if the victims were more likely
+thus to escape destruction, or as if it made any difference to them by
+whom they should be slaughtered). (Valesius, p. 642.)
+
+2. (Par.) The Thracians, persuaded by Mithridates, overran Epirus and
+the rest of the country as far as Dodona, going even to the point of
+plundering the temple of Zeus. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. C] [Sidenote: B.C. 87 (_a.u._ 667)] 1. (Par.) Cinna,
+as soon as he took possession of the office, was anxious upon no one
+point so much as to drive Sulla out of Italy. He made Mithridates his
+excuse, but in reality wanted this leader to remove himself that he
+might not, by lurking close at hand, prove a hindrance to the objects
+that Cinna had in mind. He fairly distinguished himself by his zeal
+for Sulla and would refuse to promise nothing that pleased him. For
+Sulla, who saw the urgency of the war and was eager for its glory,
+before starting had arranged everything at home for his own best
+interests. He appointed Cinna and one Gnaeus Octavius to be his
+successors, hoping in this way to retain considerable power even while
+absent. The second of the two he understood was generally approved for
+his excellence and good nature, and he thought he would cause no
+trouble: the other he well knew was an unprincipled person, but he did
+not wish to antagonize him, because the man had some influence and was
+ready, as he had said and declared on oath, to assist him in every way
+possible. Sulla himself, though an adept at discovering the minds of
+men and inferring correctly in regard to the nature of things, made a
+thorough mistake in this matter and bequeathed a great war to the
+State. (Valesius, p. 642.)
+
+2. (Par.) Octavius was naturally dull in politics. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+3. (Par.) The Romans, when civil war set in, sent for Metellus,
+urging him to help them. (Ursinus, p. 386.)
+
+4. (Par.) The Romans, at odds with one another, sent for Metellus and
+bade him come to terms with the Samnites, as he best might: for at this
+time they alone were still damaging Campania and the district beyond
+it. He, however, concluded no truce with them. They demanded
+citizenship to be given not to themselves alone but also to those who
+had deserted to their side, refused to give up any of the booty which
+they had, but demanded back all the captives and deserters from their
+own ranks, so that even the senators no longer chose to make peace
+with them on these terms. (Ursinus, p. 385.)
+
+5. (Par.) When Cinna had put in force again the law regarding the return
+of exiles, Marius and the rest of his followers who had been expelled
+leaped into the city with the army left to them by all the gates at
+once; these they shut, so that no one could make his escape, and
+despatched every man they met, making no distinction, but treating
+them all alike as enemies. They took special pains to destroy any
+persons who had possessions, because they coveted such property, and
+outraged their children and wives as if they had enslaved some foreign
+city. The heads of the most eminent citizens they fastened to the
+rostra. That sight was no less cruel than their ruin; for the thought
+might occur to the spectators that what their ancestors had adorned
+with the beaks of the enemy was now being deformed by the heads of the
+citizens.
+
+For, in fine, so great a desire and greed for slaughter possessed
+Marius, that when he had killed most of his enemies and no one because
+of the great confusion prevailing occurred to him whom he wished to
+destroy, he gave the word to the soldiers to stab all in succession of
+the passers-by to whom he should not extend his hand. For Roman
+affairs had come to this, that a man had to die not only without a
+trial and without having incurred enmity, but by reason of Marius's
+hand not being stretched out. Now naturally in so great a throng and
+uproar it was not only no object to Marius to make the gesture, but it
+was not even possible, no matter how much he wished it, to use his
+hand as he pleased. Hence many died for naught who ought certainly on
+every account not to have been slain. The entire number of the
+murdered is beyond finding out; for the slaughter went on five whole
+days and an equal number of nights. (Valesius, p. 642.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 86 (_a.u._ 668)] 6. (Par.) While the Romans were offering
+the New Year's sacrifice at the opening of the season and making their
+vows[66] for their magistrate according to ancestral rites, the son of
+Marius killed a tribune with his own hands, sending his head to the
+consuls, and hurled another from the Capitol,--a fate which had never
+befallen such an official,--and debarred two praetors from both fire
+and water. (Valesius, p. 645.)
+
+[Footnote 66: Reading [Greek: euchas] (Reiske, Boissevain) in place of
+[Greek: archas].]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CI] 1. (Par.) The lieutenant of Flaccus, Fimbria, when
+his chief had reached Byzantium revolted against him. He was in all
+matters very bold and reckless, passionately fond of any notoriety
+whatsoever and contemptuous of all that was superior. This led him at
+that time, after his departure from Rome, to pretend an
+incorruptibility in respect to money and an interest in the soldiers,
+which bound them to him and set them at variance with Flaccus. He was
+the more able to do this because Flaccus was insatiable in regard to
+money, not being content to appropriate what was ordinarily left over,
+but enriching himself even from the soldiers' allowance for food and
+from the booty, which he invariably maintained belonged to him.
+(Valesius, p. 650.)
+
+2. (Par.) When Flaccus and Fimbria had arrived at Byzantium and Flaccus
+after commanding them to bivouac outside the wall had gone into the
+city, Fimbria seized the occasion to accuse him of having taken
+money, and denounced him, saying that he was living in luxury within,
+whereas they were enduring hardships under the shelter of tents, in
+storm and cold. The soldiers then angrily rushed into the city, killed
+some of those that fell upon them and scattered to the various houses.
+(Valesius, ib.)
+
+3. (Par.) On the occasion of some dispute between Fimbria and the
+quaestor Flaccus threatened to send him back to Rome whether he liked
+it or not, and when the other consequently made some abusive reply
+deprived him of his command. Fimbria set out upon his return with the
+worst possible will and on reaching the soldiers at Byzantium greeted
+them as if he were upon the point of departure, asked for a letter,
+and lamented his fate, pretending to have suffered undeservedly. He
+advised them to remember the help he had given them and to be on their
+guard; and his words contained a hidden reference to Flaccus, implying
+that he had designs upon them. Finding that they accepted his story
+and were well disposed toward him and suspicious of the general, he
+went on still further and incited them to anger by accusing Flaccus of
+various faults, finally stating that he would betray them for money;
+hence the soldiers drove away Thermus, who had been assigned to take
+charge of them. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+4. (Par.) Fimbria destroyed many men not to serve the best ends of
+justice nor to secure the greatest benefit to Rome but through bad
+temper and lust of slaughter. A proof is that he once ordered many
+crosses to be made, to which he was wont to bind them and wear out
+their lives by cruel treatment, and then when these were found to
+be many more than those who were to be put to death he commanded
+some of the bystanders to be arrested and affixed to the crosses
+that were in excess, that they might not seem to have been made in
+vain. (Valesius, p. 653.)
+
+5. (Par.) The same man on capturing Ilium despatched as many persons as
+he could, sparing none, and all but burned the whole city to the ground.
+He took the place not by storm but by guile. After bestowing some
+praise on them for the embassy sent to Sulla and saying that it made
+no difference with which one of the two they ratified a truce (for he
+and Sulla were both Romans) he thereupon went in among them as among
+friends and performed these deeds. (Valesius, ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CII] [Sidenote: B.C. 85 (_a.u._ 669)] 1. (Par.)
+Metellus after being defeated by Cinna went to Sulla and was of the
+greatest assistance to him. For in view of his reputation for justice
+and piety not a few who were opposed to Sulla's policy decided that it
+was not without reason that Metellus had joined him but that he chose
+what was really juster and more advantageous for the country, and hence
+they went over to their side. (Valesius, p. 653.)
+
+2. (Par.) A thunderbolt fell upon the Capitol, causing the destruction
+of the Sibylline books and of many other things. (Mai, p. 551.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CIII] [Sidenote: B.C. 83 (_a.u._ 671)] (Par.) Pompey was
+a son of Strabo, and has been compared by Plutarch with Agesilaus the
+Lacedaemonian. Indignant at those who held the city he proceeded
+absolutely alone to Picenum before he had quite yet come to man's
+estate: from the inhabitants on account of his father's position of
+command he collected a small band and set up an individual
+sovereignty, thinking to perform some famous exploit by himself; then
+he joined the party of Sulla. Beginning in this way he became no less
+a man than his chief, but, as his title indicates, grew to be "Great."
+(Valesius, p. 653.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CIV] [Sidenote: B.C. 82 (_a.u._ 672)] (Par.) Sulla
+delivered the army to a man[67] who was in no wise distinguished[68]
+nor generally commended, in spite of the fact that he had many who had
+been with him from the beginning superior in both experience and
+action, whom up to that time he had employed in all emergencies and
+treated as most faithful. Before he became victor he was accustomed to
+make requests of them and use their assistance to the fullest extent.
+But as he drew near his dream of absolute dominion, he made no account
+of them any longer but reposed his trust rather in the basest men who
+were not conspicuous for family or possessed of a reputation for
+uprightness. The reason was that he saw that such persons were ready
+to assist him in all his projects, even the vilest; and he thought
+they would be most grateful to him if they should obtain even very
+small favors, would never show contempt nor lay claim to either his
+deeds or his plans. The virtuous element, on the other hand, would not
+be willing to help him in his evil-doing but would even rebuke him;
+they would demand rewards for benefits conferred, according to merit,
+would feel no gratitude for them but take them as something due, and
+would claim his actions and counsels as their own. (Valesius, p. 654.)
+
+[Footnote 67: _Q. Lucretius Ofella._]
+
+[Footnote 68: Supplying [Greek: met' epiphanei], with Reiske.]
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CV] 1. (Par.) Sulla up to that day that he conquered
+the Samnites had been a conspicuous figure, possessing a renown from
+his leadership and plans, and was believed to be most devoted to
+humaneness and piety, so that all thought that he had Fortune as an
+ally because of his excellence. After this event he changed so much
+that one would not say his earlier and his later deeds were those of
+the same person. This probably shows that he could not endure good
+fortune. Acts that he censured in other persons while he was still
+weak, and others, far more outrageous even, he committed: it had
+presumably always been his wish to do so, but he had been hindered by
+lack of opportunity. This fact produced a strong conviction in the
+minds of some that bad luck has not a little to do with creating a
+reputation for virtue.[69] As soon as Sulla had vanquished the
+Samnites and thought he had put an end to the war (the rest of it he
+held of no account) he changed his tactics and, as it were, left his
+former personality behind outside the wall and in the battle, and
+proceeded to surpass Cinna and Marius and all their associates
+combined. Treatment that he had given to no one of the foreign peoples
+that had opposed him he bestowed upon his native land, as if he had
+subdued that as well. In the first place he sent forthwith the heads
+of Damasippus and the members of his party stuck on poles to Praeneste,
+and many of those who voluntarily surrendered he killed as if he had
+caught them without their consent. The next day he ordered the
+senators to assemble at the temple of Bellona, giving them the idea
+that he would make some defence of his conduct, and ordered those
+captured alive to meet at the so-called "public" field,[70] pretending
+that he would enroll them in the lists. This last class he had other
+men slay, and many persons from the city, mixed in among them,
+likewise perished: to the senators he himself at the same time
+addressed a most bitter speech. (Valesius, p. 654.)
+
+[Footnote 69: Adopting Reiske's suggestion for filling out a lacuna in
+the sense.]
+
+[Footnote 70: The _villa publica_.]
+
+2. (Par.) The massacre of the captured persons was going on even under
+Sulla's direction with unabated fury, and as they were being killed
+near the temple the great uproar and lamentation that they made, their
+shrieks and wails, invaded the senate-house, so that the senate was
+terrified for two reasons. The second of the two was that they were
+not far from expecting that they themselves, also, might yet suffer
+some terrible injury, so unholy were both his words and his actions:
+therefore many, cut to the heart with grief at the thought of reality
+and possibility, wished that they themselves belonged to the number of
+men already dead outside, and so might secure a respite at last from
+fear. Their cases, however, were postponed, while the rest were
+slaughtered and thrown into the river, so that the savagery of
+Mithridates, deemed so terrible, in slaughtering all the Romans in
+Asia in one day, was now held to be of slight importance in comparison
+with the number massacred and their manner of death. Nor did the
+terror stop here, but the slaughters which began at this point as if
+by a kind of signal occurred in the country district and all the
+cities of Italy. Toward many Sulla himself showed hatred and toward
+many others his companions did the same, some truthfully and some in
+pretence, in order that displaying by the similarity of their deeds a
+character similar to his and establishing him as their friend they
+might not, by any dissimilarity, incur suspicion, seem to be reproving
+him at all, and so endanger themselves. They murdered all whom they
+saw to surpass them either in wealth or in any other respect, some
+through envy and others on account of their possessions. For under
+such conditions many neutral persons even, though they might have
+taken neither side, became subject to some private complaint, as
+surpassing some one in excellence or wealth and family. No safety was
+visible for any one against those in power who wished to commit an
+injustice in any case. (Valesius, p. 657.)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 81 (_a.u._ 673)] 3. (Par.) Such calamities held Rome
+encompassed. Who could narrate the insults to the living, many of
+which were offered to women, and many to the noblest and most
+prominent children, as if they were captives in war? Yet those acts,
+though most distressing, yet at least in their similarity to others
+that had previously taken place seemed endurable to such persons as
+were away from them. But Sulla was not satisfied, nor was he content
+to do the same as others: a certain longing came over him to far excel
+all in the variety of his slaughters, as if there were some virtue in
+being second to none even in bloodguiltiness, and so he exposed to
+view a new device, a whitened tablet, on which he inscribed the names.
+Notwithstanding this all previous atrocities continued undiminished,
+and not even those whose names were not inscribed on the tablets were
+in safety. For many, some living and others actually dead, had their
+names subsequently inscribed at the pleasure of the slayers, so that
+in this aspect the phenomenon exhibited no novelties, and equally by
+its terror and its absurdity distressed absolutely every one. The
+tablets were exposed like some register of senators or list of
+soldiers approved, and all those passing by at one time or another ran
+eagerly to it in crowds, with the idea that it contained some
+favorable announcement: then many found relatives' names and some,
+indeed, their own inscribed for death, whereupon their condition,
+overwhelmed by such a sudden disaster, was a terrible one; many of
+them, making themselves known by their behavior, perished. There was
+no particle of safety for any one outside of Sulla's company. For
+whether a man approached the tablets, he incurred censure for meddling
+with matters not concerning him, or if he did not approach he was
+regarded as a malcontent. The man who read the list through or asked
+any question about anything inscribed became suspected of enquiring
+about himself or his companions, and the one who did not read or
+enquire was suspected of being displeased at it and for that reason
+incurred hatred. Tears or laughter proved fatal on the instant: hence
+many were destroyed not because they had said or done anything
+forbidden, but because they either drew a long face or smiled. Their
+attitudes were so carefully observed as this, and it was possible for
+no one either to mourn or to exult over an enemy, but even the latter
+class were slaughtered on the ground that they were jeering at
+something. Furthermore many found trouble in their very names, for
+some who were unacquainted with the proscribed applied their names to
+whomsoever they pleased, and thus many perished in the place of
+others. This resulted in great confusion, some naming any man they met
+just as ever they pleased, and the others denying that they were so
+called. Some were slaughtered while still ignorant of the fact that
+they were to die, and others, who had been previously informed,
+anywhere that they happened to be; and there was no place for them
+either holy or sacred, no safe retreat, no refuge. Some, to be sure,
+by perishing suddenly before learning of the catastrophe hanging over
+them, and some at the moment they received the news, were fortunately
+relieved of the terrors preceding death: those who were warned in
+advance and hid themselves found it a very difficult matter to escape.
+They did not dare to withdraw, for fear of being detected, nor could
+they endure to remain where they were for fear of betrayal. Very many
+of them were betrayed by their associates and those dearest to them,
+and so perished. Consequently not those whose names were inscribed
+merely, but the rest, as well, suffered in anticipation. (Valesius,
+pp. 658-662.)
+
+4. (Par.) The heads of all those slaughtered in any place were brought
+to the Roman Forum and exposed on the rostra, so that as often as
+proscriptions were issued, so often did the heads appear. (Valesius,
+ib.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CVI] [Sidenote: B.C. 74 (_a.u._ 680)] Lucullus said
+that he would rather have rescued one Roman from danger than have
+captured at one stroke all the forces of the enemy. (Mai, p. 551.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CVII] 1. For titles do not change the characters of
+men, but one makes titles take on new meanings according to one's
+management of affairs. Many monarchs are the source of blessings to
+their subjects,--wherefore such a state is called a kingdom,--whereas
+many who live under a democracy work innumerable evils to themselves.
+(Mai, p. 556. Cp. Frag. XII.)
+
+2. For nothing leads on an army or anything else requiring some
+control to better or worse like the character and habits of the person
+presiding over it. The disposition and character of their leaders the
+majority imitate, and they do whatever they see them doing, some from
+real inclination, and others as a mere pretence. (Mai, p. 556.)
+
+3. The subservient element is wont ever to shape itself according to
+the disposition of its rulers. (Mai, p. 560, from Antonius Melissa, p.
+78, ed. Tigur.)
+
+4. For who would not prefer to be upright and at his death to lie in
+the bosom of the State, rather than to behold her devastated? (Mai, p.
+557.)
+
+5. If any one were building a house for you where you were not going
+to remain, you would think the undertaking a loss: do you now wish to
+grow rich in that place from which you must depart repeatedly before
+evening? (Mai, ib.)
+
+6. Do you not know that we tarry in others' domains just like
+strangers and sojourners? Do you not know that it is the lot of
+sojourners to be driven out when they are not expecting or looking for
+it? That is our case. (Mai, ib.)
+
+7. Who would not choose to die from one blow, and that with no pain or
+very little, instead of after sickness? Who would not pray to depart
+from a sound body with sound spirits rather than to rot with some
+decay or dropsy, or wither away in hunger? (Mai, ib.)
+
+8. Things hoped for that fail of realization are wont to grieve some
+persons more than the loss of things never expected at all. They
+regard the latter as far from them and so pursue them less, as if they
+belonged to others, whereas the former they approach closely, and
+grieve for them as if deprived of rightful possessions. (Mai, p. 558.)
+
+9. Expectation of danger, without danger, puts the person expecting in
+the position of having made things secure beforehand through imagining
+some coming unpleasantness. (Mai, p. 560, from Antonius Melissa.)
+
+10. To be elated by good fortune is like running the stadium race on a
+slippery course. (Mai, ib., also from Antonius.)
+
+11. The same author [i.e., Dio the Roman] said: "Is it not an outrage
+to trouble the gods, when we ourselves are not willing to do what the
+gods deem to be in our power?" (Mai, p. 561, from the Anthology of
+Arsenius.)
+
+12. The same said: "It is much better to win some success and be
+envied than to fail and be pitied." (Mai, ib., from Arsenius.)
+
+13. The same said: "It is impossible for any one who acts contrary to
+right principles to derive any benefit from them." (Mai, p. 562.)
+
+[Sidenote: FRAG. CVIII] [Sidenote: B.C. 70 (_a.u._ 684)] The Cretans
+sent an embassy to the Romans, hoping to renew the old truce and
+furthermore to obtain some kindness for their preservation of the
+quaestor and his fellow soldiers. But they, rather imbued with anger at
+their failure to overcome the Cretans than grateful to the enemy for
+not having destroyed them, made no reasonable answer and demanded back
+from them all the captives and deserters. They demanded hostages and
+large sums of money, required the largest ships and the chief men to
+be given up, and would not wait for an answer from the envoys' country
+but sent out one of the consuls immediately to take possession of
+those things and make war upon them if they failed to give,--as proved
+to be the case. For the men who at the outset, before any such demand
+was made and before they had conquered, had refused to make terms
+would naturally not endure after their victory the imposition of
+exorbitant demands of such a character. The Romans knowing this
+clearly and suspecting further that the envoys would try to corrupt
+some persons with money, so as to hinder the expedition, voted in the
+senate that no one should lend them anything. (Ursinus, p. 388.)
+
+
+
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